FOX'S BOOK OF MARTYRS:
THE
ACTS AND MONUMENTS OF THE CHURCH
BY JOHN FOX

PART 1
A.D. 33-1360

(Illustration: Frontispiece -- Portrait of John Fox )

-- "had trial of cruel mockings and scourgings, yea, moreover of
bonds and imprisonment: they were stoned, they were sawn asunder,
were tempted, were slain with the sword: they wandered about in
sheepskins and goatskins; being destitute, afflicted, tormented; of
whom the world was not worthy." - HEB. xi 36-38.

-- "their blood is shed
in confirmation of the noblest claim
Our claim to feed upon immortal truth,
To walk with God, to be divinely free,
To soar, and to anticipate the skies." - COWPER.

(Illustration: Title Page -- The emperor Commodus casting a dart at
the wild beasts )



INTRODUCTION.
REVERERE VULTUS ET VULNERA TOT FORTIUM VIROILUM, QUOTQUOT PRO
LIBERTATE TAM STRENUE DECERTARUNT, MANES ETIAM EORUM QUl IN IPSO
CERTAININE OCCUEUERUNT. -- MILTON'S DEFENSIO SEGUNDA.

No book, with the exception of Bunyan's Pilgrim's Progress, has been
so extensively, and at the same time so deservedly, popular as Fox's
Book of Martyrs. It has almost invariably made its appearance under
the auspices of some discerning spirit, at the moment its lessons
needed to be most widely learnt, and its truths most profoundly felt.
No sooner has popery begun to lift its head, like Marius of old, amid
the marshes of Minturnĉ, aiming even from its ruins at supremacy and
making proselytes, than the Acts and Monuments have come forth to
resist its spread and crush its hopes. It is here literally true, "he
being dead yet speaketh." Nor is this to be wondered at. The scenes
which Fox so graphically depicts, the tragedies he records, very
often from personal knowledge, to have been acted upon them, the
names of the holy men who fell victims to the emissaries of the
papacy, the truths taught at the stake, which superstitious priests
hoped to annihilate in the flames that consumed their advocates, and
the Bibles they tried to bury in the graves that contained the ashes
of the "noble army of martyrs;" -- - these and other stirring facts
are well fitted to arouse long dead recollections, to lead us to
pity, not to proscribe, the poor Romanist, who is the victim of a
cruel sacerdotal tyranny, and to bless and praise the Lord our God,
who gave to our fathers grace to labour, and to us the high privilege
of entering into their labours. The volumes of Fox are the faithful
registers of the awful deeds of the Church of Rome, the transcripts
of those dreadful principles which have made every country in which
they have obtained the ascendency, from the wilds of the Arab to the
steppes of the Cossack, a very Aceldama. The numerous editions
through which the Acts and Monuments have passed show plainly that
the martyrologist speaks a tongue that finds an echo in the hearts of
the people. They feel his volumes to be the comments only on a sacred
cause, to which were devoted the strength of manhood and the grey
hairs of age. They reverence the martyrs that sealed it by their
blood. May they draw from the earth that contains their honoured
ashes motives to persevere in the paths they travelled. May we never
forget that husbands, wives, brethren, sisters, sons, and fathers
fell, like the beauty of Israel, in their high places, "contending
for the faith once delivered to the saints." Our sweetest and most
precious privileges are, under God, the fruits of their travail, the
price of their lives, freely given, that we, their offspring, may
live free.

Originally Fox's Martyrs appeared in Latin, and bore the following
title:-- Commentarii rerum in Ecclesiâ gestarum a Wiclefi temporibus
usque ad annum AND, 8vo. 1554; or, An Account of Transactions in the
Church from the times of Wycliff to the year 1500. Five years after
this a much larger volume was issued, bearing the following title:--
Rerum in Ecclesiâ gestarum, maximarumque per Europam persecutionum,
ac sanctorum Dei Martyrum Commentarii, in folio, Basileĉ, 1559; or,
Records of Transactions in the Church, and of the leading
Persecutions of the Saints and Martyrs of God throughout Europe.
About four years after the appearance of this edition, i. e. about
A.D. 1563, one Henry Pantaleon published at Basle a continuation of
the Acts and Monuments, which seems to have been subsequently
incorporated with the original. The date of the first edition in
English is, according to Dr. Dibdin, A.D.1563, Its title is as
follows:--ACTS AND MONUMENTS of these latter and perilous Days,
touching Matters of THE CHURCH; wherein are Comprehended and
described the great Persecutions and horrible Troubles that have been
wrought and practised by the Roman Prelates, especially in these
Realms of ENGLAND and SCOTLAND, from the Year of our Lord a thousand,
unto the time now present. Gathered and collected according to the
true Copies and Writings, Certificatory as well of the parties
themselves that suffered, as also out of the Bishops' Registers who
were the Doers thereof, By JOHN FOX. London, 1562-3, from the press
of JOHN DAY.

A second edition also in English was printed and issued by Day in
1570, with additional wood cuts and illustrations.

A third edition appeared in 1576, entitled, The first Volume of
Ecclesiastical History. The Sufferings of the Martyrs newly
recognised and enlarged by the Author, J. Fox. 2 vols, folio, 1576.

The fourth edition appeared in 1583. Its title is as follows:--"ACTS
AND MONUMENTS of Matters, most special and memorable, happening in
THE CHURCH, with an Universal History of the same; wherein is set
forth at large the whole Race and Course of the CHURCH, from the
primitive Age to these latter Times of ours, with the bloody Times,
horrible Troubles, and great Persecutions against the true Martyrs of
CHRIST, sought and wrought as well by Heathen Emperors, and now
lately practised by ROMISH PRELATES, especially in the Realm of
ENGLAND AND SCOTLAND. Newly revised, and now the fourth time again
published.
By JOHN Fox. 1583.

The last edition of the sixteenth Century appeared in 1596, and bore
the following title:-- ACTS AND MONUMENTS of Matters happening in THE
CHURCH, with an Universal History, &c., as it was recognised by the 
AUTHOR, Maister JOHN Fox. The fifth time newly imprinted. Anno 1596.

All these editions are in black letter. The best and most authentic
is understood to be that of 1563. Accordingly, it has been selected
as the basis of the present edition. From 1684 to the present time
every edition has been in the Roman letter.

We cannot afford space to enumerate recent editions. Their great
number is proof of the universal esteem and value of the work. But it
may probably be asked, What necessity is there for another edition,
seeing there have been already so many? Our answer is the reason of
our labours. Almost every edition has been either a collection of all
the extraneous and irrelevant matter by which Fox's narratives are
frequently cumbered, of great bulk, and of greater expense; or mere
abridgements, fit for fashionable circulating libraries, but
unnerved, and despoiled of the greatest excellences and most precious
chapters of the hoary martyrologist. Seeley's noble reprint is fit
for the libraries of universities, the archives of museums, the
tables of scholars. It is a literal and exact reprint. But its price
and its shape repel the ordinary reader. The compilations that have
preceded and followed it are entitled to the name of Fox's Acts and
Monuments for no other reason than that the main facts and incidents
have been gathered from the pages of the venerable chronicler. It
does therefore seem to be most desirable that a complete and yet
popular edition of the Acts and Monuments of Fox should appear. Such
an edition we now profess to lay before the public. In this it will
be found that Latin quotations and references, including extracts and
letters to and sometimes from the martyrs, and repetitions in the
shape of headings, are substantially all that have been removed. The
bulk of the work is thus reduced, while the original matter remains
almost unaltered and unimpaired. We have extracted only a few weeds,
in order that those plants which our heavenly Father planted may
appear in all their goodly proportions. The features of the martyrs
themselves are not touched or altered in the least; incrustations
only are removed. The present edition is in all respects fitted to
instruct the learned, to interest the ordinary reader, and to present
to both neither a dull nor a deficient edition of the Acts and
Monuments of Fox.

All the early editions were illustrated by frequent but rude wood
cuts. The engines of perverted mind for torturing the confessors of
the faith were so intricate, the modes of martyrdom so varied, but
all in the infliction of pain exquisite, and some of the scenes at
the same time so extraordinary, that these illustrations became
almost essentially necessary. All that was historically and
topographically correct in the wood cuts of the early and authentic
editions will be retained in the present. The manipulation, style,
and execution only will be of the first excellence. Other subjects
arising out of the body of the work will be illustrated; and thus an
edition of Fox will be got up that will be an acquisition to the
libraries of the learned and unlearned.

Something must be said of the veracity and faithfulness of our
martyrologist. Since his records came to occupy a large share of
patronage and popularity, objections have been urged, not only from
papal sources, as was to be expected, but from professing
protestants. One of the most bitter papal opponents of Fox was the
wily Harding. The following are some of the chaste and indigenous
terms in which this Jesuit speaks of our author: "There have not so
many thousands of your brethren been burned for heresy in these last
twenty years as ye pretend; and this is the chief argument ye make in
all that huge dunghill of your stinking martyrs, which ye have
entitled Acts and Monuments." To this Bishop Jewel makes the
following free and faithful reply: "Ye have imprisoned your brethren;
ye have stript them naked; ye have scourged them with rods; ye have
burned their hands and arms with flaming torches; ye have famished
them; ye have drowned them; ye have summoned them, being dead, to
appear before you; ye have taken up their buried carcasses and burned
them; ye have thrown them out unto the dunghill; ye took a poor babe
newly born, and in a most cruel and barbarous manner threw him into
the fire. All these things are true, they are no lies. The eyes and
consciences of thousands can witness to your doings. Ye slew your
brethren so cruelly, not for murder, or robbery, or any other
grievous crime they had committed, BUT ONLY THAT THEY TRUSTED IN THE
LIVING GOD. The worst word that proceeded from their lips was, 'O
Lord, forgive them; they know not what they do: Lord Jesus, receive
my spirit.' In the mean while, ye stood by and delighted your eyes
with the sight. Oh! Mr. Harding, your conscience knoweth these be no
lies; they are written in the eyes and hearts of many thousands.
These be the marks of your religion. Oh what reckoning will ye yield,
when so much innocent blood will be required at your hands!"

Milner, a zealous and subtle Romanist, in his work entitled The End
of Controversy, declares that "Cranmer and others of the protestants
were consigned to the flames because they had been. guilty of high
treason. Fox is a liar, and not to be believed even when he speaks
the truth." All this may be exceedingly convenient to the champions
of the papal hierarchy, but they know well that the martyrs in the
days of Queen Mary, who, Lingard the Romish historian says "was one
of the best of the English princesses," suffered not for infringement
of civil law, but for the maintenance of gospel truth. The policy of
the Jesuits is always to father on protestants the very crimes of
which they themselves are guilty. Milner and Lingard show how well
they have studied in the school of Ignatius Loyala. The protestants
burned in the days of Queen Mary were burned, as legal and civil
documents still accessible demonstrate, simply for disclaiming
transubstantiation, the supremacy of the pope, and the assumed right
of the Romish priesthood to debar the laity from reading the sacred
Scriptures. But, on the other hand, the papists who suffered in the
days of Elizabeth were, as the indictments and other authentic
records show, executed for high treason, for regicide principles, and
for open or disguised, but clearly proved, opposition to the dynasty
and sceptre of Elizabeth. A convicted murderer of unrenewed heart
will of course naturally impeach judge, jury, and evidence. The
papacy however has not put down the gospel, which embosoms the glory
and the functions of Christ; and it shall not crush the humbler
records, which stamp his true character on the exploits of
antichrist. Neale, a far abler and purer witness than Milner, or
Lingard, or Harding, confirms the testimony of Jewel in these words:
"Fox was a person of indefatigable labour and industry, and an exile
for reigion in Queen Mary's days; he spent all his time abroad in
compiling the Acts and Monuments; which were published first in
Latin, and afterwards when he returned to his native country with
enlargements. Vast were the pains he took in searching records and
collecting materials for his work; and SUCH WAS ITS ESTEEM, THAT IT
WAS ORDERED TO BE SET UP IN ALL THE PARISH CHURCHES IN ENGLAND." "No
book," continues the historian of the puritans, "ever gave such a
mortal wound to popery as this."

It may be objected, that the same necessity does not now exist for
the republication ofthis celebrated work. This is a great mistake. If
the Romish hierarchy had renounced the canons, decretals, bulls, and
rescripts, that embody the worst elements of persecution, it would be
ungenerous to upbraid them with the deeds of their predecessors. But
they neither have renounced, nor can, as Romanists, renounce, the
principles that received the stamp of infallibility in days that are
passed. The Church of Rome cannot recede one jot from her ancient
pretensions without renouncing the ground on which she stands. It
would be suicide to admit that her most sanguinary canons were sinful
and erroneous. Nor does she wish to make any such concession. She may
cast dust in the eyes of protestants, she may profess all meek and
merciful things; but this is designedly, and for a specific end.
Depressed, she arrays herself in all the pomp and splendour of
universal liberality and good will; but upon an uncontested throne,
in Spain, in Italy, and in Britain too, if she were what she would
be, these attractive assumptions drop off, and the woman drunk with
the blood of martyrs trampling on the name of Christ, and on the
hopes and happiness of believers, starts into bold and prominent
relief.

Persecution, it is only fair to admit, has certainly been practised
by individuals claiming to be the children of the protestant faith,
but never has the principle that originated it been incorporated in
any of the creeds of the protestant churches. This is precisely the
difference between papal persecution, and such instances of severity
as have been ascribed to protestant reformers and ministers.
Persecution is embosomed in the canons of the Romish Church, whereas
it is abjured and reprobated in the creeds of the protestant church.
If a Roman catholic persecutes, he acts in full accordance with the
principles to which he has subscribed; if a protestant persecutes, he
acts in diametrical opposition to the articles he professes to adhere
to. When a Roman catholic disclaims persecution, he thereby impugns
the infallibility and retreats from the ground occupied by his
Church; when a protestant persecutes, he thereby renounces his faith,
and enters on territory infamously sacred to Rome. The rule of faith
and conduct held by the Roman catholic is, "The Bible or written
word, and tradition or the unwritten word, and both propounded and
expounded by the Church." Now the two last limbs of this triple rule
have been dyed in blood, They have been the fountain-heads out of
which the Inquisition drew numerous precedents, Dominic most ample
instruction, and the fourth Lateran its anti-social canons. The rule
of faith held by protestants, on the other hand, is, THE BIBLE ALONE,
in which we defy the acutest sceptic or bitterest papist to extract
one precept to persecute, or one precedent for ecclesiastical
extirpation of heretics. When, therefore, Roman catholics persecute,
their rule of faith applauds them; when protestants persecute, their
rule of faith condemns them. The former rule is the nurse of
persecution, the latter the extinguisher of it. The one carries the
faggot, lights the flames, and cheers the actors in the auto-da-fe;
the other brings living waters from life's most merciful fountain, to
quench the fire and to refresh the martyr, and, it may be, to convert
the murderer. Hence in the papal Church Pius V. and Dominic are
canonized and beatified; and to keep their sanguinary conduct fresh
in the minds of their descendants, there are collects with special
reference to these persecutors in the English Missal for the use of
the Roman catholic laity, used on the proper Sundays in every papal
chapel in England. What can be clearer evidence of the animus of the
Roman catholic hierarchy, or of the justice of our charge against
these principles, than the following reference to a canonized! or
beatified! persecutor in the English Missal for the use of the laity:
"O God, who has enlightened thy church by the eminent virtues and
preaching of blessed Dominic, thy confessor, grant that by his
prayers we may be provided against all temporal necessities, and
daily improve in all spiritual good." Again, "Sanctify, O Lord, the
gifts we have offered thee, and by the merits of blessed Dominic thy
confessor, grant that they may be healing to us."

This man was employed by Pope Innocent III. to trace out and punish
those heretics the pious and holy Albigenses. His weapons were
persecution, the blood of saints is on his robes, and were the papacy
improved such a collect as that we have extracted would be expunged
from the Missal.

In the protestant church such men are branded as guilty persecutors,
and thanks and glory rendered unanimously to Him who has made us to
differ. If it may be replied, that some of the protestant Reformers
persecuted, we admit it. This ought not to be denied, as some with
more enthusiasm than discretion have done, May we not ask, Is this to
be wondered at? The Reformers had been nursed at the bosom of a
Church in which persecution is incorporated as a vital and essential
element, and applauded in precedent and urged in precept. The
earliest lesson they had been taught was the propriety of extirpating
heretics in order to put down heresy; and the wonder is not that they
used carnal weapons in one or two isolated instances, but that they
so soon abjured the unholy spirit, exorcised it from the creeds they
drew up, and abandoned it, rejoicing in a holier faith in their
after-conduct. The Church of Rome never can in her corporate
character renounce persecution. She must let go her assumption of
immutability and infaffibility, if she disclaim the principles or
abjure the patrons of persecution. Some of the most illustrious
councils of the Roman Church enacted persecuting canons. The Councils
of Tours, Narbonne, Beziers, and Thoulouse passed a variety of anti-
social and cruel laws against those witnesses for Christ, the
Albigenses and the Waldenses. The third Council of the Lateran, and
above all the fourth, and subsequently the fifth, issued decrees that
stain the history of man, and present the papal hierarchy to future
ages visibly with blood upon its most gorgeous robes. Ultimately the
scattered efforts of the Romish hierarchy were concentrated and
systematized in the institution of the Inquisition. Languedoc, Spain,
Portugal, and Goa all testify to the deeds of this dreadful incubus
on freedom, faith, and happiness. The soil of those lands, it is
true,bears no traces of the innocent blood shed upon it. Vineyards,
and golden harvests, and rural hamlets now meet the eye, where murder
and falsehood, cruelty and bloodshed, fused into one, composed the
character of the murderer, and where mercy and truth, righteousness
and peace, blended into one, made up the temper of the martyrs; but
the wounds inflicted on Christianity, on man, and on the glory of
God, are fresh and bleeding, and will re-open, should we ever prove
forgetful of the deep debt ofobligation we owe the "noble army of
martyrs," or become dead to the yet profounder gratitude we must now
feel to that gracious God, who, in his mercy, has cast our lot in
better, even in halcyon days.

It is almost supererogation to furnish proofs of these assertions.
Romanists must smile at the scepticism of some protestants. We might
refer to the massacre on the eve of St. Bartholomew, as a proof not
merely of the sanguinary spirit then cherished by the Romish
apostacy, but of their yet unabandoned adherence to it at this day.
At Paris, in 1572, the poor Hugonots, who had been decoyed and
deceived by false professions, were murdered to the number of five
thousand according to Mezerai, six thousand according to Bossuet, and
ten thousand according to Davila. "The streets of Paris flowed with
blood. Charles IX. and his queen feasted their eyes on the dead that
floated down the Seine. The day-light, which discovered so many
crimes, which the darkness of an eternal night ought for ever to have
concealed, did not soften their ardour by these objects of pity, but
exasperated them the more. The populace and more dastardly, being
warmed by the smell of blood, sixty thousand men, transported with
this fury and armed in different ways, ran about wherever example,
vengeance, rage, and the desire of plunder transported them. The air
resounded with a horrible tempest of the engines, blasphemies, and
oaths of the murderers, of the breaking open of doors and windows, of
the firing of pistols and guns, of the pitiable cries of the dying,
of the lamentations of the women whom they dragged by the hair, of
the noise of carts, some loaded with the booty of the houses they
pillaged, others with the dead bodies they cast into the Seine; so
that in the confusion they could not hear each other speak in the
streets; or if they distinguished certain words, they were those
furious expressions, "Kill, stab, throw them out of the window." Some
were shot on the roofs of houses, others were cast out of the
windows; some were cast into the water, and knocked on the head with
blows of iron bars; some were killed in their beds -- wives in the
arms of husbands, husbands in the bosoms of their wives, and sons at
the feet of their fathers. They neither spared the aged, nor women
great with child, nor even infants." Mezerai's History ofFrance. See
vol. ii. p. 1098. Paris, 1646.

The question naturally occurs, How would our blessed Lord have looked
on such a scene? What verdict would he have uttered over such a
record? He would have wept over the wickedness of man, and deplored
the dreadful catastrophe that so cruelly overtook the innocent and
the helpless. His professed successor and representative, the pope,
however, "went in procession," according to the testimony of Mezerai,
"to the church of St. Lewis, to render thanks to God for so happy a
victory;" and his legate, in the pope's name, congratulated the
French king on his exploits; and in the Roman Missal or Prayer Book,
used in every Roman catholic chapel throughout the kingdom, this poor
people are taught to pray on the festival of Pius V., who urged
Charles IX. to the murderous massacre, in the following words:

"O God, who wast pleased to raise blessed Pius to the dignity of
chief bishop, in order to depress (i. e. crush) the enemies of the
church."

This keeps persecution fresh before the people. Pope Gregory XIII.,
only regarding the good which he thought likely to result from this
to the catholic religion in France, and to perpetuate the memory of
this event, caused several medals to be struck; whereon he himself is
represented on the one side, and on the other side an angel, carrying
a cross in one hand, and a sword in the other, exterminating the
heretics, and more particularly the Admiral Coligné. In Spain the
same deed was praised in the presence of King Philip, and they dared
to call it the triumph of the church militant. See Fleuri's Eccles.
Hist. vol. xxiii. Book 173, p. 557. Nismes, 1780.

The BULL UNIGENITUS, which, according to the evidence of Dr. Murray,
the Roman catholic archbishop of Dublin, is received by the Romish
Church throughout all Ireland, decrees that, if required, the secular
arm is to be called in to compel and coerce those who hold the truths
of the gospel to recant and renounce them. Its words are, "We
moreover charge our venerable brethren, the patriarchs, archbishops,
and bishops, and other ordinaries of districts, and the inquisitors
of heretical wickedness, utterly to coerce and compel, by the above-
mentioned censures and penalties, and by the other remedies of law
and deed, THE AID OF THE SECULAR ARM BEING INVOKED FOR THIS PURPOSE
IF IT BE NECESSARY, all who oppose and resist."

The Catechism of the Council of Trent asserts, that those who quit
the Church of Rome may "be judged, punished, and anathematized."

Dr. Delahogue in his Class Book for the instruction of the priests
educated at Maynooth, states that the Church retains her jurisdiction
over all baptized persons, as a commander retains authority over
deserters, and may denounce and decree for them similar and severe
punishments.

The worst and bitterest persecutors in the past history of the Romish
Church are, we find, canonized and beatified as saints. St. Dominic,
the harbinger, if not the founder, of the Inquisition, St. Thomas
Aquinas, whose secunda secundĉ are replete with persecuting
principles, St. Ferdinand of Castile, a burner of heretics, and Pius
V., are embalmed in the devotions, and presented as models to the
imitation, of the Roman catholics of Great Britain.

We do not so much condemn the laity of the Church of Rome. They do
not know the full extent of the wickedness of that apostacy of which
they are the victims. We pray for them. We pity them. Our present
work is for them as for ourselves. It is another warning cry to come
out of Babylon. Fox's Book of Martyrs is republished in its present
popular form, not only to warn protestants against the subdued
pretences of this awful and unchanged superstition, and thereby to
prepare them to resist and repel it by Scripture, fact, and argument;
but also to stir up Roman catholics to abjure a Church so branded in
the tablets of universal history, and so doomed in the pages of the
word of God. We here enter on no crusade against their rights or
privileges as citizens. We seek higher and nobler objects. We thus
beseech them to flee from Babylon as from a crumbling ruin, replete
with the prestiges of approaching destruction. It is our heart's
desire and prayer unto God for them that they may be saved. But our
affection to them, however intense, must not induce us to compromise
our faithfulness to protestants. We desire to awaken and impress them
especially. We desire to resuscitate and nourish in their hearts a
more thrilling sense of the privileges they enjoy, a profounder
impression of the gratitude they ought to cherish toward their
martyred fathers, and of the responsibilities, the solemn and weighty
responsibilities, that devolve on them.

The loudest boast made at the present day by the Church of Rome is
her UNITY, and with the exhibition of this she expatiates at no
ordinary length on the dissensions of professing Protestants. We do
not in these few observations attempt to vindicate the unity of
protestants, but rather to show that the Romish assumption of unity
is totally devoid of truth. We must not forget that the value of
unity depends on the nature of the things of which it is composed.
Concord becomes conspiracy when it is against the truth of God and
the rights of humanity. Aaron the high priest, and a vast multitude
besides, were united to a man in the worship of the golden calf.
Korah and his people, and the ten tribes at Beth-el, were each
thoroughly united, but are one and all Scripturally and justly
condemned. The Samaritans were more united than the Jews, having no
sects or divisions. Satan and his angels are as united as Michael and
his. Hell is the site of unbroken unity; for unity is an essential
mark of the kingdom of Satan, who knows, and acts upon the knowledge,
that a kingdom divided against itself cannot stand. We must therefore
look at the things in which men are united, in order to elicit a just
estimate of the value of their union. If we apply this test to the
Church of Rome, we shall find it a gigantic conspiracy against the
Prince of peace -- the concord of unenlightened minds and
unsanctified spirits, to raise the creature to a level with the
Creator, and to exalt the church above Christ.

It will be found that the unity of which the Church of Rome so
repeatedly boasts springs from one of two sources, IGNORANCE or
COMPULSION. It arises first from ignorance, and is dissolved the
moment that the light of truth shines upon it. The Ephesians enjoyed
uninterrupted unity when they, ignorant of the one living and true 
God, simultaneously shouted, "Great is Diana of Ephesus." The Jews
almost unanimously concurred in the dreadful sentiment, "Not this
man, but Barabbas." During the middle ages all the doctors of
Christendom were perfectly united in holding that the earth stood
still, and that sun, moon, and stars revolved around it; and so the
Church of Rome is perfectly united in the worship she pays the Virgin
Mary, and the implicit faith she cherishes in the sacrifice of the
mass. But in her case, as in the others referred to, light introduced
breaks up the false harmony, and evolves a powerful discord. Paul
threw a handful of living sunbeams on Ephesus; the gospel was made to
bear on the population of Jerusalem by the apostle of the
circumcision; and the demonstrations of Galileo descended on the
dogged resistance of the Vatican, and unity gave way to division at
the moment that error gave way to truth.

The unity of the Church of Rome is, in the next place, the product of
compulsion. It is that of the iceberg. All heterogeneous substances
are compressed into one mass, not by the sweet attractions of
homogeneous elements ab intra, but by the compression of all
antagonist materials ab extra. It lasts as long as it is unvisited by
light and warmth, but dissolves and separates as soon as the genial
sunbeams fall upon it. In Spain no other faith dare be professed. In
Rome protestantism is treason. No wonder there is an external and
apparent unity. Bayonets are far more effective quellers of discord
than the Thirty-nine Articles. Hands are therefore united, while the
hearts they belong to are at the antipodes of each other. The Church
of Rome in fact confounds unity and uniformity; and for this latter,
which never has been, and never can be secured in the physical,
moral, or spiritual world, she has sacrificed hecatombs of holy men,
and furnished the elements of that solemn and ever-resuscitated
testimony against her, FOX'S BOOK OF MARTYRS.

The Apocalyptic cage of unclean beasts and birds is the meet symbol
of the Church of Rome. These are merely coercion without, and
corruption within; a scene
"Where all life dies, death lives, and nature breeds
Perverse, all monstrous, all prodigious things,
Abominable, unutterable, and worse
Than fables yet have feigned or fear conceived,
Gorgons, and hydras, and chimeras dire."

Let me here avail myself of the opportunity of impressing upon all
protestants the necessity of greater and more cordial unanimity.
Never was Christian union more urgently required. Never were the
prospects of such concord more brilliant. United truth must prevail
against conspiring heresy; but divided brethren will barely maintain
their ground. We do not ask protestants to compromise principles in
order to secure concord. This were wrong, as it is unnecessary. But
we do beseech them to concede prejudices. This is Christian. Let us
look more intensely at the truths wherein we agree, and less
censoriously at the points wherein we differ. The former are weighty
as gold, the latter lighter than chaff. Our points of coincidence and
compact are as the great mountains; our points of divergence as
molehills. The differences are jots and tittles, and positively
microscopic. Our common faith, common hope, common creed, are mighty
and majestic, as the God that gave them. The sweetest sounds in the
Vatican are our quarrels; the greatest barrier to the conversion of
Roman catholics is our strifes. Let us show them, that though there
are tabernacles, we have yet but one city; that though there are many
streams, we have yet but one river. There are many baskets, but one
bread. There is ONE BODY, and ONE SPIRIT, ONE HOPE, ONE LORD, ONE
FAITH, ONE BAPTISM, ONE GOD and FATHER OF ALL.

Such is the apostolic church. Such let pray and labour to be now.

Another very lofty pretension put forward by the Roman catholic
Church is her ANTIQUITY. She proclaims all protestants to be mere
upstarts, and their church throughout all its sections to lie
offshoots from her.

This objection is specious, but false. Certainly one circumstance is
very presumptive against the claims of the Romish Church, viz. those
doctrines peculiar to her, and in which she differs from us, are not
in the Bible, whereas the very truths she condemns in our creed as
novelties are wholly in the Bible. She withholds the cup from the
laity; we give it: which side is Scriptural? "Drink ye ALL of it," is
a decisive reply. Here, at least, we keep to the ancient practice,
and in this point our faith is the old and apostolic, and that of
Rome the modern. The Church of Rome has determined that the clergy
shall live in perpetual celibacy. The protestant church leaves it
optional. How does Scripture decide? "Peter's WIFE'S mother."
"Marriage is honourable in ALL." "A bishop the husband of one wife."
The very name, "husband bishop," would be an abomination in the eyes
of the Romish hierarchy. Whether worse things do not universally
obtain among them we do not at present inquire. We might go over
every tenet of the papacy, and laying it side by side with a
protestant tenet, demonstrate that our articles and creeds are coeval
and coincident with the Scriptures, and that those of the Church of 
Rome are all posthumous to the apostles, and very many of them not
older than the Council of Trent. This assumption also of the Rornish
Church, and her assault upon us, presumes that the Reformers
constructed a new church. This is a misapprehension. They merely
corrected and purified the old one. They removed the accumulated
layers of rubbish that concealed the beauties of the pearl of great
price. They purified and healed, under God, a leprous church, by
bringing her to her long-lost birth-right, the true Bethesda, the
blood of Jesus. The Reformers did with the papal Church as our Lord
did with the Jewish. They drove out the moneychangers, overturned
their tables, took down the symbols and the records of idolatry, and
hung up visibly before all the everlasting record, "My house shall be
called the house of prayer." We admire not the Reformation for its
own sake, but for the transcendent benefits even its most tempestuous
storms wafted to all lands, and deposited as germs of life and
rudiments of a new and holier faith. Let us never forget that the
Church of Rome received its present shape at the Council of Trent;
and so true is this, that if we were to profess all the ancient
creeds, the Apostolic and the Nicene, and cleave to these alone, we
should be denounced by the Romanists as heretics and schismatics. If
we were to adopt all the articles in the creed of Pope Pius IV.
except papal infallibility, we should yet be heretics. Nay, if we
were to sign that creed to-day, and the pope to-morrow to send forth
a new article of faith, we should still be heretics, unless we
received the last with the same faith and confidence with which we
receive the gospel. Nothing short of our frustrating judgment,
conscience, senses, and all we are and have, at the footstool of a
deified hierarch, will be tolerated. The Church of Rome is a new and
upstart communion, built up of the spoils of religion, reason, human
right, and social affection. In the protestant churches alone, we
hail and revere the grey hairs of age and of ancient times, and we
rise and venerate the august and holy form. All that our Reformers
did, and all we desire to do, is to detach the meretricious finery
and fantastic rags wherewith the Lady of Babylon has decked out the
church, and marred her fair aspect, and present her as the apostles
did, bright with the signatures of primeval truth, arrayed in the
robes and adorned by the likeness of Jesus, and inlaid with the inner
glories of the Holy Spirit.

The Church of Rome will twit us with the question, If our articles be
erroneous, tell us when and where they were introduced. We can tell
when they were not, and pretty clearly when they were introduced. But
if we were unable to lay down the dates of their rise, this inability
would not prove they were Scriptural. Was the Nile non-existent when
geographers could not state the longitude, latitude, and locality of
its spring-head. Who can tell what Rabbi introduced the successive 
superstitions of the Jews? The Reformation had respect not to the
date of the error, but to the error itself.

Let it also be observed that error does not flash upon the world,
broad, palpable, and at once. It creeps in by stealth, under a
variety of shapes and ever-adjusting chameleon colours. Truth, like
the fabled Minerva, comes at once and in full glory from above; error
dares not do so. Hence it is easy to mark the introduction of a great
truth, but it is not so easy to trace the commencement of an
ultimately overshadowing heresy. It is sufficient for us to know that
these dogmas, on which popes and councils have struck, with their
mightiest pressure, the counterpart of infallibility, never bore the
image and the superscription of the Son of God. But it is unnecessary
to enter into elaborate proofs that ours is the primeval faith.
History with its thousand tongues attests it; revelation with its
one, but decisive, voice attests it.

It may not be, in closing these remarks, an uninteresting or
unimportant inquiry, What has been the result of all the persecutions
the church has endured from the first martyr Abel to the present
time? We venture to assert, that in every instance it has been proved
that the blood of martyrs is the seed of the church. Persecution
purifies, never mars the church.

That we may obtain a satisfactory view of the successive combats
which have taken place, let us take a retrospective glance at the
records of their time and their locality, and we shall find that not
only has the wholesale result of the past been favourable to the
cause of Heaven, but that in every single struggle the serpent's head
has received an additional bruise, though the heel of the woman's
seed may not have got off unscathed. We shall find that the kingdom
of Jesus in consequence of persecution has been impeded in its march
athwart the length and breadth of the world, but at the same time
that blows have been dealt to the tempter's sway and prospects, from
which he has not easily rallied. What makes the upshot of every onset
with the persecutor more delightful to the Christian soldier, is the
fact that the very schemes which the serpent devised and set in
operation for the overthrow of the kingdom of heaven have been
inverted, and made to hasten the ruin of his own. Let us allude to
some proofs of this, furnished by the word of God.

When Cain, the first papal hierarch, hurried on by the author of
evil, lifted up his hand and slew his righteous and believing
brother, the first protestant martyr, the readiest presumption is,
that the cause of God and its advocate suffered, while that of Satan
and his servant prevailed. Death, the curse and the consequence of
sin, fastens first on a child of God, and passes by a child of the
devil. But from this persecution, so painful, two important lessons
were deduced. Adam and Eve were convinced that sin was a much more
fearful thing than they had previously supposed it to be, and were
thereby led to appreciate and admire more fully that promise of mercy
and those typical indices of a coming Saviour which had been
revealed. The keener our perception of guilt, the deeper is our
admiration of the blood that washes it
away. But a tangible instance was also given of God's punishment of
sin. It would have been mercy to Cain had the knife that entered the
bosom of his brother started upward, and buried itself in his own;
but a severer doom descended on his head; he was branded as a
criminal, and driven with restless and reluctant foot to proclaim to
the gathering multitudes of posterity the Almighty's hatred of
iniquity, and his immovable pmpose to visit with severe chastisement
them that perpetrate it. While the promise, on the one hand,
whispered in the ears of mankind that there was mercy in heaven, and
thus prevented despair, Cain, the wandering herald of wrath, the
visible proof of punishment following the footsteps of guilt,
proclaimed that in heaven there was holiness, and justice, and truth,
and thereby made men careful not to presume. From this scene there
arose a fore-reflected shadow of that righteous One, who came to his
own, and his own received him not; whose blood, nevertheless,
speaketh better things than the blood of Abel; for while the latter
cried to Heaven for vengeance, the former cries at this moment for
mercy upon them who have shed it, and "crucified the Lord of glory,
and put him to an open shame."

Satan, the determined persecutor, did not account his discomfiture
ground of despair. He began the work of contagion with increased
vigour; and so successful were his desolating efforts, that all who
dwelt upon the earth became subject to his sway, and apostates from
Heaven, with the exception of eight "faithful among the faithful
few." But here his victory was not destined to yield much or abiding
joy; for by the righteous judgments of God his myrmidons were swept
from the bosom of the earth, and the followers of holiness and truth
alone were left. From this occurrence a new lesson respecting the
mode of God's dealings with men was elicited, namely, that there is
an accepted time and a day of salvation, at the close of which mercy
retires, and judgment occupies her place. There was also presented to
the believer a type of that better Ark, Jesus Christ the Saviour. in
whom the church is to be borne in safety across the turmoils and
troubles of earth, the billows of Satan's wrath, and the descending
showers of judgment, which shall overwhelm a guilty and a godless
world. In this matter the heel of the woman's seed was wounded, but
the head of the serpent was bruised.

In the history of Joseph and his brethren we have truth amid
persecution exhibiting again.

Just because the image of his God shone forth in him with conspicuous
splendour, because his words, and works, and ways were ordered
according to the will of his heavenly Father, his wicked and envious
brethren, acting as the missionaries of Satan, conspired against his
life. His trials and temptations were strong as his integrity was
great. He was abandoned by his brothers, sold as a slave, consigned
to a dungeon, tempted by a sensual woman, and after all these
thrustings of Satan at him, and through him at righteousness and
truth, he came forth more than conqueror through Him that loved him.
The firmness of Joseph amid his sore temptations proved that in the
true child of God there is a principle superior to all the charms of
earth, and even in this estranged world a prosperous termination to a
life of virtue, which never applies to a life of vice. The very
machinations which Satan instituted, with a view to destroy Joseph,
were made conducive to the temporal as well as the spiritual welfare
of the people of God, aud, more suprising issue still, to the
conquest, but the saving conquest, of those his brethren who had so
unmerci fully dealt with him. The patriarch Joseph was, by Satan's
instrumentality, made an illustrious type of Jesus Christ, who gave
his life for those who condemned him to die, and fed with the bread
of life his brethren who denied him a place whereon to lay his head.
In this case the heel of the woman's seed was bruised a little, in
consequence of Joseph's early sufferings; but the head of the serpent
was bruised by the felicitous end to which all things connected with
him came. When in the providence of God the children of Israel were
subjected to the bondage of Egypt, and when Satan had been permitted
to lord it over Pharaoh so far as to drive him to the most barbarous
measures, that he might extirpate the seed of the woman, as contained
in the church of Israel, we find that the very plans which tended
ostensibly to accomplish the destruction of the people of God
contributed really to their ultimate advancement and well-being. The
cause of God appeared to be in the utmost jeopardy, for it depended
on a babe persecuted by Pharaoh, committed to an ark of bulrushes,
and left to float upon the waves of the Nile; but what was the
result? The household of Pharaoh, the flower of Satan's chivalry,
were, contrary to their expectation or desire, made the instruments
of bruising their master's head, and touching scarcely their
adversary's heel; for the daughter of Pharaoh rescued and educated
the child that was to be the minister of judgment to the first-born
of their native land, and eventually to bury in the Red Sea the
chariots, and horse, and men of war. The infatuated pursuers of the
children of God were overwhelmed by the collapse of the waters of the
Red Sea, and driven to the regions of eternal darkness, to bear the
tidings of defeat to its despot, and to present another
instance of the fruitlessness of coping with Omnipotence. But Satan
was not to be discouraged; he followed them through the wilderness,
and made an extensive havoc. But if the church's sufferings were
great, her hopes were proportionably bright; her course was onward,
amid the most exhilarating promises and the most expressive types. If
we proceed adown the stream of time, we shall discern in the
biography of David another illustration of the church's bruised heel,
and of the serpent's bruised head. The shepherd king put forth to do
battle with opposing principalities, and to bring down spiritual
wickedness on high places, anointed, sealed, and separated, was made,
in a peculiar manner, the object of Satan's attacks, as he was in a
high degree the subject of God's grace. He was persecuted to the edge
of ruin. He fell once and again; but "greater was He that was for him
than all that could be against him." He proved himself,
notwithstanding, a polished shaft in the hands of Heaven, a monument
of mercy possible to the chiefest of repentant sinners, and a most
striking type of that best "Beloved," who summed up in his single
character the scattered excellences, and excluded all the blemishes,
of those that went before him. If we were to go over the lives of the
ancient men who were commissioned in succession to add their
respective light to the brightening dawn that ultimately burst forth
into noon-day, we should find that the sins and short-comings, into
which the serpent dragged them, so far from furthering the cause of
spiritual darkness, contributed to its overthrow, in virtue of that
sleepless superintendency of the great Head of the church, which has
ever made the wrath of man to praise him. The weapons which the enemy
brought into the field turned their points against himself, and
disabled them that brandished them. The heel of the woman's seed was
no doubt bruised, for the march of truth was retarded, and the
terminating conquests of its advocates put a little further off in
the world's history; but what the Redeemer's kingdom lost in time it
gained in extent, what it lost in speed it gained in glory; and the
longer still its progress is opposed, the more comprehen sive and
brilliant its final triumphs will assuredly be.

It is the peculiar characteristic of great and true principles to
advance slowly and firmly, and to strike their roots deeply before
they spread their branches. But the never to be forgotten field on
which Satan's head received its direst bruise, and his cause its most
desolating shock, was the field of the most formidable persecution,
viz., Bethlehem, Gethsemane, and Calvary. Little did the devil
imagine that all his attacks were to be stepping-stones to Christ;
little did he dream that the apparatus he had prepared for the
extirpation of the church was to be wrenched from its intended scope,
and to be made subservient to the cause he hated and struggled to
overwhelm. Little did he anticipate that the blight he had
superinduced upon the spiritual and physical creation, and the
eclipse he had brought on the glory of God, as far as it shone on
this remote planet, was destined to be made the basis of a more
magnificent and felt exhibition of all the attributes of Heaven, and
of a more exalted elevation of the fallen creature. Jesus Christ, the
Root and the Offspring of David, the eternal Son of God, came down
from the hills of the heavenly land, where the tear of sorrow never
dropped, where the cry of want was never heard, and dwelt in flesh as
in a tabernacle, and wandered on this polluted earth, and wept, a
pilgrim and a stranger, a man of sorrows and acquainted with grief.
Yet did he present himself also as a Leader and a Captain on that
battle field, on which the destinies of unborn millions were
gathered, to rise or to sink as he should conquer or give way. He
entered on the scene of action through the varieties of being which
usher in the multitudes of human kind. He was in the womb, and
dandled on the knees of a mother; he was a boy and a stripling like
one of us; and out of all these estates of life he came into that of
perfect manhood, untouched even by the instantaneous transit of a
sinful feeling or imagination. Oh what a contrast was there between
the young Messias and Adam's young descendants, his coevals! In the
one was inherent infinitely more than Adam's loftiest excellence, but
in the others were developed the accumulated consequences of Adam's
guilt. Here was one whom no sinful pursuits could seduce, whose heart
was impervious to the devil's temptations and the world's guilt,
whose conformity to his Father's will was not to be lessened by any
sublunary force. No doubt Satan knew that the great bruiser of his
head was come, and if he remained inactive, it was the inactivity of
wonder and dismay; it was the fearful pause that intervenes between
the strong resolve and the contingency of irretrievable ruin, the
agonizing interlude of conflicting motives, which tear the heart in
opposite directions. At last he decided to present the front of a
persevering opposition, and to improve every probability of victory
the instant it should appear. He saw Jesus led out in the
arrangements of Heaven to that wilderness which had witnessed the
fastings of Moses and Elijah of old, and here he resolved to track
his footsteps, and to try his constancy in every practicable way.
Here was presented the sacred arena of a second spiritual contest, on
the issues of which the fate of humanity hung. In the first assault
which Satan made on Adam, amid the loveliness of Eden, and with the
right to its fruits and flowers, and countless immunities, with no
sensations of hunger, and no possibility of want, with little
incentive to disobey, and every motive to obey, our first progenitor
fell, and entailed on his posterity the numerous "ills that flesh is
heir to;" but the Son of God, suffering the gnawings of protracted
hunger, and bearing all along, from his Cradle upward, the imputed
guilt and deserved penalties of man, stood untarnished, and upheld
himself in infinite spotlessness. Before the Son the old serpent
stood; and by calling in question his omnipotence, and appealing to
the faintness of his bodily frame, endeavoured to involve in doubts
the faithfulness and the providence of his heavenly Father. Jesus,
however, repelled the temptation as soon as it was presented, by
merging all present sensations, and directing even the fallen angel's
attention to the protestant's rule of faith, the word of God: "It is
written, Man shall not live by bread alone, but by every word that
proceedeth from the mouth of God." Satan seeing that the Son of
Joseph was set on a high design, and superior to the urgency of
nature's calls when they might not be lawfully answered, shifts the
points of attack, and plies him with such arguments as his apparent
destitution of means and his meditated enterprise could naturally
suggest. He offered him the kingdoms of this world and their glory,
the wealth of Rome, the experience of her courts and the prowess of
her ablest Champions, to enable him to become the worlds emperor. He
showed him many a fair champaign, and many a glebe, productive of oil
and wine, the necessaries and luxuries of life; and with these he
invited him to contrast the fountainless desert and the barren earth,
his present and only possession; and all he asked in return for these
gifts was, what so great resources seemed justly to challenge, the
recognition of his lordship, and right to the homage of men and the
territories of the world, "Get thee behind me, Satan; it is written,
Thou shalt worship the Lord thy God, and Him only shalt thou serve,"
wasthe reply of the Son of God. Satan was overcome, and the Redeemer,
pained, it is true, by the very hearing of the tempter's blasphemy,
was undisputed victor. Abaddon fell like lightnthg from heaven. Hell
felt her empire narrowing, and gathering inward to the Centre, and
Jesus proceeded to follow up the conquest he had won, by expelling
the devils from the bosoms of men, controlling the winds and waves,
the troubles and diseases of the human family, and inculcating the
principles of love, and mercy, and truth. But the powers of darkness
concentrated again their wiles, and by the instrumentality of the
Jews put in operation every conceivable design against the life and
growing influence of the Son of Joseph. All the sophistry of the
lawyers was enlisted on the side of Satan, and many a perplexing case
of casuistry propounded. "Is it lawful to give tribute to Calsar?"
The reply was as admirable as the question was involved. "Moses in
the law commanded us that such as this woman,who was taken in
adultery, should be stoned; but what sayest thou?" These and many
more were the meshes in which they endeavoured to entangle the
Redeemer. At length they got Judas, one of the twelve, to betray him;
Peter, another of the twelve, to deny him; Pilate, the Roman
governor, to deliver him up; and his countrymen, the Jews, to put him
to a painful and ignominious death. No doubt, when the Divine
antagonist of the powers of evil hung on the accursed tree, in agony
of soul and body inconceivable, the gloom of hell was lightened by a
transient gleam of malignant hope, and the countenances of the damned
smoothed with a momentary smile, as there was now an expectancy that
he who had the keys of hell, and death, and the grave was crushed,
and the power of going in and coming out permitted them for ever.
Satan, racked on the wheel, because of former failures and
discomfiture, gathered courage yet again, and felt almost sure that
the reins of universal sovereignty were lodged in his hands; and when
he saw the Redeemer taken from the cross to the tomb, when he saw the
sun set and the sepulchre sealed, and the fearless warriors of Rome
appointed to sentinel the spot, he doubted not that all was his own;
though the remembrance of ancient prophecies fulfilled, and the
Saviour's exertion of supernatural power in the last tremors of
dissolution, shaded at intervals his brightest hopes. The second day
dawned and closed, and all was still; but scarcely had the sun of the
succeeding day reached the horizon, when the hearts of the Roman
veterans quailed, and helplessness fell upon them and made them as
dead men. The massive stone was rolled aside from the sepulchre, and
the grave's long grasp of man was relaxed; the winding-sheet, the
napkins, and the other pale insignia of death, were left behind, to
demonstrate his reign at length terminated, and the Redeemer rose and
ascended on high, leading captivity captive, and ready to give gifts
unto men. Satan's schemes were baffled, his hopes were blasted, death
and the grave, his ancient allies, were stripped of their sting and
their triumph, and bitter remorse and fell despair were his only
company. What made the devil's defeat trebly galling and disastrous,
the very plans he had devised and put in operation were made to
recoil upon himself, and to expedite the very results which he feared
and struggled to avert. The machinery he set in motion to perpetuate
darkness evolved more glorious light; the emissaries he employed to
add to death, and all our woe, unwittingly diffused life and
immortality, and more enduring joys. From Jesus' sufferings man's
salvation sprung, and from his death our eternal life, and from his
resurrection our destined mastery of all the powers of earth and
hell, and entrance into everlasting blessedness. Hell's gloom grew
deeper, and the despair of its fallen spirits more fearful; its worm
that never dies began to make wider havoc, and its fire which is
never quenched to burn with more intensity.

Satan, though driven to the verge of utter despair, determined not to
remain inactive. He felt that if he could not entirely destroy the
Son of God, and the children whom the Father had given him, he might
vex them, and impair their peace. After he had raised the Jews, from
Dan to Beersheba, against the unbefriended preachers of the cross,
and driven the first converts before him to the remotest provinces of
the Roman empire, he found that this dispersion, instead of
arresting, hastened the march of Christianity over the surface of the
world, and struck its doctrines deeper in the hearts of its
persecuted sticklers. Anxious, therefore, to suppress the gospel in
provinces beyond the boundaries of Judea, he enlisted in this his
foreign service a bold and a reckless missionary, whose name was Saul
of Tarsus. His hot passions, his fervid eloquence, and his
determination to do and to dare to any extent in the service of
error, and in opposition to the truth, seemed to the serpent to
prognosticate no ordinary havoc among the unresisting "men of the
way," as the disciples were frequently called. Little did Satan know
that he was in this matter deepening his own catastrophe; little did
he expect that this polished shaft, which he had culled from the
ranks of intellect, would be inverted and made to quiver in his own
bosom; little did he expect that the powers of reasoning and
impassioned oratory which Paul possessed would soon play against the
bulwarks of the kingdom of darkness, and contribute mainly to its
overthrow. But such was the issue. Paul was snatched from the service
of hell, and arrayed under the banners of heaven; and was more
instrumental in shaking idols on their pedestals, and idolaters even
on their thrones, than all the college of apostles besides. Satan was
foiled again. The heel of the woman's seed was wounded, but the head
of the serpent was severely bruised. He did not yet give over, but
marshalled his devoted bands, and placed them on the battle field. He
saw the apostles and the other preachers of the truth going forth
with the sword of the Spirit, which is the word of God, and the
shield of faith, and the helmet of hope, and the other spiritual
weapons of a spiritual warfare, to make new conquests over sin, and
fresh accessions to the gospel of Christ. Against them he brought out
a phalanx sufficient to abash all but those who know that God is on
their side; a phalanx composed of the 'learned philosophers ot
Greece, to grapple with the untutored fishermen of Galilee; the
wealthy potentates and magistrates of Rome, to confront the needy and
naked preachers of the cross; and the eagle ensign of the western
empire, that had flapped its victorious wings over thousands of the
fallen brave, and the colours that had waved in the four winds of the
earth, to meet the banner of the cross, the motto of which was, "My
kingdom is not of this world." His phalanx was composed of malignant
Jews, ready to burn the servants as they had crucified the Master; of
debased voluptuaries, who could not bear the streams of their
enjoyment to be stemmed; and of interested craftsmen, who were ready
to shout with greater or less intensity, according to the risk their
craft was exposed to, "Great is Diana of the Ephesians." The records
of Christianity declare what numbers sealed their testimony with
their blood, and entered into their rest from excruciating pains and
bitterest bereavements. Here the serpent seemed to prevail; but what
was the ultimate effect? The blood of the martyrs became the seed of
the church. From the momentary victory of Satan, from the thousands
he dragged to the altars of superstition, and immolated there, we
deduce the most satisfactory proofs of the sincerit of the first
apostles of the truth and of the Divine origin of those principles
they taught. No second causes are sufficient to account for the rapid
diffusion of Christianity, or for the fact that it remained, like the
burning bush on Horeb, unconsumed by the flames that surrounded it.
Our holy faith descends to us impressed with a tenfold more powerful
demonstration than any system, or history, or circumstance in the
world's annals; and, admirable instrumentality! Satan, its most
bitter adversary, has been the unexpected means of accomplishing this
result. The storm he raised, while indeed it disturbed the followers
of the Lamb, whistled nevertheless with most disastrous fury amid the
habitations, the temples, and the shrines which were dearest to him;
and the streams of blood he shed undermined his kingdom, and sapped
the deepest foundations of his throne. Satan, unable to crush
Christianity in its cradle, determined to harass its professors and
its preachers to the uttermost, He therefore went the round of all
the churches in Asia Minor, and sowed among them the most pestilent
errors and destructive heresies; and when he saw the extensive
success with which his efforts were crowned, he imagined that the
scale was for ever turned in his favour. If he could not stem the
streams of living waters, he resolved to intermix with them the most
fatal poisons. But here again he failed, and here again the antidote
administered by Heaven proved more extensively useful than the poison 
proved deleterious. The apostles saw the thickening delusions in
which their converts were enveloped, and with a view to dissipate
them wrote those admirable Epistles which are now embodied in the
records of inspired truth. Satan had induced the Roman brethren to
corrupt the fundamental article of the Christian creed, justification
by faith; but Paul, to vindicate its value, and to open up its
nature, wrote the Epistle to the Romans. Again, the efforts of
Judaizing teachers to leaven the doctrines of the gospel with the
obsolete rites of Moses, and to make the mixture essential to
salvation, drew forth the Epistle to the Galatians, in which the
apostle strips the truth of every earthy accretion, and places the
distinctive features of the Christian scheme in the most satisfactory
and triumphant light. Again, Satan engaged his servants to persecute
and vex the Christian brethren scattered throughout the Roman empire;
but the consequence was the composition of those rich and consolatory
Epistles of Peter, and John, and James, which have ever been the
exhaustless well-springs of the sweetest comfort to the suffering
children of God. The devil made way for God's abounding joys to his
people. Hell prepared this fittest opportunity for Heaven to shower
down blessings co-extensive with the wants and existence of the human
race. It is delightful to see the arrows shot by Satan against the
children of God rebound and penetrate himself, and every step he took
against the woman's seed increase his own discomfiture, and every
stone he brought to build withal the temple of darkness, taken from
him, cut and prepared for a place in the temple of light, and every
weapon he brought into the field wrenched from his hands, and added
to the arinoury of heaven.

