42. POPE ALEXANDER III AND THE WALDENSES
[This] pope, usurping the keys of ecclesiastical regiment one and twenty years. (or, as Gisburnensis writeth, three and twenty years,) governed the church with much tumult: striving and contending with Frederic the emperor, not shaming, like a most proud Lucifer, to tread with his foot upon the neck of the said emperor. as is above described.
This pope, among many other his acts, had certain councils, as is partly before touched. some in France. some at Rome in Lateran: by whom it was decreed, that no archbishop should receive the pall, unless he should first swear. Concerning the solemnity of which pall, for the order and manner of giving and taking the same with obedience to the pope, as it is contained in their own words, I thought it good to set it forth unto thee, that thou mayst well consider and understand their doings therein.
"To the honour of Almighty God, and of blessed Mary the virgin, and of blessed St. Peter and Paul, and of our Lord Pope N., and of the holy Church of Rome. and also of the church of N. committed to your charge, we give to you the pall taken from the body of St. Peter. as a fulness of the office pontifical, which you may wear within your own church upon certain days. which be expressed in the privileges of the said church, granted by the see apostolic."
Notes upon the same.
"To the honour." &c. With what confidence durst the pope couple the honour of Almighty God. and the honour of Mary, of St. Peter. and of the pope, and of the Romish Church all together, if he had not been a presumptuous Lucifer, equalling himself not only with such saints, but also even with him which is God alone, to be blessed for ever?
"Taken from the body." &c. If St. Peter's body be not all consumed, let him show it if he can. If he cannot show it, how then is this pall taken from the body of St. Peter? Or if he mean it to be of St. Peter's own wearing, then belike St. Peter had a goodly wardrobe of palls, when every archbishop in all Christendom receiveth from the pope a diverse pall.
"As a fulness of the office," &c. Rather he might say, the fulness of his own purse; whenas archbishops paid so sweetly for it. Insomuch that Jacobus, the archbishop of Mentz, as is above touched a little before in the Council of Basil, where the price was wont to be but a thousand florins, could not obtain it without six and twenty thousand florins.
Upon certain days," &c. This difference there was between the pope and other archbishops; for the pope might wear the pall at all times and in all places at his pleasure. Archbishops might not wear it but upon certain days, and in their church only within their province. Moreover, this pall should not be asked but with great instance, and within three months, without which pall he is not to be archbishop, but may be deposed, having it not after three months; and the same pall must also be buried with him when he dieth; and when it is given, some privilege must be given withal, or the old renewed.
In like manner proccedeth the oath of every bishop swearing obedience to the pope, in like words as followeth.
"I, N., bishop of N., from this hour henceforth will be faithful and obedient to blessed St. Peter, and to the holy apostolic Church of Rome, and to my lord N. the pope. I shall be in no counsel, nor help, either with my consent or deed, whereby either of them or any member of them may be impaired, or whereby they may be taken with any evil taking, The counsel which they shall commit to me, either by themselves, or by messenger, or by their letters, wittingly or willingly I shall utter to none to their hinderance and damage. To the retaining and maintaining the papacy of Rome, and the regalities of St. Peter, I shall be an aider (so mine order be saved) against all persons. The legate of the apostolic see both in going and coming I shall honourably treat and help in all necessities. Being called to a synod, I shall be ready to come, unless I be let by some lawful and canonical impeachment. The palace of the apostles every third year I shall visit, either by myself or my messenger, except otherwise being licensed by the see apostolic. All such possessions as belong to the table and diet of my bishopric I shall neither sell, nor give, nor lay to mortgage, nor lease out, nor remove assay by any manner of means, without the consent and knowledge of the bishop of Rome: so God help me and the holy Gospels of God."
N. B. Hereby thou hast. by the way, gentle reader, to note and consider, among other things which here may be understood, that since the time the oath began to be laid and thrust upon bishops. all general councils began to lose their liberty. For how could any freedom remain for men to speak their knowledge in redress of things. being by their oath so bound to the pope to speak nothing but on his side, to maintain the papacy and the Church of Rome in all times and places? Conjecture by thyself, Christian reader, what is more hereby to be considered.
Besides this, it was also decreed, in the said council at Rome of three hundred and ten bishops, by Pope Alexander. that no man should have any spiritual promotion, except he were of lawful age, and born in wedlock. That no parish church should be void above six months. That none within orders should meddle with temporal business. That priests should have but one benefice, and that the bishop should be charged to find the priest a living till he be promoted.
