Foxe's Book Of Martyrs
Part III.

THE SEVENTH BOOK
OF
THE ACTS AND MONUMENTS,
BEGINNING WITH THE REIGN OF KING HENRY THE EIGHTH.

137. INTRODUCTION TO THE REIGN OF HENRY VIII.

Illustration:  Frontispiece - Portrait of Henry VIII. 
Illustration:  Title Page – The Execution of Dudley Earl of Leicester 
Illustration:  Henry VIII. Trampling the Pope Underfoot

  AS touching the civil state and administration of
the commonwealth, and likewise of the state of the church, under the
reign of King Henry the Seventh, how he entered first in possession
of the crown; how the two houses of York and Lancaster were in him
conjoined, through marriage with Elizabeth the eldest daughter to
King Edward the Fourth, by the prudent counsel of John Morton, then
bishop of Ely, after archbishop of Canterbury, and cardinal; how long
the said king reigned, and what persecution was in his time for lack
of search and knowledge of God's word, both in the diocese of Lincoln
under Bishop Smith, (who was erecter of the house of Brazen-nose in
Oxford,) as also in the diocese of Coventry, and other places more;
and further, what punishment and alteration God commonly sendeth upon
cities and realms public for neglecting the safety of his flock;
sufficiently in the former book hath been already specified; wherein
many things more amply might have been added, incident in the reign
of this prince, which we have for brevity pretermitted. For he that
studieth to comprehend in story all things, which the common course
and use of life may offer to the writer, may sooner find matter to
occupy himself, than to profit other. Otherwise I might have inferred
mention of the seditious tumult of Perkin Warbeck, with his retinue,
A.D. 1494. Also of Blackheath field by the blacksmith, A.D. 1496. I
might also have recited the glorious commendation of George Lily in
his Latin Chronicle, testifying of King Henry the Seventh, how he
sent three solemn orators to Pope Julius the Second to yield his
obedience to the see of Rome, A.D. 1506. And likewise how Pope
Alexander the Ninth, Pius the Third, and Julius the Second, sent to
the said King Henry the Seventh, three sundry famous ambassadors with
three swords, and three caps of maintenance, electing and admitting
him to be the chief defender of the faith. The commendation of which
fact, how glorious it is in the eyes of George Lily and Fabian, that
I leave to them. This I suppose, that when King Henry sent to Pope
Julius three orators with obedience, if he had sent him three
thousand arquebusiers to furnish his field against the French king
fighting at Ravenna, be had pleased Pope Julius much better. If
George Lily had been disposed to illustrate his story with notes,
this had been more worthy the noting, how Louis the Twelfth, French
king, calling his parliament, moved this question against Pope
Julius; Whether a pope might invade any prince by warlike force,
without cause; and whether the prince might withdraw his obedience
from that pope, or not? And it was concluded in the same parliament
with the king, against the pope. Also it was concluded the same time,
(which was in the reign of this King Henry the Seventh,) that the
Pragmatical Sanction should be received in full force and effect,
through all the realm of France.

     And forasmuch as we are fallen into the mention of George Lily,
this in him is to be found not unworthy noting, how, after the
burning of Thomas Norice, above mentioned, at the city of Norwich,
the same year followed such a fire in Norwich, that the whole city,
well near, was therewith consumed. Like as also after the burning of
the aforesaid good father in Smithfield, the same year (which was
1500) we read in the chronicle of Fabian, a great plague to fall upon
the city of London, to the great destruction of the inhabitants
thereof. Where again is to be noted, (as is aforesaid,) that
according to the state of the church, the disposition of the
commonwealth commonly is guided, either to be with adversity
afflicted, or else in prosperity to flourish. But after these notes
of King Henry the Seventh, now to the story of King Henry the Eighth.

     This King Henry the Seventh finishing his course in the year
abovesaid, which was 1509, had by Elizabeth his wife abovenamed, four
men children, and of women children as many. Of whom three only
survived; to wit, Prince Henry, Lady Margaret, and Lady Mary. Of whom
King Henry the Eighth after his father succeeded. Lady Margaret was
married to James the Fourth, king of Scots. Lady Mary was affianced
to Charles, king of Castile.