Had Satan never vexed the churches with heresy and cruel havoc, we
had not, humanly speaking, been favoured with the most important
books of the Bible. The wrath of hell, as well as the wrath of man,
shall be restrained, and the remainder of it made to praise God. Let
the powers of earth and darkness combine together against the Lord,
and against his Anointed; let all their energies be summoned into
play, and all their plans brought into operation; and at that very
moment when the wreath of victory is ready to encircle them, and the
seal of success ready to be set, the scene shall be changed, and the
foreordained purposes of God shall evolve, and twist the apparatus
and machinery of Satan so entirely to their subserviency and
accomplishments, that uninformed spectators cannot help supposing
that Satan has all along been lending his best efforts to the cause
of God, and to the furtherance of every Christian virtue. At length
Constantine threw the shield of temporal and imperial power around
and above Christianity, throughout the Roman territories. The devil
felt that this state provision for the clergy might lengthen the
cords and strengthen the stakes of Zion, and contribute to the more
speedy dissolution of his kingdom. He therefore meditated deeply and
long, with a view to neutralize such good effects as must flow from
the new recognition which the church had received. After much
meditation and conference, he hit upon his masterpiece, the papacy.
Persecution was a blunder in Satan's policy; Arianism was also a
blunder; for these, instead of benefiting, injured his cause. He now
resolved to uproot Christianity no longer by an open andingenuous
warfare, but by stratagem, and deep manceuvring within the camp, he
determined to deal his bitterest stabs in the garb of a friend. Being
convinced that the Pantheon could no longer be filled with the
statues of Jupiter, and Mars, and Venus, he zealously emptied their
niches, and placed in their stead those of Paul, and Peter, and the
Virgin Mary, and many more saints, who never had a local habitation
and a name before. He baptized the idols, the rites and temples of
pagan Rome, and found for them a welcome reception in the Vatican,
and among the bishops, priests, and monks, and friars that acted
under its power. He just coloured over paganism with the outward
tints of Christianity, and thereby formed popery; a religion which
bears less relationship to true Christianity, than the gilded bauble
to articles composed of pure and solid gold. It was indeed a cunning
contrivance. Satan took the temples, and the shrines, and the priests
set up to propagate Christian truth, and anointed them to destroy and
debase it. Under the covert of zeal for the glory of God and the
salvation of men he reared the Inquisition, and martyred saints in
every land. With hands reeking with the blood of holy men, he went to
the house of prayer with attendant and professed ministers of Jesus,
and gave thanks to God that he had fulfilled his promise, "Lo! I am
with you to the end of the world;" and, "The gates of hell shall not
prevail against you."

Nothing indicates the deceit of Satan or the blindness of men more
clearly, than the fact that the devil was allowed to seal up the
Bible under the pretence of its tendency to mislead men, and to keep
them in the most palpable darkness, lest peradventure they should die
through the excess of the light and the wisdom of God. Has Satan
nevertheless triumphed here, and escaped unscathed? We say no. The
Book of Martyrs is a living witness that the power of religion,
during the iron reign of the papacy, was exemplified most gloriously
in the sufferings of faithful men; and the constancy, to death, of
the Albigenses and the Waldenses showed, that even in the last
extremities of darkness and desolation, light is sown for the
righteous. As the manna that descended from heaven, and the waters
that gushed from the riven rock, bespoke to the children of Israel
the love and the presence of God even in the wilderness; in like
manner the refreshment of the spiritual heritage, in the midst of
Babylon, proclaimed most clearly that a mother may forget the child
she bare, but that his church never can be forgotten nor forsaken of
Jehovah, that she is engraven on the palms of his hands, and nearest
and dearest to him. But we believe that the bondage of the church in
mystic Babylon, during the middle ages, was a meant punishment,
inflicted perhaps for her pride and forgetfulness of her Deliverer
when the sword of persecution was sheathed. At all events, there
cannot be a doubt that the church has learned lessons from her
fearful condition at that time which will not be soon erased from her
memory. Experience teaches communities, as well as individuals, best.
We are now armed at all points against the evils of hell. We know him
alike in the garb of a friend and in the garb of a foe. We will now
prize more highly that blessed book which he shut so widely. We will
now value and cherish those pure truths which apostles instituted,
and the venerable Reformers revived. A season of darkness is often
the precursor of a season of more glorious light. The long day of
moral paralysis is followed often by a more vigorous and
uninterrupted period of exertion. Perhaps the church must live under
the same law as individual members of it. The smile will appear only
where mourning has been. The waters of life roll only in the channels
that have been made by a flood of tears. At all events, at the period
of the Reformation, the church came forth from her wilderness
condition "bright as the sun, fair as the moon, and terrible as an
army with banners," enriched with additional experience of the enmity
of Satan and the plans he pursues to destroy her. We grant that Satan
prevailed awhile during the reign of the papacy; but we assert that
the Reformation quaslled his power and bruised his head, and brought 
the church from her imprisonment, with her heel bruised very sore to
be sure, but soon again to be healed, and her pace athwart the
regions of the globe to be accelerated in an unprecedented degree.
The pressure being removed, Christianity rose up with an elasticity
and onward movement that astonished and confounded Satan, while it
delighted all its advocates. With one simultaneous burst printing was
discovered, Bible Societies organized, and the universe made eloquent
again with the mighty motives and appeals of uncorrupted truth;
missionaries were sent forth, and the whole Christian church animated
with a spirit of exertion more than proportionate to its former
apathy. Thus baffled, he had recourse again to the assistance of
undisguised infidelity, and has succeeded in gaining to his side the
subtle powers of Hume and Diderot, and the sarcastic genius of
Voltaire, and the splendid but hollow descriptions of Gibbon. But the
misrepresentations and the sophistry with which these men have
without exception essayed to overthrow the doctrines of the Bible
have all been met and repelled, and the truth has come forth like
fine gold from the furnace, more brilliant than before its trials and
testings began, and Satan's machinations have again been made to
recoil and destroy his cause. The sun in the firmament, by the
intensity of his beams, draws between him and us vapours and clouds,
which seem for a while to intercept his influences, and to threaten
the earth with barrenness and darkness; but presently the same sun
dissolves them into gentle showers, which fertilize the soil, and
cool the air, and promote the growth of vegetation on all sides. In
the same way the Sun of righteousness, by his very brilliancy,
exhales clouds of infidels, and atheists, and sceptics, whose
writings are met by mightier arguments, and the truths thus called
into question are exhibited in clearer light, and cherished with
warmer feelings of regard. Since the Reformation Satan has brought no
new stratagem into the field. In fact, hisingenuity seems entirely
exhausted, his imagination paralyzed, and his resources done, and
this bitter conviction left him, -- that all he has achieved has
served but to hasten and to deepen his final catastrophe.

We gather this consolation from the review we have laid before you,
and from the serpent's recent recurrence to obsolete and defeated
schemes, that he can bring no new device against us, that he can
discover no vantage ground which he has not already occupied. He
looks at his quiver, it is empty. He looks to his counsellors, they
are in despair. He looks at death, its sting is gone. He looks at the
grave, its strength and its triumph are dissipated. He looks to the
past, and he sees only blasted hopes and foiled attempts, and
fountains of pain, and sorrow, and remorse. He looks to the future,
and he espies a gathering glory he cannot tarnish, and an approaching
victory he cannot impede, and in his own case a fearful inheritance
of burning, and blackness, and agony he cannot avert. All he can do
at present is to ply the old instruments, and bait his hook with
former seductions. His head is deeply bruised. He is giddy, on the
edge of inevitable ruin. Let us go forward, fellow Christians; a gulf
of ruin will soon entomb our foe, and a land of bliss imbosom our
spirits. Let us lift our eyes and our hearts towards the hills from
whence comes our aid, and towards the God of battles, unto whom the
shields of the earth do belong, and resist boldly, and Satan will
flee; for he is a vanquished enemy, he bites the dust. Never more
shall he lord it over the Messiah's heritage. The distant isles of
the ocean, and the far-spread continents of the world, and all
kindreds, and tribes, and tongues, shall yet come forth from the
darkness of spiritual death, and from the fetters of the devil's
despotism, and subscribe themselves by the name of Jesus. The
symptoms of the ruin of Satan's kingdom already appear. The crescent
of the Ottoman wanes fast. The triple crown sits loosely on the head
of the man of sin, and the thunder stamp of revolution is heard at
the doors of the Vatican, and the lightning gleams of truth, made
more vivid by long opposition, are seen and felt in the darkest
chambers of the Inquisition. A spirit of awakenment seems to have
arrested the Jew, and a wider and more cordial welcome of the cross
to have touched the heart of the Gentile. We tread upon the fallen,
though yet unextinguished, body of the enemy. We have only to read
the venerable annals of Fox to see that we move across the ground
that is strewed with the trophies of former victories, and
consecrated by the blood of holy martyrs, and hallowed by the
resting-places of their earthly remains, and smoothed and made even
by the pioneers of the cross that have preceded us to glory. Jesus,
the Captain of our faith, and the noble army of martyrs that took up
their cross and followed him, have already borne the brunt of the
battle, and formed a rampart by their graves, that we may stand
behind their shelter and gather the remaining laurels of spiritual
conquest. From the first century even to the present, the successive
ranks of believers have undergone vicarious substitution for them
that have followed, "each stepping where his comrade stood the
instant that he fell," and have thus, at the expense of their blood
and comfort, left us less opposition to be met in our course to
glory. Let us therefore wrap around us the mantles they have left
behind them in their flight to immortality, and, animated by their
example, and above all by the example of the Author and the Finisher
of our faith, let us neither slacken our efforts nor curb our zeal
till the church shine forth in her millennial glory, or we
individually enter into "the rest that remains for the people of
God." Only let us remember, that besides the conflict that is waged
in the world without, there must be a stiffer tug of battle carried
on in the bosom within. We must remember that none can enter the
ranks of the redeemed warriors around, who cannot exhibit the
unquestionable proofs of victory gained in the bosom within. While
Satan battles it out in the open arena of earth against the
prevalence and progress of Heaven's truth, his zeal is also as hot
and his struggles as incessant for the mastery of a single heart, as
for the mastery of the whole church. To us personally it matters
little whether the cross or the crescent is uppermost, whether hell
or heaven triumphs, if we are yet in the gall of bitterness and in
the bond of iniquity. We must bruise the serpent's head in our own
bosoms before we can contribute to bruise his head in the world. Our
life is not a life of peace, nor ease, nor retirement; but a life of
conflict, and of struggle, and of watchfulness. Time is the hour of
battle, and eternity is the hour of triumph; earth is the
battlefield, and heaven is the victor's home; the cross is our
companion now, and the crown our prize hereafter. We feel the
serpent's life within, but feel we not the Spirit's life more
powerful still? We must feel the foul current of poisoned waters
coming in contact with the streams of purity and love, but thanks be
to God through Jesus Christ we shall be more than conquerors through
him that loved us. Let us break the fetters that bind to the ways and
works of earth, for the Spirit and strength of Omnipotence are with
us; let us be slaves no more. Be ye freemen whom the truth makes
free. Soon the struggle will be done, and the head of the serpent
will be bruised, and amid the opening climes of heaven we shall see
our glorified relations, and friends, and long-lost comrades in the
contest, stretching forth their hands to welcome us to the mansions
which the Saviour has prepared in his Father% house. "Now unto Him
that is able to keep us from falling, and to present us faultless
before the presence of his glory with exceeding joy, to the only wise
God our Saviour, be glory and majesty, dominion and power, both now
and ever." Amen.



THE FIRST BOOK
THE ACTS AND MONUMENTS, CONTAINING THE THREE HUNDRED YEARS NEXT AFTER
CHRIST, WITH THE TEN PERSECUTIONS OF THE PRIMITIVE CHURCH.

1. FOREWORD
(Illustration: The Crucifixion of Christ )
BY THE GRACE AND SPEED OF CHRIST OUR LORD, WE WOULD DISCOURSE, IN
PARTICULAR SORT, THE ACTS AND DOINGS OF EVERY AGE BY ITSELF, IN THE
FOLLOWING ORDER:

To declare, first, the suffering time of the church,which containeth
about the space of three hundred years after Christ.

Secondly, The flourishing and growing time of the same, containing
other three hundred years.

Thirdly, The declining time of the church, and of true religion,
other three hundred years.

Fourthly, Of the time of antichrist, reigning and raging in the
church since the loosing of Satan.

Lastly, of the reforming time of Christ's church, in these latter
three hundred years.

In the tractation of all which things our chief purpose and endeavour
shall be, (so near as the Lord will give us grace,) not so much to
intermeddle withoutward affairs of princes, or matters civil, (except
sometimes for example of life,) as specially minding (by the help of
the Lord) to prosecute such things only which to the ecclesiastical
state of the church are appertaining: as, first, to intreat of the
stablishing of Christian faith; then of the persecutions of tyrants;
the constancy and patience of God's saints; the first conversion of
Christian realms to the faith of Christ, namely, of this realm of
England and Scotland; first beginning with king Lucius and so
forward, following the order of our English kings here in this land;
to declare the maintenance of true doctrine; the false practice of
prelates; the creeping in of superstition and hypocrisy; the manifold
assaults, wars, and tumults of the princes of this world against the
people of God. Wherein may appear the wonderful operation of Christ's
mighty hand, ever working in his church, and never ceasing to defend
the same against his enemies, according to the verity of his own
word, promising to be with his church while the world shall stand; so
as by the process of this story may well be proved, and will be
testified in the sequel thereof.
[Footnote: This purpose of Fox, not to intermeddle with civil and
political questions, many would do well to observe in the present
day. The question between the Church of Rome and the Church of Christ
relates emphatically to souls, to Christ, and to eternity.]

In the tractation of all which things two special points I chiefly
commend to the reader, as most requisite and necessary for every
Christian man to observe and to note for his own experience and
profit: as, first, the disposition and nature of this world;
secondly, the nature and condition of the kingdom of Christ: the
vanity of the one, and establishment of the other: the unprosperous
and unquiet state of the one, ruled by man's violence and wisdom; and
the happy success of the other, ever ruled by God's blessing and
providence: the wrath and revenging hand of God in the one, and his
mercy upon the other. The world I call all such as be without or
against Christ; either by ignorance, not knowing him; or by
heathenish life, not following him; or by violence, resisting him. On
the other side, the kingdom of Christ in this world I take to be all
them which belong to the faith of Christ, and here take his part in
this world against the world; the number of whom, although it be much
smaller than the other, and always lightly is hated and molested of
the world, yet it is the number which the Lord peculiarly doth bless
and prosper, and ever will. And this number of Christ's subjects is
it which we call the visible church here in earth. Which visible
church, having in itself a difference of two sorts of people, so is
it to be divided in two parts, of which the one standeth of such as
be of outward profession only, the other which by election inwardly
are joined to Christ: the first in words and lips seem to honour
Christ, and are in the visible church only, but not in the church
invisible, and partake the outward sacraments of Christ, but not the
inward blessing of Christ; the other are both in the visible and also
in the invisible church of Christ, which not in words only and
outward profession, but also in heart do truly serve and honour
Christ, partaking not only the sacraments, but also the heavenly
blessings and grace of Christ.

And many times it happeneth, that as between the world and the
kingdom of Christ there is a continual repugnance; so between these
two parts of this visible church aforesaid ofttimes groweth great
variance and mortal persecution, insomuch that sometimes the true
church of Christ hath no greater enemies than of their own profession
and company, as happened not only in the time of Christ and his
apostles, but also from time to time almost continually; but
especially in the later days of the church under the persecution of
antichrist and his retinue, as by the reading of this volume more
manifestly hereafter may appear.

At the first preaching of Christ and coming of the gospel, who should
rather have known and received him than the Pharisees and scribes of
that people, which had his law? And yet who persecuted and rejected
him more than they themselves? What followed? They, in refusing
Christ to be their King, and choosing rather to be subject unto
Cĉsar, were by the said their own Cĉsar at length destroyed; whenas
Christ's subjects the same time escaped the danger. Whereby it is to
be learned what a dangerous thing it is to refuse the gospel of God,
when it is so gently offered.

The like example of God's wrathful punishment is to be noted no less
in the Romans also themselves. For when Tiberius Cĉsar, having
received by letters from Pontius Pilate of the doings of Christ, of
his miracles, resurrection, and ascension into heaven, and how he was
received as God of many, was himself also moved with belief of the
same, and did confer thereof with the whole senate of Rome to have
Christ adored as God; they, not agreeing thereunto, refused him,
because that, contrary to the law of the Romans, he was consecrated
(said they) for God before the senate of Rome had so decreed and
approved him, &c. Thus the vain senate, following rather the law of
man than of God, and which were contented with the emperor to reign
over them, and were not contented with the meek King of glory, the
Son of God, to be their King, were after much like sort to the Jews
scourged and entrapped for their unjust refusing, by the same way
which they themselves did prefer. For as they preferred the emperor 
and rejected Christ, so the just permission of God did stir up their
own emperors against them in such sort, that both the senators
themselves were almost all devoured, and the whole city most horribly
afflicted for the spaco almost of three hundred years together. For,
first, the same Tiberius, which for a great part of his reign was a
moderate and a tolerable prince, afterward was to them a sharp and
heavy tyrant, who neither favoured his own mother, nor spared his own
nephews, nor the princes of the city, such as were his own
counsellors, of whom, to the number of twenty, he left not past two
or three alive. Suetonius reporteth him to be so stern of nature and
tyrannical, that in time of his reign very many were accused and
condemned with their wives and chilthen; maids also first defloured,
then put to death, In one day he recordeth twenty persons to be drawn
to the place of execution. By whom also, through the just punishment
of God, Pilate, under whom Christ was crucified, was apprehended and
accused at Rome, deposed, then banished to the town of Lyons, and at
length did slay himself. Neither did Herod and Caiaphas long escape,
of whom more followeth hereafter. Agrippa also by him was east into
prison; albeit afterward he was restored. In the reign of Tiberius,
the Lord Jesus, the Son of God, in the three and thirtieth year of
his age, which was the seventeenth of this emperor, by the malice of
the Jews suffered his blessed passion for the conquering of sin,
death, and Satan, the prince of this world, and rose again the third
day. After whose blessed passion and resurrection this foresaid
Tiberius Nero lived six years, during which time no persecution was
yet stirring in Rome against the Christians, through the commandment
of the emperor.

In the reign also of this emperor, and the year which was the next
after the passion of our Saviour, or somewhat more, anno 35, St. Paul
was converted to the faith. After the death of Tiberius, when he had
reigned three and twenty years, succeeded C. Cĉsar Caligula, Claudius
Nero, and Domitius Nero, anno 39; which three were likewise such
scourges to the senate and people of Rome, that the first not only
took other men's wives violently from them, but also defioured three
of his own sisters, and afterward banished them. So wicked he was,
that he commanded himself to be worshipped as God, and temples to be
erected in his name, and used to sit in the temple among the gods,
requiring his images to be set up in all temples, and also in the
temple of Jerusalem, which caused great disturbance among the Jews,
and then began the abomination of desolation to be set up in the holy
place, spoken of in the gospel. His cruel conduct, or else
displeasure, was such towards the Romans, that he wished that all the
people of Rome had but one neck, that he at his pleasure might
destroy such a multitude. By this said Caligula, Herod, the murderer
of John Baptist and condemner of Christ, was condemned to perpetual
banishment, where he died miserably. Caiaphas also, which wickedly
sat upon Christ, was the same time removed from the high priest's
room, and Jonathan set in his place. The raging fierceness of this
Caligula incensed against the Romans had not thus ceased, had not he
been cut off by the hands of a tribune and other gentlemen, which
slew him in the fourth year of his reign. After whose death were
found in his closet two little labels, one called a sword, the other
the dagger; in the which labels were contained the names of those
senators and noblemen of Rome whom he had purposed to put to death.
Besides this sword and dagger, there was found also a coffer, wherein
divers kinds of poison were kept in glasses and vessels for the
purpose to destroy a wonderful number of people; which poisons
afterward, being thrown into the sea, destroyed a great number of
fish.

But that which this Caligula had only conceived, the same did the
other two which came after bring to pass; Claudius Nero, who reigned
thirteen years with no little cruelty; but especially the third of
these Neros, called Domitius Nero, which, sueceeding after Claudius,
reigned fourteen years with such fury and tyranny, that he slew the
most part of the senators, and destroyed the whole order of
knighthood in Rome. So prodigious a monster of nature was he, more
like a beast, yea, rather a devil, than a man, that he seemed to be
born to the destruction of men. Such was his monstrous uncleanness,
that he abstained not from his own mother, his natural sister, nor
from any degree of kindred. Such was his wretched cruelty, that he
caused to be put to death his mother, his brother-in-law, his sister,
his wife great with child, all his instructors, Seneca and Lucan,
with divers more of his own kindred and consanguinity. Moreover, he
commanded Rome to be set on fire in twelve places, and so continued
it five days and seven nights in burning, while that he, to see the
example how Troy burned, sung the verses of Homer. And to avoid the
infamy thereof, he laid the fault upon the Christian men, and caused
them to be persecuted. And so continued this miserable emperor in his
reign fourteen years, till at last the senate proclaiming him a
public enemy unto mankind, condemned him to be drawn through the
city, and to be whipped to death. For the fear whereof, he, flying
the hands of his enemies, in the night fled to a manor of his
servant's in the country, where he was forced to slay himself, 
complaining that he had then neither friend nor enemy left that would
do so much for him. In the latter end of this Domitius Nero Peter and
Paul were put to death for the testimony and faith of Christ.
[Footnote: Some chronologists place the martyrdom of St. Peter and
St. Paul two years later, and some even four.]

Thus ye see, which is worthy to be marked, how the just scourge and
heavy indignation of God from time to time ever followeth there, and
how all things there go to ruin, neither doth any thing well prosper,
where Christ Jesus, the Son of God, is contemned and not received, as
by these examples may appear, both of Romans, which not only were
thus consumed and plagued by their own emperors, but also by civil
wars, whereof three happened in two years at Rome, after the death of
Nero, anno 69, and other casualties, (as in Sueton. is testified,) so
that in the days of Tiberius aforesaid five thousand Romans were hurt
and slain at one time by the fall of a theatre. And also most
especially by the destruction of the Jews, which about this same
time, in the year threescore and ten, and nearly forty years after
the passion of Christ, and the third year after the suffering of St.
Peter and Paul, were destroyed by Titus and Vespasian his father (who
succeeded after Nero in the empire) to the number of eleven hundred
thousand, besides them which Vespasian slew in subduing the country
of Galilee, over and beside them also which were sold and sent into
Egypt and other provinces to vile slavery, to the number of seventeen
thousand. Two thousand were brought with Titus in his triumph; of
which, part he gave to be devoured of the wild beasts, part otherwise
most cruelly were slain. By whose case all nations and realms may
take example, what it is to reject the visitation of God's verity
being sent, and much more to persecute them which be sent of God for
their salvation.

And as this wrathful vengeance of God thus hath been showed upon this
rebellious people, both of the Jews and of the Romans, for their
contempt of Christ, whom God so punished by their own emperors; so
neither the emperors themselves, for persecuting Christ in his
members, escaped without their just reward. For among so many
emperors which put so many Christian martyrs to death, during the
space of these first three hundred years, few or none of them scaped
either not slain themselves, or by some miserable end or other
worthily revenged. First, of the poisoning of Tiberius, and of the
slaughter of the other three Neros after him, sufficiently is
declared before. After Nero, Domitius Galba within seven months was
slain by Otho. And so did Otho afterward slay himself, being overcome
by Vitellus. And was not Vitellus shortly after drawn through the
city of Rome, and after he was tormented was thrown into Tiber?
Titus, a good emperor, is thought to be poisoned of Domitian, his
brother. The said Domitian, after he had been a persecutor of the
Christians, was slain in his chamber, not without the consent of his
wife. Likewise Commodus was murdered of Narcissus. The like end was
of Pertinax and Julianus. Moreover, after that Severus was slain here
in England, (and lieth at York,) did not his son Bassianus slay his
brother Geta, and he after slain of Martialis? Macrinus with his son
Diadumenus were both slain of their own soldiers. After whom
Heliogabalus, that monstrous belly-paunch, was of his own people
slain, and drawn through the city and cast into Tiber. Alexander
Severus, that worthy and learned emperor, which said he would not
feed his servants doing nothing with the bowels of the commonwealth,
although in life and virtues he was much unlike other emperors, yet
proved the like end, being slain at Mentz, with his godly mother
Mammea, by Maximinus, whom the emperor before of a muleteer had
advanced to great dignities. The which Maximinus also after three
years was slain himself of his soldiers. What should I speak of
Maximus and Balbinus in like sort both slain in Rome? of Gordian
slain by Philip? ofPhilip, the first christened emperor, slain, or
rather martyred, for the same cause? of wicked Decius drowned, and
his son slain the same time in battle? of Gallus and Volusianus his
son, emperors after Decius, both slain by conspiracy of Ĉmilianus,
who rose against them both in war, and within three months after was
slain himself? Next to Ĉmilianus succeeded Valerianus, and Galienus
his son; of whom Valerianus (who was a persecutor of the Christians)
was taken prisoner of the Persians, and there made a riding fool of
Sapores their king, who used him for a stool to leap upon his horse;
while his son Galienus, sleeping at Rome, either would not or could
not once proffer to revenge his father's ignominy. For after the
taking of Valerian, so many emperors rose up as were provinces in the
Roman monarchy. At length Galienus also was killed by Aureolus which
warred against him. It were too long here to speak of Aurelianus,
another persecutor, slain of his secretary; of Tacitus and Florinus
his brother, of whom the first reigned five months, and was slain at
Pontus; the other reigned two months, and was murdered at Tarsis: of
Probus, who, although a good civil emperor, yet was he destroyed by
his soldiers. After whom Carus, the next emperor, was slain by
lightning. Next to Carus followed the impious and wicked persecutor
Dioclesian, with his fellows Maximian, Valerius, Maximinus,
Maxentius, and Licinius, under whom, all at one time, (during the
time of Dioclesian,) the greatest and most grievous persecution was
moved against the Christians ten years together. After which,
Dioclesian and Maximian deposed themselves from the empire. Galerius,
the chiefest minister of the persecution, after his terrible
persecutions, fell into a wonderful sickness, having such a sore
risen in the nether part of his body, which consumed his members, and
so did swarm with worms, that being curable neither by surgery nor
physic, he confessed that it happened for his cruelty towards the
Christians, and so called in his proclamations against them.
Notwithstanding, he not able to sustain (as some say) his sore, slew
himself. Maximinus in his war, being tormented with pain in his guts,
there died, Maxentius was vanquished by Constantine, and drowned in
Tiber. Licinius likewise, being overcome by the said Constantine the
Great, was deposed from his empire, and afterward slain of his
soldiers. But, on the other side, after the time of Constantine,
whenas the faith of Christ was received into the imperial seat, we
read of no emperor after the like sort destroyed or molested, except
it were Julianus, or Basilius, (which expelled one Zeno, and was
afterward expelled himself,) or Valens. Beside these we read of no
emperor to come to ruin and decay, as the others before mentioned.

And thus have we in brief sum collected out of the chronicles the
unquiet and miserable state of the emperors of Rome, until the time
of Christian Constantine, with the examples, no less terrible than
manifest, of God's severe justice upon them for their contemptuous
refusing and persecuting the faith and name of Christ their Lord.

Moreover, in much like sort and condition, if leisure of time or
haste of matter would suffer me a little to digress unto more lower
times, and to come more near home, the like examples I could also
infer of this our country of England, concerning the terrible plagues
of God against the churlish and unthankful refusing or abusing the
benefit of his truth. First, we read how that God stirred up Gildas
to preach to the old Britons, and to exhort them unto repentance and
amendment of life, and afore to warn them of plagues to come if they
repented not. What availed it? Gildas was laughed to scorn, and taken
for a false prophet and a malicious preacher. The Britons, with lusty
courages, shameless faces, and unrepentant hearts, went forth to sin
and to offend the Lord their God. What followed? God sent in their
enemies on every side and destroyed them, and gave the land to other
nations, Not many years past, God seeing idolatry, superstition,
hypocrisy, and wicked living used in this realm, raised up that godly
learned man John Wickliffe to preach unto our fathers repentance, and
to exhort them to amend their lives, to forsake their papistry and
idolatry, their hypocrisy and superstition, and to walk in the fear
of God. His exhortations were not regarded, he with his sermons was
despised, his books and he himself after his death were burnt. What
followed? They slew their right king, and set up three wrong kings on
a row; under whom all the noble blood was slain up, and half the
commons thereto, what in France, and with their own sword in fighting
among themselves for the crown; and the cities and towns were
decayed, and the land brought half to a wilderness, in respect of
that it was before. Oh extreme plagues of God's vengeance! Since that
time, even of late years, God, once again having pity of this realm
of England, raised up his prophets, namely, William Tindall, Thomas
Bilney, John Frith, Doctor Barnes, Jerome Garret, Anthony Person,
with divers others, which both with their writings and sermons
earnestly laboured to call us unto repentance, that by this means the
fierce wrath of God might be turned away from us. But how were they
entreated? how, were their painful labours regarded? They themselves
were condemned and burnt as heretics, and their books condemned and
burnt as heretical. The time shall come, saith Christ, that whosoever
killeth you, will think that he doth God high good service, John xvi.
2. Whether any thing since that time hath chanced to this realm
worthy the name of a plague, let the godly wise judge. If God hath
deferred his punishment, or forgiven us these our wicked deeds, as I
trust he hath, let us not therefore be proud and high-minded, but
most humbly thank him for his tender mercies, and beware of the like 
ungodly enterprises hereafter. Neither is it here any need to speak
of these our lower and later times, which have been in king Henry's
and king Edward's days, seeing the memory thereof is yet fresh and
cannot be forgotten. But let this pass; of this I am sure, that God
yet once again is come on visitation to this church of England, yea,
and that more lovingly and beneficially than ever he did before. For
in this visitation he hath redressed many abuses, and cleansed his
church of much ungodliness and superstition, and made it a glorious
church, if it be compared to the old form and state. And now how
grateful receivers we be, with what heart, study, and reverence we
embrace that which he hath given, that I refer either to them that
see our fruits, or to the sequel, which peradventure will declare it.



2. THE EARLY PERSECUTION OF THE APOSTLES
But this by the way of digression. Now to regress again to the
state of the first former times. It remaineth, that as I have set
forth the justice of God upon these Roman persecutors, so now we
declare their persecutions raised up against the people and servants
of Christ, within the space of three hundred years after Christ.
Which persecutions in number commonly are counted to be ten, besides
their persecutions first moved by the Jews in Jerusalem and other
places against the apostles. In the which, first St. Stephen the
deacon was put to death, with divers others more, in the same rage of
time either slain or cast into prison. At the doing whereof Saul the
same time played the doughty Pharisee, being not yet converted to the
faith of Christ, whereof the history is plain in the Acts of the
Apostles, set forth at large by St. Luke.
(Illustration: The martyrdom of St. Stephen )

After the martyrdom of this blessed Stephen, suffered next James the
holy apostle of Christ, and brother of John. Of which James mention
is made in the Acts of the Apostles, the twelfth chapter; where is
declared, how that not long after the stoning of Stephen, king Herod
stretched forth his hand to take and afflict certain of the
congregation; among whom James was one, whom he slew with the sword,
&c. Of this James Eusebius also inferreth mention, alleging Clement
thus writing a memorable story of him. This James, (saith Clement,)
when he was brought to the tribunal seat, he that brought him, (and
was the cause of his trouble,) seeing him to be condemned, and that
he should suffer death, as he went to the execution, he being moved
therewith in heart and conscience. confessed himself also of his own
accord to be a Christian. And so were they led forth together, where
in the way he desired of James to forgive him that he had done. After
that James had a little paused with himself upon the matter, turning
to him, Peace (saith he) be to thee, brother, and kissed him, and
both were beheaded together, in the year of our Lord thirty and six.

Dorotheus in his book named Synopsis testifieth, that Nicanor, one of
the seven deacons, with two thousand others, which believed in
Christ, suffered also the same day whereon Stephen did suffer.

The said Dorotheus witnesseth also that Simon, another of the
deacons, bishop afterward of Bostrum in Arabia, was there burned.
Parmenas also, another of the deacons, suffered.

Thomas preached to the Parthians, Medes, and Persians; also to the
Germans, Hiraconies, Bactries, and Magies. He suffered in Calamina, a
city of Judah, being slain with a dart.

Simon Zelotes preached at Mauritania, and in the countries of Africa,
and in Britain; he was likewise crucified.

Judas, brother of James, called also Thaddeus and Lebbeus, preached
to the Edessenes, and to all Mesopotamia: he was slain under Augarus,
king of the Edessenes, in Berito.

Simon called Cananeus, which was brother to Jude above mentioned, and
to James the younger, which all were the sons of Mary Cleophas, and
of Alpheus, was bishop of Jerusalem after James, and was crucified in
a city of Egypt in the time of Trajanus the emperor, as Dorotheus
recordeth, But Abdias writeth, that he with his brother Jude were
both slain by a tumult of the people in Suanir, a city of Parsidis.

Mark the evangelist, and first bishop of Alexandria, preached the
gospel in Egypt, and there, drawn with ropes unto the fire, was
burned, and afterward buried in a place called there Bucolus, under
the reign of Trajanus the emperor.

Bartholomeus is said also to preach to the Indians, and to have
converted the Gospel of St. Matthew into their tongue, where he
continued a great space doing many miracles. At last in Albania, a
city of Greater Armenia, after divers persecutions, he was beaten
down with staves, then crucified, and after being excoriate, he was
at length beheaded.

Of Andrew the apostle and brother to Peter thus writeth Hieroni in
his Catalogue of ecclesiastical Writers. Andrew the brother of Peter
(in the time and reign of Vespasianus, as our ancestors have
reported) did preach in the eightieth year after our Lord Jesus
Christ to the Scythians, Sogdians, to the Saxons, and in a city which
is called Angustia, where theethiopians do now inhabit. He was buried
in Patnis, a city of Achaia, being crucified of Egeas the governor of
the Edessenes. Hitherto writeth Hierom, although in the number of
years he seemeth a little to miss; for Vespasianus reached not to the
eightieth year after Christ. But Bernard in his second sermon, and
St. Cyprian, do make mention of the confession and martyrdom of this
blessed apostle; whereof partly out of these, partly out of other
credible writers, we have collected after this manner: that whenas
Andrew, being conversant in a city of Achaia called Patris, through
his diligent preaching had brought many to the faith of Christ, Egeas
the governor knowing this, resorted thither, to the intent he might
constrain as many as did believe Christ to be God, by the whole
consent of the senate, to do sacrifice unto the idols, and so give
divine honour unto them. Andrew thinking good at the beginning to
resist the wicked counsel and the doings of Egeas, went unto him,
saying to this effect unto him: That it behoved him which was judge
of men, first to know his Judge which dwelleth in heaven, and then to
worship him being known, and so in worshipping the true God, to
revoke his mind from false gods and blind idols. These words spake
Andrew to the consul.

But he, greatly therewith discontented, demanded of him whether he
was the same Andrew that did overthrow the temple of the gods, and
persuaded men of that superstitious sect, which the Romans of late
had commanded to be abolished and rejected. Andrew did plainly
affirm, that the princes of the Romans did not understand the truth,
and that the Son of God, coming from heaven into the world for man's
sake, hath taught and declared how those idols, whom they so honoured
as gods, were not only not gods, but also most cruel devils, enemies
to mankind, teaching the people nothing else but that wherewith God
is offended, and being offended, turneth away and regardeth them not;
and so by the wicked service of the devil they do fall head long into
all wickedness, and after their departing nothing remaineth unto them
but their evil deeds.

But the proconsul esteeming these things to be as vain especially
seeing the Jews (as he said) had crucified Christ before, therefore
charged and commanded Andrew not to teach and preach such things any
more; or if he did, that he should be fastened to the cross with all
speed.

Andrew abiding in his former mind very constant, answered thus
concerning the punishment which he threatened: He would not have
preached the honour and glory of the cross, if he had feared the
death of the cross. Whereupon sentence of condemnation was
pronounced, that Andrew, teaching and enterprising a new sect, and
taking away the religion of their gods, ought to be crucified. Andrew
coming to the place, and seeing afar off the cross prepared, did
change neither countenance nor colour, as the imbecility of mortal
men is wont to do, neither did his blood shrink, neither did he fail
in his speech; his body fainted not, neither was his mind molested;
his understanding did not fail him, as it is the manner of men to do,
but out of the abundance of his heart his mouth did speak; and
fervent charity did appear in his words as kindled sparks: he said, O
cross, most welcome and long looked for; with a willing mind joyfully
and desirously I come to thee, being the scholar of Him which did
hang on thee; because I have been always thy lover, and have coveted
to embrace thee. So being crucified, he yielded up the ghost and fell
on sleep, the day before the kalends of December.
(Illustration: the martyrdom of St. Andrew )

Matthew, otherwise named Levi, first of a publican made an apostle,
wrote his Gospel to the Jews in the Hebrew tongue, according to
Eusebius and Irenĉus.

Matthias, after he had preached to the Jews, at length was stoned and
beheaded. Some others record that he died inethiopia.

Philippus the holy apostle, after he had much laboured among the
barbarous nations in preaching the word of salvation to them, at
length suffered as the other apostles did, in Hierapolis, a city of
Phrygia, being there crucified and stoned to death, where also he was
buried, and his daughters also with him.

After that Festus had sent the apostle Paul to Rome after his
appellation made at Cesarea, and that the Jews by the means thereof
had left their hope of performing their malicious vow against him
conceived, they fell upon James the brother of our Lord, who was
bishop at Jerusalem, against whom they, being bent with like malice,
brought him forth before them, and required him to deny before all
the people the faith of Christ. But he, otherwise than they all
looked for, freely and with a greater constancy before all the
multitude confessed Jesus to be the Son of God, our Saviour, and our
Lord. Whereupon, they not being able to abide the tes timony of this
man any longer, because he was thought to be the justest among them
all, for the highness of Divine wisdom and godliness which in living
he declared, they killed him, finding the more opportunity to 
accomplish their mischief, because the kingdom the same time was
vacant. For Festus being dead in Jewry, the administration of that
province was destitute of a ruler and a deputy. But after what manner
James was killed the words of Clement do declare, which writeth that
he was cast down from the pinnacle of the temple, and, being smittcn
with the instrument of a fuller, was slain; but Egesippus, which
lived in the time next after the apostles, described the cause
diligently in his fifth commentary, after this manner as followeth.

James the brother of our Lord took in hand to govern the church after
the apostles, being counted of all men from the time of our Lord to
be a just and perfect man. Many and divers other Jameses there were
beside him, but this was born holy from his mother's womb; he drunk
no wine, nor any strong drink; neither did he eat any living
creature; the razor never came up on his head; he was not anointed
with oil, neither did he use bath; to him only was it lawful to enter
into the holy place; neither was he clothed with woollen cloth, but
with silk; and he only entered into the temple, falling upon his
knees, asking remission for the people; so that his knees by oft
kneeling lost the sense of feeling, being benumbed and hardened like
the knees of a camel. He was (for worshipping God and craving
forgiveness for the people) called just, and for the excellency of
his just life named Oblias, which (if you do interpret it) is the
safeguard and justice of the people, as the prophets declare of him:
therefore whenas many of the heretics which were among the people
asked him what manner of gift Jesus should be, he answered that he
was the Saviour. Whereof some do believe him to be Jesus Christ; but
the aforesaid heretics neither believe the resurrection, neither that
any shall come which shall render unto every man according to his
works, but as many as believe, they believed for James's cause.
Whenas many therefore of the princes did believe, there was a tumult
made of the scribes, Jews, and Pharisees, saying, It is dangerous,
lest that all the people do look for this Jesus as for Christ.
Therefore they gathered themselves together, and said to James, We
beseech thee, restrain the people, for they believe in Jesus as
though he were Christ; we pray thee, persuade them all which come
unto the feast of the passover of Jesus; for we are all obedient unto
thee, and all the people do testify of thee that thou art just,
neither that thou dost accept the person of any man; therefore
persuade the people that they be not deceived in Jesus, and all the
people and we will obey thee: therefore stand upon the pillar of the
temple, that thou mayst be seen from above, and that thy words may be
perceived of all the people, for to this pass over all the tribes do
come with all the country. And thus the forenamed scribes and
Pharisees did set James upon the battlements of the church, and they
cried unto him and said, Thou just man, whom all we ought to obey,
because this people is led after Jesus, which is crucified, tell what
is the gift of Jesus crucified. And he answered with a great voice,
What do you ask me of Jesus the Son of man, seeing that he sitteth on
the right hand of God in heaven, and shall come in the clouds of the
sky? But when many were persuaded of this, they glorified God upon
the witness of James, and said, Hosanna in the highest to the Son of
David. Then the scribes and the Pharisees said among themselves, We
have done evil that we have caused such a testimony of Jesus, but let
us go up, and let us take him, that they, being compelled with fear,
may deny that faith. And they cried out, saying, Oh, oh, this just
man also is seduced. Therefore they went up to throw down the just
man, and said among themselves, Let us stone this just man James; and
they took him to smite him with stones, for he was not yet dead when
he was cast down. But he turning, fell down upon his knees, saying, O
Lord God, Father, I beseech thee to forgive them, for they know not
what they do.

But when they had smitten him with stones, one of the priests of the
children of Rechas, the son of Charobim, spake to them the testimony
which is in Jeremiah the prophet: Leave off; what do ye? The just man
prayeth for you. And one of those which were present took a fuller's
instrument, wherewith they did use to beat and purge cloth, and smote
the just man on his head; and so he finished his martyrdom, and they
buried him in the same place, and his pillar abideth still by the
temple. He was a true testimony to the Jews and the Gentiles. And
shortly after Vespasianus the emperor, destroying the land of Jewry,
brought them into captivity. These things being thus written at large
of Egesippus, do well agree to those which Clement did write of him.
This James was so notable a man, that for his justice, he was had in
honour of all men, insomuch that the wise men of the Jews, shortly
after his martyrdom, did impute the cause of the besieging of
Jerusalem, and other calamities which happened unto them, to no other
cause, but unto the violence and injury done to this man. Also
Josephus hath not left this out of his history, where he speaketh of
him after this manner: These things so chanced unto the Jews for a
vengeance, because of that just man James, which was the brother of
Jesus, whom they called Christ; for the Jews killed him, although he
was a righteous man.

The same Josephus declareth his death in the same book and chapter,
saying, Cĉsar hearing of the death of Festus, sent Albinus the
lieutenant into Jewry; but Ananus the younger being bishop, and of
the sect of the Sadducees, trusting that he had obtained a convenient
time, seeing that Festus was dead, and Albinus entered on his
journey, he called a council, and calling many unto him, among whom
was James, by name, the brother of Jesus which is called Christ, he
stoned them, accusing them as breakers of the law.

Whereby it appeareth that many other besides James also at the same
time were martyred and put to death among the Jews, for the faith of
Christ.
THESE things being thus declared for the martyrdom of the
apostles, and the persecution of the Jews; now let us (by the grace
of Christ our Lord) comprehend, with like brevity, the persecutions
raised by the Romans against the Christians in the primitive age of
the church during the space of three hundred years, till the coming
of godly Constantine:
which persecutions are reckoned of Eusebius, and by the most part of
writers, to the number of ten most specia1.

Wherein marvellous it is to see and read the numbers incredible of
Christian innocents that were slain and tormented, some one way, some
another, is Rabanus saith, and saith truly. Some slain with sword;
some burnt with fire; some with whips scourged; some stabbed with
forks of iron; some fastened to the cross or gibbet; some drowned in
the sea; some their skins plucked off; some their tongues cut off;
some stoned to death; some killed with cold; some starved with
hunger: some their hands cut off, or otherwise dismembered, have been
so left naked to the open shame of the world, &c. Their kinds of
punishments, although they were divers, yet the manner of constancy
in all these martyrs was one. And yet notwithstanding the sharpness
of these so many and sundry torments, and like cruelties of the
tormentors, yet such was the number of these constant saints that
suffered, or rather such was the power of the Lord in his saints,
that there is no day in the whole year unto which the number of five
thousand martyrs cannot be ascribed, except only the first day of
January.



3. THE FIRST PERSECUTION UNDER NERO


The first of these ten persecutions was stirred up by Nero Domitius,
the sixth emperor before mentioned, about the year of our Lord
threescore and seven. The tyrannous rage of which emperor was so
fierce against the Christians, as Eusebius recordeth, that a man
might then see cities lie full of men's bodies, the old there lying
together with the young, and the dead bodies of women cast out naked,
without all reverence of that sex, in the open streets, &c. Likewise
Orosius, writing of the said Nero, saith, that he was the first which
in Rome did raise up persecution against the Christians; and not only
in Rome, but also through all the provinces thereof; thinking to
abolish and to destroy the whole name of Christians in all places,
&c. Whereunto accordeth moreover the testimony of Hierom upon Daniel,
saying, that many there were of the Christians in those days, which,
seeing the filthy abominations and intolerable cruelty of Nero,
thought that he should be antichrist.
(Illustration: The Martyrdom of St. Peter )

In this persecution, among many other saints, the blessed apostle
Peter was condemned to death, and crucified, as some do write, at
Rome; albeit other some, and not without cause, do doubt thereof;
concerning whose life and history, because it is sufficiently
described in the text of the Gospel, and in the Acts of the Apostles,
I need not here to make any great repetition thereof. As touching the
cause and maimer of his death, divers there be which make relation,
as Hierom, Egesippus, Eusebius, Abdias, and others, although they do
not all precisely agree in the time. The words of Hierom be these:
Simon Peter, the son of Jona, of the province of Galilee, and of the
town of Bethsaida, the brother of Andrew, &c., after he had been
bishop of the church of Antioch, and had preached to the dispersion
of them that believed, of the circumcision, in Pontus, Galatia,
Cappadocia, Asia, and Bithynia, in the second year of Claudius the
emperor, (which was the year of our Lord forty and four,) came to
Rome to withstand Simon Magus, and there kept the priestly chair the
space of five and twenty years, until the last year of the aforesaid
Nero, which was the fourteenth year of his reign, of whom he was
crucified, his head being down, and his feet upward; himself so
requiring, because he was (he said) unworthy to be crucified after
the same form and manner as the Lord was, &c. Egesippus prosecuting
this matter something more at large, and Abdias also, (if any 
authority is to be given to his book, who following not only the
sense, but also the very form of words of Egesippus in this history,
seemeth to be extracted out of him, and of other authors,) saith,
that Simon Magus being then a great man with Nero, and his president
and keeper of his life, was required upon a time to be present at the
raising up of a certain noble young man in Rome, of Nero's kindred,
lately departed; whereas Peter also was desired to come to the re
viving of the said personage. But when Magus, in the presence of
Peter, could not do it, then Peter, calling upon the name of the Lord
Jesus, did raise him up, and restored him to his mother; Whereby the
estimation of Simon Magus began greatly to decay, and to be detested 
in Rome. Not long after the said Magus threatened the Romans that he
would leave the city, and in their sight fly away from them into
heaven. So the day being appointed, Magus taking his wings in the
mount Capitolinus, began to fly in the air; but Peter, by the power
of the Lord Jesus, brought him down with his wings headlong to the
ground, by the which fall his legs and joints were broken, and he
thereupon died. Then Nero, sorrowing for the death of him, sought
matter against Peter to put him to death. Which, when the people
perceived, they entreated Peter with much ado that he would fly the
city. Peter, through their importunity at length persuaded, prepared
himself to avoid. But coming to the gate, he saw the Lord Christ come
to meet him, to whom he, worshipping, said, Lord, whither dost thou
go? To whom he answered and said, I am come again to be crucified. By
this Peter, perceiving his suffering to be understood, returned back
into the city again, and so was he crucified in manner as is before
declared. And this out of Egesippus.

Eusebius, moreover, writing of the death, not only of Peter, but also
of his wife, affirmeth that Peter, seeing his wife going to her
martyrdom, (belike as he was yet hanging upon the cross,) was greatly
joyous and glad thereof, who, crying unto her with a loud voice, and
calling her by her name, bade her remember the Lord Jesus. Such was
then, (saith Eusebius,) the blessed bond of marriage among the saints
of God. And thus much of Peter.

Paul the apostle, which before was called Saul, after his great
travail and unspeakable labours in promoting the gospel of Christ,
suffered also in this first persecution under Nero, and was beheaded.

Among his other manifold labours and travails in spreading the
doctrine of Christ, he won Sergius Paulus, the proconsul of Cyprus,
to the faith of Christ: whereupon he took his name, as some suppose,
turned from Saulus to Paulus. After he had passed through divers
places and countries in his laborious peregrinations, he took to him
Barnabas, and went up to Jerusalem to Peter, James, and John, where
he was ordained and sent out with Barnabas to preach unto the
Gentiles.

And because it is in the Acts of the Apostles sufficiently
comprehended, concerning the admirable conversion and conversation of
this most worthy apostle, that which remaineth of the rest of his
history, I will here add, how the said apostle Paul, Acts xxviii.,
the five and twentieth year after the passion of the Lord, in the
second year of Nero, at what time Festus ruled in Jewry, was sent up
in bonds to Rome, where he, remaining in his own lodgings two years
together, disputed daily against the Jews, proving Christ to be come.
And here is to be noted, that after his first answer or purgation
there made at Rome, the emperor Nero, not yet fully confirmed in his
empire, and yet not bursting out into those mischiefs which histories
report of him, he was at that time by Nero discharged and dismissed
to preach the gospel in the west parts, and about the coasts of
Italy, as he himself writing unto Timothy afterward, in his second
apprehension, in his Second Epistle, chap. iv. 16, 17, witnesseth:
"At my first answer no man stood with rue, but all men forsook me. I
pray God that it may not be laid to their charge. Notwithstanding the
Lord stood with me, and strengthened me; and I was delivered out of
the mouth of the lion." In which place, by the lion, he plainly
meaneth Nero. And afterwards, likewise, he saith, I was delivered
from the mouth of the lion, &c. And again, The Lord hath delivered me
out from all evil works, and hath saved me unto his heavenly kingdom,
&c.; speaking this, because he perceived then the time of his
martyrdom to be near at hand. For in the same Epistle before, he
saith, I am now offered up, and the time of my dissolution draweth
on.

Thus, then, this worthy preacher and messenger of the Lord, in the
fourteenth year of Nero, and the same day in which Peter was
crucified, (although not in the same year, as some write, but in the
next year following,) was beheaded at Rome for the testimony of
Christ, and was buried in the way of Ostia, the seven and thirtieth
year after the passion of the Lord. He wrote nine Epistles to seven
churches: to the Romans, one; to the Corinthians, two; to the
Galatians, one; to the Ephesians, one; to the Philippians, one; to
the Colossians, one; to the Thessalonians, two. Moreover, he wrote to
his disciples: to Timothy, two; to Titus, one; to Philemon, one; to
the Hebrews, one.

As touching the time and order of the death and martyrdom of Saint
Paul, as Eusebius, Hierom, Maximus, and other authors do but briefly
pass it over; so Abdias, (if his book be of any substantial
authority,) speaking more largely of the same, doth say, that after
the crucifying of Peter, and the ruin of Simon Magus, Paul yet
remaining in free custody, was dismissed and delivered at that time
from martyrdom by God's permission, that all the Gentiles might be
replenished with preaching of the gospel by him.