That open usurers should not communicate at Easter, nor be buried within the churchyard.
That nothing should be taken for ministering sacraments, or burying.
Item, that every cathedral church should have a master to teach children freely, without taking any thing for the same.
In this council the vow of chastity was obtruded and laid upon priests. Thomas Becket also and Bernard were canonized for saints.
In the time of this Alexander sprang up the doctrine and name of them which were then called Pauperes de Lugduno; which, of one Waldus, a chief senator in Lyons, were named Waldenses, item Leonistæ et Insabbatati, about A.D. 1109, or (as Laziardus writeth) 1170.
Illustration -- Turin and the plain of Piedmont
[Note by the Rev. R. CATTLEY.
Waldenses. -- Our author has fallen into the very common error of confounding the Waldenses with the 'Pauperes de Lugduno,' or 'Poor men of Lyons,' and of deriving their origin from Waldus, or Peter Waldo, of Lyons. The earliest period assigned to Peter Waldo is the year 1160; but there is a document of the year 1100, 'La nobla Leycezon,' which speaks of the Waldenses, or Vaudois, under the term Vaudés. It is, therefore, much more probable that Peter Waldo was named after the community called Vaudés, than that the Waldenses should take their name from his. Authors who assert the greater antiquity of the Waldenss, Vallenses, or Vaudois, maintain,
1. That the Waldenses are so called from certain secluded Alpine valleys, principally in Piedmont, where they have been settled from time immemorial
2. That the simplest etymology is that which is deduced from a local, and not from a personal name. -- ' Vallis.' Latin; 'valli,' Italian; 'val,' Provençal; 'val,' pl. 'vaux,' and 'vallée,' French; 'val,' Spanish; 'val,' Celtic; 'Wald,' Teutonic; 'valley,' English.
3. That traces are to be found in early ecclesiastical history (beginning with the works of Ambrose and Jerome) of Alpine churches, which held opinions similar to those of the Waldenses of later times.
4. That the most ancient of the state records of Piedmont, in which the Waldenses are noticed as a religious community at variance with the Church of Rome, call them Huomini delle Valli,' or 'Men of the Valleys.'
5. That the antiquity of 'La nobla Leycezon,' which presents internal evidence of having been written in the year 1100, and contains the term Vaudés, and applies it to a religious body not in communion with the Church of Rome, is proved by Raynonard in his 'Choix de Poésies des Troubadours,' and by others whose authority is of importance as to the period and language of that valuable document.
6. That surnames were not in use in the twelfth century, and that Peter of Lyons had his second appellation Waldus, or Waldo, given to him to distinguish him as one who had adopted the opinions of the Vaudds, or Waldenses.
7. That the earliest public edicts which make mention of the Waldenses (such as 'Statute Synodalia Odonis Episcopi Tullesisis,' in 1192 -- ' De hæreticis autem qui vocantur Wadoys -- præcipimus,' and the edict of Ildefonsus, king of Arragon, in 1194) do not give any derivation of the term Waldenses, but simply call certain heretics by that name.
8. That the earliest treatises which profess to give the etymology of the name Waldenses derive it from a word signifying 'valley.' Thus Bernard of Fontcaud, A.D. 1185 -- 'Dicti sunt Valdenses nimirum a valle dense, eo quod profundis et densis errorum tenebris involvantur;' and Ebrard De Bethune, in the year 1200 -- ' Vallenses se appellant eo quod in valle lachrymarum maneant?
9. That the first treatise which pretends to derive the Waldenses from Peter Waldus, of Lyons, was written after these, namely, 'Petri Valium Sarnaii monarchi Historia Albigensium,' in 1218. See Leger's 'Histoire generale des Eglises Evangeliques de Vallées de Piêmont,' Allix's 'Churches of Piedmont,' Gilly's 'Waldensian Researches,' Blair's 'History of the Waldenses.']
Not long before this time (as is expressed above) rose up Gratianus, master of the decrees, and Petrus Lombardus, master of the sentences, both archpillars of all papistry; after whom followed also two as evil or worse than they, Franciscus and Dominicus, maintaining blind hypocrisy no less than the other maintained proud prelacy. As these laboured one way by superstition and worldly advancement to corrupt the sincerity of Christian religion; so it pleased Christ the contrary way, labouring against these, to raise up therefore the said Waldensians against the pride and hypocrisy of the others.
