58. THE EMPEROR FREDERICK II. (contd.)
Nicolaus Cisnerus affirmeth, that whilst Frederic the emperor was in Sicily, his wife Constantia died at Catiana, or Catana. In the mean time the Christians, which with a great navy sailed into Egypt, and took the city Heliopolis, commonly called Damietta, and long ago named Pelusinum, being in good hope to have driven Sultanus the soldan out of Egypt, had a great and marvellous overthrow by the conveying of the water of the flood Nile, (which then overflowed into their camp,) and were fain to accord an unprofitable truce with the soldan for certain years, and to deliver the city again; and so, departing out of Egypt, were fain to come to Acre and Tyrus, to the no small detriment and loss of the Christian army. Whereupon King John, surnamed Brennus, (being king of Jerusalem,) arrived in Italy, and prayed aid of the emperor against his enemies, in whom he had great hope to find remedy of the evils and calamities before declared; and from thence he went to Rome to the pope, declaring unto him the great discomfit and overthrow past, as also the present peril and calamity that they were in, desiring also his aid therein. By whose means (as Cisnerus saith) the emperor was reconciled again to the pope, and made friends together; to whom also King John gave Joel his daughter in marriage, which came of the daughter of Conradus, king of Jerusalem, and marquis of Montserrat; with whom he had for dowry the inheritance of the kingdom of Jerusalem, as right heir thereunto by her mother. By whom also he after obtained the kingdom of Naples and Sicily, and promised that, with as much expedient speed as he might, he would prepare a power for the recovery again of Jerusalem, and be there himself in proper person; which thing to do for that upon divers occasions he deferred, (whereof some think one, some another,) Honorius, unto whom he was lately reconciled, purposed to have made against him some great and secret attempt, had he not been by death before prevented.
After whom succeeded Gregorius the Ninth, as great an enemy of Frederic as was Honorius; which Gregory came of the race whom the emperor (as before ye heard) condemned of treason which they wrought against him. This Gregory was scarcely settled in his papacy, when that he threatened him greatly with excommunication, unless he would prepare himself into Asia, according to his promise, as ye heard before, to King John; and what the cause was why the pope so hastened the journey of Frederic into Asia you shall hear hereafter. In effect, he could not well bring that to pass which in his mischievous mind he had devised, unless the emperor were further from him. Notwithstanding, Frederic, it should seem, smelling a rat, or mistrusting somewhat, (as well as he might,) alleged divers causes and lets, as lately and truly he did to Honorius.
Fazellus, a Sicilian writer, saith that the special cause of the emperor's stay was, for the oath of truce and peace during certain years, which was made between the Saracens and Christians, as you heard, which time was not yet expired.
The same Fazellus also writeth thus of King John of Jerusalem, that when his daughter was brought to Rome, the emperor and the pope were reconciled together. And being called up to Rome to celebrate the marriage, Pope Gregory (as the manner of those proud prelates is) offered his right foot unto the emperor to kiss. But the emperor, not stooping so low, scarcely with his lip touched the upper part of his knee, and would not kiss his foot; which thing the pope took in very evil part, and was therewith marvellously offended. But for that no opportunity at that time served to revenge his conceived grudge and old malice, he dissembled the same, as he might for that time, thinking to recompense it at the full, as time would serve and fall out therefore.
After this, it fortuned that the emperor, hearing how the Christians were oppressed by the soldan in Syria, and that from Arsacida there came a great power against the Christian princes, he made the more haste, and was with more desire encouraged to set forward his journey into Asia. Wherefore, assembling the nobility of the empire at Ravenna and Cremona, he gave in commandment to Henry his son, (whom not long before he caused to be created Cæsar,) that he should persuade the nobles and princes of the empire, that they all would be ready to put to their helping hands, in furthering this his journey and enterprise. This writeth Fazellus. Howbeit, some others affirm that these things were done in the time of Honorius. But howsoever the matter is, this thing is manifest, that Frederic, to satisfy the pope's desire, which never would give over, but by all means sought to provoke him forward, gave him at length his promise, that by a certain time he would prepare an army, and fight himself against those which kept from him the city of Jerusalem, (which thing he also confesseth himself in his epistles, and also how he desired and obtained of the peers and nobility of the empire their aid thereunto,) and also appointed a convenient time when they should be at Brundusium.
In the mean season, he with all his power and endeavour made speedy and hasty preparation for the wars; he rigged and manned a puissant navy; he had the most picked men and best soldiers that were in every country; and made warlike provision and furniture for every thing that to such a voyage and expedition appertained. Neither was the matter slacked, but at the time appointed great bands assembled and mustered, both of German soldiers and others, and, under their captains appointed, set forth and marched to Brundusium; (their generals were Thuringus and Sigibert, and Augustin the bishop;) where they long time lying, and attending the emperor's coming, being let by infirmity and sickness, great pestilence and sundry diseases molested them, by reason of the great heat and intemperance of that country; and many a soldier there lost his life; among whom also died Thuringus, one of their generals. The emperor, when he had somewhat recovered his health, with all his navy launched out and set forward to Brundusium. And when he came to the straits of Peloponnesus and Creta, being islands lying in the sea, and there for lack of convenient wind was stayed, suddenly the emperor (his diseases growing upon him again) fell sick; and sending before all or the most part of his bands and ships into Palestine, promising them most assuredly to come after and follow them so soon as he might recover and get never so little health, he himself with a few ships returned and came to Brundusium, and from thence, for want of health, went into Apulia.
When tidings hereof came to the pope's ear, he sent out his thundering curses and new excommunications against the emperor. The causes whereof I find noted and mentioned by his own letters; that is, how that when he had robbed and taken from Brundusius, prince of Thuring, his horses, his money, and other rich furniture of his house at the time of his death, he sailed into Italy; not for the intent to make war against the Turk, but to convey his prey that he had stolen and taken away from Brundusius; and so, neglecting his oath and promise which he had made, and feigning himself to be sick, came home again: and that by his default also Damietta was lost, and the host of the Christians sore afflicted. Fazellus, besides these causes spoken of before, doth write that the pope alleged these also: that he defiled a certain damsel, which was in the queen's nursery; and that he slew his wife when he had whipped her in the prison, for declaring the mischievous act to her father King John. But all the writers, and also Blondus himself, doth declare, that this Joel died after the publication of the proscript and excommunication; wherefore the pope could not without great shame allege the cause upon the death of Joel; for undoubtedly the truth is, that she of her son Conrad died in childbed. Then Frederic, to refel and avoid the foresaid slanders, sendeth the bishop of Brundis and other legates to Rome, whom the pope would not suffer to come to his presence, neither yet to the councils of the cardinals, to make his purgation. Wherefore the emperor, to purge himself of the crimes which the pope did so falsely accuse him of, both to all Christian kings, and especially to the princes of Germany, and all the nobles of the empire, writeth his letters (which are to be seen) that those things are both false and also feigned, and of the pope's own head invented; and showeth how that his ambassadors with his purgation could not be suffered to come to the pope's presence: also doth largely treat how unthankful and ungrateful the bishops of Rome were towards him for the great benefits which both he and also his predecessors had bestowed upon them and the Roman church; which letter, for that it is over-tedious here to place, considering the discourse of the history is somewhat long, the sum of the purgation is this.
He protesteth and declareth universally, that he had always great care for the Christian commonwealth, and that he had determined even from his youth to fight against the Turk and Saracens. And for that occasion he made a promise to the prince's electors of Aquisgrane, how that he would take the war upon him. Afterward he renewed his promise at Rome when he was consecrated of Honorius; then when he married the daughter of the king of Jerusalem, which was an heir of the same. And for because that kingdom might be defended and kept from the injuries of the enemies, and because he favoured it even as he did his own, he prepared a huge navy, and gathered together a strong army of men; neither did he neglect any thing that belonged to the furniture of the war. But when the time was come, and his band was gathered together, his sickness would not suffer him to be there. And afterward, when he had recovered the same, and came to Brundusium, and from thence without any disturbance went forthwith to sea, he fell into the same sickness again, by the which he was let of his purpose, which thing (saith he) he is able to prove by sufficient testimony. How the pope also doth lay the losing of Damietta, and other things which prospered not well with him, unjustly to his charge, whenas he had made great provision for the same journey, both of soldiers and other necessary things. But he that will understand these things more plainly, among other epistles of Petrus de Vineis, written in the name of Frederic, let him read these especially which begin thus: In admirationem, et justitiam, et innocentiam, et Levate oculos. And truly, even as Frederic the emperor declareth in his letters concerning this matter, all the old writers of Germany do accord and agree in the same.
Matth. Parisiensis also briefly collecteth the effect of another letter which he wrote to the king of England, complaining unto him of the excommunication of the pope against him, whose words are these: "And amongst other catholic princes (saith he) he also wrote his letters unto the king of England, embulled with gold, declaring in the same that the bishop of Rome was so inflamed with the fire of avarice and manifest concupiscence, that he was not contented with the goods of the church, which were innumerable, but also that he shamed not to bring princes, kings, and emperors to be subjects and contributors to him, and so to disherit them, and put them from their kingly dignities; and that the king of England himself had good experiment thereof, whose father (that is to say, King John) they so long held excommunicate, till they had brought both him and his dominions under servitude, and to pay unto him tribute. Also that many have experience of the same by the earl of Toulouse and divers other princes, which so long held their persons and lands in interdict, till they might bring them into like servitude. I pretermit (saith he) the simonies and sundry sorts of exactions (the like whereof was never yet heard) which daily are used amongst the ecclesiastical persons, besides, their manifest usury (yet so cloaked and coloured to the simple sort, that therewithal they infect the whole world). They be sugared and embalmed simonists, the insatiable horse-leeches or blood-suckers, saying that the Church of Rome is our mother and nurse, whereas it is indeed the most polling court in the universal world, the root and right mother of all mischief, using and exercising no motherly doings or deeds, but bringing forth the right exercises of a wicked stepdame, making sufficient proof thereof by her manifest fruits to all the world apparent. Let the barons of England consider whether this be true or not, whom Pope Innocent by his bulls with one consent encouraged to rise and rebel against their sovereign lord and prince, King John, your father, as an obstinate enemy to the Church of Rome. But after that the king (far out of square) remembering himself had crouched unto him, and obliged both himself and kingdom to the Church of Rome, more like a woman than a man, and that the wise barons, whom the pope had first maintained and stirred up, without all shame, either of the world or fear of God, had done the same, he sought how he might with gaping mouth devour and consume the sweet fat from them, whom he had miserably to death betrayed and disherited, as the manner of the Roman bishops is. By whose greedy avarice it came to pass that England, the prince of provinces, was brought under miserable subjection and tribute. Behold the manners and conditions of our Roman bishops; behold the snares wherewith these prelates do seek to entangle men withal, to wipe their noses of their money, to make their children bondmen, to disquiet such as seek to live in peace; being clothed with sheep's clothing, when indeed they be but ravening wolves; sending their legates hither and thither to excommunicate and suspend, as having power to punish whom they list; not sowing the seed, that is, the word of God, to fructify, but that they may bribe and poll men's persons, and reap that which they never did sow. Thus cometh it to pass that they spoil the holy churches and houses of God, which should be the refuge for the poor, and the mansion-houses of saints, which our devout and simple parents to that purpose builded and ordained to the refection of poor men and pilgrims, and to the sustentation of such as were well disposed and religious. But these degenerate varlets, whom only letters have made both mad and malapert, do strive and gape to be both kings and emperors.
Doubtless the primitive church was builded and laid in poverty and simplicity of life, and then as a fruitful mother begat she those her holy children, whom the catalogue of saints now maketh mention of; and verily no other foundation can be laid of any other church than that which is laid by Jesus Christ. But this church, as it swimmeth and walloweth in all superfluity of riches, and doth build and raise the frame in all superfluous wealth and glory; so is it to be feared lest the walls thereof in time fall to decay, and when the walls be down, utter ruin and subversion follow after. Against us, he knoweth that is the searcher of all hearts, how furiously these Catholics rage and go to work; saying, and therefore excommunicating me, that I will not take upon me the journey I have promised beyond the seas; whereas inevitable and most urgent causes and perils, as well to the church of God as also to the empire, besides the annoyance of mine infirmity and sickness, do detain me at home, and stay the same, but specially the insolency of the rebellious Sicilians. For why? Neither do we think it safety to our empire, nor expedient to the Christian state, that we should now take our journey into Asia, leaving behind us at home such intestine and civil wars; no more than for a good surgeon to lay a healing plaster to a grievous wound new made and stricken with the sword. In conclusion also this he addeth, admonishing all the princes of the world, that they would beware and take heed (by their avaricious iniquity) of like peril and danger to themselves, because that, as the proverb is, It behoveth him to look about that seeth his neighbour's house on fire."