     Not long before the death of King Henry, Prince Arthur, his
eldest son, had espoused Lady Katharine, daughter to Ferdinand, being
of the age of fifteen years, and she about the age of seventeen; and
shortly after his marriage, within five months, departed at Ludlow,
and was buried at Worcester. After whose decease the succession of
the crown fell next to King Henry the Eighth, being of the age of
eighteen years, entered his reign the year of our Lord 1509, and
shortly after married with the aforesaid Katharine, his late brother
Prince Arthur's wife, to the end that her dowry, being great, should
not be transported out of the land. In the which his marriage, being
more politic than Scripture-like, he was dispensed with by Pope
Julius, at the request of Ferdinand her father. The reign of this
king continued with great nobleness and fame the space of thirty-
eight years. During whose time and reign, great alteration of things,
as well to the civil state of the realm, as especially to the state
ecclesiastical, and matters of the church appertaining. For by him
was exiled and abolished out of the realm, the usurped power of the
bishop of Rome, idolatry and superstition somewhat repressed, images
and pilgrimages defaced, abbeys and monasteries pulled down, sects of
religion rooted out, Scriptures reduced to the knowledge of the
vulgar tongue, and the state of the church and religion redressed.
Concerning all which things, in the process of these volumes here
following, we will endeavour (Christ willing) particularly and in
order to discourse; after that first we shall comprehend a few
matters, which within the beginning of his reign are to he noted and
collected. Where, leaving off to write of Empson and Dudley, who in
the time of King Henry the Seventh, being great doers in executing
the penal laws over the people at that time, and purchasing thereby
more malice than lands, with that which they had gotten, were shortly
after the entering of this king beheaded, the one a knight, the other
an esquire; leaving also to intermeddle with his wars, triumphs, and
other temporal affairs, we mean in these volumes principally to
bestow our travail in declaration of matters concerning most chiefly
the state of the church and of religion, as well in this Church of
England, as also of the whole Church of Rome.



138. DISPUTE ABOUT THE IMMACULATE CONCEPTION

     Wherein first cometh to our hands a turbulent tragedy, and a
fierce contention, which long before had troubled the church, and now
this present year, 1509, was renewed afresh between two certain
orders of Begging Friars, to wit, the Dominic Friars and the
Franciscans, about the conception of the Virgin Mary, the mother of
Christ.

     The Franciscans were they which did hold of St. Francis, and
followed the rule of his testament, commonly called Grey Friars, or
Minorites. Their opinion was this; that the Virgin Mary, prevented by
the grace of the Holy Ghost, was so sanctified, that she was never
subject one moment in her conception to original sin. The Dominic
Friars were they which, holding of Dominic, were commonly called
Black Friars, or Preaching Friars. Their opinion was, that the Virgin
Mary was conceived as all other children of Adam be; so that this
privilege only belongeth to Christ, to be conceived without original
sin:  notwithstanding, the said blessed Virgin was sanctified in her
mother's womb, and purged from her original sin, so as was John
Baptist, Jeremiah, or any other privileged person. This frivolous
question kindling and gendering between these two sects of friars,
burst out in such a flame of parts and sides-taking, that it occupied
the heads and wits, schools and universities, almost through the
whole church, some holding one part with Scotus, some the other part
with Thomas Aquinas. The Minorites, holding with Scotus their master,
disputed and concluded, that she was conceived without all spot or
note of original sin, and thereupon caused the feast and service of
the Conception of St. Mary the Virgin to be celebrated and solemnized
in the church. Contrary, the Dominic Friars, taking side with
Aquinas, preached that it was heresy to affirm that the blessed
Virgin was conceived without the guilt of original sin; and that they
which did celebrate the feast of her Conception, or said any masses
thereof, did sin grievously and mortally.