And the same Abdias proceeding in his story, declareth moreover, that
as Paul was thus occupied at Rome, he was accused to the emperor, not
only for teaching new doctrine, but also for stirring up sedition
against the empire. For this he being called before Nero, and
demanded to show the order and manner of his doctrine, there declared
what his doctrine was: To teach all men peace and charity, how to
love one another, how to prevent one another in honour; rich men not
to be puffed up in pride, nor to put their trust in their treasures,
but in the living God; mean men to be contented with food and
raiment, and with their present state; poor men to rejoice in their
poverty with hope; fathers to bring up their children in the fear of
God; children to obey their parents; husbands to love their wives;
wives to be subject to their husbands; citizens and subjects to give
their tribute unto Cĉsar, and to be subject to their magistrates;
masters to be courteous, not churlish, to their servants; servants to
deal faithfully with their masters: and this to be the sum of his
teaching. Which his doctrine he received not of men, nor by men, but
by Jesus Christ, and the Father of glory, which spake to him from
heaven; the Lord Jesus saying to him, that he should go and preach
his name, and that he would be with him, and would be the Spirit of
life to all that believed in him, and that whatsoever he did or said
he would justify it, &c. After that Paul had thus declared unto the
emperor, shortly after sentence of death was pronounced against him,
that he should be beheaded. Unto whose execution then Nero sent two
of his esquires, Ferega and Parthemius, to bring him word of his
death. They coming to Paul, instructing then the people, desired him
to pray for them, that theymight believe. This done, the soldiers
came and led him out of the city to the place of execution, where he,
after his prayers made, gave his neck to the sword.



4. THE SECOND PERSECUTION UNDER DOMITIAN

The first Roman persecution beginning under Nero, as is aforesaid,
ceased under Vespasianus, who gave some rest to the poor Christians.
After whose reign was moved, not long after, the second persecution
by the emperor Domitian, brother of Titus. Of whom Eusebius and
Orosius so write, that he first beginning mildly, afterward did so
far outrage in pride intolerable, that he commanded himself to be
worshipped as God, and that images of gold and silver in his hon our
should be set up in Capitolio. The chiefest nobles of the senators,
either upon envy, or for their goods, he caused to be put to death,
some openly, and some he sent into banishment, there causing them to
be slain privily.

And as his tyranny was unmeasurable, so the intemperancy of his life
was no less. He put to death all the nephews of Jude, called the
Lord's brother, and caused to be sought out and to be slain all that
could be found of the stock of David, (as Vespasian also did before
him,) for fear lest he were yet to come of the house of David which
should enjoy the kingdom. In the time of this persecution, Simeon,
bishop of Jerusalem, after other torments, was crucified to death,
whom Justus afterward succeeded in that bishopric.

In this persecution John the apostle and evangelist was exiled by the
said Domitianus into Patmos. Of whom divers and sundry memorable acts
be reported in sundry chronicles. As, first, how he was put in a
vessel of boiling oil by the proconsul of Ephesus. The legend and
Perionius say it was done at Rome. Isidorus also writing of him, and
comprehending many things in few words, declareth that he turned
certain places of wood into gold, and stones by the sea-side into
margarites, to satisfy the desire of two, whom he had before
persuaded to renounce their riches; and afterward they repenting that
for worldly treasure they had lost heaven, for their sakes again he
changed the same into their former substance. Also how he raised up a
widow and a certain young man from death to life; how he drank poison
and it hurt him not, raising also to life two which had drunk the
same before. These and such other miracles, although they may be
true, and are found in Isidorus, and other writers more, yet because
they are no articles of our Christian belief, I let them pass, and
only content myself with that which I read in Eusebius, declaring of
him in this wise: that in the fourteenth year after Nero, in the
second persecution, in the days of Domitian, John was banished into
Patmos for the testimony of the word, in the year fourscore and
twelve. And after the death of the aforesaid Domitian, he being
slain, and his acts repealed by the senate, John was again released
under Pertinax the emperor, and came to Ephesus in the year one
hundred; where he continued until the time of Trajanus, and there
governed the churches in Asia; where also he wrote his Gospel, and so
lived till the year after the passion of our Lord threescore and
eight, which was the year of his age one hundred and twenty.

Moreover, in the aforesaid ecclesiastical history of Eusebius, we
read that John the apostle and evangelist, whom the Lord did love,
was in Asia, where he being returned out of Patmos, after the death
of Domitian, governed the churches and congregations. Irenĉus in his
second book thus writeth: And of him all the elders do witness, which
were with John the disciple of the Lord in Asia, that he spake and
wrote these things, &c.; for there he continued with them unto the
time of Trajanus, &c. Also the said Irenĉus in like words declareth,
saying, The church of the Ephesians being first founded by Paul,
afterward being confirmed of John, (who continued in the same city
unto the time of Trajanus the emperor,) is a true Witness of this
apostolical tradition, &c. Clemens Alexandrinus moreover noteth both
the time of this holy apostle, and also addeth to the same a certain
history of him, not unworthy to be remembered of such which delight
in things honest and profitable. Of the which history Sozomenus also
in his commentaries maketh mention. The words of the author setting
forth this history be these: Hear a fable, and not a fable, but a
true report, which is told us of John the apostle, delivered and
commended to our remembrance.
After the death of the tyrant, when John was returned to
Ephesus, from the Isle of Patmos, he was desired to resort to the
places bordering near unto him, partly to constitute bishops, partly
to dispose the causes and matters of the church, partly to ordain and
set such of the clergy in office whom the Holy Ghost should elect.
Whereupon, when he was come to a certain city not far off, the name
of which also many do yet remember, and had among other things
comforted the brethren, he, looking more earnestly upon him which was
the chief bishop among them, beheld a young man mighty in body, and
of beautiful countenance, and of a fervent mind: I commend this man
(saith he) to thee with great diligence, in witness here of Christ
and of the church.

When the bishop had received of him this charge, and had promised his
faithful diligence therein; again, the second time John spake unto
him, and desired him in like manner and contestation as before. This
done, John returned again to Ephesus. The bishop receiving the young
man commended and committed to his charge, brought him home, kept
him, and nourished him, and at length also did illuminate (that is,
he baptized) him, and in short time through his diligence brought him
into such order and towardness, that be committed unto him the
oversight of a certain cure in the Lord's behalf. The young man thus
having more his liberty, it chanced that certain of his companions
and old familiars being idle, dissolute, and accustomed of old time
to wickedness, did join in company with him, who first brought him to
sumptuous and riotous banquets; then incited him forth with them in
the night to rob and steal; after that he was allured by them unto
greater mischief and wickedness. Where in by custom of time, by
little and little, he being more practised, and being of a good wit
and a stout courage, like unto a wild or an unbroken horse, leaving
the right way, and running at large without bridle, was carried
headlong to the profundity of all misorder and outrage. And thus,
being past all hope of grace, utterly forgetting and rejecting the
wholesome doctrine of salvation, which he had learned before, began
to set his mind upon no small matters. And forasmuch as he was
entered so far in the way of perdition, he cared not how much farther
he proceeded in the same. And so, associating unto him the company of
his companions and fellow thieves, took upon him to be as head and
captain among them in committing all kind of murder and felony.

In the mean time, it chanced that of necessity John was sent for to
those quarters again, and came. The causes being decided, and his
business ended for the which he came, by the way meeting with the
bishop afore specified, he requireth of him the pledge, which in the
witness of Christ and of the Congregation then present he left in his
hands to keep. The bishop, something amazed at the words of John,
supposing he had meant of some money Committed to his Custody which
he had not received, (and yet durst not mistrust John, nor contrary
his words,) could not tell what to answer. Then John perceiving his
doubting, and uttering his mind more plainly, The young man, (saith
he,) and the soul of our brother committed to your custody, I do
require. Then the bishop with a loud voice sorrowing and weeping
said, He is dead, To whom John said, How, and by what death? The
other said, He is dead to God; for he is become an evil man and
pernicious; to be brief, a thief; and now he doth frequent this
mountain with a company of villains and thieves like unto himself
against the church. But the apostle rent his garments, and with a
great lamentation said, I have left a good keeper of my brother's
soul; get me a horse, and let me have a guide with me; which being
done, his horse and man procured, he hasted from the church as much
as he could, and coming to the same place, was taken of thieves that
watched. But he, neither flying nor refusing, said, I came for this
same cause hither; lead me, said he, to your captain. So he being
brought, the captain, all armed, fiercely began to look upon him; and
eftsoons coming to the knowledge of him, was stricken with confusion
and shame, and began to fly. But the old man followed him as much as
he might, forgetting his age, and crying, My son, why dost thou fly
from thy father? an armed man from one naked, a young man from an old
man? Have pity on me, my son, and fear not, for there is yet hope of
salvation; I will make answer for thee unto Christ; I will die for
thee, if need be; as Christ hath died for us, I will give my life for
thee; believe me, Christ hath sent me. He hearing these things, first
as in a maze stood still, and therewith his courage was abated. After
that he had cast down his weapons, by and by he trembled, yea, and
wept bitterly; and coming to the old man, embraced him, and spake
unto him with weeping, (as well as he could,) being even then
baptized afresh with tears, only his right hand being hid and
covered. Then the apostle, after that he had promised and firmly
ascertained him that he should obtain remission of our Saviour, and
also prayed, falling down upon his knees, and kissed his murdering
right hand, which for shame he durst not show before, as now purged
through repentance, brought him to the congregation. And when he had
prayed for him with continual prayer and daily fastings, and had
comforted and confirmed his mind with many sentences, went not from
him (as the author reported) before he had restored him to the
congregation again, and made him a great example and trial of 
regeneration, and a token of the visible resurrection.

Moreover, the aforesaid Irenĉus and Eusebius, prosecuting the history
of John, declare in these words, saying, that there were certain
which heard Polycarpus say, that John the disciple of our Lord, going
into Ephesus to be washed, seeing Cerinthus within, he leaped out of
the bath unbathed, because he feared the bath should have fallen,
seeing that Cerinthus an enemy to the truth was within. Such fear had
the apostles, (saith Irenĉus,) that they would not communicate a word
with them that adulterate the truth.

In this persecution, besides these afore mentioned, and many other
innumerable godly martyrs, suffering for the like testimony of the
Lord Jesus, was Flavia the daughter of Flavius Clemens, one of the
Roman consuls; which Flavia, with many others, was banished out of
Rome into the isle Pontia, for the testimony of the Lord Jesus, by
the emperor Domitianus.

This Domitianus feared the coming of Christ as Herod did, and
therefore commanded them to be killed which were of the stock of
David in Jewry. There were remaining alive at that time certain of
the Lord's kindred, which were the nephews of Jude, that was called
the Lord's brother after the flesh. These, when the lieutenant of
Jewry had brought up to Domitian to be slain, the emperor demanded of
them whether they were of the stock of David; which when they had
granted, he asked again what possessions and what substance they had.
They answered, that they both had no more between them in all but
nine and thirty acres of ground; and how they got their living, and
sustained their families, with the hard labours of their hands,
showing forth their hands unto the emperor, being hard and rough,
worn with labours, to witness that to be true which they had spoken.
Then the emperor, inquiring of them concerning the kingdom of Christ,
what manner of kingdom it was, how and when it should appear; they
answered that his kingdom was no worldly nor terrene thing, but a
heavenly and angelical kingdom, and that it should appear in the
consummation and end of the world, what time he coming in glory
should judge the quick and the dead, and render to every one
according to his deservings. Domitian the emperor hearing this, (as
the saying is,) did not condemn them; but despising them as vile
persons let them go, and also staid the persecution then moved
against the Christians. They, being thus discharged and dismissed,
afterward had the government of churches, being taken for martyrs,
and as of the Lord's stock, and so continued in good peace till the
time of Trajanus.

By this story here recited may appear what were the causes why the
emperors of the Roman monarchy did so persecute the Christians; which
causes were chiefly these: fear and hatred. First, fear, for that the
emperors and senate, of blind ignorance, not knowing the manner of
Christ's kingdom, feared and misdoubted lest the same would subvert
their empire (like as the pope thinketh now that this gospel will
overthrow his kingdom of majesty); and therefore sought they all
means possible, how, by death and all kinds of torments, utterly to
extinguish the name and memory of the Christians. And thereupon
seemeth to spring the old law of the Roman senate, That the
Christians should not be let go which were once brought to the
judgment-seat, except they changed their purpose. Secondly, hatred,
partly for that this world, of his own natural condition, hath ever
hated and maliced the people of God, from the first beginning of the
world. Partly, again, for that the Christians, being of a contrary
nature and religion, serving only the true living God, despised their
false gods, spake against their idolatrous worshippings, and many
times stopped the power of Satan working in their idols; and
therefore Satan, the prince of this world, stirred up the Roman
princes and blind idolaters to bear the more hatred and spite against
them.

Upon these causes, and such like, rose up these malicious slanders,
false surmises, infamous lies, and slanderous accusations of the
heathen idolaters against the Christian servants of God, which
incited the princes of this world the more to persecute them; for
what crimes soever malice could invent, or rash suspicion could
minister, that was imputed to the Christians; as that they were a
people incestuous, that in the night in their concourses, putting out
their candles, they ran together in all filthy manner, that they
killed their own children, that they used to eat man's flesh, that
they were seditious and rebellious, that they would not swear by the
fortune and prosperity of Cĉsar, that they would not adore the image
of Cĉsar in the market-place, that they were pernicious to the empire
of Rome. Briefly, whatsoever mishappened to the city or provinces of
Rome, either famine, pestilence, earthquake, wars, wonders,
unseasonableness of weather, or what other evils soever happened, it
was imputed to the Christians, as Justinus recordeth. Over and beside
all these, a great occasion that stirred up the emperors against the
Christians came by one Publius Tarquinius, the chief prelate of the
idolatrous sacrifices, and Mamertinus, the chief governor of the city
in the time of Trajanus; who partly with money, partly with sinister
and pestilent counsel, partly with infamous acccusations, (as
witnesseth Nauclerus,) incensed the mind of the emperor so much
against God's people.

Also among these other causes above said, crept in some piece of
covetousness withal, (as in all other things it doth,) in that the
wicked promoters and accusers, for lucre' sake, to have the
possessions of the Christians, were the more ready to accuse them to
have the spoil of their goods.

Thus hast thou, (Christian reader,) first, the causes declared of
these persecutions; secondly, the cruel law of their condemnation;
thirdly, now hear more what was the form of inquisition, which was
(as is witnessed in the second apology of Justinus) to this effect:
that they should swear to declare the truth, whether they were in
very deed Christians or not:
and if they confessed, then by the law the sentence of death
proceeded.

Neither yet were these tyrants and organs of Satan thus contented
with death only, to bereave the life from the body. The kinds of
death were divers, and no less horrible than divers. Whatsoever the
cruelness of man's invention could devise for the punishment of man's
body was practised against the Christians, as partly I have mentioned
before, and more appeareth by the epistle sent from the brethren of
France hereafter following: Crafty trains, outeries of enemies,
imprisonment, stripes and scourgings, drawings, tearings, stonings,
plates of iron laid unto them burning hot, deep dungeons, racks,
strangling in prisons, the teeth of wild beasts, gridirons, gibbets
and gallows, tossing upon the horns of bulls: moreover, when they
were thus killed, their bodies were laid in heaps, and dogs there
left to keep them, that no man might come to bury them; neither would
any prayer obtain them to be interred and buried.

And yet, notwithstanding for all these continual persecutions and
horrible punishments, the church of the Christians daily increased,
deeply rooted in the doctrine of the apostles, and of men
apostolical, and watered plenteously with the blood of saints.
Whereof let us hear the worthy testimony of Justinus Martyr in his
Dialogue with Tripheus. And that none (saith he) can terrify or
remove us which believe in Jesus, by this it daily appeareth; for
when we are slain, crucified, cast to wild beasts, into the fire, or
given to other torments, yet we go not from our confession: but,
contrary, the more cruelty and slaughter is wrought against us, the
more they be that come to piety and faith by the name of Jesus; no
otherwise than if a man cut the vine tree, the better the branches
grow. For the vine tree, planted by God and Christ our Saviour, is
his people.

To comprehend the names and number of all the martyrs that suffered
in all these ten persecutions, (which are innumerable,) as it is
impossible, so it is hard in such a variety and diversity of matter
to keep such a perfect order and course of years and times, that
either some be not left out, or that every one be reduced into
hitright place, especially seeing the authors themselves, whom in
this present work we follow, do diversly disagree, both in the times,
in the names, and also in the kind of martyrdom of them that
suffered. As, for example, where the common reading and opinion of
the church and epistles decretal do take Anacletus to succeed after
Clement, next before Euaristus; contrary, Eusebius, making no mention
of Cletus, but of Anacletus, saith that Euaristus succeeded next to
Clement. Likewise Ruffinus and Epiphanius, speaking nothing of
Anacletus, make mention of Linus and of Cletus next before Clement,
but say nothing of Anacletus; whereby it may appear that Cletus and
Anacletus were both one. Sabellicus speaketh of Linus and of Cletus,
and saith that they were ordained helpers under Peter, while he
laboured in his apostleship abroad; and so saith also Marianus
Scotus: contrary, Irenĉus speaketh of Anacletus, making no mention of
Cletus. Whereby it may appear, by the way, what credit is to be given
to the decretal epistles, whom all the later histories of the pope's
church do follow on this behalf, &c. Moreover, where Antoninus, 
Vincentius, Jacobus, Simoneta, Aloisius, with others, declare of
Linus, Cletus, Clement, Anacletus, Euaristus, Alexander, bishops of
Rome, that they died martyrs; Eusebius, in his ecclesiastical
history, writing of them, maketh thereof no mention.

And, first, as touching Clement, (whom Marianus Scotus calleth the
first bishop of Rome after Peter,) they say that he was sent out into
banishment of Trajanus, beyond Ponticus, with two thousand
Christians, where he opened a well-spring to them which in the
wilderness were condemned to the mines. Afterward, being accused to
the emperor, he was thrown into the sea with a millstone fastened
about his neck, and not long after his body was cast up and buried
(as Platina saith) at the place where the well was made. Some say it
was found first in the days of Pope Nicholas the First. But forasmuch
as I find of his martyrdom no firm relation in the ancient authors,
but only in such new writers of later times which are wont to paint
out the lives and histories of good men with feigned additions of
forged miracles; therefore I count the same of less credit, as I do
also certain decretal epistles untruly (as may seem) ascribed and
entitled to his name. Eusebius in his third book, writing of Clement,
giveth no more of him but thus: After he had governed the church of
Rome nine years, the said Clement left the succession thereof to
Euaristus.

Of which Euaristus, next bishop of Rome, thus we find in Irenĉus:
Peter and Paul (saith he) committed the charge of that church to
Linus; after whom came Anacletus; then succeeded Clemens; next to
Clemens followed Euaristus; after whom came Alexander; and then
Sixtus, the sixth bishop of Rome after the apostles; after Sixtus sat
Telesphorus; then Higinus, then Pius, then Anicetus; and when Soter
took the place after him, then the twelfth bishop of Rome was
Eleutherius. Thus after Clement followed (as is said) Euaristus in
the second or third year of Trajanus, as saith Eusebius; or, as
Nicephorus saith, the fourth year of the said emperor. But howsoever
the count of years standeth, little or nothing remaineth of the acts
and monu ments either of this or of other bishops of Rome in those
days. Whereby it may appear that no great account was then made of
Roman bishops in those days, whose acts and deeds were then either so
lightly reputed, or so slenderly committed to history.
Notwithstanding, certain decretal epistles are remaining, or rather
thrust upon us in their names, containing in them little substance of
any doctrine, but altogether stuffed with laws, injunctions, and
stately decrees, little to the purpose, and less savouring of the
nature of that time then present. Amongst whom also are numbered the
two epistles of this Euaristus.

And when he had given these orders, and had made six priests, two
deacons, and five bishops for sundry places, (saith the story,) he
suffered martyrdom. But what kind of death, for what cause he
suffered, what constancy he showed, what was the order or
conversation of his life, is nothing touched, and seemeth therefore
the more to be doubted that which our new histories do say; because
the old ancient writers have no remembrance thereof, which otherwise
would not have passed such things over in silence, if they had been
true. Again, neither do the authors fully agree in the time of his
martyrdom, which Nauclerus witnesseth to be in the last year of
Trajanus; but Platina thinketh rather that he suffered under
Hadrianus. Fascicul. Temporum referreth it to the third year of
Hadrian; Volateranus to the beginning of the reign of Hadrian.
Contrary, Eusebius coming near to the simple truth, (as seemeth,)
doth affirm that Euaristus succeeded Clement in the third year of
Trajanus, and so giving to him nine years, it should follow thereby
that Euaristus deceased the twelfth year of Trajanus.

After whom succeeded next Alexander in the governance of that church,
of whose time and death the like discrepance is among the writers.
Marianus Scotus saith he was the fourth bishop from Peter; but that
could not be. Some say he was the sixth, and some the seventh; but
they likewise were deceived; for the most part all do grant Sixtus to
be the sixth. Damasus affirmeth that he was in the reign of Trajan:
and how can that be, when the said Damasus affirmed before that
Euaristus's predecessor suffered in the last year of Trajan, and then
the bishopric stood at least a month void, except he mean that the 
said Alexander succeeded Euaristus in the last year of Trajanus? But
then how can that stand with Bede and Marianus Scotus, which say that
he suffered under Trajanus? or with Otho Frisingensis, which saith he
suffered the fourth year of Hadrian, when he had been bishop ten
years by the general consent of most writers?

They which write of the deeds and doings of this blessed bishop, as
Bergomensis Antoninus, Equilinus, and such as follow them, declare
that he had converted a great part of the senators to the faith of
Christ, amongst whom was Hermes, a great man in Rome, whose son being
dead Alexander raised again to life, and likewise restored sight to
his maid being blind. Hadrian the emperor, then absent, hearing this,
sent word to Aurelianus, governor of Rome, to apprehend Alexander,
with Euentius and Theodulus, otherwise called Theodorus, as Platina
saith, his two deacons, and Hermes, and to commit them to ward with
Quirinus the tribune: which being done, as their story recordeth,
Alexander, enclosed in a diverse prison from Hermes, notwithstanding,
by the guiding of an angel through three doors with three locks
apiece, was brought with candle-light to the lodging of Hermes; and
so returning to the prison again cured the daughter of Quirinus his
keeper, named Balbina; by reason whereof the said Quirinus, with his
whole household, were all baptized, and suffered also for the faith
of Christ.

Thus, then, (saith the story,) about the second year of Hadrian,
Aurelianus the ruler took Alexander the bishop, with Hermes, his
wife, children, and his whole household, to the number of one
thousand two hundred and fifty, and threw them in prison. And not
long after the said Alexander, with Euentius his deacon, and Hermes,
and the rest were burned in a furnace. Theodulus, another deacon of
Alexander, seeing and rebuking the cruelty of the tyrant, suffered
also the same martyrdom.

Quirinus also the same time, (as saith Antoninus,) having first his
tongue cut out, then his hands and feet, aftervard was beheaded and
cast to the dogs: Equilinus saith that he was beheaded and cast into
Tiber in the reign of the emperor Claudius; but that cannot be:
albeit Platina maketh relation but only of Alexander with his two
deacons aforesaid, declaring, moreover, that in the time of this
bishop Saphira of Antioch, and Sabina a Roman, suffered martyrdom.

Florilegus, the author of Flores Historiarum, affirmeth that
Alexander bishop of Rome was beheaded seven miles out of Rome, (where
he lieth buried,) in the year one hundred and five; but that agreeth
not with the chronicles above recited. Eusebius recordeth of him no
more, but that in the third year of Hadrian he ended his life and
office, after he had been bishop ten years.

Divers miracles are reported of this Alexander, in the canon legends,
and lives of saints; which as I deny not but they may be true, so
because I cannot avouch them by any grave testimony of ancient
writers, therefore I dare not affirm them, but do refer them to the
authors and patrons thereof, where they are found. Notwithstanding,
whatsoever is to be thought of his miracles, this is to be affirmed
and not doubted, but that he was a godly and virtuous bishop.

And as I say of his miracles, the like judgment also I have of the
ordinances both of him and of Euaristus his predecessor, testified in
the pope's decrees by Gratianus, where is said that Euaristus divided
divers titles in the city of Rome to the priests, also ordained in
every city seven deacons to associate and assist the bishop in his
preaching, both for his defence, and for the witness of truth.
Notwithstanding, if probable conjectures might stand against the
authority of Gratianus and his decrees, here might be doubted whether
this absolute ordination of priests was first forbidden by Euaristus,
and whether the intitulation of priests was first by him brought in
or not; wherein an instance may be given to the contrary, that this
intitulation seemeth to take his first beginning at the council of
Chalcedon, and of Pope Urban in the council of Placentia. In the
which council of Chalcedon the words of the canon (making no mention
of Euaristus at all) do expressly forbid, that any ecclesiastical
person, either priest or deacon, should be ordained absolutely;
otherwise the imposition of hands, without some proper title of the
party ordained, to stand void and frustrate, &c. And likewise Urbanus
in the council of Placentia doth decree the same, alleging no name of
Euaristus, but the statutes of former councils.

Moreover, in the time of Euaristus, the church, then being under
terrible persecutions, was divided into no peculiar parishes or
cures, whereby any title might rise, but was scattered rather in
corners and deserts, where they could best hide themselves. And
as the Church of Rome in those days was not divided into several
parishes or cures, (as I suppose,) so neither was then any such open
or solemn preaching in churches, that the assistance or testimony of
seven deacons either could avail among the multitude of the heathen,
or else needed amongst the Christian secret congregations. Again, the
constitution of seven deacons seemeth rather to spring out of the
council of Neocesarea long after Euaristus, where it was appointed
that in every city, were it never so small, there should be seven
deacons after the rule. And this rule the said council taketh out of
the book of the Acts of the Apostles, making no word or mention of
Euaristus at all. But these (as is said) be but only conjectures, not
denying that which is commonly received, but only showing what may be
doubted in their epistles decretal.

More unlike it seemeth to be true that is recorded and reported of
Alexander, that he should be the first founder and finder of holy
water mixed with salt, to purge and sanctify them upon whom it is
sprinkled.



5. THE THIRD PERSECUTION UNDER TRAJAN AND HADRIAN
(Illustration: Rome )
Between the second Roman persecution and the third was but one
year, under the emperor Nerva, after whom succeeded Trajanus; and
after him followed the third persecution. So the second and the third
are noted of some to be both one, having no more difference but one
year between them. This Trajanus, if we look well upon his politic
and civil governance, might seem (in comparison of others) a right
worthy and commendable prince, much familiar with inferiors, and so
be having himself towards his subjects as he himself would have the
prince to be to him if he himself were a subject. Also he was noted
to be a great observer of justice, insomuch that when he ordained any
pretor, giving to him the sword, he would bid him use the sword
against his enemies in just causes; and if he himself did otherwise
than justice, to use then his power against him also. But for all
these virtues, toward Christian religion he was impious and cruel,
who caused the third persecution of the church. In the which
persecution Pliny the second, a man learned and famous, seeing the
lamentable slaughter of Christians, and moved therewith to pity,
wrote to Trajanus of the pitiful persecution; certifying him that
there were many thousands of them daily put to death, of which none
did any thing contrary to the Roman laws worthy persecution, saving
that they used to gather together in the morning before day, and sing
hymns to a certain God whom they worshipped, called Christ. In all
other their ordinances they were godly and honest. Where by the
persecution by commandment of the emperor was greatly staid and
diminished. The form and copy of which epistle of Pliny, anno 107, I
thought here not inconvenient to set down as followeth:

"It is my property and manner (my sovereign) to make relation of all
those things unto you wherein I doubt. For who can better either
correct my slackness or instruct mine ignorance than you? I was never
yet present myself at the examination and execution of these
Christians; and therefore what punishment is to be administered, and
how far, or how to proceed in such inquisitions, I am plain ignorant;
not able to resolve in the matter whether any difference is to be had
in age and person; whether the young and tender ought to be with like
cruelty entreated as the elder and stronger; whether repentance may
have any pardon, or whether it may profit him or not to deny which
hath been a Christian; whether the name only of Christians without
other offences, or whether the offences joined with the name of a
Christian, ought to be punished. In the mean season, as touching such
Christians as have been presented unto me, I have kept this order: I
have inquired the second and third time of them whether they were 
Christians, menacing them with fear of punishment; and such as did
persevere, I commanded to execution. For thus I thought, that
whatsoever their profession was, yet their stubbornness and obstinacy
ought to be punished. Whether they were also of the same madness,
whom, because they were citizens of Rome, I thought to send them back
again to the city. Afterward, in further process and handling of this
matter, as the sect did further spread, so the more cases did thereof
ensue.

"There was a libel offered to me bearing no name, wherein were
contained the names of many which denied themselves to be Christians,
contented to do sacrifice with incense and wine to the gods, and to
your image, (which image I for that purpose caused to be brought,)
and to blaspheme Christ; whereunto none such as were true Christians
indeed could be compelled, and those I did discharge and let go.
Other some confessed that they had been Christians, but afterward
denied the same, &c, affirming unto me the whole sum of that sect or
error to consist in this, that they were wont at certain times
appointed to convent before day, and to sing certain hymns to one
Christ, their God, and to confederate among themselves, to abstain
from all theft, murder, and adultery, to keep their faith, and to
defraud no man; which done, then to depart for that time, and
afterward to resort again to take meat in companies together, both
men and women one with another, and yet without any act of evil.

"In the truth whereof, to be further certified whether it were so or
not, I caused two maidens to be laid on the rack, and with torments
to be examined of the same. But finding no other thing in them but
only lewd and immoderate superstition, I thought to cease further
inquiry, till time that I might be further advertised in the matter
from you; for so the matter seemed unto me worthy and needful of
advisement, especially for the great number of those that were in
danger of your statute. For very many there were of all ages and
states, both men and women, which then were, and more are like
hereafter to incur the same peril of condemnation. For that infection
hath crept not only in cities, but villages also and boroughs about,
which seemeth that it may be stayed and reformed. Forasmuch as we see
in many places that the temples of our gods, which were wont to be
desolate, begin now to be frequented, and that they bring sacrifices
from every part to be sold, which before very few were found willing
to buy. Whereby it may easily be conjectured what multitudes of men
may be amended, if space and time be given them wherein they may be
reclaimed."

To this Trajan replied as follows: "The act and statute, my Secundus,
concerning the causes of the Christians, which ye ought to follow, ye
have rightly executed. For no such general law can be enacted,
wherein all special cases particularly can be comprehended. Let them
not be sought for; but if they be brought and convicted, then let
them suffer execution: notwithstanding, whosoever shall deny himself
to be a Christian, and do it unfeignedly in open audience, and do
sacrifice to our gods, howsoever he hath been suspected before, let
him be released upon promise of amendment. Such libels as have no
names suffice not to any just crime or accusation; for that should
give both an evil precedent, neither doth it agree with the example
of our time."

Tertullian writing upon this letter of Trajan above prefixed, thus
saith: O sentence of a confused necessity! He would not have them to
be sought for as men innocent, and yet causeth them to be punished as
persons guilty. And thus the rage of that persecution ceased for a
time, although notwithstanding many naughty disposed men and cruel
officers there were, which upon false pretence, to accomplish their
wicked minds, ceased not to afflict the Christians in divers
provinces; and especially if any occasion were given never so little
for the enemies to take hold of, or if any commotion were raised in
the provinces abroad, by and by the fault was laid upon the
Christians. As in Jerusalem, after that the emperor Trajan had sent
down his commandment, that whosoever could be found of the stock of
David, he should be inquired out and put to death; upon this
Egesippus writing, saith that certain sectaries there were of the
Jewish nation, that accused Simeon, the bishop then of Jerusalem and
son of Cleophas, to come of the stock of David, and that he was a
Christian. of the which his accusers it happened also (saith the said
Egesippus) that certain of them likewise were apprehended and taken
to be of the stock of David, and so right justly were put to
execution themselves which sought the destruction of others. As
concerning Simeon the blessed bishop, the aforesaid Egesippus thus
writeth: that Simeon the Lord's nephew, when he was accused to
Attalus the proconsul, by the malicious sect of the Jews, to be of
the line of David, and to be a Christian, was scourged during the
space of many days together, being of age a hundred and twenty years.
In which his martyrdom he endured so constant, that both the consul
and all the multitude did marvel to see him of that age so constantly
to suffer; and so at last being crucified, finished his course in the
Lord, for whom he suffered, as partly before also is recorded.

In this persecution of Trajan, above specified, (which Trajan next
followed after Nerva,) besides the other aforementioned, also
suffered Phocas, bishop of Pontus, whom Trajan, because he would not
do sacrifice to Neptune, caused to be cast into a hot lime-kiln, and
afterward to be put into a scalding bath, where the constant godly
martyr, in the testimony of Christ, ended his life, or rather entered
into life.

In the same persecution suffered also Sulpitius and Servilianus, two
Romans; whose wives are said to be Euphrosina and Theodora, whom
Sabina did convert to the faith of Christ, and after were also
martyred. Of which Sabina Jacobus Philippus reporteth that, in the
Mount of Aventine in Rome, she was beheaded of Clepidus the governor,
in the days of Hadrian. Under whom also suffered Seraphia, a virgin
of Antioch, as Hermannus witnesseth.

The forenamed authors, Antoninus and Equilius, make mention moreover
of Nereus and Achilleus, who, in this persecution of Trajan, had the
crown of martyrdom, being put to death at Rome. Eusebius in his
fourth book maketh mention of one Sagaris, who about the same time
suffered martyrdom in Asia, Servilius Paulus being then proconsul in
that province.

In this persecution, beside many others, suffered the blessed martyr
of Christ Ignatius, who unto this day is had in famous reverence
among very many. This Ignatius was appointed to the bishopric of
Antioch next after Peter in succession. Some do say, that he being
sent from Syria to Rome, because he professed Christ, was given to
the wild beasts to be devoured. It is also said of him, that when he
passed through Asia, being under the most strict custody of his
guarders, he strengthened and confirmed the parishes through all the
cities as he went, both with his exhortations and preaching of the
word of God; and admonished them especially and before all other
things to beware and shun those heresies risen up and sprung newly
among them, and that they should cleave and stick fast to the
tradition of the apostles; which he, for their better safeguard,
being about to denounce or put in writing, thought it a thing very
necessary to travail in, And thus when he came to Smyrna, where
Polycarp was, he wrote one epistle to the congregation of Ephesus,
wherein he made mention of Onesimus their pastor; and another he
wrote to the congregation of Magnesia, being at Meandre, wherein also
he forgetteth not Dama their bishop. Also another he wrote to the
congregation of Trallis, the governor of which city at that time he
noteth to be one Polybius; unto which congregation he made an
exhortation, lest they, refusing martyrdom, should lose the hope that
they desired.

But it shall be very requisite that I allege some what thereof to the
declaration of this matter. He wrote, therefore, as the words lie, in
this sort: From Syria, (saith he,) even till I came to Rome, had I a
battle with beasts, as well by sea as land, both day and night, being
bound in the midst of ten cruel libards (that is, the company or band
of the soldiers) which, the more benefits that they received at my
hands, became so much the worse unto me. But I, being exercised and
now well acquainted with their injuries, am taught every day more and
more; but hereby am I not yet justified. And would to God I were once
come to the beasts which are prepared for me, which also I wish with
gaping mouths were ready to come upon me, whom also I will provoke,
that they without delay may devour me, and forbear me nothing at all,
as those whom before they have not touched or hurt for fear. And if
they will not unless they be provoked, I will then enforce them
against myself. Pardon me, I pray you. How much beneficial it is to
me, I know. Now begin I to be a scholar; I force or esteem no visible
things, nor yet invisible, so that I may get or obtain Christ Jesus.
Let the fire, the gallows, the devouring of wild beasts, the breaking
of bones, the pulling asunder of my members, the bruising or pressing
of my whole body, and the torments of the devil or hell itself, come
upon me, so that I may win Christ Jesus.

And these things wrote he from the foresaid city unto the
congregations which we have recited. And when he was even now judged
to be thrown to the beasts, he spake, for the burning desire that he
had to suffer, what time he heard the lions roaring: I am the wheat
or grain (saith he) of Christ, I shall be ground with the teeth of
wild beasts, that I may be found pure bread. He suffered in the
eleventh year of Trajan the emperor.

Besides this godly Ignatius, many thousands also were put to death in
the same persecution, as appeareth by the letter of Plinius Secundus
above recited, written unto the emperor.

Next after this Trajan succeeded Hadrian the emperor, under whom
suffered Alexander the bishop of Rome, with his two deacons Euentius 
and Theo dorus; also Hermes and Quirinus, with their families, as
late before was declared.

It is signified, moreover, in the histories, that in the time of
Hadrian, Zenon, a nobleman of Rome, with ten thousand two hundred and
three, were slain for Christ. Henricus and Bergomensis make mention
of ten thousand in the days of this Hadrian to be crucified in the
Mount Hararath, crowned with crowns of thorn, and thrust into the
sides with sharp darts, after the example of the Lord's passion,
whose captains were Achaicus, Heliades, Theodorus, and Carcerius, &c.
Whether this story be the same with the other above of Zenon or not,
it is doubted. As touching the miracles done, and the speaking of the
angel, I refer the certainty thereof to Vincentius, and such other
like authors, where more things seem to be told than to be true.

There was one Eustachius, a captain, whom Trajan in time past had
sent out to war against the barbarians. After he had, by God's grace,
valiantly subdued his enemies, and now was returning home with
victory, Hadrian, for joy, meeting him in his journey to bring him
home with triumph, by the way, first would do sacrifice to Apollo for
the victory gotten, willing also Eustachius to do the same with him.
But when Eustachius could by no means thereto be enforced, being
brought to Rome, there with his wife and children he suffered
martyrdom under the foresaid Hadrian. It were a long process here to
recite all the miracles contained, or rather suspected, in this story
of this Eustachius concerning his conversion and death: how the
crucifix appeared to him between the horns of a hart; of the saving
of his wife from the shipmen; of one of his sons saved from the lion,
the other saved from the wolf; of their miraculous preservation from
the wild beasts, from the torments of fire mentioned in Bergomensis,
Vincentius, and others. All which, as I find them in no ancient
records, so I leave them to their authors and compilers of the
legends.

We read also of Faustinus and Jobita, citizens of Lhe city of Brixia,
which suffered martyrdom with like grievous torments. At the sight
whereof one Galocerius, seeing their so great patience in so great
torments, cried out with these words, Verily, great is the God of
Christians! Which words being heard, forthwith he was apprehended,
and being brought to the place of their execution, was made partaker
of their martyrdom.

The history of Nicephorus maketh mention of Anthia, a godly woman,
who committed her son Eleutherius to Anicetus, bishop of Rome, to be
brought up in the doctrine of Christian faith, who, afterwards being
bishop in Apulia, was there beheaded with his foresaid mother Anthia.

Justus also, and Pastor, two brethren, with like martyrdom ended
their lives in a city of Spain, called Complutum, under the said
Hadrian the emperor.

Likewise Symphorissa, the wife of Getulus the martyr, with her seven
children, is said about the same time to suffer; who first was much
and often beaten and scourged, afterwards was hanged up by the hair
of her head; at last having a huge stone fastened unto her, was
thrown headlong into the river; and after that her seven children, in
like manner, with sundry and divers kinds of punishment diversly
martyred by the tyrant.

The story of M. Hermannus, and Antoninus, and others, report of
Sophia, with her three children also, also of Seraphia and Sabina, to
suffer under the said emperor, about the year of our Lord one hundred
and thirty.

As concerning Alexander, bishop of Rome, with his two deacons, also
with Hermes, Quirinus, Saphira, and Sabina, some writers, as Bede and
Marianus Scotus, record that they suffered under Trajan. Others
again, as Otto, Frisingensis, with like more, report that they
suffered in the fourth year of this emperor Hadrian; but of these
martyrs sufficiently hath been said before.

While Hadrian the emperor was at Athens, he purposed to visit the
country of Elusina, and so did; where he sacrificing to the Gentiles'
gods, after the manner of the Grecians, had given free leave and
liberty, whosoever would, to persecute the Christians. Whereupon
Quadratus, a man of no less excellent zeal than of famous learning,
being then bishop of Athens, and disciple of the apostles, or at
least succeeding incontinent the age of the apostles, and following
after Publius, (who a little before was martyred for the testimony of
Christ,) did offer up and exhibit unto Hadrian the emperor a learned
and excellent apology in the defence of the Christian religion.
Wherein he declared the Christians, without all just cause or desert,
to be so cruelly entreated and persecuted, &c. The like also did
Aristides, another no less excellent philosopher in Athens, who for
his singular learning and eloquence being notified to the emperor,
and coming to his presence, there made before him an eloquent
oration. Moreover, he did exhibit unto the said emperor a memorable
apology for the Christians, so full of learning and eloquence, that,
as Hierom saith, it was a spectacle and admiration to men in his
time, that loved to see wit and learning. Over and besides these,
there was also another named Serenus Granius, a man of great
nobility, who likewise did write very pithy and grave letters to
Hadrian the emperor, showing and declaring therein that it was
consonant with no right nor reason for the blood of innocents to be
given to the rage and fury of the people, and so to be condemned for
no fault, only for the name and sect that they followed.

Thus the goodness of God being moved with the prayers and constant
labour of these so excellent men, so turned the heart of the emperor,
that he being better informed concerning the order and profession of
the Christians, became more favourable unto them; and immediately
upon the same directed his letters to Minutius Fundanus, (as is
partly before mentioned,) proconsul of Asia, willing him from
henceforth to exercise no more such extremity against the Christians,
as to condemn any of them, having no other crime objected against
them but only their name. The copy of which his letter, because that
Justin in his apology doth allege it, I thought therefore to express
the same in his own words, as followeth.

"I have received an epistle written unto me from Serenus Granius, our
right worthy and well-beloved, whose office you do now execute.
Therefore I think it not good to leave this matter without further
advisement and circumspection to pass, lest our subjects be molested,
and malicious sycophants boldened and supported in their evil.
Wherefore if the subjects of our provinces do bring forth any accus
ation before the judge against the Christians, and can prove the
thing they object against them, let them do the same, and no more,
and otherwise, for the name only, not to impeach them, nor to cry out
against them. For so, more convenient it is, that, if any man will be
an accuser, you take the accusation quietly, and judge upon the same.
Therefore, if any shall accuse the Christians, and complain of them
as malefactors, doing contrary to the law, then give you judgment
according to the quality of the crime. But, notwithstanding,
whosoever upon spite and maliciousness shall commence or cavil
against them, see you correct and punish that man for his inordinate
and malicious dealing."

Thus by the merciful providence of God some more quiet and rest was
given to the church, although Hermannus thinketh these halcyon days
did not very long continue, but that the emperor changing his edict,
began to renew again persecution of God's people; albeit this
soundeth not to be so by the words of Melito in his apology to
Antoninus hereafter ensuing. In the mean time this is certain, that
in the days of this Hadrian the Jews rebelled again and spoiled the
country of Palestina. Against whom the emperor sent Julius Severus,
who overthrew in Jewry fifty castles, and burnt and destroyed nine
hundred and fourscore villages and towns, and slew of the Jews fifty
thousand
with famine, sickness, sword, and fire. Judah was almost desolate.
But at length Hadrian the emperor, which otherwise was named Ĉlius,
repaired and enlarged the city of Jerusalem. which was called after
his name Ĉliopolis, or Ĉlia Capitolina, the inhabitance whereof he
granted only to the Gentiles and to the Christians, forbidding the
Jews utterly to enter into the city.

After the death of Hadrian, who died by bleeding at the nose,
succeeded Antoninus Pius, about the year of our Lord one hundred and
thirty-eight, and reigned twenty and three years, who, for his
clemency and modest behaviour, had the name of Pius, and is for the
same in histories commended. His saying was, that he had rather save
one citizen than destroy a thousand of his adversaries. At the
beginning of his reign, such was the state of the church, as Hadrian
his predecessor had left it, that although there was no edict set
forth to persecute the Christians, yet the tumultuous rage of the
heathen multitude, for the causes above specified, did not cease to
disquiet and afflict the quiet people of God, imputing and ascribing
to the Christians whatsoever misfortune happened contrary unto their
desires; moreover, inventing against them all false crimes and
contumelies whereof to accuse them. By reason whereof divers there
were in sundry places much molested, and some put to death; albeit,
as it is to be supposed, not by the consent of the emperor, who of
nature was so mild and gentle, that either he raised up no
persecution against the Christians, or else he soon stayed the same
being moved; as well may appear by his letter sent down to the
countries of Asia, the tenor whereof here ensueth.

"Emperor and Cĉsar, Aurelius Antoninus Augustus, Armenicus, Pontifex
Maximus, tribune eleven times, consul thrice, unto the commons of
Asia, greeting. I am very certain that the gods have a care of this,
that they which be such shall be known, and not lie hid. For they do
punish them that will not worship them more than you, which so sore
vex and trouble them, confirming thereby the opinion which they have
conceived and do conceive of you, that is, to be wicked men. For this
is their joy and desire, that when they are accused, rather they
covet to die for their God than to live. Whereby they are victors,
and do overcome you; giving rather their lives than to be obedient to
you, in doing that which you require of them. And here it shall not
be inconvenient to advertise you of the earthquakes which have and do
happen among us, that when at the sight of them you tremble and are
afraid, then you may confer your case with them. For they, upon a
sure confidence of their God, are bold and fearless, much more than
you; who in all the time of this your ignorance both do worship other
gods and neglect the religion of immortality, and such Christians as
worship him, them you do drive out, and persecute them unto death. Of
these and such-like matters many presidents of our provinces did
write to our father of famous memory heretofore. To whom he directed
his answer again, willing them in no case to molest the Christians,
except they were found in some trespass prejudicial against the
empire of Rome. And to me also many there be which write, signifying
their mind in like manner; to whom I have answered again to the same
effect and manner as my father did. Wherefore if any hereafter shall
offer any vexation or trouble to such, having no other cause but only
for that they are such, let him that is appeached be released and
discharged free, yea, although he be found to be such, (that is, a
Christian,) and let the accuser sustain the punishment," &c.

This godly edict of the emperor was proclaimed at Ephesus, in the
public assembly of all Asia; whereof Melito, also bishop of Sardis,
who flourished in the same time, maketh mention in his apology
written in defence of our doctrine to M. Antoninus Verus, as
hereafter (Christ willing) shall appear. By this means, then, the
tempest of persecution in those days began to be appeased, through
the mer ciful providence of God, which would not have his church
utterly to be overthrown, though hardly yet to grow.



6. THE FOURTH PERSECUTION UNDER ANTONINUS VERUS

After the decease of the foresaid quiet and mild prince Aurelius
Antoninus Pius (who, among all other emperors of that time, made the
most quiet end) followed his son M. Antoninus Verus, with Lucius his
brother, about the year of our Lord one hundred threescore and one, a
man of nature more stern and severe. And although in study of
philosophy and in civil government no less commendable, yet toward
the Christians sharp and fierce; by whom was moved the fourth
persecution after Nero. In whose time a great number of them which
truly professed Christ suffered most
cruel torments and punishments, both in Asia and France. In the
number of whom was Polycarp, the worthy bishop of Smyrna, who in the
great rage of this persecution in Asia, among many other most
constant saints, was also martyred. Of whose end and martyrdom I
thought it here not inexpedient to commit to history, so much as
Eusebius declareth to be taken out of a certain letter or epistle,
written by them of his own church to the brethren of Pontus; the
tenor of which epistle here followeth.

The congregation which is at Smyrna, to the congregation which is at
Philomilium, and to all the congregations throughout Pontus, mercy to
you, peace, and the love of God our Father, and of our Lord Jesus
Christ. be multiplied. Amen. We have written unto you, brethren, of
those men which have suffered martyrdom. and of blessed Polycarp,
which hath ended and appeased this persecution, as it were, by the
shedding of his own blood. And in the same epistle, before they enter
into further matter of Polycarp, they discourse of other martyrs,
describing what patience they abode and showed in suffering their
torments; which was so great and admirable, (saith the epistle,) that
the lookers on were amazed, seeing and beholding how they were so
scourged and whipped, that the inward veins and arteries appeared.
yea, even so much that the very entrails of their bodies, their
bowels and members, were seen; and after that were set upon sharp
shells taken out of the sea, edged and sharp. and certain nails and
thorns for the martyrs to go upon, which were sharpened and pointed,
called obelisci. Thus suffered they all kind of punishment and
torment that might be devised; and lastly were thrown unto the wild
beasts to be devoured. But especially, in the aforesaid epistle
mention is made of one Germanicus, how he most worthily persevered
and overcame, by the grace of God, that fear of death which
isingrafted in the common nature of all men, whose notable patience
and sufferance was so notable, that the whole multitude wondering at
this beloved martyr of God, for this his so bold constancy, and also
for the singular strength and virtue proceeding of the whole
multitude of the Christians, began suddenly to cry with a loud voice,
saying, Destroy the wicked men, let Polycarp be sought for. And
whilst a great up roar and tumult began thus to be raised upon those
cries, a certain Phrygian named Quintus, lately come out of Phrygia,
seeing and abhorring the wild beasts, and the fierce rage of them, of
an over-light mind betrayed his own safety. For so the same letter of
him doth report, that he, not reverently, but more malapertly than
was requisite, together with others, rushed into the judgment place,
and so being taken, was made a manifest example to all the beholders,
that no man ought rashly and unreverently with such boldness to
thrust in himself, to intermeddle in matters wherewith he hath not to
do.

But now we will surcease to speak more of them, and return to
Polycarp, of whom the foresaid letter consequently declareth as
followeth: How that in the beginning, when he heard of these things,
was nothing at all afraid nor disquieted in mind, but purposed to
have tarried still in the city, till being persuaded by the entreaty
of them that were about him, (which desired him instantly that he
would convey himself away,) hid himself in a grange or village not
far off from the city, and there abiding, with a few more in his
company, did nothing else (night nor day) but abode in supplication,
wherein he made his humble petition for the obtaining of peace unto
all the congregations throughout the world, for that was his
accustomed manner so to do. And as he was thus making his prayers
three days before he was apprehended, in a vision by night, he saw
the bed set on fire under his head, and suddenly to be consumed. And
when he awaked, he told by and by, and expounded unto them that were
present, his vision, and told them before what thing should come to
pass; that is, how that in the fire he should lose his life for
Christ's cause. It is further mentioned, that when they were hard at
hand which so narrowly sought for him, that he was enforced for the
affection and love of his brethren to fly into another village, to
which place notwithstanding, within a little while after, the
pursuers came; and when they had taken a couple of children that
dwelt thereabouts, they so beat one of them with whips, that by the
bewraying or confession of him they were brought unto the inn where
Polycarp was. And they say that the pursuers, making no great haste
to enter, found him in the uppermost place of the house, from whence
he might have escaped into other houses, if he would; but this he
would not do, saying, The will of God be done. Furthermore, when he
knew that they were come, as the said history showeth, he came down,
and spake unto them with a cheerful and pleasant countenance; so that
it was a wonder to see those which a while agone knew not the man,
now beholding and viewing his comely age, and his grave and constant
countenance, lamented that they had so much employed their labour,
that so aged a man should be apprehended. To conclude, he commanded
that straightway, without any delay, the table should be laid for
them, and persuaded them that they would eat and dine well, and
required of them boldly that he might have an hour's respite to make
his prayers. Which thing, after it was granted, he arose and went to
pray, so being replenished with the grace of God, that they which
were present, and hearing the prayers that he made, were astonished
at it, and now many of them were sorry that so honest and godly an
aged man should be put to death.