But now, that Frederic the emperor might in very deed stop the slanders of the cruel pope, which did persist and go forward still in his excommunication against him; and that he might declare to the whole world, how that the last year he delayed not his journey by his own voluntary will, but by necessity; when he had devised and prepared all things meet for the war, and that he had gathered together and levied a great army of men, he departed from thence to Brundusium, committing the government of his kingdom to Reinald, the son of Duke Spoletus, and to Anselm, a baron of Instigensis, and came by sea to Cyprus with his host.
From Cyprus the emperor with his whole navy sailed into Joppa, which city he fortified, for that the passages by land were stopped and kept of the enemies; and by sea he might not pass nor travel, by means of the extreme weather and tempest; whereby it came to pass that within short space they lacked victuals, and were sore afflicted with famine. Then fell they to prayer, and made their humble supplication to God; with whose tears his wrath being appeased, the great tempest and long continued foul weather ceased, whereby (the seas being now calm) they had both victuals, great plenty, and all other necessary things for their need brought unto them, whereby, immediately it came to pass, that both the emperor and his army, as also the inhabitants of Joppa, were greatly refreshed and animated; and, on the other side, their enemies being disappointed of their purpose, were greatly discouraged; insomuch that the king of Egypt, who with great power, accompanied with Scarapho his brother, prince of Gaza, and the prince of Damascus, their nephew, with many other dukes and nobles, had encamped themselves within one day's journey of Joppa, thinking to have besieged the same, were contented upon the coming of the emperor's heralds unto them to treat of a peace. Whereupon ambassadors were sent unto them with the emperor's demands, right profitable to the Christian commonwealth. The Saracens (immediately consulting upon the same) granted thereunto; so that a peace for ten years was concluded, and was confirmed by solemn oath on the behalf of both princes, according to their several usages and manner, the form and condition of which articles of peace briefly collected are these:
First, that Frederic the emperor should be crowned and anointed king of Jerusalem, according to the manner of the kings of Jerusalem before him.
Secondly, that all the lands and possessions which were situate betwixt Jerusalem and Ptolomaida, and the greatest part of Palestine, and cities of Tyrus and Sidon, which were in Syria, and all other territories which Baldwin the Fourth at any time had and did occupy there, should be delivered unto him, only certain castles reserved.
Thirdly, that he might fortify and build what fortresses and castles, cities and towns, he thought good, in all Syria and Palestine.
Fourthly, that all the prisoners which were in the Saracens' hands should be ransomed freely and sent home; and again, that the Saracens might have leave without armour to come into the temple where the Lord's sepulchre is to pray; and that they should hold and keep still Chratum and the king's mount.
Frederic now, for that he thought the conclusion of this peace to be both necessary and also profitable for all Christians, and had also gotten as much thereby as if the wars had continued he should, sent his legates with letters into the west to all Christian kings, princes, and potentates, as also to the bishop of Rome, declaring unto them the circumstance and success of his journey and wars, as partly ye have heard; requiring them that they also would praise and give God thanks for his good success and profitable peace concluded; and desireth the pope, that forsomuch as he had now accomplished his promise, neither was there now any cause wherefore he should be with him displeased, that he might be reconciled and obtain his favour.
In the mean season the emperor with all his army marcheth to Jerusalem; where, upon Easter day, in the year one thousand two hundred and twenty-nine, he was with great triumph and comfort of all his nobles, and also the magistrates of that kingdom, (only the patriarch of. Cyprus, the king's legate, and Oliver, the master or captain of the temple, with his company excepted,) solemnly and with great applause crowned king.
After this, he re-edifieth the city and walls thereof, which by the Saracens were beaten down and battered. After that, he furnisheth it with munition, he buildeth up the churches and temples that were ruinous, he fortifieth Nazareth and Joppa with strong garrisons, victuals, and all other things necessary.
Now see and behold, I pray you, whilst Frederic was thus occupied in the kingdom of Jerusalem, what practices the pope had in Italy; not I warrant you any whit at all careful in the affairs of the Christian commonwealth, but studying and labouring what mischief and spite he might work against the emperor, whom of set purpose he had so occupied, partly for hate, and partly to enrich himself, in Asia and Jerusalem, so far out of Italy ye may be sure. First, he caused the soldiers, which the emperor sent, for out of Germany to the maintenance of the holy wars, to be stayed as they passed through Italy, letting them of their journey, and took from them and spoiled them of all such provision as they had. And not only this, but he sent secretly also his letters into Asia to those that were of his own faction, that is, to the patriarch of Jerusalem, and soldiers that kept the temple and the hospital, enticing and inciting them to rebel against the emperor; which thing Blondus himself, that popish parasite or historiographer, dissembleth or hideth not. But furthermore, he dissuaded the princes of the Saracens, that they should make no league nor take any truce with Frederic, neither deliver up unto him the crown and kingdom of Jerusalem. Which letters, as they were manifest testimonies of his treachery and treason towards him, whom God had instituted and made his liege lord and sovereign, and mightiest potentate upon earth; so was it his will that he should come to the knowledge thereof, and that those letters should fall into his hands. And that he kept the same letters for the more credible testimony thereof, in the same his last epistle unto the Christian princes he protesteth. The copy of which letters amongst his other epistles you shall have expressed.
Neither were the pope's letters written to that leavened and factious sect in vain; for the patriarch and his collegians, which took their name of the temple, did mightily repugn against Frederic. They raised a tumult in Ptolomaida against him; they accused him and his legates openly of treason; and did malapertly and boldly withstand the right worthy and good order he made amongst them. But, as God would, by the help of the inhabitants of Pisa and the Genoese, and the Dutch soldiers, both their false accusations were refelled, and also their seditious purpose and tumult repressed. And this was the cause that when all other men rejoiced and were glad of the emperor's coronation, they, as wicked confederators, were heavy therefore, and detractors of his worthy laud and fame.
The pope, when he had thus conspired against Frederic, and had betrayed him to the public enemy of all Christian men, the Turk, he could not dissemble this his mischievous fact, nor content himself therewith, but he would devise and practise yet another. For by reason of those slanders (which a little before I touched) of the death and slaughter of his wife Joel, he incited John Brennus his father-in-law to make war against him, who caused the subjects of his empire to withdraw from him their allegiance, as also the inhabitants of Picenum, and inhabitants of Lombardy. And thus joining themselves together, they craved further aid of the French king, whereby they made a great power. That done, they divided their host in two armies, invading with the one the empire, and with the other the proper territories and dominions belonging to the inheritance of Frederic; John Brennus and Pandolph Savellamis leading the one (as generals) into Campania and the kingdom of Naples, and the other (with John Columna, cardinal, his legate, and that Thomas before convicted of treason, being his lieutenants) he sendeth into Picenum.
Of this treason of the pope against Frederic doth also Matth. Paris make mention, during his wars in Asia, who saith he purposed to have deposed him, and to have placed alium quemlibet filium pacis et obedientiæ loco ejus subrogare; that is, any other, he cared not whom, (so that he were the child of peace and obedience,) in his stead. And, for the more certainty there of, the said Matth. Paris, pag. 71, repeateth the letter which a certain earl of Syria wrote unto him concerning the same, which letter hereunder ensueth word for word.
"To the high and mighty prince, Frederic, by the grace of God emperor of Rome, and ever Augustus, and most puissant king of Sicily, Thomas, earl of Actran, his faithful and trusty subject in all things, humble salutation. After your departure, most excellent prince, Gregory, the bishop of Rome, and public enemy to your magnificence, gathering together a great power and host of men by Johannes Brennus, late king of Jerusalem, and other stout captains, whom he hath made generals of the same his host, as a foreign enemy invading your dominions and possessions of your highness's subjects, against the law of Christianity, hath purposed and determined to vanquish and subdue you with the material or temporal sword, whom he cannot master and overcome with the spiritual sword, he saith. For the aforesaid John Brennus, gathering out of France, and other provinces near adjoining, a great army, giveth unto them of the treasure he hath gotten together, by what means I cannot tell, great wages, in hope to recover and get from you the empire. And furthermore, the same John and others, the captains of the see apostolical, invading your land, burn and destroy all as they go, driving away and taking for their booties all that they can come by, as well cattle as other things, and such as they take prisoners they constrain, by afflicting them with grievous punishments, to ransom themselves for great sums of money; neither spare they man, woman, nor child, but take and keep your towns and castles, having no regard that you be in the service of Jesus Christ. And further, if any make mention of your Majesty unto him, he saith there is none other emperor but himself. Your friends and subjects, most excellent prince, much marvel hereupon; yea, and also the clergy themselves of the empire do marvel with what conscience, or upon what consideration, the bishop of Rome can do the same, making such bloody wars and slaughter upon Christian men; especially seeing that Christ commanded Peter, when he struck with the material sword, to put up the same into the scabbard, saying, All that strike with the sword shall perish with the sword. Or else by what law he daily can excommunicate such pirates, burners of men's houses, and robbers, when he is the patron and maintainer of such himself, hereat they greatly muse and marvel. Wherefore, most mighty and renowned emperor, I beseech your Highness to consider your own safety, for that the said John Brennus hath laid and fortified all the ports and havens with no small company of men and soldiers; that if, not knowing thereof, your Grace should arrive in any of them, the same garrisons of his may apprehend and take you as a prisoner, which thing to chance God forefend."
Thus, whilst the host of this hostile enemy the pope was encamped in the dominions of Frederic, he received the letters which Frederic by his legates sent into Europe, as you heard, whereby he understood the good success he had in Asia; who not only took no delectation at all therein, but was also in a vehement perturbation therewith. Whereby manifestly it may appear what was the cause and meaning of the pope, that he was solicitous and urgent to have Frederic the emperor make a voyage into Asia. Doubtless even the same that Pelias had, when by his instigation he procured Jason with all the chosen youth and flower of Greece to sail into Colchis, to fetch away the golden fleece; and that by the opportunity of his absence he might use, or rather abuse, his power and tyranny; and that Frederic might either be long afflicted and molested in the Asian war, or that he might perish and lose his life therein, was that he sought, and all that he desired.
And when he saw that fortune neither favoured his fetches, nor served to his longing lust, he was, as a man bereft of his wits, specially at these tidings of the prosperous success of the emperor. He tore and threw his letters on the ground, and with all opprobrious words rebuked and reviled the legates for the emperor their master's sake; which thing also Blondus himself denieth not, though he write altogether in the favour of the pope. And to the intent that he might cover this his rage and unbridled fury with some cloak and colour of just deserved dolour, he feigned himself therefore so much to mislike therewith, as though the emperor therein had only respected his own private commodity, not regarding the utility of the Christians, for that the Saracens had licence (although without armour and weapon) to have repaired unto the sepulchre of Christ, and had left for them somewhat near the same an hostery or lodging-place; for which occasion (saith Blondus) his lord pope rebuked the emperor's legates by the name of traitors and suchlike other opprobrious words. Now go to, friend Blondus, by what strong arguments prove you and your lord pope, either that the peace which the emperor hath concluded was against the Christian commonwealth, or that the emperor was a traitor? But who is it that seeth not these things, either by reading of old and ancient writers, or else partly by me that have gathered and collected the same out of divers monuments and histories, and plainly perceiveth not the conspiracies and treasons of your good lord the pope, so notable and filthy, as also his manifest shame and infamy? What! there be divers that write how the pope commanded these legates of Frederic to be made secretly out of the way, and also how he commanded divers soldiers, returning out of Asia, to be slain, to the end that none should hear the report of those good news which were in Asia, nor any go thither to tell the fetches he had in hand at home. But I will make report of no more than of those things which all the writers with most consent agree upon. This is most certain, that the pope caused this rumour to be spread of the death and taking of the emperor upon this consideration, that he might allure unto him the fidelity of those cities in the kingdom of Naples which yet kept their allegiance unto Frederic, of whom they should now hope for no longer refuge. And of that doth the emperor, in his epistle entitled Levate oculos, greatly against him complain.
Great are these injuries of the pope against Frederic, and most wicked treasons. But herewith could not the cruel and tyrannical mind of him be contented, nor his lust satisfied, but it so far exceeded, as scarce is credible that it could; for he presumed not only to set variance between Henry (whom Frederic his father had caused to be made king of Germany) and him, but also by his allurements he caused him to become an enemy unto him. To whom when his father had assigned the duke of Boioria (named Ludovicus) to be his overseer and counsellor; neither knew he amongst all the princes of Germany a man more faithful to him in his office and duty, or else more virtuous, or else more grave and apt to be in authority; Henry, fearing lest he should understand and know of these secret counsels, which he with his conspirators had in hand against his father, or that he should utter the same unto him, or that he should go about to dissuade him from that he was purposed to do by authority of the court and senate of Rome, he put him out of office. And this was the fetch of all their policy, that together and at one instant, but in divers and sundry places far one from another, sharp and cruel war might be made against the emperor, so that, his power being divided to the appeasing of variable contention, he might himself be the easier oppressed of a few.