     In the mean time, as this fantasy waxed hot in the church, the
one side preaching against the other, came Pope Sixtus the Fourth,
A.D. 1476, who, joining side with the Minorites, or Franciscans,
first sent forth his decree by authority apostolic, willing,
ordaining, and commanding all men to solemnize this new-found feast
of the Conception in holy church for evermore; offering to all men
and women, which, devoutly frequenting the church, would hear mass
and service from the first even-song of the said feast, to the
octaves of the same, as many days of pardon, as Pope Urban the
Fourth, and Pope Martin the Fifth, did grant for hearing the service
of Corpus Christi day, &c. And this decree was given and dated at
Rome, A.D. 1476.

     Moreover, the same pope, to the intent that the devotion of the
people might be the more encouraged to the celebration of this
conception, added a clause more to the Ave Maria, granting great
indulgence and release of sins to all such as would invocate the
blessed Virgin with the same addition, saying thus; "Hail Mary! full
of grace, the Lord is with thee; blessed art thou among women, and
blessed is the fruit of thy womb, Jesus Christ; and blessed is Anna
thy mother, of whom thy virgin's flesh hath proceeded without blot of
original sin. Amen."

     Wherein thou mayest note, gentle reader, for thy learning three
things:  First, how the pope turneth that improperly into a prayer,
which properly was sent of God for a message or tidings. Secondly,
how the pope addeth to the words of the Scripture, contrary to the
express precept of the Lord. Thirdly, how the pope exempteth Mary,
the blessed Virgin, not only from the seed of Abraham and Adam, but
also from the condition of a mortal creature. For if there be in her
no original sin, then she beareth not the image of Adam, neither doth
she descend of that seed, of whose seed evil proceedeth upon all men
and women to condemnation, as St. Paul doth teach, Rom. v. Wherefore,
if she descend of that seed, then the infection of original evil must
necessarily proceed unto her. If she descend not thereof, then cometh
she not of the seed of Abraham, nor of the seed of David, &c. Again,
seeing that death is the effect and stipend of sin, by the doctrine
of St. Paul, Rom. vi., then had her flesh injury by the law (as
Christ himself had) to suffer the malediction and punishment of
death, and so should never have died, if original sin had no place in
her, &c. But to return unto our story:  This constitution of the pope
being set forth for the conception of the blessed Virgin, which was
A.D. 1476, it was not long after, but the said Pope Sixtus,
perceiving that the Dominic Friars with their accomplices would not
conform themselves hereunto, directed forth by the authority
apostolic a bull in effect as followeth: 

     "Whereas the holy Church of Rome hath ordained a special and
proper service for the public solemnizing of the feast of the
Conception of the blessed Virgin Mary; certain orders of the Black
Friars in their public sermons to the people in divers places, have
not ceased hitherto to preach, and yet daily do, that all they which
hold or affirm the said glorious Virgin to have been conceived
without original sin, be heretics; and they which celebrate the
service of the said her conception, or do hear the sermons of them
which do so affirm, do sin grievously; also not contented herewith,
do write and set forth books moreover, maintaining their assertions,
to the great offence and ruin of godly minds. We, therefore, to
prevent and withstand such presumptuous and perverse assertions,
which have risen, and more hereafter may arise, by such opinions and
preachings aforesaid, in the minds of the faithful; by the authority
apostolical, do condemn and reprove the same, and by the motion,
knowledge, and authority aforesaid, decree and ordain, that the
preachers of God's word, and all other persons, of what state,
degree, order, or condition soever they be, which shall presume to
dare affirm or preach to the people these aforesaid opinions and
assertions to be true, or shall read, hold, or maintain any such
books for true, having before intelligence hereof, shall incur
thereby the sentence of excommunication; from which they shall not be
absolved otherwise than by the bishop of Rome, except only in the
time of death."