After this, the aforesaid epistle or letter, prosecuting the history,
addeth more, as followeth: After he had made an end of his prayers,
and had called to his remembrance all those things which ever
happened unto him, and to the universal catholic church throughout
all the world, (whether they were small or great, glorious or
elseinglorious,) and that the hour was now come in which they ought
to set forward, they set him upon an ass, and brought him to the city
upon a solemn feast day. And there met him Irenĉus Herodes, and his
father Nicetes, which causing him to come up into the chariot where
they sat, persuaded him, and said, What hurt, I pray thee, shall come
thereof to thee, if thou say, (by the way of salutation,) My Lord
Cĉsar, and do sacrifice, and thus to save thyself? But he at the
beginning made them none answer, till that when they enforced him to
speak, he said, I will not do as ye counsel me I should. When, as
they saw he could not be persuaded, they gave him very rough
language, and of purpose molested him that in going down the chariot
from them he might hurt or break his legs. But he forcing very light
of the matter, as though he had felt no hurt, went merrily and,
diligently forward, making haste unto the place appointed. And when
there was such uproar in the place of execution, that he could not be
heard but of very few, there came a voice from heaven to Polycarp, as
he was going into the stage, or appointed place of judgment, saying,
Be of good cheer, Polycarp, and play the man. No man there was which
saw him that spake, but very many of us heard his voice. And when he
was brought in, there was a great noise made by them which understood
that Polycarp was apprehended. The proconsul asked him, when he was
come, whether his name was Polycarp or not. And when he said, Yea, it
was, he gave him counsel to deny his name, and said unto him, Be good
unto thyself, and favour thine old age; and many other such-like
words which they accustom to speak. Swear, saith he, by the emperor's
good fortune; look upon this matter; say thou with us, Destroy these
naughty men. Then Polycarp, beholding with constant countenance the
whole multitude which was in the place appointed, and giving a great
sigh, looked up to heaven, saying, Thou, thou it is that wilt destroy
these wicked, naughty men. And the proconsul thus being earnestly in 
hand with him, said, Take thine oath, and I will discharge thee; defy
Christ. Polycarp answered, Fourscore and six years have I been his
servant, yet in all this time hath he not so much as once hurt me;
how then may I speak evil of my King and sovereign Lord, which hath
thus preserved me? Then the proconsul again enforced him, and said,
Swear thou, I advise thee, by Cĉsar's prosperity. Polycarp replieth,
If thou require of me this fond word of vain boasting, feigning not
to know (as thou sayest) who I am, I do thee to wit that I am a
Christian; and if thou desire to know the doctrine of Christianity,
appoint a day, and thou shalt hear. Persuade the people unto this,
said the proconsul. Truly, saith Polycarp, I have thought it my part
thus to say unto you, for so much as we are commanded to give unto
the governors and powers ordained of God the honour meet and due to
them, and not hurtful unto us; but as for those, I do judge them
unworthy to purge myself unto them. Hereupon the proconsul stood up;
I have, saith he, wild beasts, to whom I will throw thee, unless thou
take a better way. Whereunto Polycarp answered, Let them come; we
have determined with ourselves that we will not by repentance turn us
from the better way to the worse, but rather convenient it is that a
man turn from things that be evil unto that which is good and just.
Again, saith the proconsul, I will tame thee with fire, if that thou
set not by the wild beasts, nor yet repent. Then said Polycarp, You
threaten me with fire which shall burn for the space of an hour, and
shall be within a little while after put out and extinguished; but
thou knowest not the fire of the judgment that is to come, and of
everlasting punishment, which is reserved for the wicked and ungodly.
But why make you all these delays? Give me what death soever ye list.
These, and many other such-like things being by him spoken, he was
replenished with joy and boldness; and his countenance appeared so
full of grace and favour, that not only he was not troubled with
those things which the proconsul spake unto him, but contrarily the
proconsul himself began to be amazed, and sent for the crier, which
in the middle of the stage was commanded to cry three times, Polycarp
hath confessed himself to be a Christian; which words of the crier
were no sooner spoken, but all the whole multitude, both of Gentiles
and Jews inhabiting at Smyrna, with a vehement rage and loud voice,
cried, This is that doctor or teacher of Asia, the father of the
Christians, and the destroyer of our gods, which hath instructed a
great number that our gods are not to be worshipped. And after this
they cried unto Philip the governor of Asia, and required him that he
would let loose the lion to Polycarp. To whom he made answer, that he
might not so do, because he had already his prey. Then they cried
again all together with one voice, that he would burn Polycarp alive.
For it was requisite that the vision which he saw, as concerning his
pillow or bolster, should be fulfilled; which when he had seen burnt,
as he was in his prayer, he turned himself unto the faithful sort
which were with him, saying, by the way of prophecy, It will so come
that I shall be burned alive. And the proconsul had no sooner spoken
but it was out of hand performed. For why? The multitude by and by
brought out of their shops, work-houses, and barns, wood and other
dry matter for that purpose; and especially the Jews were most
serviceable for that matter, after their wonted manner.
(Illustration: The martrydom of St. Polycarp )

And thus the pile being laid, and when he had now put off his
garments, and undone his girdle, and was about to pull off his shoes,
which he had not done before, for that all the faithful sort among
themselves strived as it were who should first touch his body at
their farewell, because for the good conversation of his life, even
from his younger age, he was had in great estimation of all men.
Therefore straightway those instruments which are requisite to such a
bonfire were brought unto him;
and when they would have nailed him to the stake with iron hoops, he
said, Let me alone as I am, for he that hath given me strength to
suffer and abide the fire, shall also give power, that without this
your provision of nails I shall abide, and not stir in the midst of
this fire or pile of wood. Which thing when they heard, they did not
nail him, but bound him. Therefore when his hands were bound behind
him, even as the chiefest ram taken out of the flock, he was
sacrificed as an acceptable burnt offering to God, saying, O Father
of thy well-beloved and blessed Son Jesus Christ, by whom we have
attained the knowledge of thee, the God of angels and powers, and of
every creature, and of all just men which live before thee, I give
thee thanks that thou hast vouchsafed to grant me this day, that I
may have my part among the number of the martyrs in the cup of
Christ, unto the resurrection of eternal life, both of body and soul,
through the operation of thy Holy Spirit; among whom I shall this day
be received into thy sight for an acceptable sacrifice: and as thou
hast prepared and revealed the same before this time, so thou hast
accomplished the same, O thou most true God, which canst not lie.
Wherefore I in like case for all things praise thee, and bless thee,
and glorify thee by our ever lasting Bishop, Jesus Christ, to whom be
glory evermore. Amen.

And as soon as he had ended this word Amen, and finished his prayer,
the tormentors began to kindle the fire; and as the flame flashed out
vehemently, we, to whom it was given to discern the same, saw a
marvellous matter; which were also to this purpose preserved, that we
might show the same to others, For the fire being made like unto a
roof or vault of a house, and after the manner of a shipman's sail,
filled with wind, compassed about the body of the martyr, as with a
certain wall, and he, in the middle of the same, not as flesh that
burned, but as gold and silver when it is tried in the fire. And
surely we smelt a savour so sweet, as if myrrh or some other precious
balm had given a scent, at the last, when those wicked persons saw
that his body could not be consumed by fire, they commanded one of
the tormentors to come unto him, and thrust him through with his
sword; which being done, so great a quantity of blood ran out of his
body, that the fire was quenched therewith, and the whole multitude
marvelled that there was so much diversity between the infidels and
the elect, of whom this Polycarp was one, being a disciple of the
apostles, and a prophetical instructor of our times, and bishop of
the catholic church of Smyrna; for what word soever he spake, both it
was and shall be accomplished. But the subtle and envious adversary,
when he saw the worthiness of his martyrdom, and that his
conversation even from his younger years could not be reproved, and
that he was adorned with the crown of martyrdom, and had now obtained
that incomparable benefit, gave in charge that we should not take and
divide his body, for fear lest the remnants of the dead corpse should
be taken away, and so worshipped of the people. Whereupon divers
whispered Niceta the father of Herod, and his brother Dalces, in the
ear, to admonish the proconsul that in no case he should deliver his
body, lest (saith he) they leave Christ and begin to worship him. And
this spake they, because the Jews had given them secret warning, and
provoked them thereunto; who also watched us, that we should not take
him out of the fire; not being ignorant how that we meant at no time
to forsake Christ, which gave his life for the salvation of the whole
world, (as many I mean as are elected to salvation by him,) neither
yet that we could worship any other. For why? Him we worship as the
Son of God, but the martyrs do we love as disciples of the Lord, (and
that worthily,) for their abundant love towards their King and
Master, of when we also desire and wish to be companions, aud to be
made his disciples. When therefore the centurion saw and perceived
the labour of the Jews, the corpse being laid abroad, they burnt the
same, as was their manner to do.

Thus good Polycarp, with twelve others that came from Philadelphia,
suffered martyrdom at Smyrna; which Polycarp, specially above the
rest, is had in memory, so that he in all places among the Gentiles
is most famous. And this was the end of this worthy disciple of the
apostles, whose history the brethren of the congregation of Smyrna
have written in this their epistle, as is above recited.

Irenĉus, in his third book against Heresies, the third chapter, and
Eusebius, in his fourth book and fourteenth chapter of his
Ecclesiastical History, reporteth this worthy saying of Polycarp:
This Polycarp (saith he) meeting at a certain time Marcion, the
heretic, who said to him, Dost thou not know me? made answer, I know
that thou art the first begotten of Satan. So little fear what evil
might ensue thereof had the disciples of the apostles, that they
would not speak to them whom they knew to be the depravers of the
verity, even as Paul saith, The heretic, after the first and second
admonition, shun and avoid, knowing that he which is such a one is
perverse or froward, and damneth himself. This most holy confessor
and martyr of Christ, Polycarp, suffered death in the fourth
persecution after Nero, when Marcus Antoninus, and Lucius Aurelius
Commodus reigned, in the year of our Lord one hundred threescore and
seven, as Ursperg affirmeth, in the year one hundred threescore and
ten, as Eusebius witnesseth in his chronicles, the seventh before the
kalends of February.

Of Germanicus mention is made above in the story of Polycarp, of whom
writeth Eusebius, noting him to be a young man, and most constantly
to persevere in the profession of Christ's doctrine; whom when the
proconsul went to persuade to remember his age, and to favour
himself, being in the flower of his age, he would not be allured, but
con stantly and boldly, and of his own accord, incited and provoked
the wild beasts to come upon him, and to devour him, to be delivered
more speedily out of this wretched life.

Thus have you heard out of the epistle of the brethren of Smyrna the
whole order and life of Polycarp, whereby it may appear that he was a
very aged man, who had served Christ fourscore and six years since
the first knowledge of him, and served also in the ministry about the
space of threescore and ten years. This Polycarp was the scholar and
hearer of John the evangelist, and was placed by the said John in
Smyrna. Of him also Ignatius maketh mention in his epistle which he
wrote in his journey to Rome, going toward his martyrdom, and
commendeth to him the government of his church at Antioch, whereby it
appeareth that Polycarp was then in the ministry. Likewise Irenĉus
writeth of the said Polycarp after this manner: He always taught
(said he) those things which he learned of the apostles (leaving them
to the church) and are only true. Whereunto also all the churches
that be in Asia, and all they which succeeded after Polycarp, to this
day bear witness. And the same Irenĉus witnesseth also that the said
Polycarp wrote an epistle to the Philippians, which whether it be the
same that is now extant and read in the name of Polycarp, it is
doubted of some; notwithstanding, in the said epistle divers things
are found very wholesome and apostolic; as where he teacheth of
Christ, of judgment, and of the resurrection. Also he writeth of
faith very worthily, thus declaring, that by grace we are saved, and
not by works, but in the will of God by Jesus Christ.

In Eusebius we read in like manner a part of an epistle written by
Irenĉus to Florinus, wherein is declared how that the said Irenĉus
being yet young, was with Polycarp in Asia; at what time he saw and
well remembered what Polycarp did, and the place where he sat
teaching, his whole order of life and proportion of his body, with
the sermons and words which he said to the people. And furthermore,
he perfectly remembered how that the said Polycarp oftentimes
reported unto him those things which he learned and heard them speak
of the Lord's doings, power, and doctrine, who heard the word of life
with their own ears, all which were more constant and agreeable to
the Holy Scripture. This, with much more, hath Irenĉus concerning
Polycarp.

Hierom also, writing of the same Polycarp, hath, how he was in great
estimation throughout all Asia, for that he was scholar to the
apostles, and to them which did see and were conversant with Christ
himself; whereby it is to be conjectured his authority to be much,
not only with them of his own church, but with all other churches
about him.

Over and besides, it is witnessed by the said Irenĉus, that Polycarp
came to Rome in the time of Anicetus bishop of Rome, about the year
of our Lord one hundred fifty and seven, in the reign of Antoninus
Pius, whose cause of his coming thither appeareth to be about the
controversy of Easter day; wherein the Asians and the Romans some
thing disagreed among themselves. And therefore the said Polycarp, in
the behalf of the brethren and church of Asia, took his long journey
thither, to come and confer with Anicetus. Whereof writeth also
Nicephorus, declaring that Polycarp and Anicetus something varied in
opinions and judgment about that matter, and that, notwithstanding,
yet both friendly communicated either with the other, insomuch that
Anicetus in his church gave place to Polycarp to minister the
communion and sacrament of the Lord's supper, for honour sake. Which
may be a notable testimony now to us, that the doctrine concerning
the free use and liberty of ceremonies was at that time retained in
the church without any offence of stomach, or breach of Christian
peace in the church.

This Polycarp (as is above mentioned) suffered his martyrdom even in
his own church at Smyrna, where he had laboured so many years in
planting of the gospel of Christ, which was about the year of our
Lord a hundred threescore and ten, as Eusebius reckoneth in his
Chronicle, and in the seventh year of Antoninus Verus's reign;
whereby it appeareth that Socrates was much deceived, saying that
Polycarp suffered in the time of Gordianus.

In this fourth persecution, besides Polycarp and others mentioned
before, we read also in Eusebius of divers others, who at the same
time likewise did suffer at Smyrna.

Over and besides, in the same persecution suffered moreover
Metrodorus, a minister, who was given to the fire, and so consumed.
Another was worthy Pionius, which after much boldness of speech, with
his apologies exhibited, and his sermons made to the people in the
defence of Christian faith, and after much relieving and comforting
of such as were in prisons, and otherwise discomforted, at last was
put to cruel torments and afflictions, then given likewise to the
fire, and so finished his blessed martyrdom.

After these also suffered Carpus, Papilus, and Agathonica, a wonlan,
who, after their most constant and worthy confessions, were put to
death at Pergamopolis in Asia.

And as these suffered in Asia, so in Rome suffered Felicitas with her
seven children, who under this M. Antoninus Verus sustained also the
cruelty of this persecution. The names of whose children Bergomensis
and other histories do thus recite:
Januarius, Felix, Philip, Silvanus, Alexander, Vitalis, Martialis. Of
whom her first and eldest son, Januarius, after he was whipped and
scourged with rods, was pressed to death with leaden weights. Felix
and Philip had their brains beaten out with mauls. Silvanus was cast
down headlong, and had his neck broken. Furthermore, Alexander,
Vitalis, and Martialis were beheaded. Last of all Felicitas, the
mother, (otherwise than the accustomed manner was for such as had
borne children,) was slain with the sword.

In the rage of this persecution suffered also good Justin, a man in
learning and philosophy excellent, and a great defender of Christian
religion, who first exhibited unto the emperor, and to the senate, a
book or apology in the defence of the Christians, and afterward
himself also died a martyr. Of whom in the history of Eusebius it is
thus recorded: that about what time, or a little before, that
Polycarp with divers other saints suffered martyrdom in Pergamopolis,
a city of Asia, this Justin (as is aforesaid) presented a book in
defence of our doctrine to the emperor, to wit, unto Antoninus, and
to the senate. After which he was also crowned with like martyrdom
unto those whom he in his book had defended, through the malicious
means and crafty circumvention of Crescens.

This Crescens was a philosopher, conforming his life and manners to
the cynical sect, whom because this Justin had reproved in open
audience, and had borne away the victory of the truth which he
defended; he, therefore, as much as in him lay, did work and procure
unto him this crown of martyrdom. And this did also Justin himself, a
philosopher no less famous by his profession, foresee and declare in
his foresaid Apology; telling almost all those things beforehand
which should happen unto him by these words, saying, And I look after
this good turn, that I be slain going by the way, either of some of
those whom I have named, and to have my brains beaten out with a bat,
or else of Crescens, whom I cannot call a philosopher, but rather a
vain boaster. For it is not convenient to call him a philosopher,
which openly professeth things to him unknown, and whereof he hath no
skill, saying and reporting of us that the Christians be ungodly and
irreligious; and all to please and flatter them which are seduced by
error.

For whether he objecteth against us the doctrine of the Christians
which he hath not read, yet is he very malicious, and worse than the
unlearned idiots, who for the most part use not to dispute or judge
of things they know not, and to bear witness of the same. Or put the
case that he had read it, yet understandeth he not the majesty of the
matters therein contained: or, if peradventure he understandeth them,
and doth it for this purpose, that he would not be counted as one of
them; then is he so much the more wicked and malicious, and the
bondslave of vile and beastly both fame and fear. For this I testify
of him, giving you truly to understand that for a truth which I
declare unto you, how that I have opposed him, and have put unto him
many questions, whereby I know and perceive that he understandeth
nothing. But if so be that this our disputation with him hath not
come unto your ears, I am ready to communicate unto you again those
questions which I demanded of him, which things shall not be unfit
for your princely honour to hear. But if ye know and understand both
what things I have examined him of, as also what answer he hath made,
it shall be apparent unto you that he is altogether ignorant of our
doctrine and learning; or else if he knoweth the same, he dare not
utter it for fear of his auditors; which thing, as I said before, is
a proof that he is no philosopher, but a slave to vain-glory, which
maketh none account of that which his own master Socrates had in so
great estimation. And thus much of Justin out of Justin himself.

Now, to verify that which Justin here of himself doth prophesy, that
Crescens would and did procure his death, Tacianus (a man brought up
of a child in the institutions of the Gentiles, and obtained in the
same not a little fame, and which also left behind him many good
monuments and commentaries) writeth in his book against the Gentiles
in this sort: And Justin, (saith he,) that most excellent learned
man, full well spake and uttered his mind, that the afore-recited men
were like unto thieves or liars by the highway side. And in the said
book, speaking afterward of certain philosophers, the said Tacianus
inferreth thus: Crescens therefore, (saith he,) when he came first
into that great city, passed all others in the vicious love of
children, and was very much given to covetousness; and where he
taught that men ought not to regard death, he himself doth fear
death, and he did all his endeavour to oppress Justin with death, as
with the most greatest evil that was, and all because that Justin,
speaking truth, reproved the philosophers to be men only for the
belly, and deceivers: and this was the cause of Justin's martyrdom.
Hierom in his Ecclesiastical Catalogue thus writeth: Justin, when in
the city of Rome he had his disputations, and had reproved Crescens
the cynic for a great blasphemer of the Christians, for a belly-god,
and a man fearing death, and also a follower of lust and lechery; at
last by his endeavour and conspiracy was accused to be a Christian,
and for Christ shed his blood, in the year of our Lord one hundred
fifty and four, under Marcus Antoninus, as the Chronicles do witness,
Abbas Urspergensis, and Eusebius in his Chronicle, in the thirteenth
year of the emperor Antoninus.

Among these above recited is also to be numbered Praxedis, a blessed
virgin, the daughter of a citizen of Rome, who in the time of
Anicetus, there bishop, was so brought up in the doctrine of Christ,
and so affected to his religion, that she, with her sister
Potentiana, bestowed all her patrimony upon the relieving of poor
Christians, giving all her time to fasting and prayer, and to the
burying of the bodies of the martyrs. And after she had made free all
her family, with her servants, after the death of her sister, she
also departed, and was buried in peace.

Under the same Antoninus also suffered Ptolomeus and Lucius, for the
confession of Christ, in a city of Egypt, called Alexandrina; whose
history, because it is decribed in the Apology of Justin Martyr, I
thought therefore so to set forth the same, as it is alleged in
Eusebius, declaring the manner and occasion thereof, in words and
effect as followeth, &c.

There was (saith he) a certain woman married unto a husband, who was
given much to lasciviousness, whereunto she herself in times past was
also addicted. But she, afterward being instructed in the Christian
religion, became chaste herself, and also persuaded her husband to
live chastely; oftentimes telling him that it was written in the
precepts of the Christians, that they should be punished eternally
which lived not chastely and justly in this life. But he still
continuing in his filthiness, thereby caused his wife to estrange
herself from his company. For why? The woman thought it not
convenient to continue in her husband's company, which, contemning
the law of nature, sought otherwise to satisfy his filthy appetite.
Therefore she was purposed to be divorced from him. But her
neighbours and kinsfolk provoked her, by promising his amendment, to
keep company again with him, and so she did. But he after this took
his journey into Alexandria; and when it was showed her that there he
lived more licentiously than at any time before, for that she would
not be counted partaker of his incestuous life, by coupling herself
any longer with him, she gave him a letter of divorce, and so
departed from him. Then her husband, who ought rather to have
rejoiced to have so honest and chaste a wife, which not only would
not commit any dishonest thing her self, but also could not abide any
lewd or misordered behaviour in her husband; and that by this her
separation she went about to reclaim him from his incest and
wickedness to better amendment of life; he, in recompence to his wife
again, accused her to be a Christian, which at that time was no less
than death. Whereupon she, being in great peril and danger, delivered
up unto the emperor (as Justin in his Apology, writing to the emperor
himself, declareth) a supplication, desiring and craving of his
majesty, first, to grant her so much licence as to set her family in
order; and, that done, afterward to come again and make answer to all
that might or should be laid against her: whereunto the emperor
condescended. Then her husband, seeing that he could have no
advantage against her, devised with himself how he might bring
Ptolomeus (which was her instructor in the faith of Christ) in
trouble and accusation; using the means of a certain centurion, who
was his very friend, whom he persuaded to examine Ptolomeus, whether
he were a Christian or not. Ptolomeus (as one that loved the truth,
and not thinking good to hide his profession) confessed no less than
to the examiner, openly declaring that he had (as truth was) taught
and professed the verity of Christian doctrine. For whoso denieth
himself to be that he is, either condemneth in denying the thing that
he is, or maketh himself unworthy of that the confession whereof he
flieth, which thing is never found in a true and sincere Christian.
Thus then he being brought before Urbicius the judge, and by him
condemned to suffer, one Lucius, being also a Christian, standing by,
and seeing the wrong judgment and hasty sentence of the judge, said
to Urbicius, What reason, I pray you, or equity is this, that this
man, who is neither adulterer, nor fornicator, nor homicide, nor
felon, neither hath committed any such crime, wherewith he may be
charged, is thus condemned only for his name and confession of a
Christian? This condemnation, and this manner of judgments, (O
Urbicius,) are neither seemly for the virtuous emperor, nor to the
philosopher his son, nor yet for the estate of his senate of Rome.

Which words being heard, Urbicius making no further examination of
the matter, said unto Lucius, Me thinketh thou art also a Christian.
And when Lucius had given him to understand that he was also a
Christian, the judge, without further delay, commanded him to be had
away to the place of execution. To whom he answered, I thank you,
with all my heart, that you release me from most wicked governors,
and send me unto my good and most loving Father, being also the King
of all gods. And in like manner the third man also, coming unto him,
and using the like liberty of speech, had also the like sentence of
death and condemnation, and was crowned also with the same crown of
martyrdom. And thus much out of the Apology of Justin; by the which
story it may appear not to be true that Gratianus attributeth unto
Higinus, bishop of Rome, the deciding of causes matrimonial, seeing
that in Justin's time (who was in the same age of Higinus) the
divorcement of this woman in this history above touched was not
decided by any ecclesiastical law, or brought before any bishop, but
was brought before a heathen prince, and determined by the law civil.

Henricus de Erfordia recordeth out of the Martyrology of Isuardus, of
one Concordus, a minister of the city of Spolet, who in the reign of
this Antoninus Verus, because he would not sacrifice unto Jupiter,
but did spit in the face of the idol, after divers and sundry
punishments sustained, at last with the sword was beheaded.
Vincentius, in his tenth book, chap. 108, reciteth a long story of
his acts and life, whereof some part perhaps may seem tolerable. But
this verily appeareth to be false and fabulous, concerning the water
flowing beside his sepulchre, in the forenamed city of Spolet; unto
the which water was given, (saith Vincentius,) by the virtue of Him
for whose name he suffered, to restore sight to the blind, to heal
the sick, and to cast out devils, &c. Which kind of virtue, to open
the eyes of the blind and to expel devils, neither doth God give to
any creature of water, neither is it like that Concordus, the blessed
martyr, did or would require any such thing at the hands of God.

Isuardus, and Bede, Vincentius, and Henricus de Erfordia, with other
authors more, make relation of divers other martyrs that, by sundry
kinds of torments, were put to death under the aforesaid Antoninus
Verus; the names of whom be Symmetrius, Florellus, Pontianus,
Alexander, Caius, Epipodus, Victor, Corona, Marcellus, Valerianus.
The cause of whose martyrdom was the reprehending of idolatry; and
because, at the emperor's commandment, they would not sacrifice to
idols. Many sorts of punishments and miracles are told of them: but
at length the end of them all is this, that they were beheaded.
Whereby it may be the more suspected the histories of these writers
not to be certain or true, as well touching these as also other
martyrs, as may appear in Vincentius, in Petrus de Natalibus, and
other authors of like sort. In which authors they which list to read
more of their miracles there may find them.

A little before mention was made of Symphorissa, otherwise named
Symphorosa, wife of Getulus, with her seven sons. This Getulus or
Getulius was a minister, or teacher, (as witnesseth Martyrol.
Adonis,) in the city of Tiber; which Getulus, with Cerealis,
Amantius, and Primitivus, by the commandment of Hadrian, were
condemned to the fire, wherein they were martyred and put to death.
The names moreover of the seven sons of this Symphorosa I find to be
Crescens, Julianus, Nemesius, Primitivus, Justinus, Statteus, and
Eugenius, whom the Chronicle of Ado declareth to be put to death at
the commandment of Hadrian, being fastened to seven stakes, and so
racked up with a pulley, and at last were thrust through; Crescens in
the neck, Julianus in the breast, Nemesius in the heart, Primitivus
about the navel, Justinus cut in every joint of his body, Statteus
run through with spears, Eugenius cut asunder from the breast to the
lower parts, and then cast into a deep pit, having the name by the
idolatrous priests, entitled Ad septem Biothanatos. After the
martyrdom of whom also Symphorosa the mother did likewise suffer, as
is before declared.

Under the said Antoninus Verus, and in the same persecution, which
raged not in Rome and Asia only, but in other countries also,
suffered the glorious and most constant martyrs of Lyons and Vienna,
two cities in France, giving to Christ a glorious testimony, and to
all Christian men a spectacle or example of singular constancy and
fortitude in Christ our Saviour. The history of whom, because it is
written and set forth by their own churches, where they did suffer,
mentioned in Euseb. lib. 6. cap. 2, I thought here to express the
same in the form and effect of their own words, as there is to be
seen. The title of which their epistle written to the brethren of
Asia and Phrygia thus beginneth.

"The servants of Christ inhabiting the cities of Vienna and Lyons, to
the brethren in Asia and Phrygia, having the same faith and hope of
redemption with us; peace, grace, and glory from
God the Father, and from Jesus Christ our Lord." The greatness of
this our tribulation, the furious rage of the Gentiles against us,
and the torments which the blessed martyrs suffered; neither can we
in words, not yet in writing exactly, as they deserve, set forth. For
the adversary, with all his force, gave his endeavour to the working
of such preparatives as he himself listed against his tyrannous
coming, and in every place practised he and instructed his ministers
how in most spiteful manner to set them against the servants of God;
so that not only in our houses, shops, and markets we were
restrained, but also were universally commanded, that none (so hardy)
should be seen in any place. But God hath always mercy in store, and
took out of their hands such as were weak amongst them, and other
some did he set up as firm and immovable pillars, which by sufferance
were able to abide all violent force, and valiantly to withstand the
enemy, enduring all their opprobrious punishment they could devise:
to conclude, they fought this battle for that intent to come unto
Christ, esteeming their great troubles but as light; thereby showing
that all that may be suffered in this present life is not able to
countervail the great glory which shall be showed upon us after this
life. And, first, they patiently suffered whatsoever the multitude of
frantic people running upon head did unto them, as railings,
scourgings, drawings, and halings, flinging of stones, imprisonings,
and what other thing soever the rage of the multitude is wont to use
and practise against their professed enemies. Then afterward they
being led into the market-place, and there judged of the captain and
rest of the potentates of the city, after their confession made
openly before the multitude, were commanded again to prison until the
return of their chief governor. After this, they being brought before
him, and he using all extremity that possibly he might against them,
one Vetius Epagathus, one of the brethren, replenished with fervent
zeal, both towards God and his brethren (whose conversation, although
he were a young man, was counted as perfect as was the life of
Zachary the priest; for he walked diligently in all the commandments
and justifications of the Lord, and in all obedience towards his
brethren, blameless); he having within him the fervent zeal of love
and Spirit of God, could not suffer that wicked judgment which was
given upon the Christians; but being vehemently displeased, desired
that the judge would hear the excuse which he was minded to make in
the behalf of the Christians, in whom (saith he) is no impiety found.
But the people cried again to those that were assistants with the
chief justice that it might not be so (for, indeed, he was a nobleman
born); neither did the justice grant him his lawful request, but only
asked him whether he himself was a Christian or not. And he
immediately, with a loud and bold voice, answered and said, I am a
Christian. And thus was he received into the fellowship of the
martyrs, and called the advocate of the Christians. And he having the
Spirit of God more plentifully in time than had Zachary, the
abundance thereof he declared, in that he gave his life in the
defence of his brethren, being a true disciple of Christ, following
the Lamb wheresoever he goeth.

By this man's example the rest of the martyrs were the more animated
to martyrdom, and made more joyous with all courage of mind to accom
lish the same. Some other there were unready and not so well
prepared, and as yet weak, not well able to bear the vehemency of so
great a conflict; of whom ten there were in number that fainted,
ministering to us much heaviness and lamentation, who by their
example caused the rest which were not yet apprehended to be less
willing thereunto. Then were we all for the variableness of
confession not a little astonished; not that we feared the punishment
intended against us, but rather as having respect to the end, and
fearing lest any should fall. Every day there were apprehended such
as were worthy to fulfil the number of them which were fallen;
insomuch that, of two churches, such as were chiefest, and which were
the principal governors of our churches, were apprehended. With these
also certain of theethnics, being our men-servants, were apprehended;
(for so the governor commanded, that all of us in general without any
respect should be taken;) which servants being overcome by Satan, and
fearing the torments which they saw the saints to suffer, being also
compelled thereunto by the means of the soldiers, feigned against us
that we kept the feastings of Thiestes, and incest of Œdipus, and
many such other crimes, which are neither to be remembered nor named
by us, nor yet to be thought that ever any man would commit the like.

These things being now bruited abroad, every man began to show
cruelty against us, insomuch that those which before for familiarity
sake were more gentle towards us, now vehemently disdained us, and
waxed mad against us. And thus was now fulfilled that which was
spoken by Christ, saying, The time will come, that whosoever killeth
you shall think that he doth God great good service. Then suffered
the martyrs of God such bitter persecution as is passing to be told;
Satan still shooting at this mark, to make them to utter some
blasphemy, by all means possible. Marvellous therefore was the rage
both of the people and prince, especially against one Sanctus, which
was deacon of the congregation of Vienna; and against Maturus, being
but a little before baptized, but yet a worthy follower of Christ;
and also against Attalus, being born in Pergama, which was the
foundation and pillar of that congregation; and also against
Blandina; by whom Christ showeth those things, which the world
esteemed vile and abject, to be glorious in God's sight, for the very
love which in heart and deed they bare unto him, not in outward face
only. For when all we were afraid, and especially her mistress in the
flesh, who also was herself one of the number of the aforesaid
martyrs, lest haply for the weakness of body she would not stand
strongly to her confession, the foresaid Blandina was so replenished
with strength and boldness, that they which had the tormenting of her
by course, from morning to night, for very weariness gave over, and
fell down, and were themselves overcome, confessing that they could
do no more against her, and marvelled that yet she lived, having her
body so torn and rent; and testified that any one of those torments
alone, without any more, had been enough to have plucked the life
from her body. But that blessed woman, fighting this worthy battle,
became stronger and stronger; and as often as she spake these words,
"I am a Christian, neither have we committed any evil," it was to her
a marvellous comfort and boldening to abide the torments.

Sanctus also, another of the martyrs, who in the midst of his
torments endured more pains than the nature of a man might away with,
at what time the wicked supposed to have heard him utter some
blasphemous words, for the greatness and intolerableness of his
torments and pains that he was in, abode notwithstanding in such
constancy of mind, that neither he told them his name, nor what coun
tryman he was, nor in what city brought up, neither whether he was a
free man or a servant; but unto every question that was asked him, he
answered in the Latin tongue, I am a Christian, and this was all that
he confessed, both of his name, city, kindred, and all other things
in the place of execution; neither yet could the Gentiles get any
more of him; whereupon both the governor and tormentors were the more
vehemently bent against him. And when they had nothing to vex him
withal, they clapped plates of brass red hot to the most tenderest
parts of his body; wherewith his body indeed being scorched, yet he
never shrunk for the matter, but was bold and constant in his
confession, being strength ened and moistened with the fountain of
lively water flowing out of Christ's side. Truly his body was a
sufficient witness what torments he suffered; for it was all drawn
together and most pitifully wounded and scorched, so that it had
therewith lost the proper shape of a man; in whose suffering Christ
obtained unspeakable glory, for that he overcame his adversaries,
and, to the instruction of others, declared that nothing else is
terrible, or ought to be feared, where the love of God is, and
nothing grievous wherein the glory of Christ is manifested.

And when those wicked men began after a certain time again to torment
the martyr, and hoped well to bring it to pass, that either they
should overcome him in causing him to recant, by reiterating his
torments, now when his body was so sore and swollen, that he might
not suffer a man to touch him with his hand; or else that if he died
under their hands, yet that thereby they should strike such fear into
the hearts of the rest, as to cause them to deny Christ; they were
not only disappointed herein, but also, contrary to the expecta lion
of men, his body was in the latter punishment and torments suppled
and restored, and took the first shape and use of the members of the
same, so that the same his second torment was by the grace of Christ
(instead of punishment) a safe medicine.

Also Satan, now thinking to have settled himself in the heart of one
Biblides, being one of them which had denied Christ, and thinking to
have caused her, being a weak and feeble woman in faith, to have
damned her soul, in blaspheming the name of God, brought her to the
place of execution, enforcing to wrest some wicked thing out of the
mouth of the Christians. But she in the middle of her torments,
returning to herself, and waked as it were out of her dead sleep by
that temporal pain, called to her remembrance the pains of hell-fire,
and against all men's expectations reviled the tormentors, saying,
How should we Christians eat young infants, (as ye reported of us,)
for whom it is not lawful to eat the blood of any beast. Upon that,
so soon as she had confessed herself to be a Christian, she was
martyred with the rest. Thus when Christ had ended those tyrannical
torments, by the patience and sufferance of our saints, the devil yet
invented other engines and instruments. For when the Christians were
cast into prison, they were shut up in dark and ugly dungeons, and
were drawn by the feet in a rack, or engine, made for that purpose.
And many other such punishments suffered they, which the furious
ministers, stirred up with devilish fury, are wont to put men unto;
so that very many of them were strangled and killed in prisons, whom
the Lord in this manner would have to enjoy everlasting life, and set
forth his glory. And surely these good men were so pitifully
tormented, that if they had had all the helps and medicines in the
world, it was thought impossible for them to live and to be restored.
And thus they remaining in prison, destitute of all human help, were
so strengthened of the Lord, and both in body and mind confirmed,
that they comforted and stirred up the minds of the rest; the younger
sort of them, which were later apprehended, and put in prison, whose
bodies had not yet felt the lash of the whip, were not able to endure
the sharpness of their imprisonment, but died for the same.

The blessed Photinus, who was deacon to the bishop of Lyons, about
fourscore and nine years old, and a very feeble or weak man, and
could scarcely draw breath for the imbecility of his body, yet was he
of a lively courage and spirit; and for the great desire he had of
martyrdom, when he was brought unto the judgment-seat, although his
body was feeble and weak, both because of his old age, and also
through sickness, yet was his soul or life preserved to this purpose,
that by the same Christ might triumph and be glorified. He being by
the soldiers brought to the place of judgment, many citizens and men
of great ability following him, and the whole multitude crying upon
him diversely, as though he had been Christ himself, gave a good
testimony. For being demanded of the chief ruler what was the
Christian man's God, he answered, If thou be worthy to know, thou
shalt know. He, being with these words somewhat near touched, caused
him to be very sore beaten. For those that stood next him did him all
the spite and displeasure that they could, both with hand and foot,
having no regard at all to his old age or white hairs. And they which
were farther off, whatso ever came next to hand they threw at him,
and every man thought that he did very wickedly refrain that withheld
his hand from doing the like. For by this means they thought that
they did revenge the quarrel of their gods. Photinus now, even as it
were gasping after life, was thrown into prison, and within two days
after died.

And here is the mighty providence of God and the unspeakable mercy of
Jesus Christ declared, which providence, being assured amongst
others, is never destitute of the aid of Jesus Christ. For those
which in their first persecution denied Christ, they also were put in
prison, and made partakers of the others' affliction. Neither yet did
it any whit at all at that time help them that had denied Christ, but
they which confessed him were imprisoned as Christians, neither was
there any other crime objected against them; but the other sort,
taken like homicides and wicked doers, were laid hand on, and had
double more punishment than the others had. These men were refreshed
with the joy of martyrdom, the hope of God's promises, the love
towards Christ, and the Spirit of God; the others, their consciences
accused them, and that very sore, insomuch that, by their gait, their
countenances bewrayed unto the rest their guilty con sciences. For
the Christians went forth having cheerful countenances, very much
adorned with glory and grace, in somuch that the very bonds wherewith
they were tied set them out as men in seemly apparel, and like as
brides when they be decked in gorgeous and gay garments, and
therewithal savoured as of the redolent smell of Christ, so that it
might be supposed them to be anointed with some sweet balm; whereas
the others were doubtful and sad, abject, ill favoured, filled with
all shame, and furthermore reviled of the Gentiles themselves, as
wretches degenerate, having the crime of homicide, and destitute of
the most precious, glorious, and lively calling of the Christian
name. And truly by these sights the rest were confirmed, and, being
apprehended, confessed Christ without any staggering, not having so
much as the thought of any such devilish mind of denial. And in the
same epistle of the foresaid brethren of France, writing to the
brethren of Asia, it followeth in this manner: After these things
done, the martyrdom of these holy saints was divided diversly into
divers kinds and forms, as the offering to God the Father a garland
decked with divers and sundry kinds of colours and flowers. For it so
behoved the worthy champions of God, after they had suffered divers
kinds of torments, and so won a triumphant victory, to obtain great
reward of immortality.

Then Maturus, Blandina, and Attalus were brought together to the
common scaffold, there in the face of the people to be cast and
devoured of the beasts. And Maturus, with Sanctus, being brought the
second time to the scaffold, suffered again all kind of torments, as
though hitherto they had suffered nothing at all; yea, rather the
adversary being oftentimes put to the worst, they, as striving for
the crown, suffered again more scourgings, the tearing of wild
beasts, and what thing else soever the frantic people on every side
cried for and willed. And above all the rest they brought an iron
chair, in the which their bodies being set, were so fried and
scorched as on a gridiron fried on the coals, and filled with the
savour of the frying all the people that stood by. And yet for all
that the torments ceased not, but waxed more fierce and mad against
them, labouring to overcome the patience of the saints.
Notwithstanding all this, they could not get out of Sanctus's mouth
any other thing but the confession which at the beginning he
declared. And thus these holy men, after they had long continued
alive in this their most horrible conflict, at the length were slain,
being made all that whole day a spectacle unto the world, in place
and instead of the games and sights which were wont to be exhibited
to the people. And thus much concerning Maturus and Sanctus.

Now concerning Blandina, she, being fastened upon a stake, was cast
to the ravening beasts to be devoured; which thing was not done
without the determinate will of God; to this end, that while she
seemed to hang as it were upon a cross, by the ferventness of her
prayer she might comfort the rest of the saints, as beholding their
Christ with their bodily eyes, which in that agony suffered for them
all, and that all which believe in him and suffer for the glory of
Christ might be assured to live with him for ever. And when they saw
that no beast would come near her thus hanging, they took her down
from the tree, and cast her again into prison till another time, that
she, having the victory of many battles, might triumph over that ugly
serpent the devil; and that she, being a weak and silly woman, and
not regarded, armed with Christ, the invincible Conqueror, might
encourage her brethren, and by the enduring of this battle might win
a crown of incorruptible glory.

Now to Attalus; who, being also required and called for of the people
to punishment already prepared, (for his conscience sake,) cometh
forth to the sight. For he being worthily exercised in the Christian
profession, was always a witness and a maintainer of our doctrine.
Therefore when the press of people was about the scaffold, and the
table carried before him, wherein was written in the Roman tongue,
This is Attalus the Christian; then the people were in a marvellous
rage against him. But the governor, understanding that he was a
Roman, commanded him again to prison, with the rest of his prison
fellows; whereof he wrote to the emperor, and waited for answer what
his pleasure herein was. The prisoners were not idle in the mean
season, nor unprofitable to their brethren, but by their patience the
unspeakable mercy of Christ shined out. For those which were dead
before were now revived by them that lived, and they which were
martyrs profited them which were none, and the church did much
rejoice, as receiving them again alive whom she had lost before as
dead. For many of them which before had denied, now by their denial
were restored and stirred up, and learned to be confessors. And now
being revived and strengthened, and tasting the sweetness of Him
which desireth not the death of a sinner, but is merciful to the
penitent, came of their own accord to the judgment-seat again, that
they might be examined of the judge. And for that the emperor had
written back again to him, that all the confessors should be punished
and the other let go, and that the sessions or assizes were now
begun, which, for the multitude that had repaired thither out of
every quarter, was marvellous great; he caused all the holy martyrs
to be brought thither, that the multitude might behold them, and once
again examined them; and as many of them as he thought had the Roman
freedom he beheaded, the residue he gave to the beasts to be
devoured. And truly Christ was much glorified by those which a little
before had denied him, which again, contrary to the expectation of
the infidels, confessed him even unto the death. For they were
examined apart from the rest, be cause of their delivery; which,
being found confessors, were joined to the company of the martyrs,
and had with them their part. But there were then some abroad which
had no faith at all, neither yet so much as the feeling of the
wedding garment, nor any cogitation at all of the fear of God; but
blasphemed his ways by the lewd conversation of their life, even such
as were the children of damnation. All the residue joined themselves
to the congregation; which when they were examined, one Alexander, a
Phrygian born, and a physician which had dwelt long in France, and
known almost of all, for the love he had to God, and boldness of
speaking (neither was he void of the apostolical love); one
Alexander, I say, standing somewhat near to the bar, by signs and
becks persuaded such as were examined to confess Christ; so that by
his countenance sometime rejoicing, some other while sorrowing, he
was descried of the standers-by. The people not taking in good part
to see those which now recanted by and by again to stick to their
first confession, they cried out against Alexander as one that was
the cause of all this matter. And when he was enforced by the judge,
and demanded what religion he was of, he answered, I am a Christian.
He had no sooner spoken the word, but he was judged to the beasts, of
them to be devoured.

The next day following, Attalus, of whom I made mention a little
before, and Alexander, were brought forth together, for the governor
granting Attalus unto the people, he was baited again of the beasts.
When these men were brought to the scaffold, and had taken a taste of
all the instruments that there were prepared for their execution, and
had suffered the greatest agony they could put them to, they were
also at the length slain; of whom Alexander never gave so much as a
sigh, nor held his peace, but from the bottom of his heart praised
and prayed to the Lord. But Attalus, when he was set in the iron
chair, and began to fry, and the frying savour of his burning body
began to smell, he spake to the multitude in the Roman language:
Behold, (saith he,) this which you do is to eat man's flesh; for we
neither eat men, nor yet commit any other wickedness. And being
demanded what was the name of their God; Our God (saith he) hath no
such name as men have. Then said they, Now let us see whether your
God can help you, and take you out of our hands or not.

After this, being the last day of the spectacle, Blandina again, and
one Ponticus, a child of fifteen years old, was brought forth, and
this was every day, to the intent that they seeing the punishment of
their fellows might be compelled thereby to swear by their idols. But
because they constantly abode in their purpose, and defied their
idols, the whole multitude was in a rage with them, neither sparing
the age of the child, nor favouring the sex of the woman, but put
them to all the punishment and pain they could devise, and oftentimes
enforced them to swear, and yet were not able to compel them
thereunto. For Ponticus, being so animated of his sister, as
theethnics standing by did see, after that he had suffered, all
torments and pains, gave up the ghost. This blessed Blandina
therefore being the last that suffered, after she had, like a worthy
mother, given exhortations unto her children, and had sent them
before as conquerors to their heavenly King, and had called to her
remembrance all their battles and conflicts, so much rejoiced of her
children's death, and so hastened her own, as though she had been
bidden to a bridal, and not in case to be thrown to the wild beasts.
After this her pitiful whipping, her delivery to the beasts, and her
torments upon the gridiron, at the length she was put in a net, and
thrown to the wild bull; and when she had been sufficiently gored and
wounded with the horns of the same beast, and felt nothing of all
that chanced to her, for the great hope and consolation she had in
Christ and heavenly things, was thus slain, inso much that the very
heathen men themselves confessed that there was never woman put to
death of them that suffered so much as this woman did. Neither yet
was their furious cruelty thus assuaged against the Christians. For 
the cruel, barbarous people, like wild beasts, when they be moved,
knew not when the time was to make an end, but invented new and
sundry torments every day against our bodies. Neither yet did it
content them when they had put the Christians to death, for that they
wanted the sense of men; for which cause both the magistrate and
people were vexed at the very hearts, that the scripture might be
fulfilled which saith, He that is wicked, let him be wicked still;
and he that is just, let him be more just. For those which in their
prisons they strangled, they threw after to the dogs, setting keepers
both day and night to watch them, that they should not be buried, and
bringing forth the remnant of their bones and bodies, some half
burned, some left of the wild beasts, and some all to be mangled,
also bringing forth heads of others which were cut off, and in like
manner committed by them to the charge of the keepers to see them
remain unburied.

The Gentiles grinded and gnashed at the Christians with their teeth,
seeking which way they might amplify their punishment: some other
flouted and mocked them, extolling their idols, attributing unto them
the cause of this cruelty and vengeance showed to us. Such as were of
the meeker sort, and seemed to be moved with some pity, did hit us in
the teeth, saying, Where is your God that you so much boast of? and
what helpeth this your religion for which you give your lives? These
were the sundry passions and effects of the Gentiles; but the
Christians in the mean while were in great heaviness, that they might
not bury the bodies and relics of the holy martyrs. Neither could the
dark night serve them to that purpose, nor any entreaty nor waging
them with money, which were appointed for watchmen; but they so
narrowly looked unto the matter, as though they should have gotten
great benefit and profit thereby.

Thus were the bodies of the martyrs made a wondering-stock, and lay
six days in the open streets; at the length they burned them, and
threw their ashes into the river, so that there might appear no
remnant of them upon the earth. And this did they, as though they had
been able to have pulled God out of his seat, and to have let the
regeneration of the saints, and taken from them the hope of the
resurrection, whereof they being persuaded (said they) bring in this
new and strange religion, and set thus light by death and punishment.

Among others that suffered under Antoninus, mention was made also of
Justinus, who (as it is said before) exhibited two Apologies,
concerning the defence of Christian doctrine; the one to the senate
of Rome, and the other to Antoninus Pius the emperor; concerning
whose suffering and the causes thereof is partly before declared.
This Justin was born in Neapoli, in the country of Palestine, whose
father was Priscus Bachius, as he himself doth testify, by whom in
his youth he was set to school to learn, where in process of time he
became a famous and worthy philosopher, of whose excellency many
learned and notable men do record. For, first, he being altogether
inflamed and ravished with desire of knowledge, would in no wise be
satisfied in his mind, before he had gotten instructors singularly
seen in all kind of philosophy; whereupon he writeth of himself in
the beginning of his dialogue with Tripho, thus, declaring that in
the beginning he, being desirous of that sect and society, applied
himself to be the scholar to a certain Stoic; and remaining with him
a time, when he nothing profited in Divine knowledge, (whereof the
Stoic had no skill, and affirmed the knowledge thereof not to be
necessary,) he forsook him, and went to another of the sect of the
Peripatetics, a sharp-witted man, as he thought; with whom after he
had been a while, he demanded of him a stipend for his teaching, for
the better confirmation of their familiarity. Whereupon Justin,
accounting him as no philosopher, left him, and departed. And yet not
satisfied in mind, but desirous to hear of further learning in
philosophy, adjoined himself to one that professed the Pythagorean
sect, a man of great fame, and one who made no small account of
himself; whom after he had followed a time, his master demanded of
him whether he had any sight in music, astronomy, and gcometry,
without the sight of which sci ence he said he could not be apt to
receive the knowledge of virtue and felicity, unless before he had
used to apply his mind from sensible matters to the contemplation of
things intelligible. And speaking much in the commendation of these
sci ences, how profitable and necessary they were, after that Justin
had declared himself not to be seen therein, the philosopher gave him
over, which grieved Justin not a little, and so much the more,
because he thought his master to have some knowledge in those
sciences. After this Justin considering with himself what time was
requisite to the learning of these sciences, and thinking not to
defer any longer, thought best to resort to the sect of the
Platonists, for the great fame that ran of them: wherefore he chose
unto him a singular learned man of that sect, which lately was come
to those parts, and so remaining with him seemed to profit not a
little in contemplation of supernal things, and invisible forms,
insomuch that he thought shortly to aspire to such sharpness of wit
and wis dom, that out of hand he might achieve to the co prehension
and contemplation of God, which is the end of Plato's philosophy. And
in this manner he bestowed his youth; but afterward, he growing to a
riper age, how and by what means the said Justin came to the
knowledge and profession of Christianity, it followeth likewise in
his said first Apology; where he affirmeth of himself, (as witnesseth
Eusebius in his fourth book,) that when he did behold the Christians
in their torments and sufferings to be so constant in their
profession, was therewith marvellously moved: after this manner
reasoning with himself, that it was impossible for that kind of
people to be subject to any vice or carnality, which vices of their
own nature are not able to sustain any sharp adversity, much less the
bitterness of death. The sight whereof helped him not a little (being
of his own nature inclined to the searching of true knowledge and
virtue) to begin thereby to love and embrace Christian religion, for
so he doth witness of himself in the end of the first Apology;
signifying there how it was his seeking and endeavour to attain to
Christianity; understanding how the Christians by malice of wicked
persons were compelled to suffer wrong and torments, and to be evil
spoken of. By sight whereof, as he saith himself, he became a
Christian, through this occasion. For being thus afflicted in his
mind, as is aforesaid, it came in his head for his more quietness to
go aside to some desert and solitary place void of concourse of
people, unto a village or grange near to the sea-side: whither as he
approached, thinking there to be all alone, there meeteth with him an
old ancient father of a comely visage and seemly behaviour, who
following him a little off, began to reason with him; where after
long disputation, when the old man had declared unto him that there
was no knowledge of truth amongst the philosophers, which neither
knew God, neither were aided by the Holy Ghost; and further had
reasoned with him of the immortality of the soul, of the reward of
the godly and punishment of the wicked: then Justin being confirmed
with his reasons and arguments, yielded to him of his own accord, and
demanded of him by what means he might attain to that true knowledge
of God whereof he had spoken; who then counselled him to read and
search the prophets, adjoining therewith prayer. But what, master,
(quoth Justin,) should I use for the instruction thereof, and who
shall be able to help us, if these philosophers (as you say) lack the
truth, and are void of the same? To whom the old father answering,
There have been (said he) many years before these philosophers other
more ancient than all these, which being accounted for philosophers
were just and beloved of God; who spake by the Spirit of God,
foreseeing and prophesying these things which we see now come to
pass, and therefore they are called prophets. These only have known
the truth, and revealed it to men, neither fearing nor passing for
any; who were seduced with no opinions of man's invention, but only
spake and taught those things which they themselves both heard and
saw, being inspired with the Holy Spirit of God; whose writings and
works yet to this day remain, out of which the reader may receive
great profit and knowledge of things, as concerning the first
creation of the world, and end of the same, with all other things
necessary to be known of every true philosopher which will give
credit unto them. Neither in their teaching do they use any
demonstration, as being more certain of themselves than that they
need any such demonstration to be made, forasmuch as the
accomplishing and the end of things, both past and now present,
constraineth us of necessity to believe the words and doctrine which
they taught; which men not only therefore are to be believed, but
also for their miracles and wonders done are worthy of credit; for
that they both preached of God the Maker and Creator of all things,
and also did prophesy before of Christ his Son to be sent of him; the
which, the false prophets being seduced with false and wicked
spirits, neither have done, nor do, but only take upon them to work
certain prodigious wonders for men to gaze at, setting out thereby to
the world false and unclean spirits. But then, afore all things, make
thy prayer that the gate of light may be opened unto thee; for
otherwise these things cannot be attained unto of every man, but only
of such to whom God and his Christ giveth understanding.