When the emperor now understood what stir the pope kept in all his dominions in his absence, and when he had somewhat reformed and appeased the troubles which he secretly had wrought him in the kingdom of Jerusalem, thinking to prevent the pope's purpose in that he went about, and also to confirm the friendship towards him of them whom in his absence he found his trusty subjects, he left in Asia Reinaldus, with his garrisons, commanding all the other bands to be under his appointment; and with all speed he came forth in certain galleys to Calabria. During the time of his there being, which unlooked for came thither, he assembled his power, and made with his friends all the speedy preparation that he might. From thence he went to Berletta, where he tarried twenty days, to whom came the duke of Spoletanum, with all his garrisons; and so from thence, with all his power, he came into Apulia, and removed John Brennus his father-in-law from the siege of Calatia, and within short time, by God's help, recovereth again all his holds and dominions there. And from thence, going into Campania, he winneth Beneventum, and as many other towns and holds as the pope had there, even almost to Rome, and so after that Umbria and Picena. And now, although the emperor (being moved thereunto upon good occasion, and upon the pope's worthy desert) had gotten and recovered this so, likely an entrance upon the pope's dominions, whereby he might have revenged him of all the injuries done to him; yet, notwithstanding, for that he preferred nothing before the Christian and public tranquillity, (for the love of which he restrained his wrath so vehemently urged and kindled,) he sendeth unto him his legates to entreat a peace, declaring unto him, that if no other conceived grudge towards him were than that he dissembled and pretended, he promiseth that he would make to him an account voluntarily of all things that ever he had done in his life, and that he would and was contented to submit himself unto the church, and also that for this cause he willingly offered unto him both duty and observance. Furthermore, to the entreating of this peace, and deciding of all controversies, he sent to the pope eight or ten of the noblest and chiefest about him that were princes and dukes of the empire; as Barthold, the patriarch of Aquileia, and his brother Otho, prince of Dalmatia and Istria, Eberhardus Juvanensis, Sigifridus, Reginoburgensis, Sibbotus, Augustanus, a worthy prelate, Leopold of Austria and Styria, and Bernhardus, being all dukes, besides others of the nobility to accompany them.
But yet so great was the insolence and pride of the stubborn pope, that by no gentleness or beneficence he could of those princes be brought that year to the profitable concord of the church and Christian commonwealth. O worthy head, that challengeth all authority to himself in the church of Christ, and, in respect of his own wilful revenge, setteth nothing by the health and utility of all Christendom! Then, therefore, when nothing could be done in the matter, and the most part of these noblemen departed from Rome, the next year after, with much ado, a peace was made and concluded between them, by the help and industry of Leopold of Austria, Hermanus, captain of the Dutch soldiers, and the president of Messina. The pope then absolving the emperor Frederic of his excommunication, took therefore of him one hundred and twenty thousand ounces of gold, restoring unto him again the titles both of his empire and also of his kingdoms. Now, considering the uncourteous dealing of the pope with Frederic the emperor herein, who can sufficiently muse and marvel at the unshamefacedness of Blondus, which hath the face to write, that the pope (yet notwithstanding) had dealt more gently and courteously with Frederic than was meet or beseemed him to do? Who is it that doth not see his manifest flattery, coloured neither with reason nor secret dissimulation? But much more truly and better writeth Cuspinian concerning this matter, which saith that the pope doth occupy very profitable merchandise, which for so much money selleth that he received freely, paying nothing therefore, if he had received it of Christ indeed, as he saith he had.
And yet although the emperor Frederic concluded with the pope this unprofitable peace for himself, yet he performed those things that were agreed upon faithfully and diligently. But the pope, which thought it but a trifle to break his promise, would not stand to the conditions of that peace he. made. For, by the way, to pass over other things, neither had he restored, as he promised, the customs of the land of Sicily, neither yet the city Castellana, which he before the peace concluded between them did occupy and enjoy. And that do both Frederic in his epistles testify, and also Fazellus in his eighth book, writing of the affairs of Sicily. Yet, notwithstanding, Frederic, for the quietness and utility of the commonwealth, purposed with himself to bear and suffer these small injuries, and further studied in all that he might, as well by liberal gifts as otherwise, to have the pope to be to him a trusty friend. As when the Romans and others of the ecclesiastical number made war against the pope for certain possessions which he kept of theirs, he coming to him at Reat, and as one that tendered the unity of the church, and thinking to help the pope at his earnest request in these matters, sent his legates unto them, willing them to lay down their armour which against the pope they bare. And when that would not serve, at the pope's further request and desire, he levied an army against them at his own charge, and drave them from the siege of Viterbium, with other such-like assured tokens of amity and friendship which he showed him. Who, notwithstanding, so soon as the emperor was departed with a small company which he took with him into Sicily, leaving with him the greater and most part of his army for the maintenance of his wars, concluded a peace with the Romans, unknown to the emperor, whom he had procured to travel and labour therein with great expenses; affirming that, without his 'will and commandment, the emperor had expelled them, and driven them out of the territories of Viterbium. And hereof doth Frederic also himself make mention in his second and third epistle, where he complaineth of the injuries of the pope towards him.
Therefore greater commendation had Blondus deserved, if he had written of these treacheries of the pope, than forgetting himself, as unto liars often it chanceth, in writing, both contrary to himself in the effect of this matter, and contrary to the verity of Frederic's story; which saith, that the Romans were incited to these new tumults by his enticing and setting on. As though simple men of understanding could not both by the offering of his son in hostage, by the great preparation of the wars, and by the event especially of the thing itself, gather the contrary. But too impudent will Blondus needs show himself.
Whilst that these things were done in Italy and Sicily, great rebellions were moved in Germany against the emperor by Henry Cæsar and Frederic of Austria, his sons, being the chief authors thereof. For Henry, being disappointed and shaken off from his lord pope, and other conspirators, by reason of the peace between his father and him, (as ye heard,) began now to make open challenge to the empire. And for that cause he (as before is said) put from him Louis, whom he knew to be unto the emperor his father so loving and assured a friend; who as willingly (perceiving and smelling what mischief he went about) forsook his court, and came to Boioria; who had not there remained a year, but was, as he walked abroad at a certain time, stabbed in with a dagger of one Kelhemius, and presently died, his servants not being far from him; of whose death divers diversely write. Notwithstanding the sequel doth show them to write truliest, that affirm the said striker to be suborned by Henry Cæsar who, coming unto him in the habit of a messenger, delivered unto him certain letters, which he feigned to be sent from the emperor. And whilst Ludovicus was in reading the same, he struck him in with a dagger, and gave him his mortal wound, and with speed fled upon the same. After whose death succeeded in that dukedom his son Otho; who, when solemnly, according to the manner of the Boiores, he should have been created, was also let by the same Henry Cæsar; who forbade the assembly of the magistrates and citizens the same. They, notwithstanding, neglecting his unjust restraint, created him; wherefore he first besieged Reginoburgh, and with another company sacked, burnt, and wasted Boioria; with many more such great outrages and rebellions.
When intelligence was brought of these things to the emperor, he sent his legates, and commanded that both the Cæsar his son, and other princes of Germany, which had assembled their armies, should break up and disperse the same. And because he saw and perceived now manifestly that his son made so apparent rebellion against him, and fearing greater insurrections to ensue in Germany, he thought good to prevent the same with all expedition. Wherefore he determined to go in all haste to Germany with his army, from whence he had now been absent fourteen years, and hereunto he maketh the pope privy. The pope promised the emperor hereupon, that he would write his letters in his behalf to all the princes of Germany; but persuaded him to the uttermost of his power that he should in no case go into Germany himself. For why? His conscience accused him that he had written to the nobles in Germany, even from the beginning of his papacy, for the hate and grudge he had against the emperor, that they should not suffer him, nor any of his heirs, to enjoy the empire ; and further, had stirred them all up to rebel against him ; and had moved Henry the emperor's son, by his bribes and fair promises, to conspire against his father. And, to conclude, he was the author and procurer of the conspiracy which the Lombards made then against him ; and fearing lest these things should come now to the emperor's ear, he was greatly troubled and careful. But the emperor, not thinking it good at so needful a time to be absent, he, all doubt set apart, with his second son Conrad, went speedily into Germany. And assembling there a council in the city of Nuremburgh, Henry Cæsar his son, after his conspiracy was manifestly detected, which he had in practice with the Longobards, (whereof the pope was chief author,) was by judgment and sentence of seventy princes condemned of high treason, and being commanded by his father to be bound, was as prisoner brought to Apulia, where not long after in prison he died. In whose stead he ordained Conradus his second son Cæsar, by consent of all the peers and princes. Furthermore, by public commandment he renounced Frederic of Austria for his son, and he caused him to be proclaimed an enemy to the public weal. And further, when he saw that neither that punishment could cause him to remember himself, and acknowledge his abuse, the emperor with a great army, accompanied with divers of the noblemen of Germany, took from. him all Austria and Styria, and brought them again under his own obedience and fidelity.
The same year married he with his third wife, named Isabella, the daughter of King John of England. Then, when he had set Germany in a stay and quietness, he left there Conrad Cæsar his son; and with his host returneth again into Italy, thereto punish such as had with Henry his eldest son conspired against him ; whose treasons were all detected at the condemnation of Henry Cæsar his son, chiefly set on by the pope. When the pope had understanding that the emperor with warlike furniture marched toward Italy, although he feigned himself reconciled, and to be a friend to Frederic, yet was he notwithstanding to him a most secret and infestive enemy. And understanding that he brought with him such a power, both of horsemen and footmen, to do execution of such as he understood to be conspirators against him in the late tumult and rebellion, those which were faulty herein and guilty, and all other that took their parts, he admonished to join themselves together, and that they should furnish strongly their cities with garrisons, that they should send for aid to their friends, and that with all the force they were able they should prepare them for the war. The rest of the cities also in Italy, whether they were the emperor's or his own, he endeavoureth to make them all his, and proper to himself.
Furthermore, unto the emperor he sendeth his ambassadors ; to whom, under the pretence of nourishing a peace, he had given a secret commandment, that they should interdict him and his host, so soon as he came within the borders of Italy. To the preservation of which peace, saith he, he had, but late since, promulgated a subsidy to be gathered amongst the Christians, when he began the holy war. And also to say, not by way of entreaty, but commandingly, that what cause of controversy he had with the Longobards, the same he should commit to him, and stand to his arbitrement. Whereunto the emperor replying maketh his legate this answer :
Shortly after, saith he, the peace was made between the pope and me, he called me for a chief defence, both of the church and himself, against the Romans which made war with him ; and, at his request, with mine own proper charge I maintained that his war, and gave his enemies the overthrow. And further said, that he should not do well, through the pretence of peace, to be a let to him from that which both by law and right he might and ought to do ; but rather he ought to dispose himself with force to distrain and expel them, which gathered them together as rebels, thinking to exclude themselves from the subjection both of him and the empire; and that such rebels as both had restrained the soldiers which the emperor sent for when he was in Asia, and divers others also, (which for necessary causes he had called to him,) which they had so wickedly dealt with and abused, he (as they had deserved) should rather desire to see punished and reformed, than to maintain them, under colour of peace, being so wicked and manifest evil-doers. And touching that he demandeth of him, that he should commit and defer so great a cause, wherein the wealth and safety of the empire consisteth, to his arbitrement, by him to be determined, without either assignment of any time when, or adding thereunto any condition or exception for not doing the same, neither the diminishing and impairing the dignity and regality of his empire considered, he could not but marvel; seeing that neither it appertained to his calling and faculty, nor to the benefit or commodity of the empire. To this effect also writeth Frederic in his last epistle unto the pope; the effect whereof amongst other epistles you may read.
And in the same his letters he showeth, that when the emperor at a certain time had been with the pope, at his going away he requested, that when he came again, he would come into Italy, but with his household band and family; for that if he should come as before he did accustom with his army, he should terrify them overmuch; amongst whom (saith he) you may assure yourself to be in great safety, and find all things in rest and quiet; when, quite contrary, (as the emperor for a certainty had tried,) he had there all things ready and prepared for his destruction; so that when he pretended unto him greatest friendship, he was busiest in conspiring his death. The certain time when the pope had this exercise in hand against the emperor I cannot search out, neither may it be in his epistles undated easily found out; but that of the certainty thereof no man need to doubt, I have assigned you to the emperor's epistle, where he maketh mention of the same.