     This bull, being dated A.D. 1483, gave no little heart and
encouragement to the Grey Friars Franciscans, which defended the pure
conception of the holy Virgin against the Black Dominic Friars, with
their confederates, holding the contrary side. By the vigour of which
bull, the Grey order had got such a conquest of the black guard of
the Dominics, that the said Dominics were compelled at length, for a
perpetual memorial of the triumph, both to give to the glorious
Virgin, every night, an anthem in praise of her conception, and also
to subscribe unto their doctrine; in which doctrine these, with
divers other points, be contained: 

     "1. That blessed Mary the Virgin suffered the griefs and
adversities in this life, not for any necessity inflicted for
punishment of original sin, but only because she would conform
herself to the imitation of Christ.

     "2. That the said Virgin, as she was not obliged to any
punishment due for sin, as neither was Christ her Son, so she had no
need of remission of sins; but instead thereof, had the Divine
preservation of God's help, keeping her from all sin; which grace
only she needed, and also had it.

     "3. Item, That where the body of the Virgin Mary was subject to
death, and died; this is to be understood to come, not for any
penalty due for sin, but either for imitation and conformity unto
Christ, or else for the natural constitution of her body being 
elemental, as were the bodies of our first parents; who, if they had
not tasted of the forbidden fruit, should have been preserved from
death, not by nature, but by grace and strength of other fruits and
meats in Paradise; which meats, because Mary had not, but did eat our
common meats, therefore she died, and not for any necessity of
original sin.

     "4. The universal proposition of St. Paul, which saith, that
the Scripture hath concluded all men under sin, is to be understood
thus, as speaking of all them which be not exempted by the special
privilege of God, as is the blessed Virgin Mary.

     "5. If justification be taken for reconciliation of him that
was unrighteous before, and now is made righteous; then the blessed
Virgin is to be taken, not for justified by Christ, but just from her
beginning, by preservation.

     "6. If a Saviour be taken for him which saveth men fallen into
perdition and condemnation, so is not Christ the Saviour of Mary, but
is her Saviour only in this respect, for sustaining her from not
falling into condemnation, &c.

     "7. Neither did the Virgin Mary give thanks to God, nor ought
so to do, for expiation of her sins, but for her conservation from
case of sinning.

     "8. Neither did she pray to God at any time for remission of
her sins, but only for remission of other men's sins she prayed many
times, and counted their sins for hers.

     "9. If the blessed Virgin had deceased before the passion of
her Son, God would have reposed her soul not in the place among the
patriarchs, or among the just, but in the same most pleasant place of
Paradise, where Adam and Eve were before they transgressed."

     These were the doting dreams and fantasies of the Franciscans,
and of other papists, commonly then holden in the schools, written in
their books, preached in their sermons, taught in churches, and set
forth in pictures. So that the people were taught nothing else almost
in the pulpits all this while, but how the Virgin Mary was conceived
immaculate and holy, without original sin, and how they ought to call
to her for help, whom they with special terms do call, "the way of
mercy, the mother of grace, the lover of piety, the comforter of
mankind, the continual intercessor for the salvation of the faithful,
and an advocate to the King, her Son, which never ceaseth," &c. And
although the greatest number of the school doctors were of the
contrary faction, as Peter Lombard, Thomas Aquinas, Bernard,
Bonaventure, and other, yet these new papists shifted off their
objections with frivolous distinctions and blind evasions, as thus: 
"Peter Lombard," they said, "is not received nor holden in the
schools, as touching this article, but is rejected."

     Bernard, although he seemeth to deny the conception of the
blessed Virgin to be void of original sin, saying that she could not
be holy when she was not, and lived not; to this they answer, "That
albeit she was not yet in essence, yet she was holy in her
conception, and before conception in the Divine prescience of God,
which had chosen and pre-elected her before the worlds, to be the
mother of the Lord."

     Again, where Bernard doth argue, that she was not without
original sin conceived, because she was not conceived by the Holy
Ghost, to this they answer, "That the Holy Ghost may work two ways in
conception; either without company of man, and so was Christ only
conceived; or else with company and help of man, and thus was the
blessed Virgin conceived."