Thus we never see any great corruption in the church, but that some sparkle of the true and clear light of the gospel yet by God's providence doth remain. Whatsoever Doctor Augustinus, Reinerius, Sylvius, Cranzius, with others in their popish histories do write of them, (defaming them through misreport,) and accusing them to magistrates, as disobedient to orders, rebels to the Catholic Church, and contemners of the Virgin Mary; yet they that carry judgment indifferent, rather trusting truth then wavering with times, in weighing their articles, shall find it otherwise, and that they maintained nothing else but the same doctrine which is now defended in the church. And yet I suppose not contrary, but as the papists did with the articles of Wickliffe and Huss, so they did in like manner with their articles also, in gathering and wresting them otherwise than they were meant.
The first original of these Waldenses came of one Waldus, a man both of great substance, and no less calling, in the city of Lyons; the occasion whereof is declared of divers writers thus to come: About the year of our Lord 1160, it chanced that divers of the best and chiefest heads of the city of Lyons, talking and walking in a certain place after their old accustomed manner, especially in the summer time, conferred and consulted together upon matters, either to pass over time, or to debate things to be done. Amongst whom it chanced one (the rest looking upon) to fall down by sudden death. In the number of whom this foresaid Waldus, there being amongst them, was one; who beholding the matter more earnestly than the other, and terrified with so heavy an example, being (as is said) a rich man, and God's Holy Spirit working withal, was stricken with a deep and inward repentance, where upon followed a new alteration, with a careful study to reform his former life. Insomuch that, first, he began to minister large alms of his goods to such as needed. Secondly, to instruct himself and his family with the true knowledge of God's word. Thirdly, to admonish all that resorted to him by any occasion to repentance and virtuous amendment of life. Whereby, partly through his large giving to the poor, partly through his diligent teaching and wholesome admonitions, more resort of people daily frequented about him; whom when he did see ready and diligent to learn, he began to give out to them certain rudiments of the Scripture, which he had translated himself into the French tongue; for as he was a man wealthy in riches, so he was also not unlearned.
Although Laziardus, Volateranus, with others, note him utterly unlearned, and charge him with ignorance, as who should procure others to write and translate for him; by others, that have seen his doings yet remaining in old parchment monuments, it appeareth he was both able to declare and translate the books of Scripture, and also did collect the doctors' mind upon the same.
But whatsoever he was, (lettered or unlettered,) the bishops and prelates seeing him so to intermeddle with Scriptures, and to have such resort about him, albeit it was but in his own house under private conference, could not abide either that the Scriptures should be declared of any other, neither would they take the pains to declare it themselves. So being moved with great malice against the man, they threatened to excommunicate him if he did not leave so to do. Waldus seeing his doing to be but godly, and their malice stirred up upon no just nor godly cause, neglecting the threatenings and frettings of the wicked, said that God must be obeyed more than man. To be brief, the more diligent he was in setting forth the true doctrine of Christ against the errors of antichrist, the more maliciously their fierceness increased. Insomuch that when they did see their excommunication to be despised and would not serve, they ceased not with prison, with sword, and banishment to persecute, till at length they had driven both Waldus and all the favourers of his true preaching out of the city.
Whereupon came first their name, that they were called Waldenses, or Pauperes de Lugduno, not because they would have all things common amongst them, or that they, professing any wilful poverty, would imitate to live as the apostles did, (as Sylvius did falsely believe them,) but because they, being thrust out both of country and goods, were compelled to live poorly, whether they would or no. And thus much touching the first occasion and beginning of these men, and of the restoring and maintaining of the true doctrine of Christ's gospel against the proud proceedings of popish errors. Now concerning their articles, which I find in order and in number to be these.
1. Only the Holy Scripture is to be believed in mat ters pertaining to salvation, and no man's writing or man besides.
2. All things to be contained in Holy Scripture necessary to salvation, and nothing to be admitted in religion but what only is commanded in the word of God.
3. To be one only Mediator; other saints in no wise to be made mediators, or to be invocated.
4. To be no purgatory, but that all men either by Christ are justified to life, or without Christ be condemned; and besides these two neither any third or fourth place to be.
5. That all masses, namely, such as be sung for the dead, be wicked, and to be abrogate.
6. All men's traditions to be rejected, at least not to he reputed as necessary to salvation, and therefore this singing and superfluous chanting in the chancel to be left; constrained and prefixed fasts bound to days and times, difference of meats, such variety of degrees and orders of priests, friars, monks, and nuns, superfluous holy-days, so many sundry benedictions and hallowing of creatures, vows, peregrinations, with all the rabblement of rites and ceremonies brought in by man, to be abolished.