The emperor then, as he had determined, prosecuteth his purpose, and marcheth into Italy, where he brought under his subjection those cities that against him rebelled, as Mantua, Verona, Ternisium, Patavium, and others. And then he afterward set upon the great host of the Mediolanenses, the Brixians, the Placentines, and other confederators, unto whom the pope's legate, Georgius Longomontanus, had joined himself; of whom he took one thousand prisoners, and also their general, being the chief magistrate in the city of Mediolanum, and Petrus Tenopolus, the duke's son of Venice, and slew divers captains more, and took all their ensigns. And in this battle, especially at the recovering of Marchia and Ternissana, he used the friendly aid of Actiolinus.
The pope now somewhat dismayed at this overthrow of his confederates and mates, though not much, began yet somewhat to fear the emperor; and whereas before that which he did he wrought secretly and by others, now he goeth to work with might and main to subdue and deprive the emperor. And although the emperor saw and perceived what inward hate and mortal malice he bare towards him, not only by that he so apertly stood with his conspirators against him, but also that on every side he heard, and from all parts was brought him certain word, how greatly he laboured against him, as with opprobrious words, naughty reports, and slanders, to the intent to pull from him the hearts and fidelity of his subjects, and make those that were his friends his enemies, neither that he meant at any time to take up and cease from such evil and wicked practices; yet, notwithstanding, for that there should be no default in him found for the breach of the league and peace between them a little before concluded, he sendeth four legates to the bishop of Rome, which should answer unto and refute those iniquitous objections which he laid unto him, as also make him privy unto his purpose, and what he meant to do, thereby to declare his innocency towards him in such causes, and simplicity.
The bishop, when he understood these ambassadors to be not far off from Rome, and knew the cause of their coming, he thought with himself, that, in hearing the excuse and reasonable answer of the emperor, perhaps he might be provoked to desist from his purpose, and so degenerate from others of his predecessors, he refuseth to speak with them, and, at the day appointed, pronounceth the sentence of proscription against him, depriving him of all his dignities, honours, titles, prerogatives, kingdoms, and whole empire. And that he had no occasion hereunto, as well Pandulph and Colonucius, as the letters of the emperor himself, do both right well declare. For it may appear he dedicated, as it were, himself to his utter ruin and destruction, when he did solicit against Frederic Jacobus Tenopolus, the Venetian duke; whom, for the displeasure he took with the emperor in the imprisoning of his son, he was in good hope he should allure unto him, he being in so troublous a time such a comforter and aider unto him, that, as Blondus writeth, in a certain epistle gratulatory, he calleth him lord of the fourth part of Croatia and Dalmatia, and lord of half of the Roman empire. And calling unto him the Venetian and Genoese legates, he made a peace betwixt them, (which for certain causes about their sea-coasts were at variance,) and covenanted with them upon this condition, that at their public charges they should rig and man five and thirty galleys, which should spoil and burn all along the sea-coasts of the kingdoms and dominions of Frederic.
But the pope, when he saw the good-will and fidelity which the duke of Venice bare unto the emperor, and saw also what aid the emperor had of him, neither that he was like to win him to his purpose, then had he recourse again to his old crafty practices and subtleties. And further, he devised to put forth an edict at Rome to the universal church and people, the beginning whereof is, Ascendit de mari bellica bestia; wherein he declareth the causes wherefore he curseth and giveth the emperor to the devil of hell, and hath dejected him from all his princely dignity. He in the same accuseth him of so many and so huge a heap of mischiefs, as to nominate them my heart detesteth. And besides that, he restraineth his sovereign lord and emperor of the appellation, which every private man by law may have. He slandereth him of treason, perjury, cruelty, sacrilege, killing of his kindred, and all impiety; he accuseth him for a heretic, a schismatic, and a miscreant; and, to be brief, what mischief soever the pope can devise, with that doth he charge him and burden him. All this doth he, saith the pope, that when he hath brought our Holiness and all the ecclesiastical estate to beggary, he might scoff at and deride the religion of Christ, which as a miscreant he detesteth. And now for that the pope had a great and special trust in Albertus Behavus, of the noble house called Equestri, as crafty an apostle as the best, as one whom he saw ready to lean to his lust, to him the pope delivered two other mandates in several letters sealed, in which he commanded all bishops, prelates, and other of the clergy, that they should solemnly recite the same in their churches instead of their sermon, that by his decree he had excommunicated Frederic out of the fellowship of Christian men, put him from the procuration or government of the empire, and that he had released all his subjects of their allegiance and fidelity towards him. And furthermore chargeth them, and all other Christian men, under pain of cursing and damnation, that neither they succour the emperor, nor yet so much as wish him well. Thus he, being the pope's special and trusty servitor, and made to his hand, caused a most horrible confusion and chaos of public unquietness, as shall after appear.
Amongst all other noblemen of Germany at that time, was Otho, the governor of the Rhine, and duke of Boioria, towards the emperor both most serviceable, and also a prince of great honour, riches, and estimation. This prince, both with fair promises and also rewards, he enticed from him; for that he was made by him to believe that Louis his father, of whom we spake before, was by the emperor murdered and slain. And the same Otho again caused three other princes and dukes to revolt from the emperor to the pope, which were neighbours and near adjoining unto him, as Uvenceslaus and Belus, princes of the Hungarians, and Henry, duke of Polonia. To whom came also Frederic of Austria, his son; who, because he was proscript or outlawed of his father, and had his dukedom wasted and burnt, as you heard, was easily won unto the pope. These, gathering a council, (when they had thought to have translated the empire unto the king's son of Denmark,) desired to have the pope's legates to be sent from him, to the effect of that election.
The emperor was at Patavium when these news were brought unto him what the pope had done at Rome. Therefore he commanded Peter of Venice, his secretary, (upon Easter day,) to make a narration to the people of his great and liberal munificence to the bishops and Church of Rome; and again, of the injuries of them toward him in recompence thereof; of his innocency also in that whereof he had accused him, and of the unseemliness of such an act or deed; of the right use of the ecclesiastical censure, and of the errors and abuse of the Church of Rome. By which oration of his he so removed the cloud from many men's hearts of blind superstition, and the conceived opinion of holiness of the Church of Rome, and bishops of the same, and also of their usurped power and subtle persuasion, that both they plainly,saw and perceived the vices and filthiness of the Church of Rome and bishops of that see, as also their fraudulent deceits and flagitious doings, most vehemently lamenting and complaining of the same. Albert maketh mention of certain verses which were sent and written between the bishop of Rome and the emperor. The which verses, in the latter end of this present history of Frederic, you shall find.
The emperor moreover, both by his letters and legates, giveth intelligence unto all Christian kings, to the princes of his own empire, to the college of cardinals, and people of Rome, as well of the feigned crimes wherewith he was charged, as also of the cruelty of the bishop of Rome against him. The copy of which letter or epistle follows hereunder inserted.
The emperor to the prelates of the world.
"In the beginning and creation of the world, the inestimable foreknowledge and providence of God (who asketh counsel of none) created in the firmament of heaven two lights, (a greater and a less,) the greater he created to govern the day, and the less to govern the night; which two so do their proper offices and duties in the zodiac, that although oftentimes the one be in an oblique aspect unto the other, yet the one is not enemy to the other, but rather doth the superior communicate his light with the inferior. Even so the same eternal foreknowledge hath appointed upon the earth two regiments, that is to say, priesthood and kingly power; the one for knowledge and wisdom, the other for defence; that man, which is made of two parts, (over-wanton and dissolute,) might have two reins to govern and bridle him withal, that peace thereby and love might dwell upon the face of the earth. But, alas, the bishop of Rome, sitting in the chair of perverse doctrine or pestilence, that Pharisee anointed with the oil of iniquity above the rest of his consorts in this our time, which for his abominable pride is fallen from heaven, endeavoureth with his power to destroy and undo all, and thinketh, I believe, to stellify again himself there from whence he fell. His purpose is to darken and to shadow the light of our unspotted life, whilst that, altering the verity into lies, his papal letters, stuffed with all untruths, are sent into sundry parts of the world; of his own corrupt humour, and upon no reasonable cause, blemishing the sincerity of our religion. The lord pope hath compared us unto the beast rising out of the sea, full of names of blasphemy, and spotted like a leopard. But we say that he is that monstrous beast, of whom it is said, and of whom we thus read: And there shall come another red horse out of the sea, and he that shall sit upon him shall take peace away out of the earth: let them therefore that dwell upon the earth destroy him. For since the time of his promotion he hath not been the father of mercy, but of discord; a diligent steward of desolation, instead of consolation; and hath enticed all the world to commit offence. And to take the words in right sense and interpretation, he is that great dragon that hath deceived the whole world; he is that antichrist, of whom he hath called us the forerunner; he is that other Balaam hired for money to curse us; the prince of darkness, which hath abused the prophets. This is the angel leaping out of the sea, having his vials filled with bitterness, that he may both hurt the sea and the land; the counterfeit vicar of Christ, that setteth forth his own imaginations. He saith that we do not rightly believe in the Christian faith, and that the world is deceived with three manner of deceivers, which to name God forbid we should open our mouth; seeing that openly we confess only Jesus Christ our Lord and Saviour to be the everlasting Son of God, coequal with his Father and the Holy Ghost, begotten before all worlds, and in process of time sent down upon the earth for the salvation of mankind; conceived, not by the seed of man, but by the Holy Ghost; which was born of the glorious Virgin Mary, and after that suffered and died, as touching the flesh; and by his Godhead the third day he raised from death that other nature which he assumed in the womb of his mother. But we have learned that the body of Mahomet hangeth in the air, and his soul is buried in hell; whose works are damnable, and contrary to the law of the Most High. We affirm also, that Moses was the faithful servant of God, and a true teacher of the law; and that he talked with God in Mount Sinai, unto whom the Lord spake, Exod. 4; by whom also God wrought miracles in Egypt, and delivered the law written to the Israelites; and that afterwards with the elect he was called, to glory. In these and other things our enemy and envier of our state, causing our mother the church to accuse her son, hath written against us venomous and lying slanders, and sent the same to the whole world. If he had rightly understood the apostle's meaning, he would not have preferred his violent will, which beareth such sway with him, before reason; neither would he have sent out his mandates to the suggestion of those which call light darkness, and evil good; which suspect honey to be gall, for the great good opinion they had conceived of that holy place, which indeed is both weak and infirm, and converteth all truth into falsehood, and affirmeth that to be which is not.
Truly my opinion (so indifferent on every side) ought not in any case to be infringed and averted from the faith to such enemies of so corrupt a conscience. Wherefore we greatly are enforced not a little to marvel, which thing also doth much disquiet us to see, that you, which be the pillars and assistants in office of righteous dealing, the senators of Peter's city, and the principal beams in God's building, have not qualified the perturbation of so fierce a judge; as do the planets of heaven in their kind, which, to mitigate the passing swift course of the great orb or sphere of heaven, draw a contrary way by their opposite movings. In very deed, our imperial felicity hath been, almost even from the beginning, spurned against and envied at of the papal see and dignity; as Simonides, being demanded why he had no more enemies and enviers of his state, answered and said, Quia nihil feliciter gessi. Because, saith he, I have had no good success in any thing that ever I took in hand. And so, for that we have had prosperous success in all our enterprises, the Lord's name be blessed therefore, especially in the overthrow, of late, of our rebellious enemies, the Lombards, to whom in their good quarrel he promised life and absolution with remission of their sins, is the cause wherefore this apostolical bishop mourneth and lamenteth. And now, not by your counsels, I suppose, he laboureth to impugn this our felicity, but out of his own power of binding and loosing, whereof he glorieth so much, he impugneth it. But presently, where power and ability wanteth to redress, there doth abuse take place. We see in him which was so mighty a king, and the worthiest prince amongst all the prophets, to desire and crave the restitution of God's Holy Spirit, when he had polluted the dignity of his office. But the proverb is, As things indissoluble are not to be loosed, so things that cannot be bound are not to be bound. Which thing manifestly is proved in him. For why? The Scriptures of God do instruct men how to live; they mortify our souls which are immortal, and quicken the same which are dead for want of life. And doubtless he is able to humble and bring down those that are unworthy of dignity as much as him pleaseth, and when him pleaseth. Doubtless, if the bishop of Rome were a true bishop indeed, innocent, unpolluted, and not associated with wicked livers and evil men, his life should declare him so to be. He would not then be an offerer of dissentious sacrifice, but a peaceable offerer of love and charity; and would cense, not with the incense of grief and hatred, but with the sweet-smelling incense of concord and unity; neither yet would alter suum pontificium in maleficium; that is, make of a sanctified office an execrable abuse. If he were such a bishop as he ought to be, he would not wrest or abuse the preaching of the word into the fruit and gain of his own dissension, neither should we be accused for such an enemy of our mother the true church, as is laid unto her son's charge by such a bishop. Which true and mother church with all reverence we honour, and benignity embrace, so beautified and adorned with God's most holy sacraments. Some singular persons notwithstanding, feigning themselves to be our brethren by that mother, and yet are not, but of a strumpet begot; such, I say, as are subject and slaves to corruptible things, putting them from amongst us, we utterly reject; especially for that injuries by them done are not only transitory and mundane, wherewith our majesty is so molested, vexed, and grieved. Wherefore we cannot so easily mitigate our mood, neither ought we in very deed so to do, and therefore are we enforced the more to take the greater revenge of them. You therefore that are men of grave and deliberate counsel, having the excellent gift, as from God, of wisdom and understanding, refuse you that roaring enemy of ours in these his proceedings, whose be ginnings are so wicked and detestable, wisely comparing things past with those to come. Otherwise, you that are under our subjection, as well of our empire as other our dominions, shall feel and perceive (both of my chief enemy and persecutor, as also of the princes that are his fautors and adherents) what revenge by sword Fredericus Augustus shall take upon them, God so permitting."