     "Bonaventure," say they, "was a holy father, but he spake then
after the custom and manner of his time, when the solemnity and
purity of this conception was not yet decreed nor received by the
public consent and authority of the church; now seeing the authority
of the Church of Rome hath established the same, it ought not to be
contraried, nor can, without dangerous disobedience. In all men's
actions, diligent respect of time must be had. That which bindeth not
at one time, afterward the same by law being ratified, may bind at
another."

     Finally, for the number and multitude on the contrary side,
thus they answer for themselves, as we now in these our days likewise
in defence of the truth may well answer against the pope, and all his
popish friars, turning their own weapons against themselves: 
"Multitude," say they, "ought not to move us. Victory consisteth not
in number and heaps, but in fortitude and hearts of soldiers; yea,
rather fortitude and stomach cometh from heaven, and not of man.
Judas Maccabeus with a little handful overthrew the great army of
Antioch. Strong Samson with a poor ass's bone slew a thousand
Philistines. David had no more but a silly sling, and a few stones,
and with these struck down terrible Goliath the giant," &c.

     With these and such other like reasons the Grey Franciscans
avoided their adversaries, defending the conception of the Virgin
Mary to be unblemished, and pure from all contagion of original sin.
Contrariwise, the black guard of the Dominic Friars, for their parts
were not all mute, but laid lustily from them again, having great
authorities, and also the Scripture on their side. But yet the other
having the see apostolical with them, had the better hand, and in
fine, gat the victory triumphantly over the other, to the high
exaltation of their order. For Pope Sixtus, (as I said,) by the
authority apostolical, after he had decreed the conception day of the
Virgin perpetually to be sanctified, and also with his terrible bull
had condemned for heretics all them which withstood the same; the
Dominic Friars, with authority oppressed, were driven to two
inconveniences; the one was, to keep silence; the other was, to give
place to their adversaries the Franciscans. Albeit, where the mouth
durst not speak, yet the heart would work; and though the tongue were
tied, yet their good will was ready by all means possible to maintain
their quarrel and their estimation.

     Whereupon it happened the same year of our Lord, 1509, after
this dissension between the Dominic Friars and the Franciscans, that
certain of the Dominics thinking by subtle sleight to work in the
people's heads that which they durst not achieve with open preaching,
devised a certain image of the Virgin, so artificially wrought, that
the friars by privy gins made it to stir, and to make gestures, to
lament, to complain, to weep, to groan, and to give answers to them
that asked; insomuch that the people therewith were brought in a
marvellous persuasion, till at length the fraud being espied, the
friars were taken, condemned, and burned at Berne, the year above
mentioned.

     In the story of John Stumsius, this story aforesaid doth partly
appear; but in the registers and records of the city of Berne, the
order and circumstance thereof is more fully expressed and set forth
both in metre and prose, and is thus declared: 

     In the city of Berne there were certain Dominic Friars, to the
number chiefly of four principal doers and chieftains of that order,
who had inveigled a certain simple, poor friar, who had newly planted
himself in the cloister:  whom the aforesaid friars had so infatuated
with sundry superstitions, and feigned apparitions of St. Mary, St.
Barbara, and St. Katharine, and with their enchantments, and
imprinting moreover in him the wounds of St. Francis, that he
believed plainly, that the Virgin Mary had appeared to him, and had
offered to him a red host consecrated, with the blood also of Christ
miraculous; which blessed Virgin also had sent him to the senators of
Berne, with instructions, declaring unto them, from the mouth of the
Virgin, that she was conceived in sin, and that the Franciscan Friars
were not to be credited nor suffered in the city, which were not yet
reformed from that erroneous opinion of her conception. He added
moreover, that they should resort to a certain image there of the
Virgin Mary, (which image the friars by engines had made to sweat,)
and should do their worship, and make their oblations to the same,
&c.