7. The supremacy of the pope usurping above all churches, and especially above all politic realms and governments, or for him to occupy or usurp the jurisdiction of both the swords, to be denied; neither that any degree is to be received in the church, but only priests, deacons, and bishops.
8. The communion under both kinds to be necessary to all people, according to the institution of Christ.
9. Item, the Church of Rome to be the very Babylon spoken of in the Apocalypse; and the pope to be the fountain of all error, and the very antichrist.
10. The pope's pardons and indulgences they reject.
11. The marriage of priests, and of ecclesiastical persons, to be godly and also necessary in the church.
12. Such as hear the word of God, and have a right faith, to be the right church of Christ. And to this church the keys of the church are to be given, to drive away wolves, and to institute the pastors, to preach the word, and to minister the sacraments.
These be the most principal articles of the Waldenses; albeit some there be that add more to them; some again divide the same into more parts: but these be the principal to which the rest be reduced.
As for purgatory, they say that Thomas Aquinas is the author thereof.
Concerning the supper of the Lord, their faith was, that it was ordained to be eaten, and not to be showed and worshipped; for a memorial, not for a sacrifice: to serve for the present ministration, and not for reservation: to be received at the table, not to be carried out of the doors; according to the ancient use of the primitive church, when they used to communicate sitting. And this they prove both by an old chronicle called Chronica Gestorum, as also by ancient Origen upon the third book of Moses, bringing in his words, which be these, proving that this sacramental bread ought not to be received: Whosoever receiveth this bread of the supper of Christ upon the second or third day after, his soul shall not be blessed, but polluted. Therefore the Gibeonites, because they brought old bread to the children of Israel, it was enjoined them to carry wood and water, &c.
Doctor Austin, (of whom mention is made before,) disputing against them about this matter of the holy eucharist, urgeth them with this interrogation; Whether it be the same Christ (present in the sacrament) which is present at the right hand of the Father? If it be not the same Christ, how is it true in the Scripture, Una fides, units Dominus noster Jesus Christus, One faith, one Lord Jesus Christ? If it be the same Christ, then how is he not to be honoured and worshipped here as well as there?
To this the Waldenses answer again, and grant that Christ is one and the same with his natural body in the sacrament which he is at the right hand of his Father, but not after the same existence of his body. For the existence of his body in heaven is personal and local, to be apprehended by the faith and spirit of men. In the sacrament the existence of his body is not personal or local, to be apprehended or received of our bodies, after a personal or corporal manner, but after a sacramental manner; that is, where our bodies receive the sign, and our spirit the thing signified. Moreover, in heaven the existence of his body is dimensive and complete with the full proportion and quantity of the same body wherewith he ascended. Here, the existence of his complete body, with the full proportion, measure, and stature thereof, doth not, neither can. stand in the sacrament. Briefly, the existence of his body in heaven is natural, not sacramental; that is, to be seen, and not remembered: here it is sacramental, not natural; that is, to be remembered, not to be seen.
That answer being made to the captious proposition of Dr. Austin, the Waldenses (retorting the like interrogation to him again) demand of him to answer them in the like objection; Whether it be all one Christ substantially and naturally which sitteth in heaven, and which is under the forms of bread and wine, and in the receivers of the sacrament? If he grant it to be, then they bid him say, seeing Christ is as well in the sacrament as in heaven, and as well in the receiver as in the sacrament, and all one Christ in substance and nature, why then is not the same Christ as well in the breast of the receiver to be worshipped, as under the forms of bread and wine in the sacrament, seeing he is there after a more perfect manner in man than in the sacrament? for in the sacrament he is but for a time, and not for the sacrament's sake, but for the man's cause; in man he is not for the sacrament's cause, but for his own; and that not for a season, but for ever, as it is written, Qui manducat hunc panem vivet in æternum; that is, He that eateth this bread shall live for ever, &c.
Moreover and besides, seeing transubstantiation is the going of one substance into another, they question again with him, whether the forms of bread and wine remaining, the substance thereof be changed into the whole person of our Lord Christ Jesus; that is, both into his body, soul, and Divinity, or not into the whole Christ? If he grant the whole; then, say they, that is impossible, (concerning the Divinity,) both to nature and to our faith, that any creature can be changed into the Creator. If he say the bread is changed into the body and soul of Christ, not to his Divinity, then he separateth the natures in Christ. If he say, into the body alone, and not the soul, then he separateth the natures of the true manhood, &c.; and so it cannot be the same Christ that was betrayed for us, for that he had both body and soul. To conclude, to what part soever he would answer, this doctrine of transubstantiation cannot be defended without great inconvenience of all sides.