This done, he denounceth a solemn parliament or council of all the princes and other nobility of the empire at Ægra; whither came Conrad Cæsar, Moguntine the Presul, the Saxon dukes, the lords of Brandeburgh, Misna, Thuringus, and the legates of all the nobles of Brabant, to aid the emperor. But the princes Boiemus and Palatinus, being dissuaded by the legates, unto whom the Austrians had joined themselves, refused to come to the council holden at Ægra. And being at their wit's end, not knowing well what they might do, forsook at last the emperor, and took part with the pope and the other conspirators. Then Frederic of Austria, the emperor's second son, whom he disherited, as ye heard, by the aid of the Boiores and Bohemians, recovered again the dukedoms of Austria and Styria, putting to flight and discomfiting the emperor's bands and garrisons which he had there. And although the cardinals, especially that honest man, Albertus Boiemus, had allured to the pope Otho the duke of Boioria, as ye heard, and divers other noblemen of Germany; yet, notwithstanding, certain bishops in Boioria (as Eberhardus Juvanensis, and Sigrefridus Reginoburgensis, being at that time the emperor's chancellor, Rudicenus Ratheviensis, Conradus Frisingensis, and others) left not nor yet forsook the emperor. All which the fore-said Albertus not only did excommunicate, but also by process sought to bring them up to Rome before the pope, giving commandment to their collegians and cloisterers that they should deprive them of their offices, and choose such others in their stead as would obey the pope. All which things the pope understanding by Albertus, and of this their fidelity to the emperor, corroborated and confirmed the same his doings, commanding them to choose other bishops in their steads.
But the bishops and prelates, with one consent contemning the pope's mandates and writs, and also the curses and threatenings of Albert, accused, reproved, and greatly blamed his temerity and also tyranny which he usurped against the churches of Germany, and especially against the good emperor, that without his consent he durst be so bold as to meddle in churches committed to the emperor's government against the old and ancient customs; and that he had excommunicated the emperor without just cause; that he had condemned the emperor's faithful subjects as enemies to the church, for standing with their liege and sovereign prince, (which allegiance to violate, without horrible iniquity, they might not,) and so had sought to disquiet them likewise in their charges and administrations, and had also in that quarrel given such defiance to the emperor. They accused and condemned the same Albertus also for a most impudent impostor and wicked varlet, and for a most pestiferous botch and sore of the Christian commonwealth; and they do give him to the devil as a ruinous enemy, as well of the church as of his own natural country, and further think him worthy to have his reward with the rest of the pope's pursuivants, being the most wicked inventors and devisers of mischief that were in all Germany. This done, they make relation hereof to the emperor by their letters; and further, they advertise all the princes of Germany, (especially those which were of the pope's faction or rebellion, and were the favourers of Albertus,) that they should take heed and beware in any case of his subtle deceits and pernicious deceivable allurements, and that they should not assist the pope for all his words against the emperor. And doubtless by the counsel of the high prelate or archbishop of Boioria, (whose name was Juvanensis,) and by his industry and persuasion, Fredericus Austriacus was again reconciled unto the emperor his father, from whose aid and obedience after that, by no promises, threatening, bribes, nor pains, no, nor for the execrable curses of the pope's own holy mouth, he would be induced or removed. But Albert prosecuteth still his purposed mischief, alluring and enticing by all means possible, and that not amongst the worst, but the best, friends to the pope, and enemies to the emperor. Unto some he gave their tithes to fight against the emperor, to other some he gave the glebe lands of benefices, and to other some he gave the spoil of such colleges and monasteries as took not part with the pope; and to some other also he gave the colleges and monasteries themselves. And assuredly I find by Johannes Aventinus, that there were certain of the pope's own birds that had their ecclesiastical tithes taken from them; and other some had the rents and revenues of their colleges plucked away by force to the maintenance of the pope's quarrel against the emperor. Hereby was there a window opened to do what they lusted, (every man according to his ravening and detestable lust,) and all things lay open unto their greedy and insatiable desires. Who listeth to hear more hereof, let him read Aventinus in his book before noted, and there shall he see what vastation grew thereby to the whole state of Germany, who largely treateth of the same.
While these things were thus in working in Germany, Frederic, leaving in Lombardy Actiolinus with a great part of his host, (he passing with the rest by Apeninum,) came to Hetruria, and set the same in a stay, after that he had allayed certain insurrections there; and from thence to Pisa, where he was with great amity and honour received and welcomed. This city was always assured and faithful to the emperors of Germany. The pope understanding of the emperor's coming into Etruria, and knowing what power the emperor had also left in Lombardy, with a great army besieged the city Ferraria, that always loved the emperor full well; which city when the pope's legate had assaulted sharply the space of five months, and could not win the same, he devised with himself to send for Salingwerra out of the town, by way of a parley, promising his faith and truth to him for his safe return. Who, by the persuasion of Hugo Rambartus, that said without peril he might do the same, (being but by way of parley,) was coming to the legate; who, preventing him in his journey, took him as prisoner, contrary to his truth and fidelity. And thus got he Ferraria, and delivered the keeping thereof to Azones Astensis. And that the pope's legate thus falsified his truth, and circumvented the captain and old man Salingwerra, the same is confessed of the pope's friendly historiographers to be but a stratagem or warlike policy. But to return again. About the same time also the Venetian navy, at the mount Garganum, chased twelve galleys of the emperor's, which were appointed to the keeping of that coast, and spoiled, burnt, and wasted all the region; and further took one of the emperor's great ships, being driven by tempest and weather into the haven Sipontium, fraught with men and munition.
Frederic again getting on his side the Lucenses, the Volaterans, the Genenses, the Aretines, and divers cities besides in Hetruria to help that country, came to Pisa and Viterbium, which took part with him. Some say that the names and factions of Ghibellines and Guelphs sprang from Frederic, that by them he might spy and know, having recourse to all the towns and cities in Italy, which took part with and favoured the pope, and which the emperor; and called the one by the name of Ghibellines, and the other by the name of Guelphs. But for that both Blondus, and Platina, and some others, bring no sufficient proof thereof, but only slender conjecture, I rather cleave to the opinion of Nauclerus, Hermannus, Antoninus, Florentinus, and other such writers, which say that these Guelphs and Ghibellines in Italy took their beginning of Conrad the Third, Frederic his great uncle being emperor; and that these Guelphs were dedicated to the pope by Guelph, the younger brother of Henry the Proud; and that those which were called the Ghibellines were appointed either of Conradus himself, or else of his son, being brought up in the lordship of Vaiblingen. But to our purpose.
The pope, when he understood that Frederic was come to Viterbium, he was very heavy, for that he feared he would come to Rome, the good will of which city the pope much mistrusted. He therefore caused a supplication to be drawn, portraying about the same the heads of Peter and Paul, and with a sharp and contumelious oration he much defaced the emperor; promising them everlasting life, and gave the badge of the cross to as many as would arm themselves and fight against the emperor, as against the most wicked enemy of God and the church. Now when the emperor, marching somewhat near to Rome gates, beheld those whom the pope had, with his goodly spectacle of St. Peter and St. Paul, and with his alluring oration, stirred up against him, and marked with the badge of the cross to come forth in battle against him, disdaining to be accounted for the enemy of the church, who had been thereunto so beneficial, giving a fierce charge upon them, he put them soon to flight; and as many as he took (cutting off that badge from them) he caused to be hanged. From thence he, marching into Campania and his own kingdoms, levied a great mass of money, and mustered the new bands, and augmented his army; and in these bands he retained the Saracens also. And to the intent he might find the Saracens the more trusty unto him, he appointed them to inhabit in a city named Luceria. For which thing, although the papistical writers do greatly blame and opprobriously write of Frederic, yet notwithstanding Nicholaus Machiavellus doth write, that therefore he retained them, lest that through the pope's execrable curses he should be quite destitute of soldiers, as was Frederic Barbarossa, his grandfather, a little before, when that of Alexander the pope he was excommunicated, as ye have heard.
After this, when the emperor had greatly afflicted by battle the pope's ecclesiastical consorts, such as conspired with the pope against him, and that he had wasted and destroyed Beneventum, the mount Casenum, and Sora, for that they took part with the pope against him, Frederic, when he had manned the city of Aquilia, marched forth with a great host both of horsemen and footmen to Picenum, that he might vanquish his enemies in Italy. And by the way he besieged the strong town of war named Asculinum, which was also converted to the pope's faction and rebellion. He there having understanding what the pope's assistants had done with the prince's electors and other princes of Germany, especially with Wenceslaus, king of Bohemia, and Otho Palatine, writeth his letters unto them. In the which, first, he showed how that those contumelies and spiteful words, which the pope blustered out against him, are lighted upon himself, and how the bishops of Rome have taken to them of late such heart of grace, and are become so lofty, that not only they seek to bring emperors, kings, and princes under their obedience, but also seek how to be honoured as gods, and say that they cannot err, neither yet be subject or bound to any religion, and that it is lawful for them to do all things what they list, neither that any account is to be sought or demanded of their doings, or else to be made of them to any, so impudent are they in these their affirmations. And further, as princes they command, and that under pain of cursing, that men believe every thing they say, how great a lie soever it be. Insomuch that by this covetousness of his all things go backward, and the whole state of the commonwealth is subverted, neither can there any enemy be found more hurtful or perilous to the church of God than he. He wrote unto them furthermore, that he, (to whom the greatest charge and dignity was in the whole commonwealth appointed and committed,) seeing and perceiving to his great peril their good hearts, wills, and practices towards him, would with all the power and ability that God had given him do his endeavour, that he, which in the likeness of the shepherd of the flock, and the servant of Christ, and chief prelate in the church, showeth himself so very a wolf, persecutor, and tyrant, may be removed from that place, and that a true and careful shepherd of God's flock may be appointed in the church. Wherefore he exhorteth them, if they desire the safety and preservation of the whole state of the commonwealth and empire, that they be unto him no hinderers, but furtherers of his purpose and proceedings, lest otherwise they also should happen to fall into the same snare of servitude with the bishop of Rome. And further, he gave them to wit, that if he should aspire to that he sought for, that is, to be emperor and king over kings, yet should that be no stay of his insatiable desire, but he would be as greedy and ravenous as now he is. Therefore, if they be wise, to withstand him betimes, lest hereafter, when they would, it should be too late, neither were able to withstand his tyranny. The effect of this epistle I took out of Aventine, which more largely dilateth it, who also writeth that the emperor, by his legates, sent the same to Wenceslaus.