These things, with much more, (which now leisure serveth not to
prosecute,) after the foresaid old father had declared unto him, he
departed, exhorting him well to follow the things which he had
spoken; and after that Justin (as he himself witnesseth) saw
him no more. Immediately after this, Justin being all inflamed as
with fire kindled in his breast, began to conceive a love and zeal
towards the prophets, and all such as were favoured of Christ: and
thus he, revolving in his mind more and more these words, found only
this philosophy among all other professions both sure and profitable,
and so became he a philosopher, and in time by these means afterwards
he was made a Christian and baptized. But where he received this holy
sacrament of baptism it is not read of, nor yet by what occasion he
left his country and came to Rome. This only we read in Jerome, that
he was in Rome, and there used certain exercises which he called
diatribes; disputing there with Crescens, a cynical philosopher, as
is before touched. But this is certain, how that Justin, after he had
received the profession of Christian religion, became an earnest
defender of the same; travelling and disputing against all the
adversaries thereof, fearing neither peril of life nor danger of
death, whereby he might maintain the doctrine of Christ against the
malicious blasphemers, and also augment the number of Christian
believers, as may appear by his vehement disputations against the
heathen philosophers; also, moreover, it well appeareth in that long
disputation which he had with one Tripho at Ephesus, as also in his
Confutations of Heretics. Furthermore, his conflicts and Apologies
which with great courage and security he exhibited against the
persecutors of the Christians, both to the emperor and the
magistrates, yea, and the whole senate of Rome, do testify the same.

Of the which Apologies, the first he wrote to the senate of Rome, and
after to Antoninus Pius the emperor, as is before mentioned; where in
the first writing with great liberty to the senate, he declared that
of necessity he was compelled to write and utter his mind and
conscience to them. For that in persecuting of the Christians they
did neglect their duty, and highly offended God, and therefore need
they had to be admonished. And further writing to Urbicius,
lieutenant of the city, said that he put men to death and torments
for no offence committed, but for the confession only of the name of
Christ; which proceedings and judgments neither became the emperor,
nor his son, nor the senate: defending, moreover, in the said
Apology, and purging the Christians of such crimes as falsely were
laid and objected against them by the Ethnics.

And likewise in his second Apology, writing to Antoninus the emperor,
and his successors, with like gravity and free liberty declareth unto
them how they had the name, commonly being reputed and taken as
virtuous philosophers, maintainers of justice, lovers of learning;
but whether they were so their acts declared. As for him, neither for
flattery nor favour at their hands he was constrained thus to write
unto them, but only to sue unto them, and desire a serious and
righteous kind of dealing in their judgments and sentences; (for it
becometh princes to follow uprightness and piety in their judgments,
not tyranny and violence;) and also in plain words chargeth as well
the emperor as the senate with manifest wrong, for that they did not
grant the Christians that which is not denied to all other
malefactors, judging men to death not convicted, but only for the
hatred of the name. Other men which be appeached (said he) in
judgment are not condemned before they are convicted; but on us you
take our name only for the crime, whenas indeed you ought to see
justice done upon our accusers. And again, (saith he,) ifa Christian,
being accused, only deny that name, him you release, being not able
to charge him with any other offence; but if he stand to his name,
only for his confession you cast him, where indeed it were your duty
rather to examine their manner of life, what thing they confess or
deny, and according to their demerits to see justice done.

And in the same, further, he saith, You examine not the causes, but,
incensed with rash affections, as with the spur of fury, ye slay and
murder them not convicted, without any respect of justice. And
further, he addeth, Some, peradventure, will say certain of them have
been apprehended and taken in evil doings, as though (saith he) you
used to inquire upon them being brought afore you, and not commonly
to condemn them before due examination of their offence for the cause
above mentioned. Where also, in the end of the said Apology, after
this manner he reprehendeth them: You do degenerate (quoth he) from
the goodness of your predecessors, whose example you follow not; for
your father Hadrian, of famous memory, caused to be proclaimed, that
Christians accused before the judge should not be condemned, unless
they were found guilty of some notorious crime. I find that all his
vehement and grave Apology standeth upon most strong and firm
probations, denying that the Christians ought by conscience, at the
will and commandment of the emperor and senate, to do sacrifice to
the idols; for the which they being condemned, affirm that they
suffer open wrong; affirming, moreover, that the true and only
religion is the religion of the Christians, whose doctrine and
conversation hath no fault. Justinus, although with these and such-
like persuasions he did not so prevail with the emperor to cause him
to love his religion and become a Christian, (for that is not
written,) yet thus much he obtained, that Antoninus, writing to his
officers in Asia in the behalf
of the Christians, required and commanded them, that those Christians
only which were found guilty of any trespass should suffer, and such
as were not convicted should not therefore only for the name be
punished, because they were called Christians. By these it is
apparent with what zeal and faith this Justinus did strive against
the persecutors, which (as he said) could kill only, but could not
hurt.

This Justinus, by the means and malice of Crescens the philosopher,
(as is before declared,) suffered martyrdom under Marcus Antoninus
Verus, a little after that Polycarp was martyred in Asia, as
witnesseth Eusebius. Here is to be gathered how Epiphanius was
deceived in the time of his death, saying that he suffered under
Rusticus the president, and Hadrian the emperor, being of thirty
years of age; which, indeed, agreeth neither with Eusebius, nor
Hierom, nor Suide, nor others more; which manifestly declare and
testify how he exhibited his Apology unto Antoninus Pius,which came
after Hadrian. Thus hast thou (good reader) the life of this learned
and blessed martyr, although partly touched before, yet now more
fully and amply discoursed for the better commendation of his
excellent and notable virtues; of whose final end thus writeth
Photius, saying that he, suffering for Christ, died cheerfully and
with honour.

Thus have ye heard the whole discourse of Justinus and of the blessed
saints of France, Vetius, Zacharias, Sanctus, Maturus, Attalus,
Blandina, Alexander, Alcibiades, with others, recorded and set forth
by the writing of certain Christian brethren of the same church and
place of France. In the which foresaid writings of theirs, moreover,
appeareth the great meekness and modest constancy of the said martyrs
described in these words: Such followers were they of Christ, (who
when he was in the form of God, thought it no robbery to be equal
with God, being in the same glory with him,) that they not once nor
twice, but ofttimes suffered martyrdom; and taken again from the
beasts, and bearing wounds, tearings, and scars in their bodies, yet
neither would count themselves martyrs, neither would they suffer us
so to call them: but if any of us either by word or letter would call
them martyrs, they did vehemently rebuke them, saying that the name
of martyrdom was to be given to Christ the faithful and true Martyr,
the First-born of the dead, and the Captain of life; testifying,
moreover, that martyrdom belongeth to such, who, by their martyrdom,
were already passed out of this life, and whom Christ, by their
worthy confession, hath received unto himself, and hath sealed up
their martyrdom by their end finished: as for them which were not yet
consummated, they (said they) were not worthy
the names of martyrs, but only were humble and worthy confessors,
desiring also their brethren with tears to pray without ceasing for
their confirmation. Thus they performing indeed that which belongeth
to true martyrs, in resisting the heathen with much liberty and great
patience, without all fear of man, being replenished with the fear of
God, refused to be named of their brethren for martyrs. And after in
the said writing it followeth more: They humbled themselves under the
mighty hand of God, by which they were greatly exalted; then they
rendered to all men a reason of their faith; they accused no man,
they loosed all, they bound none; and for them which so evil did
entreat them they prayed, following the example of Stephen the
perfect martyr, which said, O Lord, impute not their sin to them. And
after again, neither did they proudly disdain against them which
fell; but of such as they had they imparted to them that lacked,
bearing toward them a motherly affection, shedding their plentiful
tears for them to God the Father, and prayed for their life and
salvation; and as God gave it them, they also did communicate to
their neighbours; and thus they as conquerors of all things departed
to God, They loved peace, and leaving the same to us, they went to
God, neither leaving any molestation to their mother, nor sedition or
trouble to their brethren, but joy, peace, concord, and love to all.

Out of the same writing, moreover, concerning these martyrs of France
aforementioned, is recorded also another history not unworthy to be
noted, taken out of the same book of Eusebius, which history is this.

There was among these constant and blessed martyrs one Alcibiades, as
is above specified; which Alcibiades ever used a very strict diet,
receiving for his food and sustenance nothing else but only bread and
water. When this Alcibiades, now being cast into prison, went about
to accustom the same strictness of diet, after his usual manner, it
was before revealed by God to Attalus aforementioned, one of the said
company, being also the same time imprisoned after his first conflict
upon the scaffold, that Alcibiades did not well in that he refused to
use and take the creatures of God, and also thereby ministered to
other a pernicious occasion of offensive example. Whereupon
Alcibiades being advertised, and reformed, began to take all things
boldly and with giving thanks. Whereby may appear to all scrupulous
consciences, not only a wholesome instruction of the Holy Ghost, but
also here is to be noted how in those days they were not destitute of
the grace of God, but had the Holy Spirit of God to be their
Instructor.

The foresaid martyrs of France at the same time
commended Irenĉus, newly then made minister, with their letters unto
Eleutherius, bishop of Rome, as witnesseth Eusebius, in the tenth
chapter of the said book, which Irenĉus first was the hearer of
Polycarp, then made minister (as is said) under these martyrs; and
after their death made bishop afterward of Lyons in France, and
succeeded after Photinus. Besides this Justin, there was also the
same time in Asia Claudius Apollinaris, or Apollinarius, bishop of
Hieropolis; and also Melito, bishop of Sanlis, an eloquent and
learned man, much commended of Tertullian, who succeeding after the
time of the apostles, in the reign of this Antoninus Verus, exhibited
unto him learned and eloquent Apologies in defence of Christ's
religion, like as Quadratus and Aristides above mentioned did unto
the emperor Hadrian; whereby they moved him somewhat to stay the rage
of his persecution. In like manner did this Apollinaris and Melito
(stirred up by God) adventure to defend in writing the cause of the
Christians unto this Antoninus. Of this Melito Eusebius in his fourth
book making mention, excerpeth certain places of his Apology in these
words, as followeth: Now, saith he, which was never seen before, the
godly suffer persecution by occasion of certain proclamations and
edicts proclaimed throughout Asia; for villanous sycophants, robbers,
and spoilers of other men's goods, grounding themselves upon those
proclamations, and taking occasion of them, rob openly night and day,
and spoil those which do no harm. And it followeth after, which if it
be done by your commandment, be it so, well done; for a good prince
will never command but good things, and so we will be contented to
sustain the honour of this death. This only we most humbly beseech
your Majesty, that calling before you and examining the authors of
this tumult and contention, then your Grace would justly judge
whether we are worthy of cruel death or quiet life. And then, if it
be not your pleasure, and that it proceedeth not by your occasion,
(which indeed against your barbarous enemies were too bad,) the more
a great deal we are petitioners to your Highness, that here after you
will vouchsafe to hear us thus so vexed and oppressed with these kind
of villianous robberies. And verily our philosophy and doctrine did
first among the barbarous take place, which doctrine first in the
days of Augustus, your predecessor, when it did reign and flourish,
thereby your empire became most famous and fortunate; and from that
time more and more the state of the Roman empire increased in honour,
whereof you most happily were made successor, and so shall your son
too. Honour therefore this philosophy which with your empire sprang
up, and came in with Augustus, which your progenitors above all other
honoured and most esteemed. And verily this is no small argument of a
good beginning, that since our doctrine flourished in the empire no
misfortune or loss happened from Augustus's time; but, contrary,
always victory, good and honourable years as ever any man would wish:
only among all, and of all, Nero and Domitian, being kindled by
divers naughty and spiteful persons, cavillingly objected against our
doctrine; of whom this sycophantical slandering of us by naughty
custom first came and sprang up. But your godly fathers, espying the
ignorance of these, oftentimes by their writing corrected their
temerarious attempts in that behalf; among whom your grandfather
Hadrian, with many others, is read of to have written to Fundane, the
proconsul and lieutenant of Asia; and your father, your own father, I
say, with whom you ruled in all things, wrote to the cities under his
signet, as the Laersens, Thessalonicenses, Athenienses, and Grecians,
rashly to innovate or alter nothing. Of your Highness, therefore, who
in this case is of that sect as your predecessors were, yea, and of a
more benign and philosophical mind, we are in good hope to obtain our
petition and request.

Thus much out of the Apology of Melito, who, writing to Onesimus,
giveth to us this benefit, to know the true catalogue and the names
of all the authentic books of the Old Testament received in the
ancient time of the primitive church. Concerning the number and names
whereof, the said Melito in his letter to Onesimus declareth, how
that he returning into the parts where these things were done and
preached, there he diligently inquired out the books approved of the
Old Testament, the names whereof in order he subscribeth, and sendeth
unto him as followeth: The five books of Moses, Genesis, Exodus,
Leviticus, Numeri, Deuteronomi, Jesus Nave, The Judges, Ruth, Four
books of Kings, Two books Paralipomenon, The Psalms, Proverbs of
Salomon, The book of Wisdom, The Preacher, The Song of Songs, Job,
The Prophets, Esay, Hieremy, Twelve Prophets in one book, Daniel,
Ezechiel, Esdras. And thus much of this matter which I thought here
to record, for that it is not unprofitable for these later times to
understand what in the first times was received and admitted as
authentic, and what otherwise.

But from this little digression to return to our matter omitted, that
is, to the Apologies of Apollinarius and Melito, in the story so it
followeth, that whether it was by the occasion of these two
Apologies, or whether it was through the writing of Athenagoras a
philosopher, and a legate of the Christians, it is uncertain; but
this is certain, that the persecution the same time was stayed. Some
do think, which most probably seems to touch the truth, that the
cause of staying this persecution did rise upon a wonderful miracle
of God, showed in the emperor's camp by the Christians, the story
whereof is this: At what time the two brethren, Marcus Antoninus and
Marcus Aurelius Commodus, emperors, joining together, warred against
the Quades, Vandals, Sarmates, and Germans, in the expedition against
them, their army, by reason of the imminent assault of their enemies,
was cooped and shut in within the straits and hot dry places, where
their soldiers, besides other difficulties of battle, being destitute
of water five days, were like to have perished, which dread not a
little discomfited them, and abated their courage; where, in this so
great distress and jeopardy, suddenly withdrew from the army a legion
of the Christian soldiers for their succour, who, falling prostrate
upon the earth, by ardent prayer, by and by, obtained of God double
relief: by means of whom God gave certain pleasant showers from the
element; whereby as their soldiers quenched their thirst, so were a
great number of their enemies discomfited and put to flight by
continual lightnings which shooted out of the air. This miracle so
pleased and won the emperor, that ever after he waxed gentler and
gentler to the Christians, and directed his letters to divers of his
rulers, (as Tertullian in his Apology witnesseth,) commanding them
therein to give thanks to the Christians, no less for his victory,
than for the preservation of him and all his men. The copy of which
letter ensueth:

"I give you hereby to understand what I intend to do, as also what
success I have had in my wars in Germany, and with how much
difficulty I have victualled my camp; being compassed about with
seventy and four fierce dragons, whom my scouts descried to be within
nine miles of us, and Pompeianus, our lieutenant, hath viewed, as he
signified unto us by his letters. Wherefore I thought no less but to
be overrun, and all my bands, of so great multitude, as well my
vaward, mainward, as rereward, with all my soldiers of Ephrata; in
whose host there were numbered of fighting men nine hundred seventy
and five thousand. But when I saw myself not able to encounter with
the enemy, I craved aid of our country gods; at whose hands I finding
no comfort, and being driven of the enemy into an exigent, I caused
to be sent for those men which we call Christians, who being mustered
were found a good indifferent number, with whom I was in further rage
than I had good cause, as afterwards I had experience by their
marvellous power; who forthwith did their endeavour, but without
either weapon, munition, armour, or trumpets, as men abhorring such
preparation and furniture, but only satisfied in trust of their God,
whom they carry about with them in their consciences. It is therefore
to be credited, although we call them wicked men, that they worship
God in their hearts. For they, falling prostrate upon the ground,
prayed not only for me, but for the host also which was with me,
beseeching their God for help in that our extremity of victuals and
fresh water; for we had been now five days without water, and were in
our enemy's land, even in the midst of Germany; who thus falling upon
their faces, made their prayer to a God unknown of me. And there fell 
amongst us from heaven a most pleasant and cold shower, but amongst
our enemies a great storm of hail mixed with lightning, so that
immediately we perceived the invincible aid of the most mighty God to
be with us; therefore we give those men leave to profess
Christianity, lest, perhaps, by their prayer we be punished with the
like, and thereby I make myself the author of such hurt as shall be
received by the Christian profession. And if any shall apprehend one
that is a Christian only for that cause, I will that he being
apprehended, without punishment may have leave to confess the same,
so that there be none other cause objected against him more than that
he is a Christian; but let his accuser be burned alive. Neither will
I that he, confessing and being found a Christian, shall be enforced
to alter the same his opinion by the governor of any of our
provinces, but left to his own choice. And this decree of mine I will
to be ratified in the senate house, and command the same publicly to
be proclaimed and read in the court of Trajan; and that, further,
from thence it may be sent into all our provinces by the diligence of
Veratius, governor of our city Polione. And further, we give leave to
all men to use and write, out this our decree, taking the same out of
our copy publicly in the common hall set forth."

Thus the tempestuous rage of persecution against the Christians began
for a time to assuage, partly by the occasion hereof, partly also
upon other causes incident, compelling the enemies to surcease their
persecution, as great plagues and pestilence lying upon the country
of Italy; likewise great wars, as well in the east parts, as also in
Italy and France, terrible earthquakes, great floods, noisome swarms
of flies and vermin devouring their corn fields, &c. And thus much of
things done under Antoninus Verus, which Antoninus, in the beginning
of his reign, joined with him in the government of the empire his
brother Marcus Aurelius Commodus, who also was with him at the
miraculous victory gotten by the Christians, as Eusebius recordeth.
Contrary, Platina, in his Life of Soter, refer the same to the time
of Antoninus Verus, and his son Lucius Antoninus Commodus, and not of
Marcus Aurelius Commodus, his brother. But howsoever the truth of
years doth stand, certain it is, that after the death of Antoninus
Verus, and of Aurelius Commodus, succeeded Lucius Antoninus Commodus,
the son of Verus, who reigned thirty years.

In the time of this Commodus, although he was an incommodious prince
to the senators of Rome, yet notwithstanding there was some quietness
universally through the whole church of Christ from persecution, by
what occasion it is not certain. Some think, of whom is Xiphilinus,
that it came through Marcia, the emperor's concubine, which favoured
the Christians; but howsoever it came, (saith Eusebius,) the fury of
the raging enemies was then somewhat mitigated, and peace was given
by the grace of Christ unto the church throughout the whole world; at
what time the wholesome doctrine of the gospel allured and reduced
the hearts of all sorts of people unto the true religion of God,
insomuch that many, both rich and noble personages of Rome, with
their whole families and households, to their salvation, adjoined
themselves to the church of Christ.

Among whom there was one Apollonius, a nobleman, and a senator of
Rome, who being maliciously accused unto the senate by one whom
Hierom writeth to be the servant of the said Apollonius, and nameth
him Severus; but whose servant soever he was, the wretched man came
soon enough before the judge, being condignly rewarded for that his
malicious diligence; for by a law which the emperor made, that no man
upon pain of death should falsely accuse the Christians, he was put
to execution, and had his legs broken forthwith by the sentence of
Perenninus the judge, which being a heathen man, he pronounced
against him: but the beloved martyr of God, when the judge with much
ado had obtained of him to render an account, before the honourable
senate, of His faith, under whose defence and warrant of life he did
the same, delivered unto them an eloquent apology of the Christian
belief: but the former warrant notwithstanding, he by the decree of
the senate was beheaded, and so ended His life; for that there was an
ancient law among them decreed, that none that professed Christ, and
therefore arraigned, should be released without recantation, or
altering his opinion.

This Commodus is said in stories to be so sure and steady-handed in
casting the dart, that in the open theatre before the people he would
encounter with the wild beasts, and be sure to hit them in place
where he appointed. Among divers other his vicious and wild parts, he
was so far surprised in pride and arrogancy, that he would be called
Hercules, and many times would show himself to the people in the skin
of a lion, to be counted thereby the king of men, like as the lion is
of the beasts.

Upon a certain time, being his birth-day, this Commodus calling the
people of Rome together, in a great royalty, having his lion's skin
upon him, made sacrifice to Hercules and Jupiter, causing it to be
cried through the city, that Hercules was the patron and defender of
the city. There was the same time at Rome Vincentius, Eusebius,
Peregrinus, Potentianus, learned men, and instructors of the people,
who, following the steps of the apostles, went about from place to
place where the gospel was not yet preached, converting the Gentiles
to the faith of Christ. These, hearing the madness of the emperor,
and of the people, began to reprove their idolatrous blindness;
teaching in villages and towns all that heard them to believe upon
the true and only God, and to come away from such worshipping of
devils, and to give honour to God alone, which only is to be
worshipped, willing them to repent and to be baptized, lest they
perished with Commodus. With this their preaching they converted one
Julius, a senator, and others, to the religion of Christ. The emperor
hearing thereof, caused them to be apprehended of Vitellus his
captain, and to be compelled to sacrifice unto Hercules; which when
they stoutly refused, after divers grievous torments and great
miracles by them done, at last they were pressed with leaden weights
to death.

This Peregrinus above mentioned had been sent before by Xistus,
bishop of Rome, into the parts of France, to supply there the room of
a bishop and teacher, by reason that for the continual and horrible
persecutions thereabout touched, those places were left desolate and
destitute of ministers and instructors; whereafter he had occupied
himself with much fruit among the flock of Christ, and had stablished
the congregation there, returning home again to Rome, there he
finished at last (as it is said) his martyrdom.

Now remaineth likewise to speak of Julius; which Julius being (as is
afore described,) a senator of Rome, and now won by the preaching of
these blessed men to the faith of Christ, did speedily invite them
and brought them home to his house, where being fully instructed in
Christian religion, he believed the gospel. And sending for one
Ruffinus, a priest, was with all his family by him baptized, who not
(as the common sort was wont to do) kept close and secret his faith,
but, incensed with a marvellous and sincere zeal, openly professed
the same, altogether wishing and praying to be given to him by God, 
not only to believe in Christ, but also to hazard his life for him.
Which thing the emperor hearing how that Julius had forsaken his old
religion, and become a Christian, forthwith sent for him to come
before him, unto whom he spake on this wise: O July, what madness
hath possessed thee, that thus thou dost fall from the old and common
religion of thy forefathers, who acknowledged and worshipped Jupiter
and Hercules their gods, and now dost embnce a new and fond kind of
religion of the Christians? At which time Julius, having good
occasion to show and open his faith, gave straightway account thereof
to him, and affirmed that Hercules and Jupiter were false gods, and
how the worshippers of them should perish with eternal damnation and
punishments. Which the emperor hearing how that he condemned and
despised his gods, being then inflamed with a great wrath, (as he was
by nature very choleric,) committed him forthwith to Vitellus, the
master of the soldiers, a very cruel and fierce man, to see Julius
either to sacrifice to mighty Hercules, or, refusing the same, to
slay him. Vitellus (as he was commanded) exhorted Julius to obey the
emperor's commandment, and to worship his gods; alleging how that the
whole empire of Rome was not only constituted, but also preserved and
maintained, by them: which Julius denied utterly to do, admonishing
sharply in like manner Vitellus to acknowledge the true God, and obey
his commandments, lest he with his master should die some grievous
death: whereat Vitellus being moved, caused Julius with cudgels to be
beaten unto death.

These things being thus briefly recited, touching such holy martyrs
as hitherto have suffered, now remaineth that we return again to the
order of the Roman bishops, such as followed next after Alexander, at
whom we left, whose succeeder next was Xistus or Sixtus, the sixth
bishop counted after Peter, who governed that ministry the space of
ten years, as Damasus and others do write. Uspergensis maketh mention
but of nine years. Platina recordeth that he died a martyr, and was
buried at the Vatican. But Eusebius speaking of his decease, maketh
no word or mention of any martyrdom. In the second tome of the
Councils certain epistles be attributed to him, whereof Eusebius,
Damasus, Hierom, and other old authors, as they make no relation, so
seem they to have no intelligence nor knowledge of any such matter.
In these counterfeit epistles, and in Platina, it appeareth that
Xistus was the first author of these ordinances. First, that the holy
mysteries and holy vessels should be touched but only of persons holy
and consecrated, especially of no woman. Item, that the corporal
cloth should be made of no other cloth but of fine linen. Item, that
such bishops as were called up to the apostolic see, returning home
again, should not be received at their return, unless they brought
with them letters from the bishop of Rome saluting the people. Item,
at the celebration he ordained to be sung this verse, "Holy, holy,
holy Lord God of hosts," Where, moreover, it is to be noted, that the
said Platina, in the Life of this Xistus, doth testify that Peter
ministered the celebration of the communion only with the Lord's
prayer. These trifling ordinances of Xistus, who is so rude that
seeth not, or may not easily conjecture to be falsely fathered on
Xistus, or on any father of that time? first by the uniform rudeness
and style of all those decretal letters, nothing savouring of that
age, but rather of the later foolish times that followed; also by the
matter and argument in those letters contained, nothing agreeing with
the state of those troublesome days. Neither again is it to be
supposed that any such recourse of bishops was then to the apostolic
see of Rome, that it was not lawful to return without their letters;
whenas the persecution against the Christians was then so hot, in the
days of Hadrian, that the bishops of Rome themselves were more glad
to fly out of the city, than other bishops were to come to them unto
Rome. And if Xistus added the Sanctus unto the mass canon, what piece
then of the canon went before it, when they which put to the other
patches came after Xistus? And if they came after Xistus that added
the rest, why did they set their pieces before his, seeing they that
began the first piece of the canon came after him?

The same likewise is to be judged of the epistles and ordinances of
Telesphorus, who succeeded next unto Xistus, and being bishop of that
congregation the term of eleven years, the first year of the reign of
Antoninus Pius, died martyr about the year of our Lord one hundred
thirty and eight. His epistle, like unto the rest, containing in it
no great matter of doctrine, hath these ordinances. First he
commandeth all that were of the clergy to fast and abstain from
flesh-eating seven weeks before Easter. That three masses should be
said upon the nativity day of the Lord. That no laymen should accuse
either bishop or priest. He ordained, moreover, Gloria in excelsis,
to be added to the mass, &c. But that these things falsely are
feigned upon him may easily be conjectured. For as touching the seven
weeks' fast, neither doth it agree with the old Roman term commonly
received, calling it Quadragesima, that is, the forty days' fast;
neither with the example of our Saviour, who fasted not seven weeks,
but only forty days. Moreover, as concerning this forty days' fast,
we read of the same in the epistle of Ignatius, which was long before
Telesphorus; whereby it may appear that this Telesphorus was not the
first inventor thereof. And if it be true that is lately come out in
the name of Abdias, (but untruly, as by many conjectures may be
proved,) there it is read, that in the days of St. Matthew this Lent
fast of forty days was observed long before Telesphorus, by these
words that follow: In the days (said he) either of Lent, or in the
time of other lawful fastings, he that abstaineth not as well from
eating meat as also from the mixture of bodies doth incur in so
doing, not only pollution, but also committeth offence, which must be
washed away with the tears of repentance. Again, Apollonius
affirmeth, that Montanus the heretic was the first deviser and
bringer in of these laws of fasting into the church, which before was
used to be free, But especially by Socrates, writer of the
ecclesiastical story, who lived after the days of Theodosius, it may
be argued, that this seven weeks' fast is falsely imputed to
Telesphorus. For Socrates in his first book, speaking of this time,
hath these words: The Romans (saith he) do fast three weeks
continually before Easter, beside the sabbath and the Sunday. And,
moreover, speaking of the divers and sundry fastings of Lent in
sundry and divers churches, he addeth these words: And because that
no man can bring forth any commandment written of this matter, it is
therefore apparent that the apostles left this kind of fast free to
every man's will and judgment, lest any should be constrained by fear
and necessity to do that which is good, &c. With this of Socrates
agree also the words of Sozomenus, living much about the same time,
in his seventh book, where he thus writeth: The whole fast of Lent
(saith he) some comprehend in five weeks, as do the Illyrians, and
the west churches, with all Libya, Egypt, and Palestina; some in
seven weeks, as at Constantinople, and the parts bordering to
Phœnicia; other some in three weeks, next before the day of Easter;
and some again in two weeks, &c. By the which it may be collected,
that Telesphorus never ordained any such fast of seven weeks; which
otherwise neither would have been neglected in Rome, and in the west
churches; neither again would have been unremembered of these ancient
ecclesiastical writers, if any such thing had been. The like is to be
thought also of the rest, not only of his constitutions, but also of
the other ancient bishops and martyrs which followed after him, as of
Higinus in the year of our Lord one hundred forty and two, who
succeeding him, and dying also a martyr, is said, or rather feigned,
to bring in the cream, one godfather and godmother in baptism, to
ordain the dedication of churches, whenas in his time so far it was
off that any solemn churches were standing in Rome, that unneth the
Christians could safely convent in their own houses. Likewise the
distinguishing the orders of metropolitans, bishops, and other
degrees, savour nothing less than of that time.

After Higinus followed Pius, who, as Platina reporteth, was so
precisely devout about the holy mysteries of the Lord's table, that
if any one crumb thereof did fall down to the ground, he ordained
that the priest should do penance forty days; if any fell upon the
super-altar, he should do penance three days; if upon the linen
corporal cloth, four days; if upon any other linen cloth, nine days.
And if any drop of the blood (saith he) should chance to be spilled,
wheresoever it fell, it should be licked up, if it were possible; if
not, the place should be washed or pared, and so being washed or
pared, should be burned and laid in the vestry. All which toys may
seem to a wise man more vain and trifling, than to savour of those
pure and strict times of those holy martyrs. This Pius (as is
reported) was much conversant with Hermes, called otherwise Pastor.
Darnasus saith he was his brother. But how is that like, that Hermes
being the disciple of Paul, or one of the threescore disciples, could
be the brother of this Pius? Of this Hermes, and of the Revelations,
the foresaid Pius in his epistle decretal (if it be not forged)
maketh mention; declaring that unto him appeared the angel of God in
the habit of a shepherd, commanding him that Easter-day should be
celebrated of all men upon no other day but on a Sunday; whereupon,
saith the epistle, Pius the bishop, by his authority apostolical,
decreed and commanded the same to be observed of all men.

Then succeeded Anicetus, Soter, and Eleutherius, about the year of
our Lord one hundred and fourscore. This Eleutherius, at the request
of Lucius, king of Britain, sent to him Damianus and Fugatius, by
whom the king was converted to Christ's faith, and baptized, about
the year of our Lord one hundred threescore and nineteen. Nauclerus
saith it was in the year one hundred fifty and five. Henr. de
Erfordia saith it was in the year one hundred threescore and nine, in
the nineteenth year of Verus the emperor. Some say it was in the
sixth year of Commodus, which should be about the year of our Lord
one hundred fourscore and five. Timotheus in his story thinketh that
Eleutherius came himself; but that is not like. And as there is a
variance among the writers for the count of years, so doth there rise
a question among some, whether Eleutherius was the first that brought
the faith from Rome into this land or not. Nicephorus saith that
Simon Zelotes came into Britain. Some other allege out of Gildas,
that Joseph of Arimathea, after the dispersion of the Jews, was sent
by Philip the apostle from France to Britain, about the year of our
Lord threescore and three, and here remained in this land all his
time, and so with his fellows laid the first foundation of Christian
faith among the British people. Whereupon other preachers and
teachers coming afterward confirmed the same, and increased it more.
And therefore doth Petrus Cluniacensis call the Scottish men, and so
doth count them as more ancient Christians. For the confirmation
hereof might be alleged the testimony of Origen, of Tertullian, and
the words also of the letter of Eleutherius, which import no less but
that the faith of Christ was here in England among the British people
before Eleutherius's time, and before the king was converted; but
hereof more shall be spoken hereafter, (Christ willing,) when, after
the tractation of these ten persecutions, we shall enter into the
matter of our English stories.

About this time of Commodus afore mentioned, among divers other
learned men and famous teachers whom God stirred up at that time (as
he doth at all other times raise up some) in his church, to confound
the persecutors by learning and writing, as the martyrs to confirm
the truth with their blood, was Serapion, bishop of Antioch,
Egesippus, a writer of the ecclesiastical history from Christ's
passion to his time; and those that be remaining (which be five) be
not mentioned, neither Hierom, Eusebius, nor Miltiades, which also
wrote his Apology in defence of Christian religion, as did Melito,
Quadratus, and Aristides before mentioned. About the same time also
wrote Heraclitus, who first began to write annotations and
enarrations upon the New Testament, and Epistles of the apostles.
Also Theophilus, bishop of Cesarea, Dionysius, bishop of Corinth, a
man famously learned, which wrote divers epistles to divers churches,
and among others writeth, exhorting Penitus, a certain bishop, that
he would lay no yoke of chastity of any necessity upon his brethren;
but that he would consider the infirmity of others, and bear with it.
Moreover, the said Dionysius, in his epistles, writing of Dionysius
Areopagita, declareth of him how that he was first converted to the
Christian faith by St. Paul, according as in the Acts is recorded,
and afterward was made the first bishop of Athens, but maketh there
no mention of his book concerning the hierarchy. Whereby it may
easily appear what is to be judged of that book. Furthermore, by the
epistles of the said Dionysius of Corinth, this we have to understand
to be the use at that time in churches, to read the letters and
epistles, such as were sent by learned bishops and teachers unto the
congregations, as may appear by these words qf Dionysius, who,
writing to the church of the Romans and to Soter, saith, This day we
celebrate the holy dominical day, in which we have read your epistle,
which always we will read for our exhortation, like as we do read
also the epistle of Clement sent to us before, &c. Where also mention
is made of keeping of Sunday holy, whereof we find no mention made in
ancient authors before his time, except only in Justin Martyr, who,
in his description, declareth two times most especially used for
Christian men to congregate together: first, when any convert was to
be baptized; the second was upon the Sunday, which was wont for two
causes then to be hallowed: first, because (saith he) upon that day
God made the world; secondly, because that Christ upon that day first
showed himself after his resurrection to his disciples, &c.

Over and beside these above named, about the days of Commodus wrote
also Clemens Alexandrinus, a man of notable and singular learning,
whose books, although for a great part be lost, yet certain of them
yet remain, wherein is declared, among other things, the order and
number of the books and Gospels of the New Testament, &c.

The same time, moreover, lived Pantenus, which was the first in
Alexandria that professed in open school to read, of whom is thought
first to proceed the order and manner among the Christians to read
and profess in universities. This Pantenus, for his excellency of
learning, was sent by Demetrius, bishop of Alexandria, to preach to
the Indians, where he found the Gospel of St. Matthew written in
Hebrew, left there by St. Bartholomew, which book afterward he
brought with him from thence to the library of Alexandria.

During all the reign of Commodus, God granted rest and tranquillity,
although not without some bloodshed of certain holy martyrs, as is
above declared unto his church. In the which time of tranquillity,
the Christians having now some leisure from the foreign enemy, began
to have a little contention among themselves about the ceremony of
Easter; which contention albeit of long time before had been stirring
in the church, as is before mentioned of Polycarp and Anicetus; yet
the variance and difference of that ceremony brought no breach of
Christian concord and society among them: neither as yet did the
matter exceed so far, but that the bond of love and communion of
brotherly life continued, although they differed in the ceremony of
the day. For they of the west church pretending the tradition of Paul
and Peter, but indeed being the tradition of Hermes and of Pius, kept
one day, which was upon the Sunday after the fourteenth day of the
first month. The church of Asia, following the ordinance of John the
apostle, observed another, as more shall be declared (the Lord
willing) when we come to the time of Victor, bishop of Rome. In the
mean time, as concerning the fourth persecution, let this hitherto
suffice.

) had not his mother privily in the night season conveyed away his
clothes and his shirt. Whereupon more for shame to be seen, than for
Lear to die, he was constrained to remain at home; and when he could
do nothing else, yet he writeth to his father a letter with these
words: Take heed to yourself that you turn not your thought and
purpose for our sake, &c. Such a fervency had this Origen, being yet
young, to the doctrine of Christ's faith, by the operation of God's
heavenly providence, and partly also by the diligent education of his
father, who brought him up from his youth most studiously in all good
literature, but especially in the reading and exercise of Holy
Scripture, wherein he had such inward and mystical speculation, that
many times he would move questions to his father of the meaning of
this place or that place in the Scripture. Insomuch that his father
divers times would uncover his breast, being asleep, and kiss it,
giving thanks to God which had made him so happy a father of such a
happy child. After the death of his father, and all his goods
confiscated to the emperor, he with his poor mother, and five
brethren, were brought to such extreme poverty, that he did sustain
both himself and them by teaching a school; till at length, being
weary of the profession, he transferred his study only to the
knowledge and seeking of Divine Scripture, and such other learning
conducible to the same. So much he profited both in the Hebrew and
other tongues, that he conferred the Hebrew text with the translation
of the threescore; and, moreover, did confer and find out the other
translations which we call the common translation of Aquila, of
Symmachus, and Theodotion. Also he adjoined to these aforesaid other
four translations, whereof more is in the story of Eusebius
expressed.

They that write of the life of Origen, testify of him that he was of
wit quick and sharp, much patient of labour, a great travailer in the
tongues, of a spare diet, of a strict life, a great faster; his
teaching and his living were both one; his going was much barefoot; a
strict observer of that saying of the Lord, bidding to have but one
coat, &c. He is said to have written so much as seven notaries and so
many maids every day could pen. The number of his books, by the
account of Hierom, came to seven thousand volumes, the copies whereof
he used to sell for three pence, or a little more, for the
sustentation of his living. But of him more shall be touched
hereafter. So zealous he was in the cause of Christ, and of Christ's
martyrs, that he, nothing fearing his own peril, would assist and
exhort them going to their death, and kiss them, insomuch that he was
oft in jeopardy to be stoned of the multitude; and sometimes by the
provision of Christian men had his house guarded about with soldiers,
for the safety of them which daily resorted to hear his readings. And
many times he was compelled to shift places and houses, for such as
laid wait for him in all places; but great was the providence of God
to preserve him in the midst of all this tempest of Severus. Among
others which resorted unto him, and were his hearers, Plutarchus was
one, and died a martyr; and with him Serenus his brother, who was
burned. The third after these was Heraclides, the fourth Heron, who
were both beheaded. The fifth was another Serenus, also beheaded,
Rhais, and Potamiena, who was tormented with pitch poured upon her,
and martyred with her mother Marcella, who died also in the fire.
This Potamiena was of a fresh and flourishing beauty, who, because
she could not be removed from her profession, was committed to
Basilides, one of the captains there in the army, to see the
execution done. Basilides receiving her at the judge's hand, and
leading her to the place, showed her some compassion in repressing
the rebukes and railings of the wicked adversaries: for the which
Potamiena the virgin, to requite again his kindness, bade him be of
good comfort, saying that she would pray the Lord to show mercy upon
him; and so went she to her martyrdom, which she both strongly and
quietly did sustain.

Not long after it happened that Basilides was required to give an
oath in a matter concerning his fellow soldiers, which thing he
denied to do, plainly affirming that he was a Christian; for their
oath then was wont to be by the idols and the emperor. At the first
he was thought dissemblingly to jest; but after, when he was heard
constantly and in earnest to confirm the same, he was had before the
judge, and so by him committed to ward. The Christians marvelling
thereat, as they came to him in the prison, inquired of him the cause
of that his sudden conversion; to whom he answered again, and said,
that Potamiena had prayed for him to the Lord, and so he saw a crown
put upon his head; adding, moreover, that it should not be long but
he should be received. Which things thus done, the next day following
he was had to the place of execution, and there beheaded. Albeit the
said Eusebius giveth this story of no credit, but only of hearsay, as
he there expresseth.

As divers and many there were that suffered in the days of this
Severus, so some there were again, which, through the protection of
God's providence, being put to great torments, yet escaped with life;
of whom was one Alexander, who, for his constant confession and
torments suffered, was made bishop afterward of Jerusalem, together
with Narcissus; who being then an old man of a hundred and threescore
years and three, as saith Eusebius, was unwieldy for his age to
govern that function alone.

Of this Narcissus it is reported, in the Ecclesiastical History, that
certain miracles by him were wrought, very notable, if they be true.
First of water by him turned into oil, at the solemn vigil of Easter,
what time the congregation wanted oil for their lamps. Another
miracle is also told of him, which is this: There were three evil-
disposed persons, who seeing the soundness and grave constancy of his
virtuous life, and fearing their own punishment, as a conscience that
is guilty is always fearful, thought to prevent his accusations, in
accusing him first, and laying a heinous crime unto his charge. And
to make their accusation more probable before the people, they bound
their accusation with a great oath; one wishing to be destroyed with
fire, if he said not true; the other to be consumed with a grievous
sickness; the third to lose both his eyes, if they did lie.
Narcissus, although having his conscience clear, yet not able, being
but one man, to withstand their accusation, bound with such oaths,
gave place, and removed himself from the multitude into a solitary
desert by himself, where he continued the space of many years. In the
mean time, to them which so willingly and wickedly forsware
themselves this happened: the first, by casualty of one little small
spark of fire, was burnt with his goods and all his family. The
second was taken with a great sickness, from the top to the toe, and
devoured with the same. The third, hearing and seeing the punishment
of the other, confessed his fault, but through great repentance
poured out such tears that he lost both his eyes: and thus was their
false perjury punished. Narcissus, after long absence returning home
again, was by this means both cleared of the fact, and received into
his bishopric again; to whom, as is said, for impotency of his age,
Alexander was joined in execution of the function. Of this Alexander
is recorded in the said Ecclesiastical History, that after his
agonies and constancy of his confession showed in the persecution of
Severus, he was admonished by a vision in the night season to make
his journey up to Jerusalem and Palestine, (for that place remained
free from this persecution,) to see there the congregation and to
pray. Thus he, taking his journey, and drawing near to the city, a
vision with plain words was given to certain chief heads of Jerusalem
to go out of the gate of the city, there to receive the bishop
appointed to them of God. And so was Alexander met and received, and
joined partner with aged Narcissus, as is before expressed, in the
city of Jerusalem, where he continued bishop above
forty years, until the persecution of Decius, and there erected a
famous library, where Eusebius had his chiefest help in writing his
Ecclesiastical History. He wrote also divers epistles to divers
churches, and licensed Origen openly to teach in his church. At
length, being very aged, he was brought from Jerusalem to Cesarea
before the judge under Decius, where after his constant confession
the second time, he was committed to prison, and there died.

Besides these that suffered in this persecution of Severus, recited
of Eusebius, Vincentius also speaketh of one Andoclus, whom Polycarp
before had sent into France; which Andoclus, because he spread there
the doctrine of Christ, was apprehended of Severus, and first beaten
with staves and bats, and after was beheaded.

To these above named may also be added Asclepiades, who, although he
was not put to death in this persecution of Severus, yet constantly
he did abide the trial of his confession, and suffered much for the
same, as Alexander before mentioned did. Wherefore afterward he was
ordained bishop of Antioch, where he continued the space of seven
years, of whom Alexander writes unto the church of Antioch out of
prison, much rejoicing and
giving thanks to God to hear that he was their bishop.

About the same time, during the reign of Severus, died Irenĉus. Ado,
and other martyr writers, do hold, that he was martyred with a great
multitude of others more, for the confession and doctrine of Christ,
about the fourth or fifth year of Severus. This Irenĉus, as he was a
great writer, so was he greatly commended of Tertullian for his
learning, whom he calleth a great searcher of all kind of learning.
He was first scholar and hearer of Polycarp; from thence either was
sent or came to France, and there, by Photinus, and the rest of the
martyrs, was instituted into the ministry, and commended by their
letter to Eleutherius, as is before premonished. At length, after the
martyrdom of Photinus, he was appointed bishop of Lyons, where he
continued about the space of three and twenty years. In the time of
this Irenĉus the state of the church was much troubled, not only for
the outward persecution of the foreign enemy, but also for divers
sects and errors then stirring, against which he diligently laboured
and wrote much, although but few books be now remaining. The nature
of this man, well agreeing with his name, was such, that he ever
loved peace, and sought to set agreement when any controversy rose in
the church. And therefore, when the question of keeping the Easter-
day was renewed in the church between Victor, bishop of Rome, and the
churches of Asia, and when Victor would have excommunicated them as
schismatics, for disagreeing from him therein; Irenĉus, with other
brethren of the French church, sorry to see such a contention among
brethren for such a trifle, convented themselves together in a common
council, and directing their letter with their common consent
subscribed, sent unto Victor, entreating him to stay his purpose, and
not to proceed in excommunicating his brethren for that matter.
Although they themselves agreed with him in observing the Sunday
Easter as he did; yet with great reasons and arguments they exhorted
him not to deal so rigorously with his other brethren, following the
ancient custom of their country manner in that behalf. And besides
this, he wrote divers other letters abroad concerning the same
contention, declaring the excommunication of Victor to be of no
force.

Not long after Irenĉus followed also Tertullian about the time of
this Severus, and Antoninus Caracalla his son, a man both in Greek
and Latin well expert, having great gifts in disputing, and in
writing eloquent, as his books declare, and as the commendation of
all learned men doth testify no less. To whom Vincentius Liriensis
giveth such praise, that he calleth him the flower of all Latin
writers; and of the eloquence of his style he thus writeth: that with
the force of his reasons, he saith, whom he could not persuade, them
he compelled to consent unto him. How many words, so many sentences,
and how many sentences, so many victories, he had, &c.

Such men of doing and writing God raised up from time to time, as
pillars and stays for his poor church, as he did this Tertullian, in
these dangerous days of persecution; for when the Christians were
vexed with wrongs, and falsely accused of the Gentiles, Tertullian
taking their cause in hand, defendeth them against the persecutors,
and against their slanderous accusations. First, that they never
minded any stir or rebellion, either against the empire or emperors
of Rome; for so much as the use of Christians was to pray for the
state of their emperors and governors. And whereas they were accused
falsely to be enemies to all man kind, how could that be, (saith
Tertullian to Scapula,) seeing the proper office of the Christians is
by their profession to pray for all men, to love their enemies, never
requiting evil for evil, whenas all other do love but only their
friends, and scarcely them? As touching the horrible slander of
murdering infants, how can that be true in the Christians, (saith
he,) whose order is to abstain from all blood and strangled, insomuch
that it is not lawful for them to touch the blood of any beast at
their tables when they feed? From filthy copulation no sort more free
than they, which are, and ever have been, the greatest observers of
chastity, of whom, such as may, live in perpetual virginity all their
life; such as cannot, contract matrimony, for avoiding all whoredom
and fornication. Neither can it be proved that the Christians do
worship the sun; which false surmise Tertullian declareth to rise
hereof, for that the manner of the Christians was to pray toward the
east. Much less was there any of them so mad as to worship an ass's
head; whereof the occasion being taken only of the Jews, the slander
thereof therefore he proveth to be falsely and wrongfully laid to the
charge of the Christians.

And likewise against all other lies and slanders, objected of the
heathen against the Christians, the said Tertullian purgeth the
Christians, declaring them falsely to be belied, and wrongfully
persecuted, not for any desert of theirs, but only for the hatred of
their name, And yet, notwithstanding, by the same persecutions, he
proveth in the same Apology the religion of the Christians nothing to
be impaired, but rather increased. The more (saith he) we are mown
down of you, the more rise up. The blood of Christians is seed. For
what man, (saith he,) in beholding the painful torments and the
perfect patience of them, will not search and inquire what is the
cause? and when he hath found it out, who will not agree unto it? and
when he agreeth to it, who will not desire to suffer for it? Thus
(saith he) this sect will never die, which the more it is cut down,
the more it groweth. For every man seeing and wondering at the
sufferance of the saints, is moved the more thereby to search the
cause; in searching he findeth it, and finding he followeth it.

Thus Tertullian, in this dangerous time of persecution, being stirred
up of God, defended the innocency of the Christians against the
blasphemy of the adversaries; and, moreover, for the instruction of
the church, he compiled many fruitful works, Whereof some are extant,
some are not to be found. Notwithstanding the great learning and
famous virtues of this worthy man, certain errors and blemishes are
noted in his doctrine, as were before both of Origen and Irenĉus, and
likewise of them, were they never so excellent, that followed them.
Which errors, all here in order to note and comprehend, were too long
a matter for this story to prosecute. This, by the way, shall be
sufficient, to admonish the reader never to look for any such
perfection of any man in this world, how singular soever he be
(Christ only excepted); but some
blemish or other joineth itself withal, whereof more, perchance,
shall be said when we come to Cyprian.

And now to return again to the order of bishops of Rome intermitted.
After Eleutherius afore mentioned, next in the bishopric of Rome
succeed Victor, who, as Platina saith, died quietly in the days of
Severus. But Damasus, and such as do follow the common chronicles,
affirm that he died a martyr, after he had sat ten (or, as some say,
twelve) years. This Victor was a great stirrer (as partly before is
signified) in the controversy and contention of Easter-day, for the
which he would have proceeded in excommunication against the churches
of Asia, had not Irenĉus, then bishop of Lyons, with the counsel of
other his brethren there assembled, repressed his intended violence.
As touching that controversy of Easter in those days of the primitive
church, the original thereof was this, as Eusebius, Socrates,
Platina, and others, record. First, certain it is that the apostles,
being only intentive and attendant to the doctrine of salvation, gave
no heed nor regard to the observation of days and times, neither
bound the church to any ceremonies and rites, except those things
necessary mentioned in the Acts of the Apostles, as strangled and
blood, which was ordained then of the Holy Ghost, not without a most
urgent and necessary cause, touched partly in the history before. For
when the murdering and blood of infants was commonly objected by the
heathen persecutors against the Christians, they had no other
argument to help themselves, nor to refell the adversary, but only
their own law, by the which they were commanded to abstain, not only
from all men's blood, but also from the blood of all common beasts.
And therefore that law seemeth by the Holy Ghost to be given, and
also to the same end continued in the church, so long as the cause,
that is, the persecutions of the heathen Gentiles, continued. Besides
these, we read of no other ceremonies or rites which the apostles
greatly regarded, but left such things free to the liberty of
Christians, every man to use therein his own discretion, for the
using or not using thereof. Whereupon, as concerning all the
ceremonial observation of days, times, places, meats, drinks,
vestures, and such others; of all these things neither was the
diversity among men greatly noted, nor any uniformity greatly
required. Insomuch that Irenĉus, writing to Victor of the tradition
of days, and of fastings, and of the diversity of these things then
used among the primitive fathers, saith, Notwithstanding all this
variety, all they kept peace among themselves, and yet we keep it
still, and this difference of fasting among us commendeth more the
concord of faith. And so long did the doctrine of Christian liberty
remain whole and sound in the church till the time of Victor, which
was about the year of our Lord two hundred; although the diversity of
these usages began before also in the days of Pius and Anicetus,
about the year of Christ one hundred sixty and three, to be misliked;
yet restraint hereof was not so much urged before as in the time of
Victor. And yet neither did the violence of Victor take such place,
but that the doctrine of Christian liberty was defended and
maintained by means of Irenĉus and others, and so continued in the
church till after the Council of Nice. And thus much concerning the
doctrine of Christian liberty, and of the differences of rites and
ceremonies.
Now to return to Victor again, to show what diversity there was
in observing the day of Easter, and how it came, thus is the story.
First, in the time of Pius and Anicetus, in the year of Christ one
hundred sixty and three, the question of Easter-day began first to be
moved; at what time Pius, by the revelation of Hermes, decreed the
observation of that day to be changed from the wonted manner of the
fourteenth day of the moon in the first month unto the next Sunday
after. After him came Anicetus, Soter, and Eleutherius, bishops of
Rome, which also determined the same. Against these stood Melito,
bishop of Sardis, Polycarp, and, as some think, Egesippus, with other
learned men of Asia. Which Polycarp, being sent by the brethren of
Asia, came to Rome, as is aforesaid, to confer with Anicetus in that
matter; wherein, when they could not agree after long debating, yet,
notwithstanding, they did both communicate together with reverence,
and departed in peace. And so the celebration of Easter-day remained
as a thing indifferent in the church, till the time of Victor; who,
following after Anicetus and his fellows, and chiefly stirring in
this matter, endeavoured by all means and might to draw, or rather
subdue, the churches of Asia unto his opinion; thinking, moreover, to
excommunicate all those bishops and churches of Asia as heretics and
schismatics which disagreed from the Roman order; had not Irenĉus
otherwise restrained him from that doing, as is aforesaid, which was
about the year of our Lord one hundred four score and eleven, in the
reign of Commodus. Thus then began the uniformity of keeping that
holy day to be first required as a thing necessary, and all they
accounted as heretics and schismatics which dissented from the bishop
and tradition of Rome.

With Victor stood Theophilus, bishop of Cesarea, Narcissus of
Jerusalem, Irenĉus of Lyons, Palmas of Pontus, Banchillus of Corinth,
the bishop of Ostroena, and others more. All which condescended to
have the celebration of Easter upon the
Sunday, because they would differ from the Jews in all things as near
as they might; and partly, because the resurrection of the Lord fell
on the same day.