     This feigned device was not so soon forged by the friars, but
it was as soon believed of the people; so that a great while the red-
coloured host was taken undoubtedly for the true body and blood of
Christ, and certain coloured drops thereof sent abroad to divers
noble personages and states for a great relic, and that not without
great recompence. Thus the deceived people in great number came
flocking to the image, and to the red host, and coloured blood, with
manifold gifts and oblations. In brief, the Dominic Friars so had
wrought the matter, and had so swept all the fat to their own beards,
from the order of the Franciscans, that all the alms came to their
box. The Franciscans seeing their estimation to decay, and their
kitchen to wax cold, and their paunches to be pinched, not able to
abide that contumely, and being not ignorant or unacquainted with
such counterfeited doings, for as the proverb saith, "It is ill
halting before a cripple," eftsoons espied their crafty juggling, and
detected their fraudulent miracles. Whereupon the four chief captains
abovenamed were apprehended, and put to the fire, of whom the
provincial of that order was one.

     And thus much touching the beginning and end of this tumultuous
and popish tragedy; wherein evidently it may appear to the reader,
how neither these turbulent friars could agree among themselves, and
yet in what frivolous trifles they wrangled together. But to let
these ridiculous friars pass, with their trifling fantasies, most
worthy to be derided of all wise men; in the mean time this is to be
lamented, to behold the miserable times of the church, in which the
devil kept the minds of Christ's people so attentive and occupied in
such friarly toys, that nothing else almost was taught or heard in
the church, but only the commendation and exaltation of the Virgin
Mary. But of our justification by faith, of grace and the promises of
God in Christ, of the strength of the law, of the horror of sin, of
difference between the law and the gospel, of the true liberty of
conscience, &c., no mention or very little was heard. Wherefore in
this so blind time of darkness, it was much needful and requisite,
that the Lord of his mercy should look upon his church, and send down
his gracious reformation; which also he did. For shortly upon the
same, through the gracious excitation of God, came Martin Luther; of
whom the order of story now requireth that we should and will treat,
(Christ willing,) after the story of Richard Hunne, and a few other
things premised, for the better opening of the story to follow.



139. LONDONERS FORCED TO RECANT, 1510-1527

     Mention was made sufficiently before of the doings of Pope
Julius, and of his warlike affairs, for the which he was condemned,
and not unjustly, in the council of Tours in France, A.D. 1510, and
yet all this could not assuage the furious affection of this pope,
but the same year he invaded the city of Modena and Mirandola in
Italy, and took them by force of war. Which Pope Julius not long
after, in the year of our Lord 1512, refusing peace offered by
Maximilian the emperor, was encountered by Louis the French king,
about Ravenna, upon Easter day; where he was vanquished, and had of
his army slain to the number of sixteen thousand. And the year next
following, A.D. 1513, this apostolical warrior, which had resigned
his keys unto the river of Tiber before, made an end together both of
his fighting and living, after he had reigned and fought ten years.
After whom succeeded next in the see of Rome Pope Leo the Tenth,
about the compass of which time great mutations and stirs began to
work, as well in states temporal, as especially in the state of the
church.

     Pope Leo the Tenth, in Rome, A.D. 1513, reigned nine years.

     Charles the Fifth, emperor in Germany, A.D. 1519, reigned
thirty-nine years.

     Francis, king of France, A.D. 1515, reigned thirty-two years.

     Henry the Eighth, king of England, A.D. 1509, reigned thirty-
eight years.

     James the Fifth, king of Scotland, A.D. 1514, reigned twenty-
nine years.

     In the time of which pope, emperor, and kings of England and of
France, great alterations, troubles, and turns of religion were
wrought in the church, by the mighty operation of God's hand, in
Italy, France, Germany, England, and all Europe, such as have not
been seen, although much groaned for, many hundred years before; as
in further discourse of this history (Christ willing) shall more
manifestly appear.

     But before we come to these alterations, taking the time as it
lieth before us, we will first speak of Richard Hun, and certain
other godly-minded persons here in England, afflicted for the word of
Christ's gospel in great multitude, as they be found and taken out of
the registers of Fitzjames, bishop of London, by the faithful help
and industry of R. Carket, citizen of London.