Boiemus, somewhat relenting at this letter, promiseth to accomplish the emperor's biddings and precepts, and forthwith gathereth the assembly of princes and nobles at Ægra; where by common consent they think to renovate with the emperor a new league and covenant. And furthermore, they find Otho Boius (which was absent, and would not be at this their assembly) to be the author of this defection, and an enemy to the commonwealth. Otho then seeing himself not able to stand against Cæsar and the other princes with whom he was associate, desiring aid of the pope by his letters, came with all speed to Boiemus his kinsman; whom when he could not persuade unto him again, neither would he to their parts also be won, he obtaineth notwithstanding yet thus much at their hands, that the league and covenant (which they were in hand to make with the emperor) might for a time be deferred, and that another assembly might be made, whereat he also would be, and join himself with them. Thus had they, who killed (as you heard) his father, bewitched also his son, and brought him to be both a rebel and a traitor. In the mean season the pope sent his rescript unto the king of Bohemia, and to Otho, tending to this effect; that in no case they should either forsake him, or else the church, to take the emperor's part. And so much prevailed he by the means of Bohuslaus and Budislaus, which were the chiefest of the senate regal, and by his fair promises and bribes to such as he before had made to him, that again at Libussa by Boiemus and Boius new assemblies were gathered for the creation of a new emperor, in despite of Augustus the emperor and Cæsar his son. And whilst that this was thus in hand, Conrad Cæsar casteth Landshuta the wife of Otho, being absent, in the teeth for great benefits and possessions which her husband had and possessed by the ancestors of him, and that unless her husband took a better way with himself, and showed his obedience to the emperor his father, that he should not enjoy one foot of that land which now he had by his predecessors. The promotion and dignities which Otho had by the ancestors of Conrad Cæsar came thus: Frederic Barbarossa, in the year of our Lord 1180, at a parliament holden at Reginoburgh, condemned Henry Leo of high treason, and deprived him of his dominions of Boioria and Saxony, and gave Boioria to Otho Wiltaspachius, for that he had done him so faithful service in his Italian wars. After that, Ludovicus, the son of this Otho, obtained of this emperor. Frederic? the Second, in recompence of his assured and trusty fidelity, the dominion of Palatinatum Rheni so called, which gave also Agnetes, the daughter of Henry, earl of Palatine, to Otho his son in marriage. This Henry was the son of Henry Leo the traitor, unto whom Henry the. Sixth, the father of Frederic, gave in marriage Clementia his brother's daughter, Conrad, Palatine of Rhenus, and gave unto him the keeping of the palace of the same. And as touching the inheritance of Boioria, that he had also now long possessed by the heirs of Otho Wiltaspachius. But to our purpose again.
At the same time also the governor of Colonia Agrippina revolted to the pope; who not long after, in a skirmish between Brabantinus and him, was vanquished and taken prisoner. And doubtless Fredericus Austriacus, after he was received into favour again with the emperor, (keeping most constantly his promise and fidelity renewed,) during this time made sharp war upon the Hungarians, which took part with the pope, and greatly annoyed them. As these things thus passed in Germany, the emperor when he had gotten Ascalum and led his host into Flaminia, having Ravenna at his commandment, from thence came to Faventia; which city never loved the emperor, the circuit of whose walls is five miles in compass, and pitched his camp round about the same. And although the siege was much hindered by austerity of the time and weather, being in the very dead time of winter, yet, notwithstanding, through his great fortitude and courage, so animating his soldiers in the painfulness of the laborious siege, he endured out the same, who thought it no little shame, having once made that enterprise, to come from thence without any assault given. And therefore when now the winter (so extreme cold and hard) was well near ended, and the spring time now hard at hard, and by long battery he had made the same in divers places assaultable, the citizens, being greatly discouraged, and in no hope of the defence thereof, sent their legates to the emperor, craving pardon for their offence, and that he would grant unto them their lives, and so yielded themselves unto his mercy.
The emperor, having against them good and sufficient cause of revenge, yet for that his noble heart thought it to be the best revenge that might be, to pardon the offence of vanquished men, he thought it better to grant them their requests, to save the city and citizens thereof, with innumerable people, than by arms to make the same his soldiers' prey, to the destruction both of the city and great number of people therein. So doth this good emperor in one of his epistles, Adacta nobis, confess himself. Which epistle, to declare the.lenity and merciful heart of so worthy a prince, if that with great and marvellous provocations and wrongs he had not been incited, I thought good in the midst of the history here to have placed. But thus I have kept you long herein, and yet not finished the same.
In this siege the emperor, having spent and consumed almost all his treasure, both gold and silver, caused other money to be made of leather, which on the one side had his image, and on the other side the spread eagle, the arms of the empire, and made a proclamation that the same should pass from man to man for all necessaries instead of other money; and therewithal promised, that whosoever brought the same money unto his exchequer when the wars were ended, he would give them gold for the same, according to the value of every coin limited; which thing afterward truly and faithfully he performed, as all the historiographers do accord.
Thus when the pope, as before said, had stopped his ears, and would not hear the emperor's legates that came to entreat for peace, but rejected and despised his most courteous and equal demands; neither yet had he left any wily policy unattempted, or force unpractised, that with his confederates he thought himself either able to revenge or else resist; he by his legates calleth to a council at Rome all such prelates out of Italy, France, and England as he thought to favour him and his proceedings, that hereby, as his last shift and only refuge, he by their helps might deprive Frederic of his empire, as an utter enemy to God and to the church. All which things Frederic having understanding of, and knowing that these assemblies should be but to the destruction and supplanting of him, determined to stop and let their passages to Rome, as well by sea as by land, in all that ever he might. So that all the passages by land being now stopped and prevented, he commanded his son Henry with certain galleys to go and keep the coasts of Sardinia, which kingdom the Italians call Entimum; and from thence to go to Pisa, and with the Pisans to rig out a navy to meet with (if it were possible) such as should come to aid the pope at Rome. The pope's champions understanding that by land they could not safely repair to Rome, they procured of galleys and ships out of Genoa (having Gulielmus Braccius for their chief captain or admiral) forty sail for their defence; thinking hereby, that if they should fortune to meet with any of the emperor's ships or galleys, which should lie for them in wait, they should be able to make their part good, and give them also the repulse. Encius in like manner and Huglinus (being captain and admiral of the Pisan navy for the emperor) launched forth to sea with forty ships and galleys; and betwixt the isles of Lilium and Mons Christi, which lie between Liburnium and Corsica, they met with the Genoese ships; and straight-ways fiercely began to grapple with them and board them; in which fight at length were three of the Genoese ships both bulged and sunk, and two and twenty taken and brought away, with all the riches and treasure in them. In these were taken three legates of the pope's, whereof were two cardinals, Jacobus Columna, Otho Marchio, and Gregory of Romania, (all cruel enemies against the emperor,) and many other prelates more; besides a great number of legates and procurators of cities, with an infinite number of monks and priests, besides of Genoese soldiers six thousand, with divers others.
Pandolphus Colonutius, in describing the circumstances of the great loss and misfortune of these champions of the pope by sea, amongst the rest declareth, that besides the great prey and booty which the takers had from them, they also found many writings and letters against Frederic, which much helped him in the defence of those causes wherein they had laboured against him. The like mischance also almost about that time happened on the pope's side, by the emperor's soldiers which lay in the garrison at Ticinum, thus: There went forth upon a time out of Ticinum into the larders of Genoa, certain bands to give them larums in the country; which bands the scurriers of Mediolanum (where lay a great garrison of the pope's) descrying, told the captain of the town, that now a very opportune and fit time was to give an assault to Ticinum; for that (say they) the greatest part are now gone a foraging. 'Whereupon they immediately calling together the captains and such as had charge, set their soldiers in array, and marched forward to Ticinum. And now when they were come almost thither, the Ticinian bands (whom they thought to have been far a foraging) were returned and met with them, and fiercely gave a full charge upon them; who being dismayed at the suddenness of the matter, fought not long, but gave over and fled. In which skirmish were taken (besides those that were slain) three hundred and fifty captains, and brought prisoners into Ticinum with all their ensigns with them.
News hereof was brought to the emperor not long after, who then was removing from the siege of Faventia (as ye heard) to the city of Bononium, thinking to have destroyed the same. But upon the hearing of these good news he altereth his purpose, and thinking to have hereafter a more convenient time thereunto, leadeth his army towards Rome; and in the way he reconciled to him the city of Pisarum. But Fanum, for that the townsmen shut their gates and would not suffer the emperor to come in, he took by force and destroyed. For the emperor, seeing that neither by petition made to the pope, nor yet by his lawful excusation, he could do any good with him, thought that by his sudden coming thither, and with fear of the peril imminent, he might be brought to some uniformity, and caused to leave off his accustomed pertinacy. And although the emperor was too strong for him, yet for that he regarded nothing more than the public tranquillity of the empire; and that he might then take the Tartarian wars in hand, if he could by any means conclude, he refused not so to entreat a peace with him, as though he had been both in force and fortune much his inferior.
Whilst that this ruffle was betwixt the emperor and the pope, Ochodarius, the emperor of the Tartarians' son, with a great power and provision made, invaded the borders next adjoining unto him, and there won Roxolanum, Bodolium, Mudanum, with divers other cities, towns, and villages, destroying, wasting, and burning the countries all about, killing and slaying man, woman, and child, sparing none of any sex or age. At whose sudden invasion the people, being in such fear and perplexity, (having no city, no refuge, nor aid to stand in defence for them,) were fain to leave all that ever they had, and diverse themselves into woods, and fly into marshes and mountains, or wheresoever any succour else did offer itself to them. And by this time the Tartarian host was come as far as Uratislavia, where Henry of Polonia and the duke of Silesia with their armies met with them; who, for the inequality of the number and small strength they were of, had soon an overthrow, and almost all their soldiers being slain, they themselves were taken and put to the sword. From thence they came to Moravia, and from thence to the kingdom of Bohemia; which country, while the king kept himself in strong defenced forts, and durst not come abroad, he invaded, and destroyed all Hungary, putting to flight and vanquishing Colmannus, the brother of Belus the fourth king of Hungary, by whom also was great spoil made in both the Pannonias, Misiarum, Bulgaria, and Servia. When Belus, the king of Hungary, had gotten to Pola, (which is a city of Istria,) unto Otho, the duke of Dalmatia, he sent his legates to Frederic the emperor, promising that if he would send him aid that the Tartarians might be expelled, then Hungary should ever after be under the jurisdiction of the emperor; which thing if he refused to do, that then the same were in great danger to be subject to the Tartarians, to the no little peril of the whole empire. And he said further, that the cause whereof he with more instance required the same, was, that so many Christian men and countries made such pitiful lamentation in this their great calamity and misery, and that there was none able to help them; which (saith he) is as great shame as may be to the whole Christian state and empire. And also he said, that if the malice of this barbarous people were not suppressed, then he thought they would make invasion upon the empire and provinces of the same.
The emperor, although he thought it very requisite, that with all convenient speed this mischief should be remedied and prevented; yet, notwithstanding, his great enemy the pope, with his confederates, was the only let and hinderance thereof. For when he saw and perceived that he himself could do no good, and only laboured in vain in seeking peace with the pope, he gave commandment to Boiemus and Bolus to entreat and persuade with him; and (considering the imminent peril like to ensue by reason of such civil dissension to the whole state of Christendom) that he would take up and conclude a peace, and mitigate somewhat his fierce and wrathful mood. Wherefore, when he saw further, that neither by that means of entreaty, nor any other, the pope would desist from his stubborn and malicious froward purpose, he writeth again to the king of Hungary, that he was right sorry, and greatly lamented their miserable state, and that he much desired to relieve the need and necessity that he and all the rest stood in. But why that he could not redress the same, nor stand him then in any stead, he blamed greatly the bishop of Rome; who refusing all entreaty of peace, he could not without great peril to himself depart out of Italy, lest that when he should come to the aid of him, (by the pope's mischievous imaginations,) he should be in peril of losing all at home. Notwithstanding, he sent Conrad Cæsar, king of Bohemia, and other princes more of Germany, to resist and withstand the enemy, as much as in them lay to do. The great army and number of such soldiers as wore the cross by the pope's assignment deferred their journey against the Tartarians, and had commandment given unto them by one Albert, the pope's procurator, to tarry and abide at home, until they should be called for in battle to fight against the emperor. This was the loving zeal and affection of the pope and his adherents (to conclude) in this time of calamity towards the Christian state and commonwealth, that he had rather bend his force and revenge his malice upon the Christian and good emperor, than either he himself to withstand, or suffer and permit, by conclusion of any profitable peace, that this most bloody and cruel Tartarian should be let and restrained from so great havoc, spoil, and slaughter of the Christian men; and yet forsooth these men will seem to have the greatest regard of all others to the Christian preservation, and think to have the supremacy given therein: what thing else is this, but manifest mockery and deceiving of the people? But, notwithstanding, even in the midst of this spoil and havoc of PoIonia, Bohemia, and Hungaria, was it determined, that at Libussa the princes confederate should be assembled about the deposing of the emperor, and creation of another.
But now, notwithstanding the provident foresight and wise policy of the emperor, (as you heard before,) in restraining the passages both by the sea and land, who had special regard thereunto, and gave most strict charge that none should pass without privy search and examination, as one having sufficient trial as well in his own person as by the example of his predecessors, what great mischief and dissension by their legates every way sent out they had procured, both to the imperial state and dignity, and to the whole country of Germany; yet found they such means, and wrought such policies, that they had not only secret passage and re-passage with their letters and spials into all Christendom where they listed, but also so laboured the matter, and handled the same, that the long-continued league of amity between the French king and the emperor, whose predecessors as also they themselves had many years reverently observed it in Christian concord and unity, was, by this seditious prelate and arrogant vicar of Satan, now either utterly infringed, or else in variable suspense; as by their letters each to other, and hereunder ensuing, is to be read and seen; which, for the more probability of this history of Frederic, not being long or greatly tedious, I thought meet here to intext and place.