On the contrary side, divers bishops were in Asia, of whom the
principal was Polycrates, bishop of Ephesus, who being assembled with
a great multitude of bishops and brethren of those parts, by the
common assent of the rest, wrote again to Victor, and to the church
of Rome, declaring that they had ever from the beginning observed
that day according to the rule of Scripture unchanged, neither adding
nor altering any thing from the same; alleging, moreover, for them
the examples of the apostles and holy fathers, their predecessors, as
Philip the apostle, with his three daughters, at Hieropolis; also
John the apostle and evangelist at Ephesus, Polycarp at Smyrna,
Thraseas at Eumenia, bishop and martyr; likewise of Sagaris at
Laodicea, bishop and martyr, holy Papirius, and Melito at Sardis.
Besides these, bishops also of his own kindred, and his own
ancestors, to the number of seven, which all were bishops before him,
and he the eighth, now after them. All which observed (saith he) the
solemnity of the same day, after the same wise and sort as we do now.

Victor, being not a little moved herewith, by letters again
denounceth against them (more bold upon authority than wise in his
commission) violent excommunication; albeit, by the wise handling of
Irenĉus and other learned men, that matter was stayed, and Victor
otherwise persuaded. That the variance and difference of ceremonies
is no strange matter in the church of Christ, whenas this variety is
not only in the day of Easter, but also in the manner of fasting, and
in divers other uses among the Christians. For some fast one day,
some two days, some others fast more. Others there be, which,
counting forty hours, both day and night, take that for a full day's
fast. And this so divers fashion of fasting in the church of Christ
began not only in this our time, but was before among our fore-
elders. And yet notwithstanding they with all this diversity were in
unity among themselves, and so be we; neither doth this difference of
ceremonies any thing hinder, but rather commendeth the concord of
faith. And he bringeth forth the examples of the fathers, of
Telesphorus, Pius, Anicetus, Soter, Eleutherius, and such others, who
neither observed the same usage themselves, nor prescribed it to
others, and yet notwithstanding kept Christian charity with such as
came to communicate with them, not observing the same form of things
which they observed, as well appeared by Polycarp and Anicetus, which
although they agreed not in one uniform custom of rites, yet refused
not to communicate together, the one giving reverence unto the other.
Thus the controversy, being taken up between Irenĉus and Victor,
remained free to the time of the Nicene Council. And thus much
concerning the controversy of that matter, and concerning the doings
of Victor.

After Victor succeeded in the see of Rome Zephirinus, in the days of
the foresaid Severus, about the year of our Lord two hundred and
three. To this Zephirinus be ascribed two epistles, in the first tome
of the Councils. But as I have said before of the decretal epistles
of other Roman bishops, so I say and verily suppose of this, that
neither the countenance of the style, nor the matter therein
contained, nor the condition of the time, doth otherwise give to
think of these letters but that they be verily bastard letters, not
written by these fathers, nor in these times, but craftily and
wickedly packed in by some, which, to set up the primacy of Rome,
have most pestilently abused the authority of these holy and ancient
fathers, to deceive the simple church. For who is so rude but that in
considering only the state of those terrible times he may easily
understand, (except affection blind him,) beside a number of other
probable conjectures to lead him, that the poor persecuted bishops in
that time would have been glad to have any safe covert to put their
heads in? so far was it off that they had any lust or leisure then to
seek for any primacy or patriarchship, or to drive all other churches
to appeal to the see of Rome, or to exempt all priests from the
accusation of any layman; as in the first epistle of Zephirinus is to
be seen, written to the bishops of Sicilia; and likewise the second
epistle of his to the bishops of the province of Egypt, containing no
manner of doctrine nor consolation necessary for that time, but only
certain ritual decrees to no purpose, argueth no less but the said
epistles neither to savour of that man, nor to taste of that time.

Of like credit also seemeth the constitution of the patins of glass,
which Danlasus saith that the same Zephirinus ordained to be carried
before the priest at the celebration of the mass. Again, Platina
writeth that he ordained the administration of the sacrament to be no
more used in vessels of wood, or of glass, or of any other metal,
except only silver, gold, and tin, &c. But how these two testimonies
of Damasus and Platina join together, let the reader judge;
especially seeing the same decree is referred to Urbanus, that came
after him. Again, what needed this decree of golden chalices to be
established afterward in the Council of Tiber and Rhens, if it had
been enacted before by Zephirinus? How long this Zephirinus sat our
writers do vary. Eusebius saith he died in the reign of Caracalla,
and sat seventeen years. Platina writeth that he died under Severus,
and sat eight years, and so saith also Naucicrus. Damasus affirmeth
that he sat sixteen years and two months.

Matheus, author of the story entitled Flores Historiarum, with other
later chronicles, maketh mention of Perpetua, and Felicitas, and
Revocatus her brother, also of Saturninus and Satyrus, brethren, and
Secundulus, which in the persecution of this Severus gave over their
lives to martyrdom for Christ, being thrown to wild beasts, and
devoured of the same in Carthage and in Africa; save that Saturninus,
brought again from the beasts, was beheaded, and Secundulus died in
prison about the year of our Lord two hundred and two, as writeth
Florilegus.

This Severus the persecutor reigned, as the most part of writers
accord, the term of eighteen years, who about the later time of his
reign came with his army hither into Britain, where after many
conflicts had with the Britons, in the borders of the north, he cast
up a ditch with a mighty wall, made of earth, and turfs, and strong
stakes, to the length of one hundred thirty and two miles, from the
one side of the sea to the other, beginning at Tine, and reaching to
the Scottish sea; which done he removed to York, and there by the
breaking in of the northem men and the Scots was besieged and slain,
about the year of our Lord two hundred and eleven, leaving behind him
two sons, Bassianus and Geta. Which Bassianus, surnamed Caracalla,
after he had slain his brother Geta here in Britain, governed the
empire alone, the space of six years. After whose death, he being
slain also of his servants, (as he had slain his brother before,)
succeeded Macrinus, with his son Diadumenus, to be emperor, who,
after they had reigned one year, were both slain of their own people.

After them followed Varius Heliogabalus in the empire, rather to be
called a monster than a man, so prodigious was his life in all
gluttony, filthiness, and ribaldry. Such was his pomp, that in his
lamps he used balm, and filled his fishponds with rose water. To let
pass his sumptuous vestures, which he would not wear but only of
gold, and most costly silks, his shoes glistering with precious
stones finely engraved, he was never two days served with one kind of
meat; he never wore one garment twice. And likewise for his fleshly
wickedness, some days his company was served at meal with the brains
of ostriches, and a strange fowl called phenocoptery; another day
with the tongues of popinjays, and other sweet singing birds. Being
nigh to the sea, he never used fish; in places far distant from the
sea, all his house was served with
most delicate fishes: at one supper he was served with seven thousand
fishes and five thousand fowls. At his removing in his progress,
often there followed him six hundred chariots laden only with bawds,
common harlots, and ribalds. He sacrificed young children, and
preferred to the best advancements in the commonweal most light
personages, as minstrels, carters, and such-like; in one word, he was
an enemy to all honesty and good order. And when he was foretold by
his sorcerers and astronomers that he should die a violent death, he
provided ropes of silk to hang himself, swords of gold to kill
himself, and strong poison in hyacinths and emeralds to poison
himself, if needs he must thereto be forced; moreover, he made a high
tower, having the floor of boards covered with gold plate, bordered
with precious stones, from the which tower he would throw himself
down, if he should be pursued of his enemies. But notwithstanding all
his provision, he was slain of the soldiers, drawn through the city,
and cast into Tiber, after he had reigned two years and eight months,
as witnesseth Eutropius; others say four years.

This Heliogabalus, having no issue, adopted to his son and heir
Aurelius Alexander Severus, the son of Mammea, who entering his reign
the year of our Lord two hundred twenty and four, continued thirteen
years, well commended for virtuous, wise, gentle, liberal, and to no
man hurtful. And as he was not unlearned himself, through the
diligent education of Mammea his mother; so he was a great favourer
of men wise and learned. Neither did he any thing in the commonweal
without the assistance of learned and sage counsellors. It is
reported of him to bear such stomachs against corrupt judges, that
when he chanced to meet with any of them, by the commotion of his
mind he would cast up choler, being so moved with them that he could
not speak, and was ready with his two fingers to put out their eyes.
From his court he dismissed all superfluous and unnecessary servants,
saying that he was no good pupil which fed idle servants with the
bowels of his commonweal.

Among his other good virtues, it appeareth also that he was friendly
and favourable unto the Christians, as by this act may be gathered;
for when the Christians had occupied a certain public place in some
good use, belike for the assembling and conventing together of the
congregation, the company of the cooks or tipplers made challenge of
that place to belong unto them. The matter being brought before the
emperor, he judged it more honest the place to be continued to the
worship of God, howsoever it were, than the dirty slubbering of cooks
and scullions.

By this it may be understood that in Rome no Christian churches were
erected unto this time, when as yet (notwithstanding this favour of
the emperor) no public house could quietly be obtained for the
Christians. So that by the reason hereof may appear the decretal
epistle and ordinance of Pope Higinus. concerning the dedication of
churches above mentioned, to be falsified. And likewise the ordinance
of Pius his successor, concerning the altar, or high altar, to be
also false. For what high altar was it like they had in the time of
Higinus and Pius, whenas at this time, which was long after, no
public place almost could be granted them for the Christians to
assemble together?

Of this Alexander Platina writeth, that as he was a great hater of
all boasters and flatterers, so he was of such prudence, that no
deceit could escape him; and bringeth in a story of one Turinus, who
had gotten craftily many great bribes and gifts, in making the people
believe that he was of great authority with the emperor, and that he
could help them to have whatsoever they sued for. Whereof the emperor
being certified, caused him in the open market to be fastened to a
stake, and there killed with smoke, where the crier stood thus crying
to the people: Smoke he sold, and with smoke he is punished.

Mammea, the mother of this Alexander above mentioned, (whom Hierom
calleth a devout and religious woman,) hearing of the fame and the
excellent learning of Origen, being then at Alexandria, sent for him
to Antioch, desirous to hear and see him; unto whom the foresaid
Origen according to her request resorted, and after that he had there
remained a space with the emperor and his mother, returned again to
Alexandria.

And thus continued this good emperor his reign the space of thirteen
years; at length at a commotion in Germany, with his mother Mammea,
he was slain. After whom succeeded Maximinus, contrary to the mind of
the senate, only appointed by the soldiers to be emperor. During all
this time, between Severus and this Maximinus, the church of Christ,
although it had not perfect peace, yet it had some mean tranquillity
from persecution. Albeit some martyrs there were at this time that
suffered, whereof Nauclerus giveth this reason: For although (saith
he) Alexander, being persuaded through the entreating of his mother
Mammea, did favour the Christians; yet notwithstanding there was no
public edict or proclamation provided for their safeguard. By reason
whereof divers there were which suffered martyrdom under Almachius
and other judges. In the number of whom, after some stories, was
Calixtus, bishop of Rome, who succeeded next unto Zephirinus above
mentioned; and after him Urbanus also; which both being bishops of
Rome, did both suffer, by the opinion of some writers, under
Alexander Severus.

This Calixtus in his two decretal epistles, written to Benedictus,
and to the bishops of France, giveth these ordinances: that no
actions or accusations against the prelates or teachers of the church
should be received; that no secret conspiracies should be made
against bishops; item, no man to communicate with persons
excommunicate; also, no bishop to excommunicate or to deal in
another's diocess. And here he expoundeth the diocess, or the parish,
of any bishop or minister to be his wife. The wife (saith the
apostle) is bound to the law as long as the husband liveth; when he
is dead, she is free from the law: so (saith Calixtus) the wife of a
bishop (which is his church) so long as he liveth is bound only to
him, neither ought to be judged or disposed by any other man without
his will and judgment; after his death she is free from the law to
marry to whom she will, so it be in the Lord, that is, regularly. In
the end of the said his epistle decretal, he confuteth the error of
them which hold, that they which are fallen are not to be received
again. Which heresy, after the time of Calixtus or Calistus, came in
first by Novatus, in the days of Cornelius. Moreover, in his said
first epistle decretal is contained the fast of the four times,
commonly called the ember fast, whereof also Marianus Scotus maketh
mention. But Damasus, speaking of the same fast, saith he ordained
the fast but of three times, which was for the increase of corn,
wine, and oil.

By these hitherto promised, it is not hard for a quick reader to
smell out the crafty juggling of that person or persons, whosoever
they were, that falsely have ascribed these decretal institutions to
those holy fathers. For, first, what leisure had the Christians to
lay in their accusations against their bishops, when we never read or
find in any story any kind of variance in those days among them, but 
all love, mutual compassion, and hearty communion among the saints?
And as we read of no variance among the people in those days, nor of
any fault or back sliding among the bishops, who for the most part
then died all constant martyrs; so neither do we read of any tribunal
seat or consistory used or fre quented then about any such matters.
Again, if a man examine well the dangers of those busy days, he shall
see the poor flock of the Christians so occupied and piteously
oppressed by the cruel accusations of the heathen infidels, that
though the cause did, yet the time would not, serve them to commence
any law against their bishops. Secondly, as touching their conspiracy
against bishops, what conspiracy either would they then practise
against them, which always gave their lives for their defence? Or how
could they then conspire in any companies together, when never a true
Christian man durst once put his head out of his doors? neither was
there in the church any Christian man in those perilous days, except
he were a true man indeed, such as was far from all false
conspiracies. And when as all the world almost in all places
conspired against them, what time, what cause, or what heart, trow
ye, could they have to conspire against their instructors? Thirdly,
concerning the confutation of that heresy, how standeth the
confutation with the time of Calixtus, when Novatus, the author of
that heresy, was after him in the time of Cornelius? Fourthly, if by
the law of Calixtus every diocess be the proper wife of every bishop
or minister, then how many bishops' wives, and parsons' wives, had
the adulterous pope of Rome defloured in these later days of the
church, which so proudly and impudently hath intermeddled and taken 
his pleasure and his own profit in every diocess and parish almost
through all Christendom, without all leave and licence of the good
man, who hath been in the mean time, and yet is compelled still,
wheresoever the pope's holiness cometh, to give him leave unasked to
do what he list! Wherefore, if this canon decretal be truly his, why
is it not observed, so as it doth stand without exception? If it be
not, why is it then falsely forged upon him, and the church of Christ
deceived? and certes, lamentable it is, that this falsifying of such
trifling traditions, under the false pretence of antiquity, either
was begun in the church to deceive the people, or that it hath
remained so long undetected. For, as I think, the church of Christ
will never be perfectly reformed before these decretal constitutions
and epistles, which have so long put on the visor of antiquity, shall
be fully detected, and appear in their own colour, wherein they where
first painted.

And yet neither do I say this, or think contrary, but that it may be
that bishops of Rome and of the same name have been the true authors
of these traditions. But here cometh in the error, (as I credibly
suppose,) that when other later bishops of the like name have devised
these ceremonial inventions, the vulgar opinion of men hath
transferred them to the first primitive fathers, although being of
another time, yet bearing the same name with the true kn ventors
thereof.

After Calixtus followed Urbanus, about the year of our Lord two
hundred twenty and seven, who in his epistle decretal, (coming out of
the same forge,) which he wrote in common to all bishops, making no
mention of the heavy persecutions of the church, nor ministering any
exhortation of comfort or constancy to the brethen, only giveth many
strict precepts for not transporting or alienating the goods of the
church, and to pay truly their offerings which they vow; also to have
all common among the clergy. Moreover, about the end of his epistle,
he instituteth the confirmation of children after baptism (which the
papists be wont to take into the number of their seven sacraments);
affirming and denouncing more than Scripture will bear, that the
imposition of the bishop's hand bringeth the Holy Ghost, and that
thereby men be made full Christians, &c. But of these decretal
epistles enough is said before, more may be considered of the
discreet reader. Marianus Scotus, Sabellicus, Nauclerus, and other
late story writers, do hold, as is aforesaid, that he died a martyr
in the days of Alexander Severus, after he had governed that seat
four years, as Damasus and Platina do witness, as Marianus saith,
eight years. 	

The same Damasus and Platina do testify of him, that he by his
preaching and holiness of life converted divers Ethnics to the faith;
among whom were Tiburtius, and Valerianus, the husband of Cecilia;
which both, being noblemen of Rome, remained constant in the faith
unto the end and martyrdom. Of this Cecilia thus it is written in the
martyrology by Ado: that Cecilia the virgin, after she had brought
Valerian, her husband espoused, and Tiburtius his brother, to the
knowledge and faith of Christ, and with her exhortations had made
them constant unto martyrdom, after the suffering of them, she was
also apprehended by Almachius the ruler, and brought to the idols to
do sacrifice; which thing when she abhorred to do, she should be
presented before the judge to have the condemnation of death. In the
mean time, the serjeants and officers which were about her, beholding
her comely beauty, and the prudent behaviour in her conversation,
began with many persuasions of words to solicit her mind to favour
herself, and that so excellent beauty, and not to cast herself away,
&c. But she again so replied to them with reasons and godly
exhortations, that by the grace of Almighty God their hearts began to
kindle, and at length to yield to that religion which before they did
persecute. Which thing she perceiving, desired of the judge Almachius
a little respite; which being granted, she sendeth for Urbanus the
bishop home to her house, to establish and ground them in the faith
of Christ: and so were they with divers others at the same time
baptized, both men and women, to the number (as the story saith) of
four hundred persons, among whom was one Gordianus, a nobleman. This
done, this blessed martyr was brought before the judge, where she was
condemned; then after was brought to the house of the judge, where
she was enclosed in a hot bath; but she remaining there a whole day
and night without any hurt, as in a cold place, was brought out
again, and commaundment given, that in the bath she should be
beheaded. The executioner is said to have dealt four strokes at her
neck; and yet her head being cut off, she (as the story giveth) lived
three days after; and so died this holy virgin martyr, whose body in
the night season Urbanus the bishop took and buried among the other
bishops. Ado, the compiler of this martyrology, addeth, that this was
done in the time of Marcus Aurelius and Commodus. But that cannot be,
forsomuch as Urbanus by all histories was long after those emperors,
and lived in the days of this Alexander, as is above declared.
Antoninus, Bergomensis, Equilinus, with such other writers, set forth
this history with many strange miracles wrought by the said Cecilia,
in converting her husband Valerianus and his brother, in showing them
the angel which was the keeper of her virginity, and of the angel
putting on crowns upon their heads. But as touching these miracles,
as I do not dispute whether they be true or fabulous; so because they
have no ground upon any ancient or grave authors, but am taken out of
certain new legends, I do therefore refer them thither from whence
they came.

Under the same Alexander divers other there be whom Bergomensis
mentioned to have suffered martyrdom, as one Agapetus, of the age of
fifteen years, who, being apprehended and condemned at Preneste at
Italy, because he would not sacrifice to idols, was assailed with
sundry torments; first, with whips scourged; then hanged up by the
feet; after having hot water poured upon him, at the last cast to the
wild beasts; with all which torments, when he could not be hurt,
finally, with sword was beheaded. The executioner of these
punishments (as by Henricus Erford. may be gathered) was one
Antiochus, who, in the executing of the foresaid torments, suddenly
fell down from his judicial seat, crying out, that all his inward
bowels burned with in him, and so gave up the breath.

Also with the same Agapetus is numbered Calepodius, a minister of
Rome, whose body first was drawn through the city of Rome, and after
cast into Tiber.

Then followeth Pammachius, a senator of Rome, with his wife and
children, and others, both men and women, to the number of forty and
two.

Item, another noble senator of Rome, named Simplicius, all which
together in one day had their heads smitten off, and their heads
after hanged up in divers gates of the city, for a terror of others,
that none should profess the name of Christ.

Besides these suffered also Quiritius, a nobleman of Rome, who, with
his mother Julia, and a great number more, were put likewise to
death.

Also Tiberius and Valerianus, citizens of Rome, and brethren,
suffered (as Bergomensis saith) the same time, who, first being
bruised and broken with bats, after were beheaded.

Also Vincentius, Bergomensis, and Erfordiensis make mention of
Martina, a Christian virgin, which, after divers bitter punishments
being constant in her faith, suffered in like manner by the sword.

Albeit as touching the time of these forenamed matters, as I find
them not in older writers, so do I suppose them to suffer under
Maximinus or Decius, rather than under Alexander.



8. THE SIXTH PERSECUTION UNDER MAXIMUMUS

After the death of Alexander the emperor, who, with his mother
Mammea, (as is said,) was murdered in Germany, followed Maximinus,
chosen by the will of the soldiers, rather than by the authority of
the senate, about the year of our Lord two hundred thirty and seven;
who, for the hatred he had to the house of Alexander, (as Eusebius
recordeth,) raised up the sixth persecution against the Christians,
especially against the teachers and lead ers of the church, thinking
thereby the sooner to vanquish the rest, if the captains of them were
removed out of the way. Whereby I suppose the martyrdom of Urbanus
the bishop, and of the rest above specified, to have happened rather
under the tranny of this Maximinus than under Alexander. In the time
of this persecution Origen wrote his book on martyrdom; which book,
if it were extant, would give us some knowledge, I doubt not, of such
as in this persecution did suffer, which now lie in silence unknown;
and no doubt but a great number they were, and more should have been,
had not the provident mercy of God shortened his days and bridled his
tyranny, for he reigned but three years. After whom succeeded
Gordianus, in the year of our Lord two hundred and thirty-eight, a
man no less studious for the utility of the commonwealth than mild
and gentle to the Christians. This Gordianus, after he had governed
with much peace and tranquillity the monarchy of Rome the space of
six years, was slain of Philip, emperor after him.

In the days of these emperors above recited was Pontianus, bishop of
Rome, who succeeded next after Urbanus above rehearsed, about the
year of our Lord two hundred thirty and six, in the twelfth year of
Alexander, declaring him to sit six years. Contrary. Damasus and
Platina write, that he was bishop nine years and a half; and that in
the time of Alexander, he, with Philippus his priest, was banished
into Sardinia, and there died. But it seemeth more credible that he
was banished rather under Maximinus, and died in the beginning of the
reign of Gordianus. In his epistles deCretal (which seem likewise to
be feigned) he appeareth very devout, after the common example of
other bishops, to uphold the dignity of priests, and of clergymen;
saying that God hath them so familiar with him, that by them he
accepteth the offerings and oblations of others, and forgiveth their
sins, and reconcileth them unto him; also, that they do make the body
of the Lord with their own mouth, and give it to others, &c.; which
doctrine, how it standeth with the testament of God and glory of
Christ, let the reader use his own judgment.

Other notable fathers also in the same time were raised up in the
church, as Philetus, bishop of Antioch, which succeeded after
Asclepiades aforementioned, in the year of our Lord two hundred and
twenty; and after him Zebennus, bishop of the same place, in the year
of our Lord two hundred thirty and one.

To these also may be added Ammonius, the schoolmaster of Origen, as
Suidas supposeth; also the kinsmen of Porphyry, the great enemy of
Christ: notwithstanding, this Ammonius, endued with better grace, as
he left divers books in defence of Christ's religion, so did he
constantly persevere (as Eusebius reporteth) in the doctrine of
Christ, which he had in the beginning received, who was about the
days of Alexander.

Julius Africanus also, about the time of Gordianus aforesaid, is
numbered among the old and ancient writers, of whom Nicephorus
writeth that he was the scholar of Origen, and a great writer of
histories of that time.

Unto these doctors and confessors may be adjoined the story of
Natalius, mentioned in the first book of Eusebius. This Natalius had
suffered persecution before like a constant confessor, and was
seduced and persuaded by Asclepiodotus and Theodorus (which were the
disciples of Theodocus) to take upon him to be bishop of their sect,
promising to give him every month a hundred and fifty pieces of
silver: and so he joining himself to them was admonished by vision
and revelation from the Lord; for such was the great mercy of God,
and of our Lord Christ Jesus, that he would not have his martyr,
which had suffered so much for his name before, now to perish out of
his church: for the which cause (saith Eusebius) God by certain
visions did admonish him; but he not taking great heed thereunto,
being blinded partly with lucre, partly with honour, was at length
all the night long scourged of the angels, insomuch that he being
made thereby very sore; and early on the morrow putting on sackcloth,
with much weeping and lamentation went to Zephirinus, the bishop
above mentioned, where he falling down before him and all the
Christian congregation, showed them the stripes of his body, and
prayed them for the mercies of Christ, that he might be received into
their communion again, from which he had sequestered himself before,
and so was admitted according as he desired.

After the decease of Pontianus, bishop of Rome, aforementioned,
succeeded next in that place Anterius, of whom Isuardus writeth, that
Pontianus departing away did substitute him in his room; but Eusebius
writeth that he succeeded immediately after him. Damasus saith, that
because he caused the acts and deaths of the martyrs to be written,
therefore he was put to martyrdom himself by Maximinus the judge.
Concerning the time of this bishop our writers do greatly jar.
Eusebius and Marianus Scotus affirm that he was bishop but one month;
Sabellicus saith that not to be so. Damasus assigneth to him twelve
years and one month. Volateranus, Bergomensis, and Henricus Erford
give to him three years and one month. Nauclerus writeth that he sat
one year and one month. All which are so far discrepant one from
another, that which of them most agreeth with truth it lieth in
doubt. Next to this bishop was Fabianus, of whom more is to be said
hereafter.

Of Hippolytus also both Eusebius and Hieronymus make mention that he
was a bishop; but where they make no relation. And so likewise doth
Theodoretus witness him to be a bishop, and also a martyr, but naming
no place. Gelatius saith he died a martyr, and that he was bishop of
a head city in Arabia. Nicephorus writeth that he was bishop of
Ostia, a port town near to Rome. Certain it is he was a great writer,
and left many works in the church, which Eusebius and Jerome do
recite: by the calculation of Eusebius, he was about the year of our
Lord two hundred and thirty.

Prudentius, making mention of great heaps of martyrs buried by
threescore together, speaketh also of Hippolytus, and saith that he
was drawn with wild horses through fields, dales, and bushes, and
describeth thereof a pitiful story.

After the emperor Gordianus, the empire fell to Philippus, who with
Philip his son governed the space of seven years, in the year of our
Lord two hundred forty and four. This Philippus, with his son and all
his family, was christened and converted by Fabianus and Origen, who
by letters exhorted him and Severa his wife to be baptized, being the
first of all the emperors that brought in Christianity into the
imperial seat. Howsoever Pomponius Letus reporteth him to be a
dissembling prince, this is certain, that for his Christianity he
with his son was slain of Decius, one of his captains. Sabellicus
showeth this hatred of Decius against Philippus to be conceived, for
that the emperor Philip, both the father and the son, had committed
their treasures unto Fabianus, then bishop of Rome.



9. THE SEVENTH PERSECUTION UNDER DECIUS

Thus Philippus being slain, after him Decius invaded the crown about
the year of our Lord two hundred and fifty; by whom was moved a
terrible persecution against the Christians, which Orosius noteth to
be the seventh persecution. The first occasion of this hatred and
persecution of this tyrant, conceived against the Christians, was
chiefly (as is before touched) because of the treasures of the
emperor which were committed to Fabian the bishop.

This Fabian, first being a married man, (as Platin writeth,) was made
bishop of Rome after Anterius above mentioned, by the miraculous
appointment of God, which Eusebius doth thus describe in his sixth
book. When the brethren (saith he) were together in the congregation
about the election of their bishop, and had purposed among themselves
upon the nomination of some noble and worthy personage of Rome, it
chanced that Fabianus among others was there present, who of late
before was newly come out of the country to inhabit in the city. This
Fabian, (as is said,) thinking nothing less than of any such matter,
there suddenly cometh a dove flying from above, and sitteth upon his
head; where upon all the congregation being moved with one mind and
one voice to choose him for their bishop, in the which function he
remained the space of thirteen years, as Eusebius writeth; Damasus,
Marianus, and Sabellicus say fourteen years, unto the time of Decius;
who, whether for that Philippus had committed to him his treasures,
or whether for the hatred he bare to Philippus, in the beginning of
his reign, caused him to be put to death; sending out, moreover, his
proclamation into all quarters, that all which professed the name of
Christ should be slain.

To this Fabian be ascribed certain ordinances; as of consecrating new
oil once every year, and burning the old; of accusations against
bishops; of appealing to the see apostolic; of not marrying within
the fifth degree; of communicating thrice a year; of offering every
Sunday; with such other things more in his three epistles decretal:
the which epistles, as by divers other evidences, may be sup posed to
be untruly named upon him, giving no signification of any matter
agreeing to that time; so do I find the most part of the third
epistle, word for word, standing in the epistle of Sixtus the Third,
which followed almost two hundred years after him; beside the
unseemly doctrine also in the end of the said epistles contained,
where he, contrary to the tenor of the gospel, applieth remission of 
sins (only due to the blood of Christ) unto the offerings of bread
and wine by men and women every Sunday in the church.

To this Fabian wrote Origen, Of the Righteousness of his Faith;
whereby is to be understood that he continued to the time of Decius;
some say also, to the time of Gallus. Of this Origen partly mention
is touched before, declaring how bold and fervent he was in the days
of Severus in assisting, comforting, exhorting, and kissing the
martyrs that were imprisoned and suffered for the name of Christ,
with such danger of his own life, that had it not been the singular
protection of God, he had been stoned to death many times of the
heathen multitude. Such great concourse of men and women was daily at
his house to be catechised and instructed in the Christian faith by
him, that soldiers were hired of purpose to defend the place where he
taught them. Again, such search sometime was set for him, that scarce
any shifting of place or country could cover him. In whose laborious
travails and affairs of the church, in teaching, writing, confuting,
exhorting, and expounding, he continued about the space of fifty-two
years, unto the time of Decius and Gallus. Divers and great
persecutions he sustained, but especially under Decius, as testifieth
Eusebius in his sixth book; declaring that for the doctrine of Christ
he sustained bonds and torments in his body, rackings with bars of
iron, dungeons, besides terrible threats of death and burning. All
this he suffered in the persecution of Decius, as Eusebius recordeth
of him, and maketh no relation of any further matter. But Suidas and
Nicephorus following the same, saith further concerning him, that the
said Origen, after divers and sundry other torments, which he
manfully and constantly suffered for Christ, at length was brought to
an altar, where a foul, filthy Ethiop was appointed to be, and there
this option or choice was offered unto him, whether he would
sacrifice to the idols, or have his body polluted with that foul and
ugly Ethiop. Then Origen, (saith he,) who with a philosophical mind
ever kept his chastity undefiled, much abhorring that filthy villany
to be done to his body, condescended to their request: whereupon the
judge, putting incense in his hand, caused him to set it to the fire
upon the altar; for the which impiety he afterward was excommunicated
of the church. Epiphanius writeth, that he being urged to sacrifice
to idols, and taking the boughs in his hand, wherewith the heathen
were wont to honour their gods, called upon the Christians to carry
them in the honour of Christ. The which fact the church of Alexandria
misliking removed him from their communion whereupon Origen, driven
away with shame and sorrow out of Alexandria, went into Jewry, where
being in Jerusalem among the congregation, and there requested of the
priests and ministers (he being also a priest) to make some
exhortation in the church, he refused a great while to do. At length,
by importunate petition being constrained thereunto, he rose up, and
turning the book, as though he would have expounded some place of the
Scripture, he only read the verse of the forty-ninth Psalm, But God
said to the sinner, Why dost thou preach my justifications, and why
dost thou take my testament in thy mouth? &c. Which verse being read,
he shut the book, and sat down weeping and wailing, the whole
congregation also weeping and lamenting with him. More what became of
Origen it is not found in history, but only that Suidas addeth, he
died and was buried at Tyrus. Eusebius affirmeth, that he departed
unto the emperor Gallus, about the year of our Lord two hundred fifty
and five, and the seventieth year of his age, in great misery (as
appeareth) and poverty.

In this Origen divers blemishes of doctrine be noted, whereupon
Hierom sometimes doth inveigh against him; albeit in some places
again he doth extol and commend him for his excellent learning, as in
his Apology against Ruffinus, and in his Epistle to Pammachius and
Ocean, where he praiseth Origen, although not for the perfection of
his faith and doctrine, nor for an apostle, yet for an excellent
interpreter, for his wit, and for a philosopher: and yet in his
Prologue upon the Homilies of Origen on Ezekiel, he calleth him
another master of the churches after the apostles. And in another
preface upon his Questions upon Genesis, he wisheth to himself the
knowledge of the Scriptures which Origen had, also with the envy of
his name. Athanasius moreover calleth him singular and laborious, and
useth also his Testimonies against the Arians.
After Origen, the due order of history requireth next to speak
of Heraclas his usher; a man singularly commended for his knowledge,
not only in philosophy, but also in such faculties as to a Christian
divine do appertain. This great towardness of wit and learning when
Origen perceived in him, he appointed him above all others to be his
usher or under-teacher, to help in his school or university of
Alexandria, in the reign of Antoninus Caracalla, son of Severus. And
after, in the tenth year of Alexander, Origen departing unto Cesarea,
he succeeded in his room to govern the school in Alexandria. Further
also, in the time of Gordianus, after the decease of Demetrius,
bishop of Alexandria, this Heraclas succeeded to be bishop of the
said city; in the which function he ministered the term of sixteen
years. Of this Hereclas writeth Origen himself, that he, although
being priest, yet ceased not to read over and peruse the books of the
Gentiles, to the intent he might the better out of their own books
confute their error, &c.

After Heraclas succeeded Dionysius Alexandrinus in the bishopric of
Alexandria, like as he succeeded him in the school before; which
Dionysius also writeth of the same Heraclas unto Philemon, a priest
of Rome, thus saying, This canon and type I received of blessed
Heraclas, our pope, &c. This Heraclas was no martyr, which died three
years before Decius, about the year of our Lord two hundred and
fifty. After whom succeeded next in the same seat of Alexandria
Dionysius Alexandrinus, who also suffered much under the tyranny of
Decius, as hereafter shall be showed, (Christ willing,) when we come
to the time of Valerian.

Nicephorus in his first book, and others which write of this
persecution under Decius, declare the horribleness thereof to be so
great, and so innumerable martyrs to suffer in the same, that he
saith it is as easy to number the sands of the sea, as to recite the
particular names of them whom this persecution did devour. In the
which persecution the chiefest doers and tormentors under the emperor
appear in the history of Vincentius to be these:
Optimus the under-consul, Secundianus, Verianus, and Marcellianus,
&c. Although therefore it be hard here to infer all and singular
persons in order that died in this persecution, yet such as remain
most notable in stories I will briefly touch by the grace of Him for
whose cause they suffered.

In the former tractation of the first persecution, mention was made
before of Alexander, bishop of Jerusalem, and of his troubles
suffered under Severus, and how afterward by the miracle of God he
was appointed bishop of Jerusalem, where he continued, a very aged
man, above the term of forty years governor of that church, till the
time of the first year of Decius, at what time he being brought from
Jerusalem to Cesarea into the judgment place, after a constant and
evident confession of his faith made before the judge, was committed
unto prison, and there finished his life, as testifieth Dionysius
Alexandrinus in the sixth book of Eusebius. After whom succeeded in
that seat Mezabanes, the thirty and sixth bishop of that city after
James the apostle.

Mention was made also before of Asclepiades, bishop of Antioch, who
succeeded after Serapion, and in the persecution of Severus did
likewise persevere a constant confessor, and, as Vincentius
testifieth in his eleventh book, suffered martyrdom at last under
this Decius. But this computation of Vincentius can in no wise agree
with the truth of time: forsomuch as by probable writers, as Zonaras,
Nicephorus, and others, the said Asclepiades after Serapion entered
the bishop's seat of Antioch, in the year of our Lord two hundred and
fourteen, and sat seven years before the time of Gordianus, after
whom succeeded Philetus, in the year of our Lord two hundred twenty
and one, governing the function twelve years. And after him Zebinus
followed, in the year of our Lord two hundred thirty and two; and so
after him Babylas; which Babylas, if he died in this persecution of
Decius, then could not Asclepiades also suffer in the same time, who
died so long before him, as is declared.

Of this Babylas, bishop of Antioch, Eusebius and Zonaras record, that
under Decius he died in prison, as did Alexander, bishop of
Jerusalem, above rehearsed.

We read in a certain treatise of Chrysostom, entitled Contra
Gentiles, a notable and long history of one Babylas, a martyr, who
about these times was put to death for resisting a certain emperor,
not suffering him to enter into the temple of the Christians after a
cruel murder committed, the story of which murder is this: There was
a certain emperor, who, upon conclusion of peace made with a certain
nation, had received for hostage or surety of peace the son of the
king, being of young and tender age, with conditions upon the same,
that neither he should be molested of them, nor that they should ever
be vexed of him. Upon this, the king's son was delivered, not without
great care and fear of the father, unto the emperor, whom the cruel
emperor, contrary to promise, caused, in short time, without all just
cause, to be slain. This fact so horrible being committed, the
tyrant, with all haste, would enter into the temple of the
Christians, where Babylas, being bishop or minister, withstood him
that he should not approach into that place. The emperor, therewith
not a little incensed, in great rage had him forthwith to be laid in
prison with as many irons as he could bear, and from thence, shortly
after, to be brought forth to death and execution. Babylas going
constantly and boldly to his martyrdom, desired, after his death, to
be buried with his irons and bands, and so he was. The story
proceedeth, moreover, and saith, that in continuance of time, in the
reign of Constantinus, Gallus, then made the overseer of the east
parts, caused his body to be translated into the suburbs of Antioch,
called Daphnes, where was a temple of Apollo, famous with devilish
oracles and answers given by that idol, or by the devil rather, in
that place. In the which temple, after the bringing of the body of
Babylas, the idol ceased to give any more oracles, saying, that for
the body of Babylas he could give no more answers, and complaining
that that place was wont to be consecrated unto him, but now it was
full of dead men's bodies. And thus the oracles there ceased for that
time till the coming of Julianus, who, inquiring out the cause why
the oracles ceased, caused the bones of the holy martyr to be removed
again from thence by the Christians, whom he then called Galileans.
They, coming in a great multitude, both men, maidens, and children.
to the tomb of Babylas, transported his bones according to the
commandment of the emperor, singing by the way as they went the
seventh verse of the ninety-seventh Psalm in words as followeth:
"Confounded be all they that serve graven images," &c. Which coming
to the emperor's ear, set him in great rage against the Christians,
stirring up persecution against them. Albeit Zonaras declareth the
cause something otherwise. saying that so soon as the body of him and
other martyrs were removed away, incontinent the temple of the idol
with the image in the night was consumed with fire; for the which
cause (saith Zonaras) Julian, stirred up with anger, persecuted the
Christians, as shall be showed (Christ willing) in his order and
place hereafter.

And thus much of Babylas, which whether it was the same Babylas,
bishop then of Antioch, or an other of the same name, it appeareth
not by Chrysostom, which neither maketh mention of the emperor's
name, nor of the place where this Babylas was bishop. Again, the
stopping of the emperor out of the church importeth as much as that
emperor to have been a Christian; for otherwise, if he had come in as
a heathen and as a persecutor, it was not then the manner of
Christian bishops violently to withstand the emperors, or to stop
them out. Over and beside the testimony of Eusebius, Zonaras doth
witness contrary in his sixth book, that this Babylas, which was then
bishop of Antioch after Zebinus, was not put to death by the
tormentors, but died in prison; wherefore it is not impossible but
this Babylas and this emperor which Chrysostom speaketh of may be
another Bahylas than that which suffered under Decius. Nicephorus in
his fifth book maketh mention of another Babylas beside this that
suffered under Decius, which was bishop of Nicomedia.

In the forenamed city of Antioch. Vincentius speaketh of forty
virgins martyrs which suffered in this persecution of Decius.

In the country of Phrygia, and in the town of Lampsar, the same
Vincentius also speaketh of one Peter which there was apprehended,
and suffered bitter torments for Christ's name, under Optimus the
proconsul; and in Troada, likewise, of other martyrs that there
suffered, whose names were Andrew, Paul, Nicomachus, and Dionysia, a
virgin.

Also in Babylon (saith he) divers Christian confessors were found of
Decius, which were led away into Spain, there to be executed.

In the country of Cappadocia, at the city of Cesarea, in like manner
of the said author is testified, that Germanus, Theophilus, Cĉsarius,
and Vitalis suffered martyrdom for Christ; and in the same book
mention is also made of Polychronius, bishop of Babylon; and in
Pamphylia of Nestor, there bishop, that died martyr.

At Perside, in the town of Cardala, Olympiades and Maximus; in Tyrus
also Anatolia, virgin, and Audax, gave their lives likewise to death
for the testimony of Christ's name.

Eusebius, moreover, in his sixth book reciteth out of the Epistles of
Dionysius Alexandrinus divers that suffered diversly at Alexandria;
the which places of Dionysius, as they be cited in Eusebius, I
thought here good, for the ancientness of the author, to insert and
notify in his own words, and in our language, as he wrote them to
Fabius, bishop of Antioch, as followeth.

This persecution (saith he) began not with the proclamation set forth
by the emperor, but began a whole year before, by the occasion and
means of a wicked person, a soothsayer, and a follower of wicked
arts; who, coming to our city here, stirred up the multitude of the
heathen against us, and incited them to maintain their own old
superstition and gentility of their country; whereby they being set
agog, and obtaining full power to prosecute their wicked purpose, so
thought, and no less declared, all their piety and religion to
consist only in the idolatrous worship of devils, and in our
destruction. And first flying upon a certain priest of ours, named
Metra, they apprehended him, and brought him forth to make him speak
after their wicked blasphemy; which, when he would not do, they laid
upon him with staves and clubs, and with sharp reeds pricked his face
and eyes; and afterward bringing him out into the suburbs, there they
stoned him to death. Then they took a faithful woman, called Quinta,
and brought her to the temple of their idols, to compel her to
worship with them; which when she refused to do, and abhorred their
idols, they bound her feet, and drew her through the whole street of
the city upon the hard stones; and so dashing her against millstones,
and scourging her with whips, brought her to the same place of the
suburbs as they did the other before, where she likewise ended her
life. This done, in a great outrage, and with a multitude running
together, they burst into houses of the religious and godly
Christians, spoiling, sacking, and carrying away all that they could
find of any price. The rest of things, such as were of less value and
of wood, they brought into the open market and set them on fire. In
the mean time, the brethren voided aside, and withdrew themselves,
taking patiently and no less joyfully the spoiling of their goods,
than did they of whom St. Paul doth testify; neither do I know any of
them all (only excepted) apprehended of them which, revolting from
his profession, denied the Lord yet to this present day.

Amongst the rest that there were taken, there was a certain virgin
well stricken in years, named Apollinia, whom they brought forth, and
dashing all her teeth out of her jaws, made a great fire before the
city, threatening to cast her into the same, unless she would
blaspheme with them and deny Christ; whereat she staying a little
with herself, as one that would take a pause, suddenly leaped into
the midst of the fire, and there was burned.

There was also one Serapion, whom they took in his own house; and
after they had assailed him with sundry kinds of torments, and had
broken almost all the joints of his body, they cast him down from an
upper loft, and so did he complete his martyrdom. Thus was there no
way, neither privy nor public, nor corner, nor alley, left for us,
neither by day nor by night, to escape; all the people making an
outcry against us, that unless we uttered words of blasphemy, we
should be drawn to the fire and burned. And this outrageous tumult
endured a certain space; but at length, as the Lord would, the
miserable wretches fell at dissension among themselves, which turned
the cruelty they exercised against us upon their own heads. And so
had we a little breathing time for a season, while the fury of the
heathen people by this occasion assuaged.

Shortly then after this word was brought unto us that the state of
the empire, which before was something favourable to us, was altered
and changed against us, putting us in great fear. And conse quently
upon the same followed the edict of the emperor so terrible and
cruel, that, according to the forewarning of the Lord, the elect (if
it had been possible) might have been thereby subverted. Upon that
edict such fear came over us all, that many there were, especially of
the richer sort, of whom some for fear came running, some were led by
the occasion of time, some were drawn by their neighbours being cited
by name, to those impure and idolatrous sacrifices. Other some came
trembling and shaking, as men not which should do sacrifice, but
which should be sacrificed themselves, the multitude laughing them to
scorn. Some again came boldly to the altars, declaring themselves
never to have been of that profession, of whom it is said that hardly
they shall be saved. Of the residue, some followed one part, some
another; some ran away, some were taken; of whom certain continued to
bands and torments constant; others again, after long imprisonment,
before they should come before the judge, renounced their faith. Some
also, after they suffered torments, yet after revolted. But others
being as strong as blessed, and valiant pillars of the Lord's,
fortified with constancy agreeing to their faith, were made faithful
martyrs of the kingdom of God.

Of whom the first was Julianus, a man diseased with the gout, and not
able to go, being carried of two men, of whom the one quickly denied;
the other, Cronion, surnamed Eunus, with the foresaid Julianus the
old man, confessing the Lord with a perfect faith, were laid upon
camels, and there scourged, at length cast into the fire, and with
great constancy were so consumed.

As these aforesaid were going to their martyrdom, there was a certain
soldier, who in their defence took part against them that railed upon
them. For the which cause the people crying out against him, he also
was apprehended; and being constant in his profession, was forthwith
beheaded.

Likewise one Macar, a man born in Libya, being admonished and
exhorted of the judge to deny his faith, and not agreeing to his
persuasions, was burned alive.

After these suffered Epimachus, and one Alexander, who being long
detained in prison and in bands, after innumerable pains and torments
with razors and scourges, were also cast into the burning fire, with
four other women with them, which all there ended their martyrdom.

Also Ammonarion, a holy virgin, whom the cruel judge had long and
bitterly tormented, for that she promising the judge before, that for
no punishment she would yield to his request, and constantly
performing the same, suffered likewise martyrdom with two other
women, of whom there was an aged matron, named Mercuria; the other
was called Dionysia, being a mother of many fair children, whom yet
notwithstanding she loved not above the Lord. These, after they could
not be overcome by any torments of the cruel judge, but he, rather
ashamed and confounded to be overcome of silly women, at length being
past feeling of all torments, were slain with the sword; first
Ammonarion, like a valiant captain, suffering before them.

Heron, Ater, and Isidorus, Egyptians, and with them Dioscorus, also a
child of fifteen years, were crowned with the same crown of
martyrdom. And first the judge began with the child, thinking him
more easy to be won with words to entice him, than with torments to
constrain him; but he persisted immovable, giving neither place to
persuasions nor punishments. The rest, after he had grievously
tormented them, being constant in their profession, he committed to
the fire. The judge greatly marvelling at Dioscorus, for his wise
answers and grave constancy, dismissed him, sparing (as he said) his
age to a longer respite; which Dioscorus is yet also with us at this
present, waiting for a long trial.

Nemesion, being also an Egyptian, first was accused for a companion
of thieves; but being purged thereof before the centurion, was then
accused of Christianity, and for that cause being in bands, was
brought to the president; who most unrighteously tormenting and
scourging him double to all other thieves and felons, at length among
the thieves burned him to death, making him a blessed martyr.

There were standing before the tribunal seat certain of the warriors
or knights, whose names were Ammon, Zenon, Ptolomeus, Jngenuus, and
with them a certain aged man, called Theophilus, who standing by at
what time a certain Christian man was before the judge examined, and
there seeing him for fear ready to decline and fall away, did burst 
almost for sorrow within themselves, making signs to him with their
hands, and all gestures of their body, to be constant. This being
noted of all the standers-by, they were ready to lay hold upon them;
but they preventing the matter, pressed up of their own accord before
to the bench of the judge, professing themselves to be Christians.
Insomuch that both the president with the benchers were all
astonished, the Christians which were judged more imboldened to
suffer, and the judges thereby terrified. This done, they departed
away from the place, glad and rejoicing for the testimony that they
had given of their faith. Many other besides were in other cities and
towns rent and torn asunder by the heathen, among whom one I will
speak of, for cause worthy of memory.

Ischirion, one that was in service with a certain nobleman, was
commanded of his master to make sacrifice, who for not obeying was
therefore rebuked; after persisting in the same, was grievously
threatened with sharp and menacing words. At last his master, when he
could not prevail against him, taking a stake or pike in his hands,
ran him through in the body and slew him.

What shall I speak of the multitude of them which, wandering in
deserts and mountains, were consumed with hunger, thirst, cold,
sickness, thieves, or wild beasts, of whose blessed victory they
which be alive are yet witnesses; in the number of whom one I will
speak of, among divers others, named Cheremon, bishop of the city
called Nilus, an aged man: he with his wife, flying to the mountain
of Arabia, never returned again, nor ever could be seen after; and
though they were sought for diligently by their brethren, yet neither
they nor their bodies were found. Many others there were which,
flying to these mountains of Arabia, were taken of the barbarous
Arabians; of whom some with much money could scarce be ransomed, some
were never heard of yet to this present day. Thus much out of the
Epistles of Dionysius in Eusebius.

Moreover, the foresaid Dionysius in another place writing to Germanus
of his own dangers, and of others, sustained in this persecution, and
before this persecution of Decius, thus inferreth as followeth: I,
(saith he,) behold, before the sight of God, I lie not, and he
knoweth I lie not, how that I having no regard of mine own life, and
not without the motion of God, did fly and avoid the danger of this
persecution. Yea, and also before that this persecution of Decius did
rage against us, Sabinus the same hour sent a farmer to seek me, at
what time I remaining at home waited three days for his coming. But
he searching narrowly for me by all ways, fields, floods, and
corners, where he thought I might best have hid myself or have passed
by, was stricken with such blindness, that he could not find my
house, thinking with himself nothing less than that I would abide at
home in such and so dangerous persecution. Thus these three days
being past, upon the fourth day, the Lord God so willing and
commanding me to fly, and also marvellously opening to me the way, I,
with my children, and many other brethren, went out together. And
this not to come of myself, but to be the work of God's providence,
the sequel of those things declared, wherein afterward I was not
unprofitable peradventure to some, &c.

Again, in another place, shortly after, the aforesaid Dionysius,
proceeding in the narration of himself, thus inferreth: Then I coming
to Jerusalem with them which were with me, was brought by soldiers
unto Taposixis, whereas Timotheus (by the providence of God) neither
was present, nor yet taken; who then returning home, found his house
desert, and officers watching about the same, and us within taken,
&c. And again, shortly after, it followeth: And to see (saith he) the
admirable disposing of God's works, as Timotheous was thus flying
with much haste and great fear, a certain man, as happened, a dweller
near by, met him by the way, and asked whither he went so hastily; to
whom Timotheus answering, declared all the matter simply as it was.
Which done, the man proceedeth on his journey, whither he was
purposed to go, which was to a marriage; the manner of which
marriages then was to sit up all the night long feasting and
drinking. Thus, as he was come, sitting with them at the feast, he
telleth his companions what was done, and what he heard by the way.
This was no sooner told, but all they forth with upon a head, as
stricken with a sudden fury, rushing out together, made toward us as
fast as they could, with such crying and noise as might seem very
terrible. At the first hearing whereof, the soldiers that had us in
keeping being afraid, ran away, by reason whereof we were left alone,
and found as we were lying upon forms and benches, I then (the Lord
knoweth) thinking with myself that they had been thieves, which came
to spoil and rob, being in my couch, lay still in my shirt only as I
was, the rest of my garments lying by me I offered to them: they then
willed me in all haste to rise and get away, whereby I then,
perceiving the cause of their coming, cried unto them, desiring that
they would suffer us so to do; and if they would do any benefit for
me, forsomuch as I could not escape the hands of them which would
pursue me and carry me away, I prayed them that they would prevent
them, and cut off my head before. And as I was crying thus unto them,
casting myself grovelling upon the pavement, as my companions can
testify, who were partakers of all these things, they burst forth
violently, taking me by the hands and feet, and carried me out of the
doors, and led me away. There followed me Gaius, Faustus, Petrus,
Paulus, (who were witnesses of all the same,) which brought me also
out of the city, and so setting me upon a bare ass, conveyed me away.
Thus much writeth Dionysius of himself, the example of whose epistle
is cited in the ecclesiastical story of Eusebius.

Nicephorus, in his first book, cap. 27, maketh
mention of one named Christophorus, which also suffered in this
persecution of Decius. Of which Christophorus, whether the fable
riseth of that mighty giant set up in churches, wading through the
seas with Christ on his shoulder, and a tree in his hand for a
walking staff, &c., it is uncertain. Georgius Wicelius allegeth out
of Ruggerus Fuldens., and mentioneth of one Christophorus, born of
the nation of Canaanites, which suffered under Decius, being, as he
saith, of twelve cubits high. But the rest of the history painted in
churches the said Wicelius derideth as fables of Centaurus, or other
poetical fictions.