The history of divers good men and women, persecuted for religion in
the city and diocese of the bishop of London, briefly extracted out
of the registers of Richard Fitzjames.

     Amongst and beside the great number of the faithful martyrs and
professors of Christ, that constantly in the strength of the Holy
Ghost gave their lives for the testimony of his truth, I find
recorded in the register of London, between the years of our Lord
1509 and 1527, the names of divers other persons both men and women;
who, in the fulness of that dark and misty time of ignorance, had
also some portion of God's good Spirit, which induced them to the
knowledge of his truth and gospel, and were diversly troubled,
persecuted, and imprisoned for the same; notwithstanding, by the
proud, cruel, and bloody rage of the catholic seat, and through the
weakness and frailty of their own nature, (not then fully
strengthened in God,) it was again in them, for the time, suppressed
and kept under, as appeareth by their several abjurations made before
Richard Fitzjames, then bishop of London, (in his time a most cruel
persecutor of Christ's church,) or else before his vicar-general
deputed for the same. And forasmuch as many of the adversaries of
God's truth have of late days disdainfully and braggingly cried out,
and made demands in their public assemblies, and yet do, asking where
this our church and religion was within these fifty or sixty years, I
have thought it not altogether vain, somewhat to stop such lying
crakers, both by mentioning their names, and likewise opening some of
the chief and principal matters, for which they were so unmercifully
afflicted and molested, thereby to give to understand, as well the
continuance and consent of the true church of Christ in that age,
touching the chief points of our faith, though not in like perfection
of knowledge and constancy in all; as also by the way, something to
touch what fond and frivolous matters the ignorant prelates shamed
not in that time of blindness to object against the poor and simple
people, accounting them as heinous andgreat offences, yea, such as
deserved death of both body and soul. But lest I should seem too
prolix and tedious herein, I will now briefly proceed with the story,
and first begin with their names, which are these: 

A.D. 1510.
Joan Baker.
William Pottier.
John Forge.
Thomas Goodred
Thomas Walker, alias Talbot
Thomas Forge.
Alice Forge.
John Forge, their son.
William Couper.
John Calverton.
John Woodrofe.

A.D. 1511.
Richard Woolman.
Roger Hilliar.
Alice Couper.
Thomas Austy.
Joan Austy.
Thomas Graunt.
John Garter.
Christopher Ravins.
Dionyse Ravins
Thomas Vincent
Lewis John.
Joan John.

A.D. 1512.
John Webb, alias Baker.

A.D. 1517.
John Houshold.
Robert Rascal.

A.D. 1518.
Elizabeth Stanford.
George Browne.
John Wikes.
John Southake.
Richard Butler.
John Samme.

A.D. 1521.
William King.
Robert Durdant.
Henry Woolman.
Edmund Spilman.

A.D. 1523.
John Higges, alias Noke, alias Johnson.

A.D. 1526.
Henry Chambers.
John Higgins.
A.D. 1527.
Thomas Egleston..

     The particular examination of all these here abovenamed, here
followeth.

     To these were divers and sundry particular articles, (besides
the common and general sort accustomably used in such cases,)
privately objected, even such as they were then accused of, either by
their curate, or other their neighbours. And because I think it
somewhat superfluous to make any large recital of all and every part
of their several process, I mind, therefore, briefly only to touch so
many of their articles as may be sufficient to induce the Christian
reader to judge the sooner of the rest, being (I assure you) of no
greater importance than these that follow:  except that sometime they
were charged most slanderously with horrible and blasphemous lies
against the majesty and truth of God, which, as they utterly denied,
so do I now for this present keep secret in silence, as well for
brevity's sake, as also somewhat to colour and hide the shameless
practices of that lying generation. But to our purpose.