Over and besides, Eneas Sylvius, writing of their doctrine and assertions, (perchance as he found them, perchance making worse of them than they taught or meant,) reporteth them after this manner.
The bishop of Rome to be equal with other bishops. Amongst priests to be no difference of degree. No priest to be reputed for any dignity of his order, but for the worthiness of his life.
The souls of men departed either do enter into pain everlasting, or everlasting joy. No fire of purgatory to be found. To pray for the dead to be vain, and a thing only found out for the lucre of priests.
The images of God (as of the Trinity) and of saints to be abolished. The hallowing of water and palms to be purely ridiculous. The religion of begging friars to be found out by the devil. That priests should not encroach riches in this world, but rather follow poverty, being content with their tithes and men's devotion. The preaching of the word to he free to all men called thereunto.
That no deadly sin is to be tolerated, for whatsoever respect of a greater commodity to ensue thereupon. The confirmation which bishops exercise with oil, and extreme unction, are not to be counted amongst the sacraments of the church. Auricular confession to be but a toy: to suffice for every man to confess himself in his chamber to God. Baptism ought to be ministered only with pure water, without any mixture of hallowed oil. The temple of the Lord to be the wide world. The majesty of God not to be restrained more within the walls of temples, monasteries, and chapels, so that his grace is rather to be found in one place than in another.
Priests' apparel, ornaments of the high altar, vestments, corporaces, chalices, patins, and other church-plate, to serve in no stead. For the difference and respect of the very place, to make no matter, where the priest doth consecrate or doth minister to them which do require. To be suffi cient to use only the sacramental words, without all other superfluous ceremonies.
The suffrages of saints reigning with Christ in heaven to be craved in vain; they being not able to help us. In saying or singing the hours and matins of the day, the time to be but lost. A man ought to cease from his labour no day, but only upon the Sunday.
The feasts and festivals of saints ought to be rejected. Item, such fasts as be coacted and enjoined by the church have no merit in them.
The assertions of the Waldenses being thus articled out by Eneas Sylvius, I thought to give them abroad in English as they are in Latin; to the intent that as they are the less to be doubted, being set out of a pope's pen; so that we may the better know what they were, and also understand how this doctrine, now preached and taught in the church, is no new doctrine, which here we see both taught and persecuted almost four hundred years ago. And as I have spoken hitherto sufficiently concerning their doctrine; so now we will somewhat briefly touch of the order of their life and conversation, as we find it registered in a certain old written book of inquisition.
The manner of the Waldenses is this: They, kneeling upon their knees, leaning to some bank or stay, do continue in their prayers with silence so long as a man may say thirty or forty times Pater noster. And this they do every day with great reverence, being amongst themselves, and such as be of their own religion, and no strangers with them, both before dinner and after; likewise before supper and after; also what time they go to bed, and in the morning when they rise, and at certain other times also, as well in the day as in the night. Item, they use no other prayer but the prayer of the Lord, and that without any Ave Maria, and the Creed, which they affirm not to be put in for any prayer by Christ, but only by the Church of Rome. Albeit they have and use the seven articles of faith concerning the Divinity, and seven articles concerning the humanity, and the ten commandments, and seven works of mercy, which they have compiled together in a compendious book, glorying much in the same, and thereby offer themselves ready to answer any man for their faith.
Before they go to meat they have their grace. Which being said, then the elder amongst them beginneth thus in their own tongue: God, which blessed the five barley loaves and two fishes in the desert before his disciples, bless this table, and that is set upon it, or shall be set upon it; in the name of the Father, of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost. Amen. And likewise again when they rise from meat, the senior giveth thanks, saying the words of the Apocalypse, Blessing, and worship, and wisdom, and thanksgiving, honour, virtue, and strength to God alone for ever and ever. Amen. And addeth moreover, God reward them in their bosoms, and be beneficial to all them that be beneficial to us, and bless us. And the God which hath given us corporal feeding grant us his spiritual life: and God be with us, and we always with him. To which they answer again, Amen. And thus saying grace, they hold their hands upward, looking up to heaven. After their meat and grace said, they teach and exhort amongst themselves, conferring together upon their doctrine, &c.