Bergomensis, in his eighth book, maketh relation of divers martyred
under Decius; as Meniatus, which suffered at Florence; of Agatha, a
holy virgin of Sicily, who is said to suffer divers and bitter
torments under Quintilianus, the proconsul, with prisonment, with
beatings, with famine, with racking, rolled also upon sharp shells
and hot coals, having, moreover, her breasts cut from her body, as
Bergomensis and the martyrology of Ado record. In the which authors,
as I deny not but that the rest of the story may be true, so again,
concerning the miracles of the aged man appearing to her, and of the
young man clothed in a silken vesture, with a hundred young men after
him, and of the marble table with the inscription, I doubt.
(Illustration: Christians Wandering in the Wilderness )

Hard it is to recite all that suffered in this persecution, whenas
whole multitudes went in to wildernesses and mountains, wandering
without succour or comfort; some starved with hunger and cold, some
with sickness consumed, some devoured of beasts, some with barbarous
thieves taken and carried away. Vincentius, in his eleventh book,
speaking of Asclepiades, writeth also of forty virgins and martyrs
which, by sundry kinds of torments, were put to death about the same
time, in the persecution of this tyrant.

Likewise in the said Vincentius mention is made of Triphon, a man of
great holiness, and constant in his suffering, who, being brought to
the city of Nice, before the president Aquilus, for his constant
confession of Christ's name, was afflicted with divers and grievous
torments, and at length with the sword put to death.

At what time Decius had erected a temple in the midst of the city of
Ephesus, compelling all that were in the city there to sacrifice to
the idols, seven Christians were found, whose names were Maximianus,
Malchus, Martianus, Dionysius, Joannes, Serapion, and Constantinus,
who, refusing the idolatrous worship, were accused for the same unto
the emperor to be Christians. Which, when they constantly professed
and did not deny, notwithstanding, because they were soldiers,
retaining to the emperor's service, respite was given them for a
certain space to deliberate with themselves, till the return again of
the emperor, which then was going to war. In the mean space, the
emperor being departed, they taking counsel together, went and hid
themselves in secret caves of the Mount Celius. The emperor returning
again, after great inquisition made for them, hearing where they
were, caused the mouth of the place where they were to be closed up
with heaps of stones, that they, not able to get out, should be
famished within. And thus were those good men martyred. The story (if
it be true) goeth further, that they, between fear and sorrow, fell
asleep, in which sleep they continued the space of certain ages
after, till the time of Theodosius the emperor, before they did
awake, as reporteth Vincentius, Nicephorus, and partly also Henricus
Erfordiens. But of their awaking, that I refer to them that list to
believe it. Certain it is that at the last day they shall awake
indeed without any fable.

Hieronymus, in the Life of Paulus the hermit, reciteth a story of a
certain soldier, whom when the pretor could not otherwise with
torments remove from his Christianity, he devised another way, which
was this: he commanded the soldier to be laid upon a soft bed in a
pleasant garden among the flourishing lilies and red roses; which
done, all others being removed away, and himself there left alone, a
beautiful harlot came to him, who embraced him, and with all other
incitements of a harlot laboured to provoke him to her naughtiness.
But the godly soldier fearing God more than obeying flesh, bit off
his own tongue with his teeth, and spit it in the face of the harlot,
as she was kissing him; and so got he the victory, by the constant
grace of the Lord assisting him.

Another like example of singular chastity is written of the virgin
Theodora, and another soldier. At Antioch, this Theodora refusing to
do sacrifice to the idols, was condemned by the judge to the stews,
and notwithstanding, by the singular providence of God, was well
delivered. For as there was a great company of wanton young men ready
at the door to press into the house where she was, one of the
brethren named Didymus, (as Ado saith,) moved with faith and motion
of God, putting on a soldier's habit, made himself one of the first
that came in, who rounding her in the ear told her the cause and
purpose of his coming, being a Christian as she was: his counsel was,
that she should put on the soldier's habit, and so slip away; and he
putting on her garments would there remain to abide their force, and
so did, whereby the virgin escaped unknown. Didymus, left unto the
rage and wondering of the people, being a man instead of a woman, was 
presented unto the president, unto whom without delay he uttered all
the whole matter as it was done, professing him, so as he was, to be
a Christian, and thereupon was condemned to suffer. Theodora,
understanding thereof, and thinking to excuse him by accusing
herself, offered herself as the party guilty unto the judge, claiming
and requiring the condemnation to light upon her, the other, as
innocent, to be discharged. But the cruel judge, (crueller than
Dionysius, which spared Damon and Pithias,) neither considering the
virtue of the persons, nor the innocency of the cause, unjustly and
inhumanly proceeded in execution against them both, who, first having
their heads cut off, after were cast into the fire. Although what
time or in what persecution these did suffer, in the authors of this
narration it doth not appear.

Agathon, a man of arms in the city of Alexandria, for rebuking
certain lewd persons scornfully deriding the dead bodies of the
Christians, was cried out of and railed on of the people, and
afterward, accused to the judge, was condemned to lose his head.

The said Erfordiensis also maketh mention of Paulus, Andreas, whom
the proconsul of Troada gave to the people; who being scourged, and
after drawn out of the city, were trodden to death with the feet of
the people.

Among others that suffered under this wicked Decius, Bergomensis also
maketh mention of one Justinus, a priest of Rome, and of another
Nicostratus, a deacon. To these Vincentius also addeth Portius, a
priest of Rome, whom he reporteth to be the converter of Philip the
emperor afore mentioned.

Of Abdon and Sennas we read also in the foresaid Bergomensis and
Vincentius, two noble men, who, because they had buried the
Christians, whom Decius had brought from Babylon to Corduba, and
there put them to death, were therefore accused to Decius, and
brought to Rome; where they, being commanded to sacrifice to dead
idols, would not obey, and for the same were given to the wild beasts
to be devoured; but when the wild beasts, more gentle than the men,
would not touch them, they were at length with the sword beheaded.
Albeit to me it seemeth not impossible nor unlike this Abdon and
Sennas to be the same whom in other stories we find, and before have
mentioned, to be Ammon and Zenon.

One Secundianus was accused to Valerian, a captain of Decius, to be a
Christian, which profession, when he stoutly did maintain, he was
commanded to prison. By the way, as the soldiers were leading him to
the gaol, Verianus and Marcellianus seeing the matter cried to the
soldiers, asking them whither they drew the innocent. At the which
word, when they also confessed themselves to be Christians, they were
likewise apprehended, and brought to a city named Centumcellas; where
being willed to sacrifice, they did spit upon the idols, and so after
sentence and judgment given, first they were beaten with wasters or
truncheons, after that hanged and tormented upon the gibbet, having
fire set to their sides. Vincentius addeth, moreover, that some of
the tormentors falling suddenly dead, other some being taken with
wicked spirits, the martyrs with the sword at length were beheaded.

To prosecute in length of history the lives and sufferings of all
them which in this terrible persecution were martyred, it were too
long, and almost infinite; briefly therefore to rehearse the names of
such as we find alleged out of a certain brief treatise of Bede,
entitled De Temporibus, cited by Henricus de Erford., it shall be at
this time sufficient. Under Decius suffered Hippolitus and Concordia,
Hiereneus and Abundus, Victoria, a virgin, being noble personages of
Antioch; Bellias, bishop of the city of Apollonia; Leacus, Tirsus,
and Gallinetus, Nazanzo, Triphon, in the city of Egypt called Tamas;
Phileas, bishop, Philocornus, with many other in Perside;
Philcronius, bishop of Babylon, Thesiphon, bishop of Parnphylia,
Nestor, bishop in Corduba, Parmenius, priest, with divers more. In
the province called Colonia, Circensis, Marianus, and Jacobus. In
Africa, Nemesianus, Felix, Rogatianus, priest, Felicissitnus. At
Rome, Jovinus, Basileus, also Ruffina and Secunda, vir gins,
Tertullianus, Valerianus, Nemesius, Sem pronianus, and Olympius. In
Spain, Teragon. At Verona, Zeno, bishop at Cesarea, Marinus and
Archemius. In the town of Milan, Privatus, bishop, Theodorus,
surnamed Gregorius, bishop of Pontus.

Vincentius, in his eleventh book, maketh mention, citing of certain
children suffering martyrdom under the same persecution, in a city of
Tuscia, called Aretium, whose names I find not, except they be
Pergentius and Laurentius, mentioned in Equiliqus.

Now that I have recorded sufficiently of them who under this tempest
of Decius constantly gave their lives to martyrdom for the testimony
of Christ, it remaineth that a few words also be spoken of such as
for fear or frailty in this persecution did shrink and slide from the
truth of their confession. In the number of whom first cometh in the
remembrance of Serapion an aged old man. Of whom writeth Dionysius
Alexandrinus unto Fabius, declaring that this Serapion was an old
man, which lived amongst them a sincere and upright life of long
time, but at length fell. This Serapion oft and many times desired to
be received again; but no man listened to him, for he had sacrificed
before. After this, not long after, he fell into sickness, where he
remained three days dumb and benumbed of all senses. The fourth day
following, beginning a little to recover, he called to him his
sister's son, and said, How long, how long (my son) do ye hold me
here? make haste, I pray you, that I were absolved. Call hither some
of the ministers to me; and so, saying no more, held his peace, as
dumb and speechless. The boy ran (it was then night) unto the
minister, who, at the same time being sick, could not come with the
messenger; but said, for so much as he willed heretofore, (as he
said,) that such as lay a dying, if they covet to be received and
reconciled, and especially if they required it earnestly, should be
admitted, whereby with the better hope and confidence they may depart
hence; therefore he gave to the boy a little of the eucharist,
willing him to crumble it into the cup, and so to drop it into the
mouth of the old man. With this the boy returned, bringing with him
the holy eucharist. As he was now near at hand, before he had entered
in, Serapion, the old man, speaking again, Comest thou, (said he,) my
son? The priest, quoth the messenger, is sick and cannot come; but do
as he willeth you, and let me go. And the boy immixed the eucharist,
and dropped it in softly into the mouth of the old man, who after he
had tasted a little immediately gave up the ghost, &c.

In the city of Troad, as the proconsul was grievously tormenting one
Nicomachus, he cried out that he was no Christian, and so was let
down again. And after, when he had sacrificed, he was taken speedily
with a wicked spirit, and so thrown down upon the ground, where he,
biting off his tongue with his teeth, so departed.

Dionysius in his epistles also writing to Fabius, and lamenting the
great terror of this persecution, declareth how that many worthy and 
notable Christians, for fear and horror of the great tyranny thereof,
did show themselves feeble and weak men. Of whom some for dread, some
of their own accord, others after great torments suffered, yet after
revolted from the constancy of their profession. Also St. Cyprian, in
his treatise De Lapsis, reciteth with great sorrow, and testifieth
how that a great number at the first threatening of the adversary,
neither being compelled nor thrown down with any violence of the
enemy, but of their voluntary weakness fell down themselves. Neither
(saith he) tarrying while the judge should put incense in their
hands, but before any stroke stricken in the field, turned their
backs and played the cowards; not only coming to their sacrifices,
but preventing the same, and pretending to come without compulsion,
bringing moreover their infants and children either put into their
hands, or taking them with them of their own accord, and exhorting
moreover others to do the like after their example.

Of this weakness and falling the said author showeth two causes;
either love of their goods and patrimony, or fear of torments; and
addeth, moreover, examples of the punishments of them which revolted,
affirming that many of them were taken and vexed with wicked spirits;
and that one man among other, after his voluntary denial, was
suddenly struck dumb. Again, another, after his abjuration, as he
should communicate with others, instead of bread received ashes in
his hand. Item, a certain maiden being taken and vexed with a spirit,
did tear her own tongue with her teeth, and, tormented with pain in
her belly and inward parts, so deceased.

Amongst others of this sort St. Cyprian maketh also mention of one
Guaristus, a bishop in Africa, who leaving his charge, and making
shipwreck of his faith, went wandering about in other countries,
forsaking his own flock. In like manner, he maketh also mention of
Nicostratus, a deacon, who forsaking his deaconship, and taking the
goods of the church with him, fled away into other countries, &c,
Albeit Bergomensis affirmeth that this Nicostratus the deacon
afterward died a martyr. Thus then, although some did relent, yet a
very great number (saith he) there was whom neither fear could
remove, nor pain could overthrow, to cause them to betray their
confession; but they stood like glorious martyrs unto the end.

The same Cyprian also, in another book, On Mortality, reciteth a
notable story of one of his own colleagues and fellow priests, who
being oppressed with weakness, and greatly afraid with death drawing
at hand, desired leave to depart, and to be discharged. As he was
thus entreating, and almost now dying, there appeared by him a young
man, of an honourable and reverend majesty, of a tall stature, and
comely behaviour, so bright and clear to behold, that scarce man's
carnal eyes were able so to do, which was now ready to depart this
world. To whom this young man, speaking with a certain indignation of
mind and voice, thus said, To suffer ye dare not, to go out ye will
not; what would ye have me to do unto you?

Upon the occasion of these and such others, which were a great
number, that fell and did renounce, as is aforesaid, in this
persecution of Decius, rose up first the quarrel and heresy of
Novatus, who in these days made a great disturbance in the church,
holding this opinion, that they which once renounced the faith, and,
for fear of torments, had offered incense to the idols, although they
repented therefore, yet could not afterward be reconciled, nor
admitted to the church of Christ. This Novatus being first priest
under Cyprian, at Carthage, afterward, by stirring up discord and
factions, began to disturb the bishopric of Cyprian, to appoint there
a deacon called Felicissimus, against the bishop's mind or knowledge;
also to allure and separate certain of the brethren from the bishop.
After this, the said Novatus going to Rome, kept there the like stir
with Cornelius; setting himself up as bishop of Rome against
Cornelius, which was the lawful bishop of Rome before. The which to
bring to pass he used this practice. First he had allured to him, to
be his adherents, three or four good men and holy confessors, which
had suffered before great torments for their confession, whose names,
were Maximus, Urbanus, Sidonius, and Celerinus. After this he enticed
three simple bishops about the coasts of Italy to repair to Rome,
under pretence to make an end of certain controversies then in hand.
This done, he caused the same, whether by making them drunk, or by
other crafty counsel, to lay their hands upon him, and to make him
bishop; and so they did. Wherefore the one of those three bishops
hardly was received to the communion, by the great intercession of
his people; the other two by discipline of the church were displaced
from their bishoprics, and others possessed with their rooms. Thus
then were there two bishops together in one church of Rome, Novatus
and Cornelius, which was unseemly, and contrary to the discipline of
the church. And hereupon riseth the true cause and meaning of St.
Cyprian writing in his Epistles so much of one bishop, and of the
unity to be kept in ecclesiastical regiment. And in like sort writeth
also Cornelius himself of one bishop, saying he knew not that there
ought to be one bishop in a catholic church, &c. This by the way, not
out of the way, I trust, I have touched briefly, to detect or refute
the cavilling wresting of the papists, which falsely apply these
places of Cyprian and Cornelius to maintain the pope's supreme
mastership alone, over the whole universal church of Christ in all
places, when their meaning is otherwise, how that every one catholic
church or diocess ought to have one bishop over it, not that the
whole world ought to be subject to the dominion of him only that is
bishop of Rome. Now to the story again. Novatus being thus bishop,
took not a little upon him; going about by all means to defeat
Cornelius, and to allure the people from him. Insomuch that (as in
the foresaid book of Eusebius appeareth) when Novatus came to the
distributing of the offerings, and should give every man his part, he
compelled the simple persons every man to swear, before they should
receive of the benediction, and of the collects or oblations, holding
both their hands in his, and holding them so long, speaking these
words unto them, "Swear to me, by the body and blood of our Lord
Jesus Christ, that thou wilt not leave me and go to Cornelius," till
that they, swearing unto him, instead of Amen, (to be said at the
receiving of the bread,) should answer, I will not return to
Cornelius, &c. Where note by the way, that the Latin book of
Christoferson's translation, in this place, craftily leaveth out the
name of bread. This story being written in Eusebius, also contained
in Nicephorus, although
not in the same order of words, yet in effect drawn out of him, doth
declare, in plain words, in both the authors, (whoso will mark the
same,) that the sacrament of the body of Christ is termed with the
plain name of bread, after the consecration.

It followeth more in the story, that Maximus, Urbanus, Sidonius, and
Celerinus, before mentioned, perceiving at length the crafty
dissimulation and arrogancy of Novatus, left him, and with great
repentance returned again to the church, and were reconciled to
Cornelius, as they themselves, writing to Cyprian, and Cyprian
likewise writing to them an epistle gratulatory, doth declare; and
Cornelius also in his epistle to Fabius witnesseth the same. In this
epistle the said Cornelius, moreover, writeth of one Moses, a worthy
martyr, which once being also a follower of Novatus, after perceiving 
his wickedness, forsook him, and did excommunicate him. Of him
Cyprian also maketh mention, and calleth him a blessed confessor.
Damasus in his pontifical saith that he was apprehended with Maximus
and Nicostratus above mentioned, and was put with them in prison,
where he ended his life. And thus much of Novatus, against whom (as
Eusebius testifieth) a synod was holden at Rome of threescore sundry
bishops in the time of Cornelius, and under the reign of Decius;
whereby it may be supposed that the heat of the persecution at that
time was somewhat calmed.

After Fabianus (or, as Zonaras calleth him, Flavianus) next succeeded
into the bishopric of Rome, Cornelius, whom Cyprian noteth to be a
worthy bishop, and for his great virtue and maidenly continency much
commendable; chosen to that room not so much by his own consent, as
by the full agreement, both of the clergymen, and also of the people.
Hierom addeth also that he was a man of great eloquence; whereby it
may appear those two epistles decretal, which go in his name, not to
be his, both for the rudeness of the barbarous and gross style, and
also for the matter therein contained, nothing tasting of that time,
nor of that age, nor doings then of the church. Whereof in the first
he writeth to all ministers and brethren of the church, concerning
the lifting up of the bodies and bones of Peter and Paul, and
transposed to Vaticanum, at the instance of a certain devout woman
named Lucina; having no great argument or cause to write thereof unto
the churches, but only that he in that letter doth desire them to
pray unto the Lord, that through the intercession of those
apostolical saints their sins might be forgiven them, &c. In the
second epistle written to Ruffus, a bishop of the east church, he
decreeth and ordaineth that no oath ought to be required or exacted
of any head or chief bishop, for any cause, or by any power. Also
that no cause of priests or ministers ought to be handled in any
strange or foreign court without his precinct, except only in the
court of Rome by appellation; whereby who seeth not the train of our
later bishops, going about craftily to advance the dignity pf the
court of Rome, under and by the pretensded title of Cornelius, and of
ancient bishops? If Cornelius did write any epistles to any indeed in
those turbulent times of persecution, no doubt but some signification
thereof he would have touched in the said his letters, either in
ministering consolation to his brethren, or in requiring consolation
and prayers of others. Neither is there any doubt but he would have
given some touch also of the matter of Novatus, with whom he had so
much to do, as indeed he did; for so we find it recorded both in
Eusebius and in Hierom, that he wrote unto Fabius, bishop of Antioch,
of the decreements of the Council of Rome, and another letter of the
manner of the Council, the third also of the cause of Novatus, and
again of the repentance of such as fell, whereof there is no word
touched at all in these foresaid epistles decretal.

What trouble this Cornelius had with Novatus sufficiently is before
signified. In this persecution of Decius, he demeaned himself very
constantly and faithfully, which sustained great conflicts with the
adversaries, as St. Cyprian giveth witness. Hierom testifieth that he
remained bishop after the death of Decius to the time of Gallus. But
Damasus and Sabellicus, his followers, affirm that he was both exiled
and also martyred under the tyrannous reign of Decius. Of whom
Sabellicus writeth this story, taken out (as it seemeth) of Damasus,
and saith, That Cornelius, by the commandment of Decius, was banished
to a town called Centumeellas, bordering on Hetruria, from whence he
sent his letters to Cyprian, bishop of Carthage, and Cyprian again to
him. This coming to the ears of Decius the emperor, he sendeth for
Cornelius, asking him how he durst be so bold to show such
stubbornness, that he, neither caring for the gods, nor fearing the
displeasure of his prince, durst against the commonwealth give and
receive letters from others? To whom Cornelius answering again, thus
purged himself, declaring to the emperor that letters indeed he had
written, and received again, concerning the praises and honouring of
Christ, and the salvation of souls, but nothing as touching any
matter of the commonwealth. And it followeth in the story, Then
Decius, moved with anger, commanded him to be beaten with plumbats,
(which, as saith Sabellicus, is a kind of scourging,) and so to be
brought to the temple of Mars, either there to do sacrifice, or to
suffer the extremity. But he, rather willing to die than to commit
such iniquity, prepared himself to martyrdom, being sure that he 
should die. And so commending the charge of the church unto Stephanus
his archdeacon, was brought to the way of Appius, where he ended his
life in faithful martyrdom. Eusebius in one place saith that he sat
two years, in another place he saith that he sat three years, and so
doth Marianus Scotus, following also the diversity of the said
Eusebius. Damasus giveth him only two years.

In this foresaid persecution of Decius, it seemeth by some writers
also that Cyprian was banished; but I suppose rather his banishment
to be referred to the reign of Gallus, next emperor after Decius,
whereof more shall be said (Christ willing) in his place hereafter.
In the mean time, the said Cyprian in his second book maketh mention
of two that suffered, either in the time of this Decius, or much
about the same time. Of whom one was Aurelius, a worthy and valiant
young man, who was twice in torments for his confession, which he
never denied, but manfully and boldly withstood the adversary till he
was banished, and also after; and therefore was commended of Cyprian
to certain brethren to have him for their lecturer, as in the
forenamed epistle of Cyprian appeareth. The other was named
Mappalicus, who in the day before he suffered, declaring to the
proconsul in the midst of his torments, and saying, To-morrow you
shall see the running for a wager, &c., was brought forth, according
as he forespoke, to martyrdom, and there with no less constancy than
patience did suffer.

And thus much of the tyranny of this wicked Decius against God's
saints. Now to touch also the power of God's vengeance and punishment
against him. Like as we see commonly a tempest that is vehement not
long to continue; so it happened with this tyrannical tormentor, who
reigning but two years, as saith Eusebius, or three at most, as
writeth Orosius, among the middle of the barbarians, with whom he did
war, was there slain with his son. Like as he had slain Philippus and
his son, his predecessors, before, so was he with his son slain by
the righteous judgment of God himself. Eusebius affirmeth that he,
warring against the Gotthians, and being by them overcome, lest he
should fall into their hands, ran into a whirlpit, where he was
drowned, and his body never found after.

Neither did the just hand of God plague the emperor only, but also
revenged as well the heathen Gentiles and persecutors of his word
throughout all provinces and dominions of the Roman monarchy; amongst
whom the Lord immediately after the death of Decius, sent such a
plague and pestilence, lasting for the space of ten years together,
that horrible it is to hear, and almost incredible to believe. Of
this plague or pestilence testifieth Dionysius to Hierax, a bishop in
Egypt, where he declareth the mortality of this plague to be so great
in Alexandria, where he was bishop, that there was no house in the
whole city free. And although the greatness of the plague touched
also the Christians somewhat, yet it scourged the heathen idolaters
much more; beside that the order of their behaviour in the one and in
the other was much diverse. For, as the foresaid Dionysius doth
record, the Christians, through brotherly love and piety, did not
refuse one to visit and comfort another, and to minister to him what
need required, notwithstanding it was to them great danger; for
divers there were who, in closing up their eyes, in washing their
bodies, and interring them in the ground, were next themselves which
followed them to their graves. Yet all this stayed not them from
doing their duty, and showing mercy one to another; whereas the
Gentiles, contrarily, being extremely visited by the hand of God,
felt the plague, but considered not the striker, neither yet
considered they their neighbour; but every man shifting for himself
neither cared one for another; but such as were infected, some they
would cast out of the doors half dead to be devoured of dogs and wild
beasts, some they let die within their houses without all succour,
some they suffered to lie unburied, for that no man durst come near
them: and yet notwithstanding, for all their voiding and shifting,
the pestilence followed them whithersoever they went, and miserably
consumed them. Insomuch that Dionysius, bishop the same time of
Alexandria, thus reporteth of his own city: that such a mortality was
then among them, that the said city of Alexandria had not in number
so many of all together, both old and young, as it was wont to
contain before of the old men only from the age of threescore to
seventy, and as were found in time past commonly almost in that city.
Pomponius Letus and other Latin writers also making mention of the
said pestilence, declare how the beginning thereof first came (as
they think) out of ethiope, and from the hot countries, and so
invading and wasting first the south parts, from thence spread into
the east; and so further running and increasing into all other
quarters of the world, especially wheresoever the edicts of the
emperor went against the Christians, it followed after and consumed
the most part of the inhabitants, whereby many places became desolate
and void of all concourse, and so continued the term of ten years
together.

This pestiferous mortality (by the occasion whereof Cyprian took the
ground to write his book On Mortality) began, as is said, immediately
after the death of Decius the persecutor, in the beginning of the
reign of Vibias Gallus, and Volusianus his son, who succeeded through
treason next unto Decius, about the year of our Lord two hundred
fifty and one, and continued their reign but two years.

This Gallus, although the first beginning of his reign was something
quiet, yet shortly after following the steps of Decius, by whom
rather he should have taken better heed, set forth edicts in like
manner for the persecution of Christians, albeit in this edict we
find no number of martyrs to have suffered, but only all this
persecution to rest only in the exilement of bishops or guides of the
flock. Of other sufferings or executions we do not read, for the
terrible pestilence following immediately, kept the barbarous heathen
otherwise occupied. Unto this time of Gallus, rather than to the time
of Decius, I refer the banishment of Cyprian, who was then bishop of
Carthage; of the which banishment he himself testifieth in divers of
his epistles, declaring the cause thereof to rise upon a commotion or
sedition among the people, out of the which he withdrew himself, lest
the sedition should grow greater; notwithstanding the said Cyprian,
though being absent, yet had no less care of his flock, and of the
whole church, than if he had been present with them, and therefore
never ceased in his epistles continually to exhort and call upon them
to be constant in their profession, and patient in their afflictions.
Amongst divers others whom he doth comfort in his banishment,
although he was in that case to be comforted himself, writing to
certain that were condemned to mining for metals, whose names were
Nemesianus, Felix, Lucius, with other bishops, priests, and deacons,
he declareth unto them, "How it is no shame, but a glory, not to be
feared, but to be rejoiced at, to suffer banishment or other pains
for Christ; and confirming them in the same, or rather commending
them, signifieth how worthily they do show themselves to be as
valiant captains of virtue, provoking both by the confessions of
their mouth, and by the suffering of their bodies, the hearts of the
brethren to Christian martyrdom, whose example was and is a great
confirmation to many, both maids and children, to follow the like. As
for punishment and suffering, it is (saith he) a thing not execrable
to a Christian; for a Christian man's breast, whose hope doth wholly
consist in the tree, dreadeth neither bat nor club. Wounds and scars
of the body be ornaments to a Christian man, such as bring no shame
nor dishonesty to the party, but rather preferreth and freeth him
with the Lord. And although in the mines where the metals be digged
there be no beds for Christian men's bodies to take their rest, yet
they have their rest in Christ; and though their weary bones lie upon
the cold ground, yet it is no pain to lie with Christ. Their feet
have been fettered with bands and chains, but happily he is bound of
man whom the Lord Christ doth loose: happily doth he lie tied in the
stocks, whose feet thereby are made swifter to run to heaven. Neither
can any man tie a Christian so fast, but he runneth so much the
faster for his garland of life. They have no garments to save them
from cold, but he that putteth on Christ is sufficiently coated. Doth
bread lack to their hungry bodies? But man liveth not only by bread,
but by every word proceeding from the mouth of God. Your deformity
(saith he) shall be turned to honour, your mourning to joy, your pain
to pleasure and felicity infinite. And if this do grieve you, that ye
cannot now employ your sacrifices and oblations after your wonted
manner, yet your daily sacrifice ceaseth not, which is a contrite and
humble heart, as when you offer up daily your bodies a lively and a
glorious sacrifice unto the Lord, which is the sacrifice that
pleaseth God. And though your travail be great, yet is the reward
greater, which is most certain to follow; for God beholding and
looking down upon them that confess his name, in their willing mind
approveth them, in their striving helpeth them, in their victory
crowneth them; rewarding that in us which he hath performed, and
crowning that which he hath in us perfected. With these and such-like
comfortable words he doth animate his brethren, admonishing them that
they are now in a joyful journey, hasting apace to the mansions of
the martyrs, there to enjoy after this darkness a stable light and
brightness greater than all their passions, according to the
apostle's saying, "These sufferings of this present time be nothing
like comparable to the brightness of the glory that shall be revealed
in us," &c.

And after the like words of sweet comfort and consolation, writing to
Seagrius and Rogatianus, which were in prison and bonds for the
testimony of truth, doth encourage them to "continue stedfast and
patient in the way wherein they have begun to run; for that they have
the Lord with them their helper and defender, who promiseth to be
with us to the world's end; and therefore willeth them to set before
their eyes in their death immortality, in their pain everlasting
glory; of the which it is written, 'Precious in the sight of the Lord
is the death of his saints.' Item, although before men they suffered
torments, yet their hope is full of immortality; and being vexed in
small things, they shall be well requited in great matters; for the
Lord hath tried them as gold in the fire. And writeth moreover,
admonishing them that it is appointed from the beginning of the
world, that righteousness here should suffer in secular conflicts;
for so just Abel was slain in the beginning of the world, and after
him all just and good men; the prophets also, and the apostles sent
of the Lord himself; unto whom all the Lord first gave an example in
himself, teaching that there is no coming to his kingdom but by that
way which he entered himself, saying by these words, 'He that loveth
his life in this world shall lose it,' &c. And again, 'Fear ye not
them that slay the body, but have no power to slay the soul.' And St.
Paul likewise admonishing all them whosoever covet to be partakers of
the promises of the Lord to follow the Lord, saith, If we suffer
together with him, we shall reign together," &c.

Furthermore, as the same Cyprian doth encourage here the holy martyrs
which were in captivity to persist, so likewise, writing to the
priests and deacons which were free, he exhorteth them to be
serviceable and obsequious with all care and love, to cherish and
embrace them that were in bonds. Cyprian, lib. iii. epist. 6. Whereby
may appear the fervent zeal and care of this good bishop toward the
church of Christ, although being now in exile in the time of this
emperor Gallus.

In the same time, and under the said Gallus, reigning with his son
Volusianus, was also Lucius, bishop of Rome, sent to banishment, who
next succeeded after Cornelius in that bishopric, about the year of
our Lord two hundred fifty and three. Albeit in this banishment he
did not long continue, but returned home to his church, as by the
epistle of St. Cyprian may appear. As to all other bishops of Rome in
those primitive days, certain decretal epistles, with several
ordinances, be ascribed, bearing their names and titles, as hath been
before declared; so also hath Lucius one epistle fathered upon him,
in the which epistle he, writing to the brethren of France and of
Spain, appointeth such an order and form of the church as seemeth not
to agree with the time then present; for so he declareth in that
epistle, that a bishop in all places, whithersoever he goeth, should
have two priests with three deacons waiting upon him, to be witnesses
of all his ways and doings. Which ordinance, although I deny not but
it may be and is convenient, yet I see not how that time of Lucius
could serve then for a bishop to carry such a pomp of priests and
deacons about him, or to study for any such matter; forsomuch as
bishops commonly in those days were seldom free to go abroad, went
they never so secret, but either were in houses close and secret, or
in prison, or else in banishment. Moreover, in the said epistle, how
pompously writeth he to the church of Rome! "This holy and
apostolical Church of Rome, (saith he,) the mother of all churches of
Christ, by the grace of God omnipotent, hath never been proved to
swerve out of the path of apostolical tradition, neither hath ever
fallen or been depraved with heretical innovations; but even as in
the first beginning it received the rule of the apostolical faith by
his first instructors, the princes of the apostles, so it continueth
ever immaculate and undefiled unto the end."

Unto this Lucius also is referred in the decrees of Gratian this
constitution, that no minister whatsoever after his ordination would
at any time re-enter into the chamber of his own wife in pain of
losing his ministry in the church, &c. Eusebius in his seventh book
making mention of the death of Lucius, and not of his martyrdom,
saith that he sat but eight months; but Damasus in his Martyrology
holdeth that he sat three years, and was beheaded the second year of
Valerian and Galienus, emperors; and so doth also Marianus Scotus and
Nauclerus, with other that follow Damasus, affirm the same.

After him came Stephanus, next bishop of Rome following Lucius, whom
Damasus, Platina, and Sabellicus affirm to have sat seven years and
five months, and to die a martyr. Contrary, Eusebius and Volatennus,
holding with him, give him but two years: which part cometh most near
to the truth I leave to the reader's judgment. Of his two epistles
decretal, and of his ordinances out of the same collected, I need not
much to say for two respects; either for that concerning these
decretal epistles suspiciously entitled to the names of the fathers
of the primitive church sufficiently hath been said before; or else
because both the phrase barbarous and incongruous, and also the
matter itself therein contained, is such, that, although no testimony
came against it, yet it easily refelleth itself. As where in the
second epistle he decreeth, "That no bishop being expulsed out of his
seat, or deprived of his goods, ought to be accused of any, or is
bound to answer for himself, before that by the law regularly he be
restored again fully to his former state, and that the primates and
the synod render unto him again all such possessions and fruits as
were taken from him before his accusation, as is agreeing both to the
laws canon and also secular." First, here I would desire the reader a
little to stay, and this to consider with himself, who be these here
meant which either used or might despoil these bishops of their
goods, and expel them from their seats for such wrongful causes, but
only kings and emperors, which at this time were not yet christened,
nor used any such proceedings against these bishops, in such sort as
either primates or synods could restore them again to their places
and possessions. Again, what private goods or possessions had bishops
then to be taken from them, whenas churches yet neither were endowed
with patrimonies nor possessions? And if any treasures were committed
to the church, it pertained not properly to the bishop, but went in
general to the subvention of the poor in the church, as in the
epistle of Cornelius to Fabius may appear, alleged in Eusebius, where
he, speaking of his church, and declaring how there ought to be but
one bishop in the same, inferreth mention of forty and six priests,
seven deacons, with seven subdeacons, forty-two Acoluthes, of widows
and poor afflicted persons to the number of fifteen hundred and
above, found and nourished in the same by the merciful benignity and
providence of God. It followeth more in the end of the said canon,
"Which thing is forbidden both by the laws ecclesiastical, and also
secular," &c. Now what laws secular were in the time of Stephen for
bishops not to be charged with any accusation before they were
restored again to their state, let any reader, marking well the state
of the heathen laws that then were, judge; and in judging I doubt not
but this matter alone, though there were no other, will be enough to
descry the untruth hereof.

Moreover, by divers other probable notes and ar guments in the said
second epistle of Stephanus, it may be easily espied this epistle to
be feigned and misauthorized, especially by the fifth canon of the
said epistle, where he so solemnly treateth of the difference between
primates, metropolitans, and archbishops; which distinction of
degrees and titles, savouring more of ambition than of persecution,
giveth me verily to suppose this epistle not to be written by this
Stephen, but by some other man either of that name, or of some other
time when the church began to be settled in more prosperity, and
orders therein to be taken, for every man to know his degree and
limits of his authority, according as is specified by the sixth and
seventh canon of the Nicene Council, decreeing of the same matter.

The like estimation may be conceived also of the seventh canon of the
said epistle, where he willeth and appointeth all causes judiciary to
be decided and determined within the precinct of their own proper
province, and not to pass over the bounds thereof, unless (saith he)
the appeal be made to the apostolical see of Rome; which savoureth in
my nose rather of a smack of popery, than of the vein of
Christianity, especially in these times, during this terrible
persecution among the bishops of Christ. And thus much of the second
decretal epistle of Stephanus, although of the first epistle also,
written to Hilarius, something may be said; as where he speaketh in
the said epistle of holy vestments, and holy vessels, and other
ornaments of the altar serving to Divine worship, and therefore not
to be touched nor handled of any man, saving of priests alone.
Concerning all which implements my opinion is this; I think the
Church of Rome not to have been in so good state then, that either
Stephanus, or Sixtus before him, being occupied about other more
earnest matters, and scarce able to hide their own heads, had any
mind or cogitation to study upon such unnecessary inventions serving
in public churches; neither do I see how the heathen in those days
would have suffered these ornaments to be unconsumed, which would not
suffer the bishops themselves to live amongst them, notwithstanding
Isidorus and Polydorus judge the contrary. Between this Stephanus and
Cyprian, bishop of Carthage, was a great contention about rebaptizing
of heretics, whereof more hereafter (Christ willing) shall be said.

Besides these bishops above specified, divers other there were also
sent into banishment under the forenamed emperors Gallus and
Volusianus, as appeareth by Dionysius writing to Hermannus on this
wise: That Gallus, not seeing the evil of Decius, nor foreseeing the
occasion of his seduction and ruin, stumbled himself also at the same
stone, lying open before his eyes; for when at the first beginning
his empire went prosperously forward, and alI things went luckily
with him, afterward he drave out holy men, which prayed for his peace
and safeguard, and so with them rejected also the prayers which they
made for him. Otherwise, of any bloodshed or any martyrs that in the
time of this emperor were put to death, we do not read.

After the reign of which emperor Gallus and of his son Volusianus
being expired, (who reigned but two years,) Emilianus, which slew
them both by civil sedition, succeeded in their place, who reigned
but three months, and was also slain. Next to whom Valerianus and his
son Galienus were advanced to the empire.

About the changing of these emperors the persecution which first
began at Decius, and afterward slacked in the time of Gallus, was now
extinguished for a time, partly for the great plague reigning in all
places, partly by the change of the emperors, although it was not
very long. For Valerianus in the first entrance of the empire, for
the space of three or four years, was right courteous and gentle to
the people of God, and well accepted of the senate. Neither was there
any of all the emperors before him, no, not of them which openly
professed Christ, that showed himself so loving and familiar toward
the Christians as he did; insomuch that (as Dionysius writing to
Herman doth testify) all his whole court was replenished with holy
saints, and
servants of Christ and godly persons, so that his house might seem to
be made a church of God. But by the malice of Satan, through wicked
counsel, these quiet days endured not very long. For in process of
time this Valerian being charmed or incensed by a certain Egyptian, a
chief ruler of the heathen synagogue of the Egyptians, a master of
the charmers or enchanters, who indeed was troubled for that he could
not do his magical feats for the Christians, was so far infatuated
and bewitched, that through the detestable provocations of that
devilish Egyptian, he was wholly turned unto abominable idols, and to
execrable impiety, in sacrificing young infants, and quartering
bodies, and dividing the entrails of children new born; and so,
proceeding in his fury, he moved the eighth persecution against the
Christians, whom the wicked Egyptian could not abide, as being the
hinderers and destroyers of his magical enchantings, about the year
of our Lord two hundred fifty and nine.



10. THE EIGHTH PERSECUTION UNDER VALERIAN

 In the which persecution the chief administrators and actors were
Emilianus, president of Egypt, Paternus and Galerius Maximus,
proconsuls in Africa. Bergomensis also maketh mention of Paternus,
vicegerent of Rome, and of Perennius. Vincentius speaketh also of
Nicerius and Claudius, presidents, &c.

What was the chief original cause of this persecution partly is
signified before, where mention was made of the wicked Egyptian; but
as this was the outward and political cause, so St. Cyprian showeth
other causes more special and ecclesiastical in his fourth book,
whose words be these: "But we (saith he) must understand and confess,
that this turbulent oppression and calamity, which hath wasted for
the most part all our whole company, and doth daily consume it,
riseth chiefly of our own wickedness and sins, while we walk not in
the way of the Lord, nor observe his precepts left unto us for our
institution. The Lord observed the will of his Father in all points,
but we observe not the will of the Lord, having all our mind and
study set upon lucre and possessions, given to pride, full of
emulation and dissension, void of simplicity and faithful dealing,
renouncing this world in word only, but nothing in deed, every man
pleasing himself, and displeasing all others. And therefore are we
thus scourged, and worthily; for what stripes and scourges do we not
deserve, when the confessors themselves, (such as have bid the trial
of their confession,) and such as ought to be an example to the rest
of well-doing, do keep no discipline? And therefore because some such
there be, proudly puffed up with this swelling and unmannerly
bragging of their confession, these torments come, such as do not
easily send us to the crown, except by the mercy of God; some, being
taken away by quickness of death, do prevent the tediousness of
punishment. These things do we suffer for our sins and deserts, as by
the Lord's censure we have been forewarned, saying, If they shall
forsake my law, and will not walk in my judgments; if they shall
profane my institutions, and will not observe my precepts; I will
visit their iniquities with the rod, and their transgressions with
scourges. These rods and scourges (saith he) we feel, which neither
please God in our good deeds, nor repent in our evil deeds."
Wherefore the said Cyprian adding this exhortation withal, exhorted
them to pray and entreat from the bottom of their heart and whole
mind the mercy of God, which promiseth, saying, But yet my mercy I
will not scatter from them, &c. Let us ask, and we shall obtain; and
though (saith Cyprian) it be with tarriance, yet, forsomuch as we
have grievously offended, let us continue knocking; for to him that
knocketh it shall be opened, if our prayers, sighings, and weepings
knock still at the door with continuance, and if our prayers be
joined together with brotherly agreement. Moreover, what vices were
then principally reigning among the Christians he further specifieth
in the said epistle, which chiefly were "division and dissension
among the brethren. For when it was spoken to them in a vision by
these words, Pray, and ye shall obtain; afterward it was required of
the congregation there present to direct their prayers for certain
persons assigned to them by name: but they could not agree and
condescend together on the names and persons of them which they
should pray for, but were dissonant in their consent and petition;
which thing (saith Cyprian) did greatly displease him that spake unto
them, Pray, and ye shall obtain, for that there was no uniform
equality of voice and heart, nor one simple and joint concord among
the brethren, whereof it is written in the sixty-seventh Psalm, God
which maketh to dwell in the house together men of one accord." And
so by the occasion hereof he writeth unto them in the foresaid
epistle, and moveth them to prayer and mutual agreement. "For (saith
he) if it be promised in the gospel to be granted whatsoever any two
consenting together shall ask, what shall then the whole church do
agreeing together? Or what if this unanimity were among the whole
fraternity? Which unanimity, (saith Cyprian,) if it had been amongst
the brethren, these evils had not happened to the brethren, if the
brethren had joined together in brotherly unanimity."

After the causes thus declared of this and other persecution, the
said St. Cyprian, moreover, in the forenamed epistle, (worthy to be
read of all men,) describeth likewise a certain vision, wherein was
showed unto him by the Lord before the persecution came what should
happen. The vision was this: "There was a certain aged father
sitting, at whose right hand sat a young man very sad and pensive, as
one with an indignation sorrowful, holding his hand upon his breast,
his countenance heavy and uncheerful. On the left hand sat another
person, having in his hand a net, which he threatened to lay to catch
the people that stood about. And as he was marvelling that saw the
sight thereof, it was said unto him, The young man whom thou seest
sit on the right hand is sad and sorry that his precepts be not
observed. But he on the left hand danceth and is merry, for that
occasion is given him to have power of the aged father to afflict
men. And this vision was seen long before this tempest of persecution
happened, wherein is declared the same that before is said, The sins
of the people to be the cause why Satan in this persecution, and all
others, hath had, and hath still, such power with his net of
destruction to rage against the blood of Christian men, and all
because saith Cyprian we foreslack our praying, or he not so vigilant
therein as we should; wherefore the Lord, because he loveth us,
correcteth us; correcteth us to amend us, amendeth us to save us."

Furthermore, the same Cyprian, and in the same epistle, writing of
his own revelation or message sent to him, thus saith: "And to his
least servant. both sinful and unworthy, (meaning himself,) God of
his tender goodness hath vouchsafed to direct this word: Tell him
(saith he) that he be quiet and of good comfort; for peace will come,
albeit a little stay there is for a while, for that some remain yet
to be proved and tried, &c. And showeth also in the same place of
another revelation of his, wherein he was admonished to be spare in
his feeding, and sober in his drink, lest his mind, given to heavenly
meditation, might be carried away with worldly allurements, or,
oppressed with too much surfeit of meats and drinks, should be less 
apt or able to prayer and spiritual exercise."

Finally, in the latter end of the foresaid epistle mention also
followeth of other revelations or showings: "Wherein the Lord (saith
Cyprian) doth vouchsafe to many of his servants to foreshow to come
the restoring of his church, the stable quiet of our health and
safeguard; after rain fair weather, after darkness light, after
stormy tempest peaceable calm, the fatherly help of his love, the
wont and old glory of his Divine Majesty; whereby both the blasphemy
of the persecutor shall be repressed, and the repentance of such as
have fallen be reformed, and the strong and stable confidence of them
that stand shall rejoice and glory." Thus much hath St. Cyprian
written of these things to the clergy, lib. 4. epist. 4.

As touching now the crimes and accusations in this persecution laid
to the charge of the Christians, this was the principal: first,
because they refused to do worship to their idols and to the
emperors; then for that they professed the name of Christ: besides,
all the calamities and evils that happened in the world, as wars,
famine, and pestilence, were imputed only to the Christians. Against
all which quarrelling accusations Cyprian doth eloquently defend the
Christians, like as Tertullian had done before, "And first touching
the objection, for not worshipping idols, he cleareth the Christians
both in his book against Demetrian, and also On the Vanity of Idols,
proving those idols to be no true gods; but images of certain dead
kings, which neither could save themselves from death, nor such as
worship them. The true God to be but one, and that by the testimony
of Sosthenes, Plato, and Trismegistus, the which God the Christians
do truly worship. And as concerning that the Christians were thought
to be the cause of public calamities, because they worshipped not the
Gentiles' idols, he purgeth the Christians thereof, proving that if
there be any defect in increase of things, it is not to be ascribed 
to them, but rather to the decrease of nature, languishing now
towards her age and latter end. Again, for that it hath been so
foresaid and prophesied, that towards the end of the world should
come wars, famine, and pestilence. Moreover, if there be any cause
thereof more proper than other, it is most like to be imputed to
their vain idolatry, and to the contempt of the true God. Also that
such evils be increased by the wickedness of the people, so that, to
speak in his own words, famine cometh more by avarice of men than by
drought of the air, but especially the cause thereof to proceed of
the cruel shedding of the innocent blood of the Christians."

Thus with many other more probations doth Cyprian defend the
Christians against the barbarous exclamations of the heathen
Gentiles. Of which Cyprian, for so much as he suffered in the time of
this persecution, I mind (Christ willing) to recapitulate here in
ample discourse the full sum, first of his life and bringing up, then
of his death and martyrdom, as the worthiness of that man deserveth
to be remembered. Of this Cyprian therefore, otherwise named Statius,
thus write Nicephorus, Nazianzenus, Jacobus de Voragine, Henricus de
Erfordia, Volateranus, Hieronymus, and others: that he, being an
African, and born in Carthage, first was an idolater and Gentile,
altogether given to the study and practice of the magical arts; of
whose parentage and education in letters from his youth no mention is
made, but that he was a worthy rhetorician in Africa; of whose
conversion and baptism he himself, in his first book and second
epistle, writeth a flourishing and eloquent history. Which his
conversion unto the Christian faith, as Jerome affirmeth in his
Commentary upon Jonas, was through the grace of God, and the means of
Cecilius a priest, whose name after he bare, and through the occasion
of hearing the history of the prophet Jonas. The same Jerome,
moreover, testifieth how he, immediately upon his conversion,
distributed among the poor all his substance, and after that, being
ordained a priest, was not long after constituted bishop of the
congregation of Carthage. But whether he succeeded Agrippinus, of
whom he often maketh mention, (which also was the first author of
rebaptization,) or some other bishop of Carthage, it remaineth
uncertain. But this is most true, he himself shined in his office and
dignity with such good gifts and virtues, that, as Nazianzenus
writeth, he had the government of the whole east church, and church
of Spain, and was called the bishop of the Christian men.

And to the further setting forth (to the praise of God) of his godly
virtues wherewith he was endowed, appearing as well in His own works
to them that list to peruse the same, as also described by other
worthy writers; he was courteous and gentle, loving and full of
patience, and therewithal sharp and severe in his office, according
as the cause required, as appeareth in his first book and third
epistle. Furthermore, he was most loving and kind toward his
brethren, and took much pains in helping and relieving the martyrs,
as appeareth by his letters to the elders and deacons of his
bishopric, that with all study and endeavour they should gently
entertain and show pleasure unto the martyrs in his absence, as
partly is touched before.

The third epistle of his first book doth declare of what stomach and
godly courage he was in executing his office, and handling his
matters. Neither was he void of prudence and circumspection, but was
adorned with marvellous modesty, whereby he attempted nothing upon
his own head and judgment, but with the consent of his fellow bishops
and other inferior ministers; and that chiefly (among others) doth
the tenth epistle of his third book witness. He was of a marvellous
liberal disposition towards the poor brethren of other countries; for
so often as he had cause of absence, he committed the care of those
poor men to his fellow officers, and wrote unto them, that of their
own proper goods they would help their banished brethren to that
which was necessary for them, as witnesseth the twenty and fourth
epistle of his third book. He recited among other gifts wherewith he
was endued, as touching the visions and heavenly admonitions of the
persecutions that should follow, and of other matters touching the
government of the church, in his first book and third epistle, and
fourth book and fourth epistle, where he reciteth and expoundeth the
form or manner of a certain vision, which we have before sufficiently
expressed.

He had, moreover, great skill in the foreknowledge of things that
should chance, as may be gathered in the sixth epistle of his fourth
book. Also Augustine doth attribute unto him many worthy virtues, who
writeth much in setting forth his gifts of humility in his second
book of Baptism, the fourth chapter, against the Donatists; and in
his seventh book and eleventh chapter, of his long-sufferance and
patience, also of his courtesy and meekness; by which virtues he
concealed nothing that he understood, but uttered the same meekly and
patiently. Also that he kept the ecclesiastical peace and concord
with those that were of another opinion than he was of. Lastly, that
he neither circumvented nor did prejudice any man, but followed that
thing which seemed good in his judgment, it is manifest in St.
Augustine's first book on Baptism against the Donatists. Neither is
this to be passed with silence, that Jerome writeth that he was very
diligent in reading, especially the works of Tertullian; for he saith
that he saw a certain old man, whose name was Paulus, which told him
he saw the notary of blessed Cyprian, being then an old man, when he
himself was but a springall in the city of Rome, and told him that it
was Cyprian's wont never to let one day pass without some reading of
Tertullian, and that he was accustomed often-times to say unto him,
Give me my master, meaning thereby Tertullian.

Now a few words touching his exile and martyrdom. Of his epistles
which he wrote back to his congregation, leading his life in exile,
mention is made above, wherein he showeth the virtue beseeming a
faithful pastor, in that he took no less care as well of his own
church, as of other bishops, being absent, than he did being present.
Wherein also he himself doth signify that voluntarily he absented
himself, lest he should do more hurt than good to the congregation,
by reason of his presence, as is likewise declared before. Thus from
the desolate places of his banishment, wherein he was oftentimes
sought for, he writeth unto his brethren, as in his third book and
tenth epistle is manifest, which thing seemeth to be done in the
reign of Decius or Gallus. But after that he returned again out of
exile in the reign of this Valerianus, he was also after that the
second time banished of Paternus, the proconsul of Africa, into the
city of Thurbin, as the oration of Augustine touching Cyprian
showeth; or else, as Pontius the deacon saith, into a city named
Furabilitana, or Curabilitana. But when Paternus the proconsul was
dead, Galienus Maximus succeeded in the room and office of Paternus,
who, finding Cyprian in a garden, caused him to be apprehended by his
serjeants, and to be brought before the idols to offer sacrifice;
which, when he would not do, then the proconsul, breaking forth in
these words, said, Long hast thou lived in a sacrilegious mind, and
hast gathered together men of a wicked conspiracy, and hast showed
thyself an enemy to the gods of the Romans, and to their holy laws;
neither could the sacred emperors Valerianus and Galie nus revoke
thee to the sect of their ceremonies. At length the wicked tyrant
condemning him to have his head cut off, he patiently and willingly
submitted his neck to the stroke of the sword, as Jerome affirmeth.
And so this blessed martyr ended this present life in the Lord,
Xixtus then being bishop of Rome, as Eusebius noteth, in the year of
our Lord two hundred fifty and nine. Sabellicus saith that he was
martyred in the reign of Gaflus and Volusianus, Lucius being bishop
of Rome; but that seemeth not like.