"Hitherto, noble emperor, hath the good opinion and great confidence, many years in mutual love established betwixt us, lasted and continued well, hoping that no such cause should rise betwixt us to hatch either hatred or other occasion offensive between your Highness's empire and our kingdom. Especially, seeing that all our predecessors, kings of France, late of most worthy memory, till these our days, have been so zealously affected to the most high and regal state of your empire; and also that we, whom God hath placed successively to reign as king, have been no otherwise minded nor affected towards the same. None otherwise also on their behalf have the ancient and renowned emperors of Rome, our neighbours and your predecessors, showed themselves towards us, (each other esteeming the empire and kingdom of France as one,) and faithfully conserving together the unity of peace and concord. Insomuch that there hath not chanced between them these many years so much as one spark of discord and dissension. But, this notwithstanding, we for our part cannot but greatly marvel, and not without good cause are troubled and vexed, that without desert or any offence you have taken the prelates of our realm upon the sea,making their repair to the see apostolical; to the which, as well by their faith as their obedience, they stand bound and are obedient, neither could they withstand the pope's commandment; these have you imprisoned, and so still detain the same. Whereat (we do your Majesty to wit) we are not well pleased, neither yet take in so good. part as you peradventure think ire do. For by their own letters we understand they had excogitate nothing prejudicial to your imperial estate and celsitude, although the pope had prosecuted therein more than became him to do. Wherefore, seeing that there is no cause why you should detain them, it is meet, and becometh no less your magnificence, but that you restore unto us and set at liberty the said prelates of our realm; wherein also you shall appease our grudge, and keep us your friend, which account the displeasure you do to them as our own and proper injury. For why? It were a great dishonour to our realm and kingly estate, if we would wink hereat and overpass the same with silence. Wherefore if you will consider and respect the thing that we have said, we doubt not but that you will release the bishop of Penestrum, with the other legates and prelates of the church, which you to our prejudice do detain. In desiring of our aid doubtless we gave unto them a manifest nay; neither could they obtain in our kingdom any thing at all which seemed to be against or prejudicial to your Majesty. Let therefore your imperial providence ponder in the balance of justice those things which we write unto you, neither let our lawful request unto you be frustrate or made in vain. For our realm and kingdom of France is not so debilitate or impoverished that it will be spurned at, or trodden under your feet. Fare ye well."
The rescript of the emperor to the same letter of the king of France.
"Our imperial magnificence hath perused your kingly letters, wherein if we had not found manifest contradiction, they might peradventure have obtained at our hands all that they required. But even as with a little leaven a whole lump of dough is soured, so a manifest untruth alleged hath made the whole argument of your letter both faulty and unsavoury. It is apparent that you wanted the virtue of mediocrity in the conclusion of the same your Grace's letter; for that they themselves bewray no less than we give you manifestly to understand, and many more besides do know. It is notorious also, and to all the world revealed, in what sort that apostolical father had impugned our innocency, as well with the one sword as with the other; and how that whilst we at his commandment took our journey beyond the seas, the same our great enemy and hostile adversary invaded our kingdom of Sicily; and the same, not in one place or two, but in divers and sundry parts thereof, hath wasted, spoiled, and destroyed. After this, when with great entreaty, at our return from Asia, we had concluded a peace with him, which with us at his own pleasure he made, and had taken and received our devotion for the same, which in serviceable manner we granted him, the said apostolical father (that notwithstanding) hath since that time rather aggravated his displeasure toward us, than any thing at all qualified the same; and further, hath to our deprivation and subversion excogitate and devised against us all the mischief he might or hath been able, no cause in all the world given of us to provoke the same; and further, hath promulgated to our great defamation and shame, as well by his letters as legates, the sentence of excommunication against us unto all nations. Lastly, he, aspiring to our imperial state, and conspiring our supplantation, hath made war against us, as against King David, God's anointed; and hath unto a private council for that purpose called all the prelates he can get, as one that meaneth to set all the whole world together by the ears. But such is the marvellous wisdom of God, by whom we live and reign; who, beholding the wicked purpose he went about, confounding the crafty in their craftiness, hath given into our hands as well your prelates of the realm of France, as also of other regions and provinces; all which we imprison and detain, as enemies and adversaries to our imperial crown and person. For where there desisted not to be a persecutor, there hath not wanted also a sufficient withstander and defender. Let not therefore your kingly Highness marvel, although Augustus detaineth in prison your French prelates, which have endeavoured themselves to conspire, and so to disturb, our imperial estate and regiment. Fare ye well."
When Frederic now saw there was none other remedy, and that in vain he laboured to have peace with the pope, he prosecuteth this war to the uttermost; and when he had gotten Tudertum, and reconciled the same, he destroyed the town of Geminum and Narvia, and giveth the spoil of them unto his soldiers; he gently received the yielding up of Siburnum, and wasteth all the country round about Rome. The pope herewith dismayed and troubled with such as otherwise dissuaded and counselled him, and seeing that things prospered not so well with him and against the emperor as he wished and desired, being in despair of obtaining his purpose, died for very anger and thought.
What opinion the prelates of Germany at that time had of this Gregory is extant, and to be seen by the oration of Eberhardus, bishop of Juvanence, that he made to the nobility of Boioria, in the parliament at Reginoburgh, written by Johannes Aventius in his seventh book. Doubtless he not only brought great and ruinous calamities to the whole Christian commonwealth and also empire, whilst he sought thus to depress and bridle the emperor, and advance his papal see and dignity, but also brought into the church of God much horrible impiety, blasphemy, and wickedness, whereof both Blondus, Platina, Balæus, and others make mention; and, amongst others, that most detestable canticle Salve Regina, in the which he attributeth the honour and worship proper only to Christ unto the Virgin his mother. This is he in whose name the book of the decretals was set out, which (to omit the opinion of divers other learned men) Johannes Balæus calleth " the sink or puddle of foolishness and impiety." Doubtless Carolus Molinæus, a man both of singular judgment in that law, which in tribunal courts and judgments is used, as also in this, painted forth the decree of this Gregory in his book of annotations unto Platina, whose words thereof are these: Doubtless divers chapters in the same book of decretals be mangled and imperfect, that many contentious arguments therein might lurk. For when the ambitious desire of reigning like kings took them, they studied nothing else but how to enlarge and advance their see and dominion with the empire itself and other kingdoms, oft shaken and weakened through contention; and this purpose and end had they none other in all their constitutions. The proof whereof Molinæus declareth in his book De Regibus Galliæ et Angliæ. But many more examples by the emperors, princes, and lords electors of the empire may be gathered, whereof to speak more convenient place shall serve hereafter.
In the stead of this Gregory was placed Celestine, born in Mediolanum amongst the Castellians, who, as Blondus declareth, by feigned promises offered a league with Frederic, and the eighteenth day after he was created pope he also died.
Thus when the author of all this conspiracy was gone, Frederic now thinking himself free and void of that fear which before he had, and not daring to be absent out of Italy, with all his endeavour levieth an army, and prepareth his furniture and other necessaries for the delivery of the Christians, so mightily oppressed as ye heard by the Turk or Tartarians. Who, hearing of the coming of the emperor, left the straight way through Hungary, which they came, and returned by the river Danube to Taurica, and so through the fens of Meotida, and by the river Tanaum, into Sarmatia Asiatica. When the cardinals had now a long time protracted the creation of the pope, and would not agree upon the same, the emperor put them in remembrance of their duty, and blameth them for their disagreeing, and exhorteth them to be more careful for the Christian commonwealth. His two epistles touching this matter are extant; whereby appeareth, that only for the care and desire he had of peace and of the Christian unity and state he did the same; and for that (peradventure) the cardinals refused to make peace with him before they had created a new pope: the one for more brevity I have omitted, and here inserted the other.
"Unto you I write, O you children of Ephraim, which evil have bent your brows, and worse have shot your arrows, filthily turning your backs in the day of battle; unto you I speak, O you children of Belial, and dispurpled flock, you insensible people and assistants of the great Judge; unto you I write, O you dissentious cardinals, whom the world for your deserts doth hate; for whose causes the whole world being at variance is evil spoken of. Doubtless, I cannot speak unto you, but to your detraction, because I am worldly and you spiritual. I am unperfect, wherefore I must do as the unperfect world doth; neither can the part be dissonant to the whole, nor I contrary to myself that writeth. Attend ye therefore my rude epistle, wanting the dignity of rhetorical style. My provoked tongue bursteth forth into words, before my conceiving spirit hath delivered the same; and so, not attending to the higher regiment, hath hastened to express my words not fully conceived or premeditate. Thus, I say, a troubled mind oftentimes doth beget disordered talk, and untimely uttereth the same. This therefore it is that our heart hath conceived, that we believe, and all men confess, that Jesus Christ, the Mediator between God and man, who came from heaven to make peace upon the earth, is not divided and at variance, being also the Master and Lord of the apostles. But Satan, being divided in himself, that blustering prince is amongst you, as those to whom he ministereth; he, even he, the persuader of discord and dissension, that man-killer, father of lies, and spirit of darkness, that hath divided your tongues, and set dissension amongst yourselves; neither do ye good one to another, nor yet to the world, being by you into so perilous a state brought; and the little ship of Peter, which is tossed upon the sea by the vehement winds, you nothing regard; which ship, though it need not indeed utterly to fear drowning, yet suffereth it by your negligence many great storms and perilous tempests. Doubtless, if ye would diligently consider how the nations and people whom ye were wont to judge in scorn shake their heads at you, every one of you would be ashamed of another. And, to say the truth, they cannot do too much to detect your so detestable opprobry; for whilst every one of you aspireth to the chair, every one is at variance with his fellow; and whilst one of you cannot agree with another, none is promoted; and whilst none is promoted, the cathedral dignity vanisheth. And thus by your discord the peaceable state and concord of the church is confounded, and the perfection of the faith and religion, whereby ye should live, perisheth. And surely through your default it perisheth; so that where nature hath placed the sense and understanding to be, that part, like a monster, remaineth with you both senseless and headless. And no marvel; for why? your hearing is impaired, and that sound of the mouth which shrilly was heard throughout the whole earth is utterly dumb, and become a scoffing echo. For why? The thunderings of Peter and Paul are now no more heard, the preachers are become dumb dogs, and are commanded to silence. Perhaps you have hands ready to receive, but there be no bribes; for why? those that were wont to come from Saba and bring gold with them, now come no more, seeing the Lord is not in the manger, and the celestial shining star refusing to be their guide. Moreover, ye want feet to walk withal; for seeing there is no man to give you ought, you will not remove one foot for any man's pleasure. Fie, shameless people, the least and simplest beast may learn you obedience; for the birds have their captain, and the silly bees their king, but you will come under no government," &c.
The emperor yet after this, at the request of Baldwin, the emperor of Constantinople, who came to Frederic to Parma, released the cardinals out of prison, thinking thereby not only to gratify the emperor Baldwin, but also thinking that thereby things would have the better grown to public tranquillity on every side. When the cardinals were all assembled at Avignia, they made Sinibald, a Genoese, pope, whom by a contrary name, for that he had determined (as I suppose) to be hurtful to the commonwealth, they called Innocentius the Fourth. Of which election when Frederic understood, he was well pleased therewith. And for that he had in all this troublous time been his friend, he well hoped that the Christian commonwealth should by him have been brought to much peace and concord. Wherefore he sent both his legates and letters gratulatory unto him, letting him to understand how well it contented and pleased him that he was made pope; and what peace and quietness thereby he promiseth, as it were to himself, he maketh full relation thereof; offering again unto him observance, help, and aid in all things, commending his dignity to the public state and quietness of the Christian commonwealth and empire, &c.
He also wrote his letters to Otho, duke of Boioria, who, a little before, was reconciled to the emperor, that he which was elected pope was a good man, a lover of peace, and studious as well for the tranquillity of the Christian commonwealth as of the empire.
The legates of Frederic also, with the furtherance of Baldwin, the emperor of Constantinople, laboured very diligently for the conclusion of the promised peace. And, to be brief, every man was in good hope, and looked for no less. But far otherwise fell the matter out, and contrary to all their expectation. For the pope, set on and encouraged by the cardinals and others against Frederic, secretly and amongst themselves wrought contrary to that they openly pretended, and not a little disappointed both Frederic and others of their expectation and good opinion they had of the pope's Holiness. For whilst the emperor's legates attended the answer of their peace before promised, Rainerus, the cardinal, went secretly to Viterbium with a certain number of soldiers, and took the town which before was on the emperor's part.