In their doctrine and teaching they were so diligent and painful, that Reinerius, a writer about their time, (an extreme enemy against them,) in a long process, wherein he deseribeth their doctrine and teaching, testifieth, that he heard of one which did know the party, that a certain heretic, (saith he,) only to turn a certain person away from our faith, and to bring him to his, (in the night, and in the winter time,) swam over the river called Ibis, to come to him, and to teach him. Moreover, so perfect they were then in the Scriptures, that the said Reinerius saith he did hear and see a man of the country unlettered which could recite over the whole book of Job word by word, without book, with divers others which had the whole New Testament perfectly by heart.
And although some of them rather merrily than unskilfully expounded the words of John i., Sui non receperunt eum, Swine did not receive him, yet were they not so ignorant and void of learning, nor yet so few in number, but that they did mightily prevail, insomuch that Reinerius hath these words: There was none durst stop them for the power and multitude of their favourers. I have often been at their inquisition and examination, and there were numbered forty churches infected with their heresy, insomuch that in one parish of Cammach were ten open schools of them, &c.
And the said Reinerius, when he hath said all he can in depraving and impugning them, yet is driven to confess this of them, where he doth distinguish their sect from other sects, and hath these words: This sect of Leonists hath a great show of holiness, in that both they live justly before men, and believe all things well of God, and hold all the articles contained in the Creed; only they do blaspheme the Romish Church and hate it, &c.
Now to touch somewhat their persecutions. After they were driven out of Lyons, they were scattered into divers and sundry places, (the providence of God so disposing,) that the sound of their doctrine might be heard abroad in the worid. Some, as I said, went to Bohemia, many did flee into their provinces of France, some into Lombardy, others into other places, &c. But as the cross commonly followeth the verity and sincere preaching of God's word, so neither could these be suffered to live in rest. There are yet to be seen the consultations of lawyers, archbishops, and bishops of France, as Narbonensis, Arelatensis, Aquensis, and Albanensis, devised amongst themselves, which yet remain in writing, for the abolishing and extirpating of these Waldenses, written above three hundred years ago; whereby it appeareth that there was a great number of them in France.
Besides, there was a whole council kept in Tholouse about three hundred fifty and five years before, and all against these Waldenses, the which also were condemned in another council at Rome before that.
What great persecutions were raised up against them in France by these four archbishops before mentioned, it appeareth by their writings; whereof I will recite some of their words, which towards the end be these: Who is such a stranger that knoweth not the condemnation of Waldenses, the heretics, done and past so many years ago, so famous, so public, followed upon with so great labours, expenses, and travail of the faithful, and sealed with so many deaths of these infidels, so solemnly being condemned and openly punished? Whereby we may see persecution to be no new thing in the church of Christ, when antichrist so long before (even three hundred years) began to rage against these Waldenses. In Bohemia likewise after that, the same, called by the name of Thaborits, (as Sylvius recordeth,) suffered no little trouble. But never persecution was stirred up against them or any other people more terrible, than was in these later years in France by the French king, in the year of our Lord one thousand five hundred and forty-five; which lament able story is described in Sleidan, and hereafter, in the process of his book, as we come to the order of years, shall be set forth (by the grace of Christ) more at large. In the which persecution is declared in one town, Cabriera, to be slain, by the captain of Satan, Sinerius, eight hundred persons at once, without respect of women or children of any age; of whom forty women, and most of them great with child, thrust into a barn, and the windows kept with pikes, and so fire set to them, were all consumed. Besides, in a cave not far from the town Mussium, to the number of five and twenty per sons with smoke and fire were the same time destroyed. At Merindolum the same tyrant. (seeing all the rest were fled away,) finding one young man, caused him to be tied to an olive tree, and to he destroyed with torments most cruelly; with much other persecution, as shall appear hereafter, in the history translated out of Sleidan into English.
But to return again to higher times, from whence we digressed. Besides that, Reinerius above mentioned speaketh of one in the town of Cheron, a glover, which was brought in this time to examination, and suffered. There is also an old monument of process, wherein appeareth four hundred forty and three to be brought to examination in Pomerania, Marchia, and places thereabouts, about the year of our Lord one thousand three hundred ninety and one.
And thus much touching the origin, doctrine, and the lamentable persecutions of the Waldenses; who, as is declared, first began about the time of this King Henry the Second.