As we have hitherto set forth the commendation of Cyprian, this
blessed martyr; so must we now take heed again that we do not here
incur the old and common danger which the papists are commonly
accustomed to run into, whose fault is always almost to be immoderate
and excessive in their proceedings, making too much almost of every
thing. So, in speaking of the holy sacraments, they make more of them
than doth the nature of sacraments require; not using them, but
abusing them; not referring or applying them, but adoring them; not
taking them in their kind for things godly, as they are, but taking
them for God himself; turning religion into superstition, and the
creature to the Creator, the things signifying to the things
themselves signified, &c. To the church likewise, and ceremonies of
the church, to general councils, to the blessed virgin Mary, mother
of Christ, to the bishop of Rome, and to all other in like case; not
contented to attribute that which is sufficient, they exceed moreover
the bounds of judgment and verity, judging so of the church and
general councils, as though they could never, or did never, err in
any jot. That the blessed mother of Christ amongst all women was
blessed, and a virgin full of grace, the Scripture and truth doth
give; but to say that she was born without all original sin, or to
make of her an advocate or mother of mercy, there they run further
than truth will bear. The ceremonies were first ordained to serve but
only for order's sake, unto the which they have attributed so much at
length, that they have set in them a great part of our religion, yea,
and also salvation. And what thing is there else almost wherein the
papists have not exceeded?

Wherefore, to avoid this common error of the papists, we must beware
in commending the doctors and writers of the church, and so commend
them, that truth and consideration go with our commendation. For
though this cannot be denied, but that holy Cyprian, and other
blessed martyrs, were holy men; yet, notwithstanding, they were men,
that is, such as might have and had their falls and faults; men, I
say, and not angels, nor gods; saved by God, not saviours of men, nor
patrons of grace. And though they were also men of excellent
learning, and worthy doctors, yet with their learning they had their
errors also annexed. And though their books be (as they ought to he)
of great authority, yet ought they not to be equal with the
Scriptures. And albeit they said well in most things, yet it is not
therefore enough that what they said must stand for a truth. That
pre-eminence of authority only helongeth to the word of God, and not
to the pen of man. For of men and doctors, be they never so famous,
there is none that is void of his reprehension. In Origen, although
in his time the admiration of his learning was singular, yet how many
things be there which the church now holdeth not, but examining him
by Scriptures, where he said well they admit him, where otherwise,
they leave him. In Polycarp, the church hath corrected and altered
that which he did hold in celebrating the Easter-day after the Jews.
Neither can holy and blessed Ignatius be defended in all his sayings;
as where he maketh the fasting upon the Sunday or the sabbath day as
great an offence as to kill Christ himself; contrary to this saying
of St. Paul, "Let no man judge you in meat and drink:" also where the
said Ignatius speaketh concerning virginity, and of other things
more. Irenĉus did hold that man was not made perfect in the
beginning. He seemeth also to defend free-will in man in those things
also that be spiritual. He saith that Christ suffered after he was
fifty years old, abusing this place of the Gospel," Then said the
Jews unto him, Thou art not yet fifty years old, and hast thou seen
Abraham?" John viii. 57. Tertullian (whom St. Cyprian never laid out
of his hands almost) is noted to be a Chiliast; also to have been of
Montanus's sect. The same did hold also, with Justin, Cyprian, and
others, that the angels fell first for the concupiscence of women. He
defendeth free-will of man after the corruption of nature, inclining
also to the error of them which defend the possibility of keeping
God's law. Concerning marriage, We know (saith he) one marriage, as
we know one God; condemning the second marriage. Divers other things
of like absurdity in him be noted. Justin also seemeth to have
inclined unto the error of the Chiliasts, of the fall of certain
angels by women, of free-will of man, of possibility of keeping the
law, and such others. Neither was this our Cyprian, the great scholar
of Tertullian, utterly exempt from the blot of them who, contrary to
the doctrine of the church, did hold with rebap tizing of such as
were before baptized of heretics, whereof speaketh St. Augustine,
misliking the same error of Cyprian. Upon the which matter there was
a great contention between the said Cyprian and Stephen bishop of
Rome, as partly afore is noted. Of Augustine himself likewise, of
Ambrose, Hierom, Chrysostom, the same may be said, that none of them
all so clearly passed away, but their peculiar faults and errors went
with them, whereof it were too long, and out of our purpose, at this
present to treat. And thus much concerning the story of Cyprian the
holy learned martyr of Christ.

Albeit here is to be noted by the way, touching the life and story of
Cyprian, that this Cyprian was not he whom the narration of Nazianzen
speaketh of, (as is above mentioned,) who from art magic was
converted to be a Christian, which Cyprian was a citizen of Antioch,
and afterward bishop of the same city, and was martyred under
Dioclesian; whereas this Cyprian was bishop of Carthage, and died
under Valerianus, as is said. By the decrees of Gratian, it
appeareth, moreover, that there was also a third Cyprian in the time
of Julianus, the emperor apostate, long after both these aforenamed;
for so giveth the title prefixed before the said distinction, Cyprian
to the emperor Julian; the distinction beginning, Quoniam idem
Mediator Dei et hominum, homo Christus Jesus, sic actibus propriis,
et dignitatibus distinctis officia potestatis utriusque discernit,
&c. Upon the which distinction the gloss cometh in with these words,
saying that the popedom and the seat imperial have both one beginning
of one, that is, Christ, who was both Bishop and King of kings. And
that the said dignities be distinct, albeit the pope notwithstanding
hath both the swords in his hand, and may exercise them both
sometimes together. "And therefore although they be distinct, yet in
exercise the one standeth lineally under the other; so that the
imperial dignity is subject under the papal dignity, as the inferior
is subject under the superior; that as there is one Ruler over the 
whole world, which is God; so in the church is one monarch, that is,
the pope, to whom the Lord hath committed the power and lawful right
both of the heavenly and terrene dominion."

Thus much I thought here to note by the way, because this distinction
is fathered upon Cyprian, which is false; for this Cyprian was not in
the time of Julian, not by two hundred years, and so likewise the
other Cyprian, which died martyr under Dioclesian. Of any Cyprian
besides these two we read not; neither is it credible, that if there
were any such Cyprian, he would ever have written of any such matter,
of the difference and mutual need of Christian emperors and Christian
popes; whenas that emperor, being an apostate, neither regarded
Christ, nor cared for any pope.

About this time, and under the same emperor Valerianus, suffered also
Xistus, or Sixtus, the second of that name, bishop of Rome, who,
being accused of his adversaries to be a Christian: was brought with
his six deacons to the place of execution, where he, with Nemesius,
and other his deacons, were beheaded and suffered martyrdom. Laurence
in the same time, being also deacon, followed after, complaining to
Xistus, (as one being grieved,) that he might not also suffer with
him, but to be secluded as the son from the father. To whom the
bishop answering again, declared that within three days he should
follow after. In the mean time he willed him to go home, and to
distribute his treasures, if he had any, unto the poor. The judge,
belike hearing mention to be made of treasures to be given to the
poor, and thinking that Laurence had great store of treasure in his
custody, commanded him to bring the same unto him, according as in
the discourse of his story hereunder written more fully may appear.
Which history, because it is set forth more at large in Prudentius,
Ambrose, and other writers, and containeth in it more things worthy
to be noted of the reader, we have therefore with the more diligence
here inserted the more ample description of the same, to the further
admiration of his patience, and God's glory showed in him.

Now then, as order requireth, let us enter the story of that most
constant and courageous martyr of Christ St. Laurence, whose words
and works deserve to be as fresh and green in Christian hearts as is
the flourishing laurel tree. This thirsty heart, longing after the
water of life, desirous to pass unto it through the strait door of
bitter death, when on a time he saw his vigilant shepherd Xistus led
as a harmless lamb of harmful tyrants to his death, cried out with
open mouth and heart invincible, saying, O dear father, whither goest
thou without the company of thy dear son? Whither hastenest thou, O
reverend priest, without thy deacon? Never wast thou wont to offer
sacrifice without thy minister. What crime is there in me that
offendeth thy fatherhood? Hast thou proved me unnatural? Now try,
sweet father, whether thou hast chosen a faithful minister or not.
Deniest thou unto him the fellowship of thy blood, to whom thou hast
committed the distribution of the Lord's blood? See that thy judgment
be not misliked, whilst thy fortitude is liked and lauded. The
abasing of the scholar is the disgracing of the master. What! have we
not learned that worthy masters have obtained most worthy fame by the
worthy acts of their disciples and scholars? Finally, Abraham
sacrificed his only begotten Isaac; stoned Stephen prepared the way
to preaching Peter: even so, father, declare thy manifold virtues by
me thy son. Offer thou him that proffereth himself; grant that the
body of thy scholar may be sacrificed, whose mind with good letters
thou hast beautified. These words with tears St. Laurence uttered,
not because his master should suffer, but for that he might not be
suffered to taste of death's cup which he thirsted after.

Then Xistus to his son shaped this answer: I forsake thee not, O my
son; I give thee to wit that a sharper conflict remaineth for thee. A
feeble and weak old man am I, and therefore run the race of a lighter
and easier death; but lusty and young thou art, and more lustily,
yea, more gloriously, shalt thou triumph over this tyrant: thy time
approacheth, cease to weep and lament, three days after thou shalt
follow me; decent it is that this space of time come between the
priest and the Levite. It may not beseem thee, O sweet pupil, to
triumph under thy master, lest it be said he wanted a helper. Why
cravest thou to be partaker with me in my passion? I bequeath unto
thee the whole inheritance. Why requirest thou to enjoy my presence?
Let weak scholars go before, and the stronger come after, that those
without master may get the victory, which have no need by master to 
be governed. So Helias left behind him his beloved Heliseus. I yield
up into thy hands the succession of my virtues. Such was their
contention, not unmeet for so godly a priest and so zealous a
minister, striving with themselves who should first suffer for the
name of Christ Jesus.

In tragical histories we have it mentioned, that through joy and
admiration people clapped their hands, when Pilades named himself
Orestes, Orestes (as truth it was) affirmed himself to be Orestes;
Pilades wishing to die for Orestes, Orestes not suffering Pilades to
lose his life for his sake; but neither of them might escape death;
for both these lovers were guilty of blood, the one committing the
fact, the other consenting. But this our Laurence, the martyr most
constant, was by no means enforced to make this proffer, saving only
by his ardent zeal and fervent spirit, who, thirsting after the cup
of martyrdom, had it shortly after filled to the hard brim.

(Illustration: St. Lawrence being tortured )


Now let us draw near to the fire of martyred Laurence, that our cold
hearts may be warmed thereby. The merciless tyrant, understanding
this virtuous Levite not only to be a minister of the sacraments, but
a distributer also of the church riches, (whereof mention is made
before in the words of Xistus,) promised to himself a double prey by
the apprehension of one silly soul. First with the rake of avarice to
scrape to himself the treasure of poor Christians; then with the
fiery fork of tyranny so to toss and turmoil them, that they should
wax weary of their profession. With furious face and cruel
countenance the greedy wolf demanded where this deacon Laurence had
bestowed the substance of the church? who craving three days'
respite, promised to declare where the treasure might be had. In the
mean time, he caused a good number of poor Christians to be
congregated. So when the day of his answer was come, the persecutor
strictly charged him to stand to his promise. Then valiant Laurence,
stretching out his arms over the poor, said, These are the precious
treasure of the church, these are the treasure indeed, in whom the
faith of Christ reigneth, in whom Jesus Christ hath his mansion-
place. What more precious jewels can Christ have than those in whom
he hath promised to dwell? For so it is written, I was hungry, and ye
gave me to eat; I was thirsty, and ye gave me to drink; I was
harbourless, and ye lodged me. And again, Look what ye have done to
the least of these, the same have ye done to me. What greater riches
can Christ our Master possess than the poor people, in whom he loveth
to be seen? Oh what tongue is able to express the fury and madness of
the tyrant's heart? Now he stamped, he stared, he raged, he fared as
one out of his wits; his eyes like fire glowed, his mouth like a boar
foamed, his teeth like a hell-hound grinded. Now not a reasonable
man, but a roaring lion, he might be called. "Kindle the fire (he
cried); of wood make no spare. Hath this villain deluded the emperor?
Away with him, away with him; whip him with scourges, jerk him with
rods, buffet him with fists, brain him with clubs. Jesteth the
traitor with the emperor? Pinch him with fiery tongs, gird him with
burning plates, bring out the strongest chains, and the fire forks,
and the grated bed of iron: on the fire with it, bind the rebel hand
and foot; and when the bed is fire hot, on with him; roast him, broil
him, toss him, turn him: on pain of our high displeasure do every man
his office, O ye tormentors." The word was no sooner spoken but all
was done.

After many cruel handlings, this meek lamb was laid, I will not say
on his fiery bed of iron, but on his soft bed of down. So mightily
God wrought with his martyr Laurence, so miraculously God tempered
his element the fire, not a bed of consuming pain, but a pallet of
nourishing rest, was it unto Laurence. Not Laurence, but the emperor,
might seem to be tormented; the one broiling in the flesh, the other
burning in the heart. When this triumphant martyr had been pressed
down with firepikes for a great space, in the mighty Spirit of God he
spake to the vanquished tyrant:

This side is now roasted enough, turn up, O tyrant great;
Assay whether roasted or raw thou thinkest the better meat.


O rare and unaccustomed patience! O faith invincible! that not only
not burnest, but by means unspeakable dost recreate, refresh,
stablish, and strengthen those that are burned, afflicted, and
troubled. And why so mightily comfortest thou the persecuted? Because
through thee they believe in God's promises infallible. By thee this
glorious martyr overcometh his torments, vanquisheth this tyrant,
confoundeth his enemies, confirmeth the
Christians, sleepeth in peace, and reigneth in glory. The God of
might and mercy grant us grace, by the life of Laurence to learn in
Christ to live, and by his death to learn for Christ to die. Amen.

Such is the wisdom and providence of God, that the blood of his dear
saints (like good seed) never falleth in vain to the ground, but it
bringeth some increase: so it pleased the Lord to work at the
martyrdom of this holy Laurence, that, by the constant confession of
this worthy and valiant deacon, a certain soldier of Rome, being
therewith conscience stricken and converted to the same faith,
desired forthwith to be baptized of him; for the which he, being
called for of the judge, was scourged, and afterward beheaded.

Under the same Valerianus suffered also Dionysius, bishop of
Alexandria, much affliction and banishment, with certain other
brethren; of the which he writeth himself, and is alleged in the
ecclesiastical story of Eusebius, the words whereof tend to this
effect. Dionysius, with three of his deacons, to wit, Maximus,
Faustus, and Cheremon, also with a certain brother of Rome, came to
Emilianus, then president, who were declared unto them, in
circumstance of words, how he had signified unto them the clemency of
his lords and emperors, who had granted them pardon of life, so that
they would return to them, and worship the gods and keepers (as he
called them) of their empire, asking them what answer they would give
him thereunto; trusting, as he said, that they would not show
themselves ungrateful to the clemency of them which so gently did
exhort them. To this Dionysius answering, said, All men worship not
all gods, but divers men divers gods; so as every one hath in himself
a mind or fantasy to worship. But we worship not many nor divers
gods, but only that one God who is the Creator of all things, and
hath committed to our lords, Valerianus and Gallienus, the government
of their empire, making to him our prayers incessantly for their
prosperous health and continuance. Then the president said, And what
hurt is it, sith that you may both worship your God, what god soever
he be, and these our gods also? For you are commanded to worship such
gods as all men know to be gods. Dionysius answered, We worship none
other but as we have said. Emilianus, the president, said, I see ye
are ungrateful men, and consider not the benignity of the emperor;
wherefore you shall remain no longer in this city, but shall be sent
out to the parts of Libya, unto a town called Cephro; for that place
by the commandment of the emperor I have chosen for you. Neither
shall it be lawful for you to convent your assemblies, or to resort
as ye are wont to your burial-places. And if any of you shall be
found out of your places whereunto you are appointed, at your peril
be it. And think not contrary but ye shall be watched well enough.
Depart, therefore, to the place, as is commanded you. And it
followeth more, in the said Dionysius speaking of himself, And as for
me, (saith he,) although I was sick, yet he urged me so strictly to
depart, that he would not give me one day's respite. And how (said
he, writing to Germanus) could I congregate or not congregate any
assemblies? And after a few lines it followeth, And yet neither am I
altogether absent from the corporal society of the Lord's flock, but
I have collected them together which were in the city, being absent,
as though I had been present; absent in body, yet present in spirit.
And in the same Cephro a great congregation remained with me, as well
of those brethren which followed me out of the city, as also of them
which were remaining there out of Egypt. And there the Lord opened to
me the door of his word: although at the first entrance I was
persecuted and stoned among them, yet afterward a great number of
them fell from their idols, and were converted unto the Lord. And so
by us the word was preached to them which before were infidels; which
ministry, after that we had accomplished there, the Lord removed us
to another place. For Emilianus translated us from thence to more
sharp and stricter places of Libya, and commanded us to meet all
together at the city Mareota; thinking there to separate us severally
into sundry villages, or thinking rather to take and prevent us by
the way. After we were come thither, it was assigned to me (saith
Dionysius) to go to Colluthion, which place I never heard of before,
which was the more grief to me; yet some solace it was to me, that
the brethren told me it was near to a city named Paretonium. For as
my being at Cephro got me the acquaintance of many brethren of Egypt,
so my hope was, that the vicinity of that place (where I should be)
to the city might procure the familiarity and concourse of certain
loving brethren, which would resort and assemble with us, and so it
came to pass, &c.

Moreover, the said Dionysius in his epistle, to Domitius and Dydimus,
making mention of them which were afflicted in this persecution of
Valerian, recordeth these words, It were superfluous (saith he) here
to recite the names peculiarly of all our brethren slain in this
persecution, which both were many, and to me unknown. But this is
certain, that there were men, women, young men, maidens, old wives,
soldiers, simple innocents, and of all sorts and ages of men. Of whom
some with scourges and fire, some with sword, obtained victory, and
got the crown. Some continued a great time, and yet have been
reserved. In the which number am I reserved hitherto to some other
opportune time known unto the Lord, which saith, "In the time
accepted I have heard thee, and in the day of salvation I have helped
thee," &c. Now as concerning myself, in what state I am, if thou
desire to know first how I, and Caius, and Faustus, Petrus and
Paulus, being apprehended by the centurion, were taken away by
certain of the town of Mareota, I have declared to you before. Now I,
and Caius, and Petrus alone are left here included in a waste place
of Libya, distant the space of three days' journey from Paretonium,
&c. And in process further he addeth, In the city (saith he) were
certain which privily visit the brethren; of priests, Maximus,
Dioscorus, Demetrius, and Lucius. For they which were more notable in
the world, Faustinus and Aquila, do wander abroad in Egypt. Of the
deacons, besides them whom sickness hath consumed, Faustus, Eusebius,
and Cheremon are yet alive. Eusebius hath God raised and stirred up
to minister to the confessors lying in bands, and to bury the bodies
of the blessed martyrs, not without great peril. Neither doth the
president cease yet to this day, cruelly murdering such as be brought
before him, tearing some with torments, imprisoning and keeping some
in custody, commanding that no man should come to them, inquiring
also who resorted unto them. Yet notwithstanding God with
cheerfulness and daily resort of the brethren doth comfort the
afflicted.

Concerning these deacons above recited, here is to be noted, that
Eusebius afterward was made bishop of Laodicea in Syria. Maximus the
priest aforesaid had the ministration of the church of Alexandria
after Dionysius. Faustus long after continued in great age, unto the
later persecution, where he, being a very old man, at length was
beheaded, and died a martyr.

As touching Dionysius himself, thus the stories report, that he
surviving all these troubles and persecutions, by the providence of
God, continued after the death of Valerian unto the twelfth year of
the reign of Gallienus, which was about the year of our Lord two
hundred threescore and eight; and so departed in peace in great age,
after that he had governed the church of Alexandria the space of
seventeen years, and before that had taught the school of the said
city of Alexandria the term of sixteen years, after whom succeeded
Maximus, as is above specified. And thus much touching the full story
of Dionysius Alexandrinus, and of other also, martyrs and confessors
of Alexandria.

In Cesarea Palestine suffered also the same time Priscus, Malchus,
and Alexander, the which three dwelling in the country, and good men,
seeing the valiant courage of the Christians, so boldly to venture,
and constantly to stand, and patiently to suffer in this persecution,
as men being grieved with themselves, began to repent and accuse
their so great sluggishness and cowardly negligence, to see others so
zealous and valiant, and themselves so cold and faint-hearted, in
labouring for the crown of Christian martyrdom; and first consulting
and agreeing with themselves, they came to Cesarea, and there
stepping to the judge, declared themselves what they were, and
obtained the end they came for, being given to the wild beasts. After
which manner also, and in the same city of Cesarea, a certain woman,
whose name Eusebius expresseth not, who had been before of the sect
of Marcion, was brought before the president, and likewise obtained
the same martyrdom.

Neither was the city of Carthage all this while free from the stroke
of this persecution, if credit should be given to the speculative
glass of Vincentius, who, citing it out of Hugo, recordeth of three
hundred martyrs, of which three hundred martyrs the story saith thus:
that the president setting before them coals and incense to do
sacrifice by a lime kiln, which was there near at hand, offered unto
them this condition, either to set incense to the coals for sacrifice
to Jupiter, or else to go into the furnace of lime; whereupon they
all together with a general motion suddenly rushed into the kiln, and
there with the dusty smoke of the lime were smothered.

In Africa also, in the city of Tuburba, the said Vicentius, out of
the Martyrology, inferreth mention of three constant virgins, Maxima,
Donatilla, and Secunda; who, in the persecution of this Valerian and
Gallienus, first had given for their drink vinegar and gall, then
with scourges were tried, after that upon the gibbet were tormented
and rubbed with lime, then were scorched upon the fiery gridiron, at
last were cast to the wild beasts; who, being not touched of them,
finally with the sword were beheaded.

In Simela, a city in Italy, under the Alps, one Pontius, being there
apprehended, by the commandment of Claudius the president, was hanged
first upon the rack, then was cast to the wild beasts, of whom he
being nothing hurt, was after committed to the fire; and, finally,
not touched therewith, (if the story of Vincentius be true,) was
beheaded by the river's side, and his body thrown into the flood;
where, immediately the same hour, the foresaid Claudius, with his
assistant Anabius, were taken with wicked spirits, by whom they were
so miserably vexed, that they bit off their tongues, and died.

Zenon, bishop of Verona, is said also in the same persecution to
sustain martyrdom.

Moreover, in the same city of Alexandria aforesaid, Bergomensis in
his eighth book, writing of the story of Valerianus, emperor, maketh
mention of Philippus, bishop of the said see of Alexandria, who (as
he saith) was under the said Valerian beheaded. But that is not to be
found in any approved story, nor standeth it with the truth of time
that any such Philip was then bishop of Alexandria, or any other,
except only Dionysius. After whom next succeeded Maximus, who
remained eighteen years, and after him Theonas, &c. So that, by the
ancient records of old writers, it appeareth not that Philippus or
any other of that name was bishop of Alexandria during this time
signified by Bergomensis.

Although in some other later writers, as Equilinus, Antoninus, and
Bergomensis, I find a certain history of one Philippus, president of
Alexandria, about the same time of Valerian and Gallienus, elected by
the emperor and senate of Rome to govern those quarters, where he was
at length converted to the Christian faith, and after made priest, or
bishop (as they say) of Alexandria; but that not to be so the
testimony of ancient writers doth manifest. The history of this
Philippus, witnessed in our later chronicles, is this: Philippus
being promoted to the presidentship of Alexandria, came down with his
wife Claudia, and his two sons, Avitus and Sergius, and with his
daughter, named Eugenia; of the which Eugenia a long history full of
strange and prodigious miracles is written of Antoninus and others,
whereof many things I will cut off, and briefly touch the effect of
the story, leaving to the judgment of the reader the credit of mine
authors, as he shall see cause.

This Eugenia, daughter of Philippus, being of singular beauty, and
diligently brought up by her parents in the study of science and
learning, was by occasion of hearing Christians reduced and brought
up to Christianity, with two other eunuchs, her school-fellows,
called Prothus and Hiacinthus; with whom she taking counsel, upon
occasion (whether to avoid the danger of persecution, or refusing to
marry with a pagan) unknown to her parents and friends, did fly away;
and because the more boldly she might resort to hear the readings of
Helenus, then an aged bishop, and of others, she changed herself into
man's apparel, and named herself Eugenius, under the which name she
was at length admitted unto a certain monastery, or a society of
Christians in the suburbs of Alexandria, (although I hardly believe
that any monastery of Christians was then in the suburbs of
Alexandria permitted,) where also, at the last, for her excellency of
learning and virtue, she was made head of the place.

Here, by the way, I omit the miracles of the foresaid Helenus, bishop
(as the story saith) of Hieropolis; how he carried burning coals in
his lap, and how he adventured himself to go in the burning fire, to
refel wicked Zereas, a pagan, remaining in the same unburned. Here
also I omit the careful search of her parents for her, and of the
answer of the Pythoness again unto them, that she was taken up to
heaven among the goddesses. I omit moreover the miracles done by the
said Eugenia, in healing the diseases and sicknesses of such as came
to her, &c. The story proceedeth thus: Among others which were by
this Eugenius cured and restored, there was a certain matron of
Alexandria, named Melancia; who, after she had used the help and
acquaintance of Eugenius, supposing her to be a man, fell into an
inordinate love of her, seeking by all means how to accomplish the
lust of her concupiscence. Insomuch that in her daily visiting of
her, at length she began secretly to break her mind, and to entice
her to her lewdness. Eugenius contrarily exhorted her to virtue and
honesty, showing her the miseries of this life, and the peril of that
folly. Melancia seeing that by no means she would be allured, nor by
force drawn to her desire, and fearing moreover that she, in
detecting of her, would bring her to shame, beginneth first to make
an outcry of Eugenius, declaring how that she went about corruptly to
deflour her; and so presented her accusation before Philippus the
president, as well against Eugenius, as also against the rest of that
company. This matter being heard, and the woman well known, the crime
began to seem suspicious, and so much the more, because it was
objected against the Christians. By reason whereof Eugenius with her
fellow Christians was now not only in great hatred, but also in
danger of present death and destruction. Then Eugenius purging
herself and her honesty, although with sufficient probation, yet,
notwithstanding, perceiving that whatsoever she said could take no
place, and seeing no time now dissemble any longer, for the danger as
well of her own self, as specially of her brethren, which troubled
her more; she desired of the judge place and time to make manifest to
him the truth, and so showed herself what she was, and how she was
his daughter, the other to be Prothus and Hiacinthus, the two
eunuchs, her school-fellows, uttering, moreover, to him and to her
brethren, the cause of her departing from them. At the narration
whereof, Philippus her father, and her two brethren, coming to the
knowledge of her, conceived no little joy, in receiving their Eugenia
again, whom they thought had been lost. No less gladness was among
the people, to see the evidence of the matters so plainly to try out
the truth of the one, and the falseness of the other. Whereat the
malig nant accuser was with double shame confounded, first for her
dishonesty falsely cloaked, secondly for the untruth of her
accusation openly detected. Bergomensis addeth, moreover, that the
said accuser was stricken presently with lightning. Thus Eugenia,
trying her honesty to her parents and friends, was not only received
of them again, but also, by the grace of the Lord working with her,
in the space of time did win them to Christ. Whereby Philippus, the
father of her by nature, now by grace was begotten of his own
daughter to a more perfect life; and whom once he thought to have
been lost, not only he found again, but also with her found his own
soul and his own life, which before he had lost indeed. This
Philippus (saith the story) was made afterward bishop of Alexandria,
and there suffered martyrdom. Concerning whose martyrdom I deny not
but it may be true; but that he was bishop of Alexandria, that cannot
be admitted, as is before sufficiently proved out of Eusebius and
other ancient historians.

Likewise it is said, that Eugenia, after the martyrdom of her father,
returning to Rome with Prothus and Hiacinthus, by occasion of
converting Basilla (who should have been married to a pagan husband,
and was then beheaded) to the Christian faith, was assailed with
sundry kinds of death: first being tied to a great stone and cast
into Tiber, where she was carried up from drowning; then put in the
hot baths, which were extinguished, and she preserved; afterward by
famishment in prison, where they say she was fed at the hand of our
Saviour: all which legendary miracles I leave to the reader to judge
of them as shall seem good unto him. At last the story saith she was
with the sword beheaded.

And because in this present history mention was made of Helenus, whom
Antoninus with his fellows noteth to be the bishop of Hieropolis,
here is to be understood and observed, by the way, that as Philippus
in the foresaid history is falsely said to be bishop of Alexandria,
so likewise untrue it is that Helenus was bishop of Hieropolis. For
by Eusebius it appeareth, alleging the words of Dionysius, that he
was bishop of Tarsus in Cilicia, and had there oversight of that
church from the time of our Lord God two hundred fifty and four, to
the year of our redemption two hundred seventy and four.

Aurelius Prudentius inferreth mention of Fructuosus. bishop of
Tarraconia in Spain, who, with his two deacons. Augurius and
Eulogius, suffered also martyrdom, being burned after six days'
imprisonment under the foresaid emperors in this persecution. The
cause of their punishment was for the profession of Christ's name;
their judge and condemner was Emilianus; their imprisonment endured
six days; the kind of death ministered unto them was fire; wherein
they being all together cast with their arms bound behind them, their 
bands (as Prudentius writeth) were dissolved. their hands untouched
with the fire, and their bodies remaining whole. The charge of this
judge unto the bishop was this, that he should worship the gods whom
the emperor Gallienus worshipped. To whom Fructuosus the bishop
answering, Nay, (saith he,) I worship no dumb god of stocks and
blocks, whom Gallienus doth worship; but I worship the Lord and
Master of Gallienus, the Father and Creator of all times, and his
only Son sent down to us. of whose flock I am here the pastor and
shepherd. At this word Emilianus answering again, Nay, (saith he,)
say not thou art, but say thou wast. And forth with commanded them to
be committed to the fire, where (as is said) their hands and manacles
being loosed by the fire, they lifted up their hands to heaven,
praising the living God, to the great admiration of them that stood
by; praying also that the element, which seemed to fly from them,
might work his full force upon them, and speedily despatch them,
which was after their request obtained. In mean space, as they were
in the fire, there was a certain soldier in the house of Emilianus,
who did see the heavens above to open, and these foresaid martyrs to
enter into the same, which soldier likewise showed the sight the same
time unto the daughter of Emilianus the president, who, beholding the
same sight with the soldier, was a present witness of the blessedness
of them whom her cruel father had condemned.

As this godly bishop was preparing to his death, (saith Prudentius,)
the brethren approaching to him brought him drink, desiring him with
much weeping to receive and drink with them; but that he refused to
do, requiring them, moreover, to refrain their tears. With like
readiness the brethren also were diligent about him to pluck off his
shoes and hose, as he was addressing himself to the fire; but neither
would he suffer any servants' help in that wherein he was no less
willing than able to help himself. And thus this blessed and fruitful
bishop Fructuosus, with his two deacons, Augurius and Eulogius, being
brought to the fire, witnessed the constant confession of the name of
Christ, with the shedding of their blood.

And thus far continued wicked Valerian in his tyranny against the
saints of Christ. But as all the tyrants before, and oppressors of
the Christians, had their deserved reward at the just hand of God,
which rendereth to every man according to his works; so this cruel
Valerian, after he had reigned with his son Gallienus the term of six
or seven years, and about two years had afflicted the church of
Christ, felt the just stroke of his hand, whose indignation before he
had provoked, whereof we have to witness Eutropius, Pollio,
Sabellicus, Volateranus: for making his expedition against the
Persians, whether by the fraud and treason of some about him, or
whether by his own rashness, it is doubtful; but this is certain,
that he fell into the hands of his enemies, being about the age of
fourscore years, where he led his wretched age in a more wretched
captivity. Insomuch that Sapores, the king of the Persians, used him,
(and well worthy,) not for his riding-fool, but for his riding-block;
for whenso ever the king should light upon his horse openly in the
sight of the people, Valerian, emperor, was brought forth instead of
a block, for the king to tread upon his back in going to his
horseback. And so continued this blockish, butcherly emperor with
shame and sport enough unto his final end, as witnesseth Letus and
Aurelius Victor.

Albeit Eusebius, in a certain sermon to the congregation, declareth a
more cruel handling of him, affirming that he was slain, writing in
these words: "And thou, Valerian, forsomuch as thou hast exercised
the same crudelity in murdering of the subjects of God, therefore
hast proved unto us the righteous judgment of God, in that thyself
hast been bound in chains, and carried away for a captive slave with
thy gorgeous purple and thy imperial attire; and at length, also,
being commanded of Sapores, king of the Persians, to be slain, and
powdered with salt, hast set up unto all men a perpetual monument of
thine own wretchedness," &c.

The like severity of God's terrible judgment is also to be noted in
Claudius, his president, and minister of his persecutions. Of which
Claudius Henricus de Erfordia thus writeth: that he was possessed and
vexed of the devil in such sort, that he, biting off his own tongue
in many small pieces, so ended his life.

Neither did Gallienus, the son of Valerian, after the captivity of
his father, utterly escape the righteous hand of God; for beside the
miserable captivity of his father, whom he could not rescue, such
portents, strange and out of the course of nature, such earthquakes
did happen, also such tumults, commotions, and rebellions did follow,
that Trebellio doth reckon up to the number of thirty together,
which, in sundry places, all at one time, took upon them to be
tyrants and emperors over the monarchy of Rome, by the means whereof
he was not able to succour his father, though he would.
Notwithstanding, the said Gallienus, being (as is thought) terrified
by the example of his father, did remove. at least did moderate, the
persecution stirred up by the edicts of Valerian his father,
directing forth his imperial proclamation, the tenor whereof
proceedeth after this effect, as is to be seen in Eusebius, lib. vii.
cap. 13: "Emperor and Cĉsar, Publius Licinius, Gallienus, Pius,
Fortunatus, Augustus, unto Dionysius, to Pinna, and to Demetrian, and
to all other the like bishops. The bountiful benignity of my gift I
have willed and commanded to be proclaimed through the whole world,
to the intent that such which are detained in banishment for
discipline sake may safely return home again from whence they came;
and for the same cause I have here sent to you the example of my
rescript for you to peruse and to enjoy, so that no man be so hardy
to vex or molest you; and this, which you may now lawfully enjoy,
hath been long since by me granted. And therefore, for your more
warrant in the same, I have committed the exemplar hereof to the
custody of Aurelianus Cirenius, my chief steward, where you may fetch
the copy to see at your pleasure."

This mandate above prefixed did Gallienus send to Dionysius
Alexandrinus, and other bishops, as is premised. Another rescript
also the said emperor sent to other Christian bishops, permitting to
them full liberty to receive again their wonted places where they
were wont to associate together.

By this it may appear, that some peace was granted then under this
Gallienus to the church of Christ; albeit not so, but that some there
were which suffered, of whom was one Marinus, mentioned in Eusebius.
This Marinus being a warrior, and a nobleman in Cesarea, stood for
the dignity of a certain order, which by all order of course was next
to fall upon him by right, had not the envious ambition of him that
should follow next after him supplanted him both of office and life;
for he accused him to be a Christian, and thereforesaid that he was
not to be admitted unto their offices, which was against their
religion. Whereupon Achaius, then being judge, examined him of his
faith; who, finding him to he a Christian indeed, and constantly to
stand to his profession, gave him three hours to deliberate and
advise with himself. There was the same time in Cesarea a bishop
named Theotechnus, otherwise called Theodistus, who, perceiving him
to stand in doubtful deliberation and perplexity in himself, took him
by the hand and brought him into the house or church of the
Christians, laying before him a sword (which he had under his cloak
for the same purpose) and a book of the New Testament, and so willed
hit to take his free choice which of them both he would prefer. The
soldier immediately, without delay, ran to the book of the gospel,
taking that before the sword. And thus he, being animated by the
bishop, presented himself bodily before the judge, by whose sentence
he was beheaded, and died a martyr.

Whose body, being dead, one Asyrius, a noble senator of Rome, and a
man very wealthy among the chief of that order, (who in the same time
was there present at his martyrdom,) took up and bare upon his own
shoulders, wrapping it in a rich and sumptuous weed, and so
honourably committed it to the burial.

Of which Asyrius the said author writeth moreover this story: how
that in the foresaid city of Cesarea, the Gentiles used thereof an
ancient custom to offer up a certain sacrifice by a fountain side,
the which sacrifice by the working of the devil was wont suddenly to
vanish out of their eyes, to the great admiration of the inhabiters
by. Asyrius seeing this, and pitying the miserable error of the
simple people, lifting up his eyes to heaven, made his prayer to
Almighty God in the name of Christ, that the people might not be
seduced of the devil any longer; by the virtue of whose prayer the
sacrifice was seen to swim in the water of the fountain; and so the
strange wonder of that sight was taken away, and no such matter could
be there wrought any more.

And because mention is made here of Cesarea, there followeth in the
next chapter of the same author a strange miracle, if it be true,
which he there reporteth; how that out of the same city was the woman
which in the Gospel came to our Saviour, and was healed of her bloody
issue, her house being in the city of Cesarea. Before the door
thereof was set up a certain pillar of stone, and upon the pillar an
image was made of brass, of a woman meekly kneeling on her knees, and
holding up her hands as one that had some suit. Against the which
there was another image also of a man proportioned of the same metal,
cunningly engraven in a short seemly vesture, and stretching forth
his hand to the woman. At the foot of which pillar grew up a certain
herb of a strange kind, but of a more strange operation, which
growing up to the hem of his vesture, and once touching the same, is
said to have such virtue, that it was able to cure all manner of
diseases. This picture of the man (they say) represented the image of
Christ. The history is written in Eusebius, as is said; the credit
whereof I refer to the reader, whether he will think it true or
false. If he think it false, yet I have showed him mine author: if he
think it true, then must he think withal that this miraculous
operation of the herb proceeded neither by the virtue of the picture,
nor by the prayer of the other, being both dumb pictures, and
engraven no doubt at that time by the hand of infidels; but to be
wrought by some secret permission of God's wisdom, either to reduce
the infidels at that time to the belief of the story, or to admonish
the Christians to consider with themselves what strength and health
was to be looked for only of Christ and no other advocate; seeing the
dumb picture, engraven in brass, gave his efficacy to a poor herb to
cure so many diseases. This picture (saith Eusebius) remained also to
his time, which was under Constantinus the Great.

As touching the line and order of the Roman bishops hitherto
intermitted, after the martyrdom of Xistus above specified, the
government of that church was committed next to one Dionysius, about
the year of our Lord two hundred sixty and six; who continued in the
same the space of nine years, as Eusebius saith; as Damasus
recordeth, but only six years and two months. Of his decretal
epistles, because sufficient hath been said before concerning that
matter, I omit to speak. After whom succeeded Felix, in the first
year of Probus the emperor, about the year of our Lord two hundred
and eighty, who governed that church five years, and died, as Platina
saith, a martyr. After him followed Eutychianus, and then Gaius, both
martyrs, as the histories of some do record.

About the time of these bishops lived Theodorus, bishop of
Neocesarea, who is otherwise called Gregorius Magnus.

Thus Gallienus, the foresaid emperor, reigned, as is declared, with
his father Valerian seven years, after whose captivity he ruled the
monarchy alone about nine years, with some peace and quietness
granted to the church.

The days of this Gallienus being expired, followed Claudius, a quiet
emperor, as most stories do record. Although Vincentius affirmeth
that he was a mover of persecution against the Christians, and maketh
mention of two hundred sixty and two martyrs, which in his time did
suffer; but because no such record remaineth to be found in Eusebius,
who would not have omitted some memorial thereof, if it had been
true, therefore I refer the same to the free judgment of the reader,
to find such credit as it may. This Claudius reigned but two years,
after whom came Quintilianus his brother, next emperor, and a quiet
prince, who continued but only seventeen days, and had to his
successor Aurelianus; under whom Orosius in his seventh book doth
number the ninth persecution against the Christians.

Hitherto, from the captivity of Valerian, the church of Christ was in
some quietness till the death of Quintilianus, as hath been declared;
after whom Aurelianus, the next successor, possessed the crown; who
in the first beginning of his reign (after the common manner of all
princes) showed himself a prince moderate and discreet, much worthy
of commendation, if his good beginning had continued in a constant
course agreeing to the same. Of nature he was severe, and rigorous in
correcting, dissolute in manners; insomuch as it was said of him in a
vulgar proverb, that he was a good physician, saving that he gave too
bitter medicines. This emperor being sick, never sent for physician,
but cured himself with abstinence; and as his beginning was not
unfruitful to the commonwealth, so neither was he any great disturber
of the Christians, whom he did not only tolerate in their religion,
but also in their counsels; and they being the same time assembled at
Antioch, he seemed not to be against them. Notwithstanding in
continuance of time, through sinister motion and instigation of
certain about him, (as commonly such are never absent in all places
from the ears of princes,) his nature, somewhat inclinable to
severity, was altered to a plain tyranny; which tyranny first he
showed, beginning with the death of his own sister's son, as
witnesseth Eutropius. After that he proceeded either to move, or at
least to purpose, persecution against the Christians; albeit that
wicked purpose of the emperor the merciful working of God's hand did
soon overthrow. For as the edict or proclamation should have been
denounced for the persecuting of the Christians, and the emperor now
ready to subscribe the edict with his hand, the mighty stroke of the
hand of the Lord suddenly from above did stop his purpose, binding
(as a man might say) the emperor's hands behind him, declaring (as
Eusebius saith) to all men, how there is no power to work any
violence against the servants of God, unless his permission do suffer
them, and give them leave. Eutropius and Vopiscus affirm, that as the
said Aurelianus was purposing to raise persecution against us, he was
suddenly terrified with lightning, and so stopped from his wicked
tynmny. Not long after, about the fifth or sixth year of his reign,
he was slain between Bisance and Hieraclea, in the year of our Lord
two hundred seventy and eight. Thus Aurelianus rather intended than
moved persecution. Neither is there any more than this found
concerning this persecution in ancient histories and records of the
church; where fore I marvel the more that Vincentius, collecting out
of the martyrologies, hath comprehended such a great catalogue of so
many martyrs which in France and in Italy (saith he) suffered death
and torments under this emperor Aurelianus; whereunto Orosius also
seemeth to agree in numbering this to be the ninth persecution under
the said Aurelian.

Next after Aurelianus the succession of the empire fell to Publius
Annius Tacitus, who reigned but six months; him succeeded his brother
Florianus, who reigned but threescore days; and after him followed
Marcus Aurelius, surnamed Probus. Of whom more hereafter (God
willing) shall appear.

In the mean time, within the compass of these emperors falleth in a
story recorded of Eusebius, and not unworthy here to be noted,
whereby to understand the faithful diligence of good ministers, what
good it may do in a commonwealth.

Mention is made before of Eusebius, the deacon of Dionysius, whom God
stirred up to visit and comfort the saints that were in prison and
bonds, and to bury the bodies of the blessed martyrs departed, not
without great peril of his own life, who after was made bishop (as is
said) of Laodicea. But before he came to Laodicea to be bishop there,
it chanced, the said Eusebius remaining as yet at Alexandria, the
city to be besieged of the Romans, Pyruchius being their captain. In
which siege half of the city did hold with the Romans, the other half
withstood them. In that part which went with the Roman captain was
Eusebius, being also in great favour with the captain, for his worthy
fidelity and service showed: with the other half that resisted the
Romans was Anatholius, governor or moderator then of the school of
Alexandria, who also was bishop, after the said Eusebius, of
Laodicea. This Anatholius, perceiving the citizens to be in miserable
distress of famine and destruction, by reason of penury and lack of
sustenance, sendeth to Eusebius, being then with the Romans, and
certifieth him of the lamentable penury and peril of the city,
instructing him, moreover, what to do in the matter. Eusebius,
understanding the case, repaireth to the captain, desiring of him so
much favour, that so many as would fly out of the city from their
enemies might be licensed to escape and freely to pass, which was to
him speedily granted. As Eusebius was thus labouring with the
captain, on the other side Anatholius for his part laboured with the
citizens, moving them to assemble together, and persuading them to
give themselves over, in yielding to the force and might of the
Romans. But when the citizens could not abide the hearing thereof;
Yet (said Anatholius) with this I trust you will be contented, if I
shall counsel you in this miserable lack of things to avoid out of
your city all such superfluities and unnecessary impediments unto
you, as old women, young children, aged men, with such other as be
feeble and impotent, and not to suffer them here to perish with
famine, whose presence can do no stead to you if they die, and less
if they live, for spending the victuals which otherwise might serve
them that be more able to defend the city. The senate hearing this
sentence, and understanding moreover the grant of the captain
promising them their safety, were well consenting thereunto. Then
Anatholius, having a special care to them that belonged to the church
of Christ, calleth them together with the rest of the multitude, and
persuading them what they should do, and what had been obtained for
them, caused them to void the city, and not only them, but also a
great number of other more; who persuaded by him under that pretence,
changing themselves in women's apparel, or feigning some impotency,
so escaped out of the city. At whose coming out, Eusebius on the
other side was ready to receive them, and refreshed their hungry and
pined bodies, whereby not only they, but the whole city of
Alexandria, was preserved from destruction.

By this little history of Eusebius and Anatholius, described in the
seventh book of Eusebius, chap. 32, and briefly here set forth to
thee, (gentle reader,) thou mayst partly understand the practice of
the prelates, what it was in those days in the church, which was then
only employed in saving of life, and succouring the commonwealths
wherein they lived, as by these two godly persons Eusebius and
Anatholius may well appear. Unto the which practice, if we compare
the practice of our later prelates of the Church of Rome, I suppose
no little difference will appear.

The next emperor to Florianus (as is said) was Marcus Aurelius
Probus, a prince both wise and virtuous, and no less valiant in
martial affairs than fortunate in the success of the same. During his
time we read of no persecution greatly stirring in the church, but
much quietness, as well in matters of religion as also in the
commonwealth. Insomuch that, after his great and many victories, such
peace infused, that his saying was, there needed no more soldiers,
seeing there were no more enemies to the Commonwealth to fight
against. It was his saying also, that his soldiers need not to spend
corn and victual, except they laboured to serve the commonwealth. And
for the same cause he caused his soldiers to be set a-work about
certain mountains in Smyrna and in Messia to be planted with vines,
and not so much as in winter suffered them to be at rest; therefore
by them at length he was slain, in the year of our Lord two hundred
eighty and two.

Carus, with his two sons, Carinus and Numerianus, succeeded next
after Probus in the empire; the reign of which emperors continued in
all but three years. Of the which three, first Carus, warring against
the Persians, was slain with lightning. Of Numerianus his son, being
with his father in his wars against the Persians, we find much
commendation in Eutropius, Vopiscus, and other writers, which
testified him to be a valiant warrior, and an eloquent orator, as
appeared by his declamations and writings sent to the senate;
thirdly, to be an excellent poet. This Numerianus, sorrowing and
lamenting for the death of his father, through immoderate weeping,
fell into a great soreness of his eyes; by reason whereof he, keeping
close, was slain not long after of his father-in-law, named Aper;
who, traitorously aspiring to the empire, dissembled his death with a
false excuse to the people asking for him, saying, For the pain of
his eyes he kept in from the wind and weather; till at length, by the
stench of his body being carried about, his death was uttered.

In the Life of this emperor Carus aforesaid, written by Eutropius, in
the later edition, set forth by Frobenius, I find (which in other
editions of Eutropius doth not appear) that Numerianus, the son of
this Carus, was he that slew Babylas, the holy martyr, whose history
before we have comprehended. But that seemeth not to be like, both by
the narration of Chrysostom, and also for that Urspergensis,
declaring the same history, and in the same words as it is in
Eutropius, saith that it was Cyrillus whom Numerianus killed, the
story whereof is this: What time Carus the emperor, in his journey
going toward the Persians, remained at Antioch, Numerianus his son
would enter into the church of the Christians, to view and behold
their mysteries. But Cyrillus their bishop would in nowise suffer him
to enter into the church, saying that it was not lawful for him to
see the mysteries of God, who was polluted with sacrifices of idols.
Numerianus, full of indignation at the hearing of these words, not
suffering that repulse at the hands of Cyrifius, in his fury did slay
the godly martyr. And therefore justly (as it seemed) was he himself
slain afterward by the hands of Aper.

Thus Carus with his son Numerianus being slain in the east parts, as
is declared, Carinus, the other son, reigned alone in Italy; where he
overcame Sabinus striving for the empire, and reigned there with much
wickedness, till the returning home of the army again from the
Persians, who then set up Dioclesian to be emperor; by whom the
foresaid Carinus, for the wickedness of his life, being forsaken of
his host, was overcome, and at length slain with the hand of the
tribune, whose wife before he had defloured. Thus Carus with his two
sons, Numerianus and Carinus, ended their lives, whose reign
continued not above three years.

All this mean space we read of no great persecution stirring in the
church of Christ, but it was in mean quiet state and tranquillity
unto the nineteenth year of the reign of Dioclesian; so that in
counting the time from the latter end of Valerian unto this aforesaid
year of Dioclesian, the peace of the church; which God gave to his
people, seemeth to continue above four and forty years. During the
which time of peace and tranquillity the church of the Lord did
mightily increase and flourish; so that the more bodies it lost by
persecution, the more honour and reverence it won daily among the
Gentiles in all quarters, both Greeks and barbarous; insomuch that
(as Eusebius in his seventh book describeth) amongst the emperors
themselves divers there were which not only bare singular good will
and favour to them of our profession, but also did commit unto them
offices and regiments over countries and nations; so well were they
affected to our doctrine, that they privileged the same with liberty
and indemnity. What needeth to speak of them which not only lived
under the emperors in liberty, but also were familiar in the court
with the princes themselves, entertained with great honour and
special favour beyond the other servitors of the court As was
Dorotheus, with his wife, children, and whole family, highly accepted
and advanced in the palace of the emperor; also Gorgonius in like
manner with divers others more, who, for their doctrine and learning
which they professed, were with their princes in great estimation. In
like reverence also were the bishops of cities and diocesses with the
presidents and rulers where they lived; who not only suffered them to
live in peace, but also had them in great price and regard, so long
as they kept themselves upright, and continued in God's favour. Who
is able to number at that time the might and innumerable multitudes
and congregations assembling together in every city, and the notable
concourses of such as daily flocked to the common oratories to pray?
For the which cause they, being not able to be contained in their old
houses, had large and great churches, new builded from the
foundation, for them to frequent together. In such increasement
(saith Eusebius) by process of time did the church of Christ grow and
shoot up daily more and more, profiting and spreading through all
quarters, which neither envy of men could infringe, nor any devil
could enchant, neither the crafty policy of man's wit could supplant,
so long as the protection of God's heavenly arm went with his people,
keeping them in good order, according to the rule of Christian life.

But as commonly the nature of all men, being of itself unruly and
untoward, always seeketh and desireth prosperity, and yet can never
well use prosperity; always would have peace, and yet having peace
always abuseth the same; so here likewise it happened with these men,
which through this so great liberty and prosperity of life began to
degenerate and languish unto idleness and delicacy, and one to work
spite and contumely against another, striving and contending amongst
themselves, for every occasion, with railing words after most
despiteful manner; bishops against bishops, and people against
people, moving hatred and sedition one against another, besides also
cursed hypocrisy and simulation with all extremity increasing more
and more. By reason whereof the judgment of God, after his wonted
manner, (whilst yet the congregation began to multiply,) began by a
little and a little to visit our men with persecution, falling first
upon our brethren which were abroad in warfare; but when that touched
the other nothing or very little, neither did they seek to appease
God's wrath and call for his mercy; but wickedly thinking with
ourselves, that God neither regarded nor would visit our
transgressions, we heaped our iniquities daily more and more one upon
another; and they which seemed to be our pastors, refusing the rule
of piety, were inflamed with mutual contentions one against another.
And thus, whilst they were given only to the study of contentions,
threatenings, emulations, mutual hatred and discord, every man
seeking his own ambition, and persecuting one another after the
manner of tyranny; then, then, I say, the Lord, according to the
voice of Jeremy, took away the beauty of the daughter of Zion, and
the glory of Israel fell down from heaven, neither did he remember
the footstool of his feet in the day of his wrath. And the Lord
overturned all the comely ornaments of Israel, and destroyed all her
gorgeous buildings, and, according to the saying of the Psalm,
subverted and extinguished the testament of his servant, and profaned
his sanctuary in destruction of his churches, and in laying waste the
buildings thereof, so that all passengers spoiling the multitude of
the people, they were made an obloquy to all the dwellers about. For
he exalted the strength of his enemies, and turned away the help of
his sword from her, nor aided her in the battle, but ceased from the
purging of her and her seat. He struck down to the ground and
diminished her days, and over all this poured upon her confusion. All
these things were fulfilled upon us, when we saw the temples razed
from the top to the ground, and the sacred Scriptures to be burnt in
the open market-place, and the pastors of the church to hide
themselves, some here, some there; some other, taken prisoners, with
great shame were mocked of their enemies; when also, according to the
saying of the prophet in another place, contempt was poured