The emperor having understanding hereof, mustereth his bands, and with a sufficient power entereth the pope's dominion again to recover Viterbium; but yet, taking this war so in hand, (not thinking thereby to expel all conditions of peace,) at the request of certain of the cardinals he was contented to leave Viterbium, being furnished by the emperor of warlike provision before, and came to Aqua. From thence he sent again other ambassadors to Rome, and with them also the emperor of Constantinople, with the earl of Toulouse, who he thought were able to do much with the pope in the prosecuting of this peace. And although at the time of Easter the matter seemed to have been through, and peace concluded, for that his legates had sworn in the behalf of the emperor (and as he willed them) that he would submit himself to the pope; and again, for that the cardinals and others commonly called and named him Frederic the Christian prince; yet all this was no more but for a further fetch and purpose. Not for that they meant indeed to conclude any peace with him, or to go through there withal, but that through this dissimulation and likelihood of peace, which they understood the emperor much desired, he should set free and open the passages which he straitly kept, that no man could pass and come to Rome, whither a great multitude daily resorted and flocked for religion's sake. But when all came to all, and that the legates perceived no conclusion of peace was simply purposed on their behalf, they began to despair of the matter; letting the emperor so to understand. The emperor yet notwithstanding doubted not, but if he might himself speak with the pope, he, upon reasonable conditions, should well enough accord with him; wherefore he, by his legates and letters, desired him to appoint a place where the emperor might resort to him. The pope seemed to be contented here-withal, and appointed a day at Fescennia, where they would talk together; and the pope promised that he would be there before him, and expect the emperor's coming. But the pope in this while had made a confederacy with the French king against Frederic; who, when he knew those three galleys to be ready and brought unto Centincellas, which he before had spoken for unto the Genoese, secretly in the night with his company (hastening thither in post speed) took ship, and first came to Genoa, and from thence to Lyons in France; where he, calling a council, with a loud voice summoneth Frederic, and appointing him a day, commanded him there personally to plead his cause.
And yet although he understood that the sudden departing of him out of Italy made plain demonstration of no conclusion or meaning of a peace; and also knew the council which the pope had called, wherein he was himself both plaintiff and judge; and at the same council those, which he had by bribes allured, pretended the destruction of the emperor; with many other such evident demonstrations, both of his envious and hateful heart towards him; yet the most modest emperor, using the innocency and uprightness of his cause, and as one most desirous of peace and Christian concord, sent the patriarch of Antioch, which lately was come out of Syria, the bishop of Panormia, and Thadeus Suessanus, the president of his court, (a most skilful and prudent civilian,) to the council at Lyons; which signified unto them that the emperor would be there for the defence of his own cause; and, for that the day was very short, required a time more convenient for him thither to make his repair. The emperor also being onward on his way, and come as far as Taurinum, sent before other messengers, as the master of the Flemish order, and Peter of Venice, to give them understanding of the emperor's coming, and to entreat that he would prorogue the day of hearing, till that he might conveniently travel thither. But for any thing that could be either said or done, or upon how just cause soever required, the pope would not give so much as three days' space, in the which time the ambassadors assured them of the emperor's presence; as though there had been no common proviso for every man in that case by the law to have used upon any reasonable let. What should I longer protract the time? When the day by them appointed was come, the pope with his confederates, (whom for money and bribes he had gotten to that council,) against God's law, against Christian doctrine, against both the prescript of the law of nature and reason, against the rule of equity, against the order of law appointed, against the constitutions of emperors, and also the decrees of the empire, without any observation of the law, or granting dilatory days, without probation of any crime, or his cause suffered to be pleaded unto, or heard what might be answered therein, taking upon him to be both adversary and judge, condemned the emperor being absent. What more wicked sentence was ever pronounced? What more cruel fact, considering the person, might be committed? Or what thing more brutish and beastly could have been imagined or devised? And yet hereat were those bishops nothing ashamed; but meaning to leave their doings in writing, (as an impudent testimony to their posterity,) established the same for a law to continue.
But mark what vengeance God took upon this wicked judge. The writers of the Annals record, that when Fredericus the emperor, and Conradus his son, being Cæsar, were both dead, the pope, gaping for the inheritance of Naples and Sicily, and thinking by force to have subdued the same, came to Naples with a great host of men, where was heard in the pope's court manifestly pronounced this voice, Thou wretch, come to receive thy judgment. And the next day after the pope was found in his bed dead, all black and blue, as though he had been beaten with bats, as before in the history of King John is declared.
When the emperor had understanding of this cruel and tyrannical sentence of the pope, passed and pronounced against him, considering his furious purpose and mind therein, thought good by his letters to let all Christian princes and potentates understand, as well the injuries and manifold displeasures he had sustained by the four popes in all their times, as also the cruelty and tyranny of this pope, in pronouncing the sentence of judgment and condemnation against him, (passing the bounds both of justice, equity, and reason,) which letter as he wrote the same hereunder followeth to be seen.
"Although we suppose not the contrary, but that both by true certificate and common rumour you have heard of the indifferency of our cause and good handling thereof; yet for that more credit is commonly given to that the eye seeth than to that the ear receiveth, we thought good to present unto you the naked truth of such things which the popes successively have put forth and forged against us. To the perusing and consideration of which my case and letter, I beseech your gentleness, amongst other times of leisure, that you will spy out some fit and convenient time therefore. And all other whatsoever that shall have desire to hear princes' counsels and affairs, let them in like sort attentively consider, first, whether our predecessors have been destitute or not of godly zeal, just dealing, and righteousness; and whether we may not lawfully revenge ourselves, being so much provoked, of such evils and injuries as have been wrought against us. Secondly, let them consider whether Christ's vicar doth follow Christ's steps or not; and whether Peter's successors do follow his example or not; and also by what law, equity, and right that sentence which they have pronounced against us may be maintained and allowed; as also what name they may justly give it, and whether that may be said to be a sentence which is given by an unsufficient judge or not. For although we acknowledge that the Lord hath given full power in spiritual things unto his church, that whatsoever the same bindeth in earth is bound in heaven, and whatsoever the same looseth is also loosed; yet we read neither by God's law, nor by any law of man, that we ought of duty to be subject unto him, or that an empire ought at his pleasure to be transformed and transposed, or that he may give any such sentence or judgment to punish princes temporally, and deprive them of their kingdoms. For why? Although our consecration belongeth unto him by right and custom, (as he challengeth,) yet our deposing and depriving doth no more belong to him, than doth that presumption belong to any other prelate of other realms, which do consecrate and anoint their kings, as the custom and manner is. Or put case it were so, (we nothing hindered hereby,) that he had such power; hath he that power to the intent to revenge himself upon whomsoever his malicious mind consenteth, and without all equity and law to bring them under his jurisdiction? He hath proceeded of late against us, as is said, but not by the order of accusation, forsomuch as neither was there any sufficient accuser, neither went there out any inscription or process before; neither yet by denunciation, forsomuch as there lacked a lawful denouncer; neither yet by the way of inquisition, for that there went before it no manifest accusation. But he peradventure will say that all things that he layeth against us were manifest and notorious. But that do we deny, and nothing to be notorious, but that which may by a sufficient number of witnesses be approved and tried. For so may every judge himself (contemning the order of law) affirm what he lust to be notorious, and thus condemn whom he list. There were against us (as well it may be said in council) certain false witnesses, although not many, of whom the bishop of Calin was one, whose near kinsman or nephew (by our laws condemned for treason to be hanged) maketh also to us an infestine enemy." To such-like effect prosecuting the rest of his epistle, which for brevity sake I omit.
This policy used the pope to vex and disturb both the country of Germany and the whole empire; and not so only, but also utterly to destroy and subvert the same; by the ruinous decay whereof the pope and his prelates thought to make up their mouths. And thus, whilst that Germany was now newly again divided, some taking part with Frederic the emperor, and Conrad Cæsar, his son, and other nobles and princes of the empire, some with those that should by the pope's procurement be the electors of the new emperor, other some with neither of both, as men not minding nor tending to the public utility, but to serve their own purposes, armed themselves; and thus was the public peace and quiet broken and disturbed, and all together in tumult and hurly-burly. For whilst the one part laboured by all force to retain the dominion by public and common consent first to him committed, the other part in like sort endeavoured themselves with all their force and power to use and occupy the same, according unto the decree of the bishop of Rome, and to take it from Frederic: thus great conflicts grew on all parts.
By these civil wars Germany suffered no little calamity; in every place was manslaughter and murder; the country spoiled, the towns and villages set on fire and burnt, the churches and temples, wherein the husbandmen had put their goods and substance, violated and robbed; houses were pulled down, the goods divided, and every man's cattle driven away. To conclude, in this turmoil and contention of deposing and choosing another emperor, in this faction of princes, and this liberty of wearing armour, in this licence of hurting and sinning, the impudent boldness of divers private soldiers, and especially of such as were the horsemen, then counted the better sort of soldiers, was so great, and their unbridled and insatiable desire in robbing, spoiling, and taking of booties, catching and snatching all that came to hand, so much, that nothing could be sure and in safety that any good man enjoyed. Wherefore, a little before the deathof Gulielmus the king, threescore cities and towns which were belonging to Louis Palatinus, duke of Boioria and Rhenus, and Otho his son, and other princes, whose names Aventinus, in his seventh book of the Annals of the Boiores, maketh mention of, joined themselves in a league for the expelling of these rebels, and repressing of their so great injurious rapines and slaughter of men. Of which army the said Louis being captain, he chased and drave the whole rout of them to the uttermost parts of Germany, and pulled down and overthrew their castles and fortresses, and every other place where they had intrenched themselves.
Otho Boius yet notwithstanding keepeth his promise and faith most constantly made before to the Emperor Frederic and Conradus his son. Whereupon, Philippus Juvanensis, Albert, and others, calling a council at Mildorsus, (by the pope's commandment,) sent for Otho unto them, unto whom they opened the pope's pleasure and commandment. To all which, when he had heard, Otho answered, I cannot marvel at some of you enough, that whenas heretofore you persuaded me to leave and forsake the part I took with the bishop of Rome, whom you yourselves affirmed to be antichrist, and that I should take part with the emperor, why that you yourselves will not keep your fidelity and promise made unto those good princes: and he said that he perceived in them a great inconstancy and levity, both in their words and deeds, which now call that wicked, unjust, and violent wrong, that but lately they thought equal, just, and right. He said further, that they were overcome with pleasures, corrupted with superfluity, won with bribes, gaping for honour and estimation; and that they neither regarded honesty, godliness, nor their duty and office; but studied how to make dissension and commotions, and longed after war and bloody battle.
He said further, that for his part he would obey God and his prince, to whom he had sworn fidelity, and that he nought esteemed the feigned holiness and detestable practices of such prelates. He said he believed in Christ, and would trust to his mercy, and that he believed how those whom they cursed and gave to the devil were in greatest favour with God. Howbeit, and notwithstanding those prelates took in good part this expostulation of his, and seemed to bear Otho no malice or grudge for that he had said, but to be desirous of peace and unity; yet not long after Otho was cursed as black as all the rest, and counted as bad as the worst.
Albertus, the pope's champion now in Germany, playeth not only rex amongst the citizens, but also bethought him of a mischievous device against Conrad Cæsar, the emperor's son. When by fraud end subtlety he had gotten and taken many of the rich burgesses and citizens of Reginoburgh, which bare the emperor good-will, and had sent them prisoners to Staffum, Conrad, joining with other noblemen of the empire, (after he had spoiled and wasted much of his lands and others his companions,) drave him so near, that upon certain other conditions he delivered again the citizens. And shortly after coming again to Reginoburgh, and being received and welcomed into the college of D. Hamaranus, Albert, with certain of his confederates, by the means of Ulricus, a chief officer of the monks, came in the dead time of the night into the chamber, where the Cæsar with a few others about him did lie; and falling upon them, some they took, and other some they slew; and finding no other body in the chamber or lodging, they thought that Cæsar had been slain among the rest. But he, hearing the noise, forsook his bed, and hid himself under a bench, and so escaped their hands. The next day he outlawed or proscribed the bishop and his mates, and also the monk's bailiff, of treason, and seized upon all the goods of the house. But at the suit of the guiltless monks he released all to them again, taking by way of fine one hundred pounds. Ulricus lost his office, and Albertus, thereby to escape danger of punishment, took upon him the habit of a monk. Conrad Hochenfolseus, which was the murderer of these men, though he escaped the punishment of man's hand, yet the vengeance of God for the fact be escaped not. For as he rode in the day time abroad, he was suddenly struck with a thunderbolt and died.