     The chiefest objection against Joan Baker was, that she would
not only herself not reverence the crucifix, but had also persuaded a
friend of hers lying at the point of death, not to put any trust or
confidence in the crucifix, but in God which is in heaven, who only
worketh all the miracles that be done, and not the dead images, that
be but stocks and stones:  and therefore she was sorry that ever she
had gone so often on pilgrimage to St. Saviour and other idols. Also,
that she did hold opinion, that the pope had no power to give
pardons, and that the Lady Young (who was not long before that time
burned) died a true martyr of God; and therefore she wished of God,
that she herself might do no worse than the said Lady Young had done.

     Unto William Pottier, besides divers other false and slanderous
articles, (as that he should deny the benefit and effect of Christ's
passion,) it was also alleged that he should affirm, that there were
six Gods. The first three was the holy Trinity, the Father, the Son,
and the Holy Ghost. The fourth was a priest's concubine being kept in
his chamber. The fifth was the devil. And the sixth, that thing that
a man setteth his mind most upon.

     "The first part of this article he utterly denied, confessing
most firmly and truly the blessed Trinity to be only one God in one
unity of Deity:  as to the other three be answered, that a priest
delighting in his concubine, made her as his god. Likewise a wicked
person persisting in his sin without repentance, made the devil his
god. And lastly he granted, that he once hearing of certain men,
which by the singing and chattering of birds would seek to know what
things were to come, either to themselves or others, said that those
men esteemed their birds as gods:  and otherwise he spake not."

     Amongst the manifold and several articles objected against
Thomas Goodred, Thomas Walker, Thomas Forge, Alice Forge his wife,
John Forge their son, John Calverton, John Woodrofe, Richard Woolman,
and Roger Hilliar, (as that they should speak against pilgrimages,
praying unto saints, and such like,) this principally was propounded,
that they all denied the carnal and corporal presence of Christ's
body and blood in the sacrament of the altar; and further, had
concealed and consented unto their teachers and instructors of that
doctrine, and had not, according unto the laws of the church, accused
and presented them unto the bishop or his ordinary. Also great and
heinous displeasure was conceived against Richard Woolman, for that
he termed the church of Paul's, a house of thieves; affirming that
the priests and other ecclesiastical persons there, were not liberal
givers unto the poor, (as they ought,) but rather takers away from
them, what they could get.

     Likewise as Thomas Austy, Joan Austy his wife, Thomas Graunt,
John Garters, Christopher Ravins, Dionyse Ravins his sister, Thomas
Vincent, Lewis John, Joan John his wife, and John Webb, were of one
fellowship and profession of faith with divers of the last before
recited; so were they also almost apprehended about one time, and
chiefly burdened with one opinion of the sacrament. Which declareth
evidently, that notwithstanding the dark ignorance of those corrupted
times, yet God did ever in mercy open the eyes of some, to behold the
manifest truth, even in those things whereof the papists make now
greatest vaunt and brag of longest continuance. Furthermore, many of
them were charged to have spoken against pilgrimages, and to have
read and used certain English books, impugning the faith of the
Romish Church; as the Four Evangelists, Wickliff's Wicket, a book of
the Ten Commandments of Almighty God, the Revelation of St. John, the
Epistles of Paul and James, with other like, which those holy ones
could never abide; and good cause why:  for as darkness could never
agree with light, no more can ignorance, the maintainer of that
kingdom, with the true knowledge of Christ and his gospel.

     It was further particularly objected against Joan John, the
wife of Lewis John, that (besides the premises) she learned and
maintained that God commanded no holy-days to be kept, but only the
sabbath day; and therefore she would keep none but it, nor no fasting
days; affirming, that to fast from sin was the true fast. Moreover,
that she had despised the pope, his pardons, and pilgrimages;
insomuch that when any poor body asked his alms of her in the worship
of the Lady of Walsingham, she would straight answer in contempt of
the pilgrimage, The Lady of Walsingham help thee. And if she gave any
thing unto him, she would then say, Take this in the worship of our
Lady in heaven, and let the other go. Which declareth for lack of
better instruction and knowledge, she yet ignorantly attributed too
much honour to the true saints of God departed; though otherwise she
did abhor the idolatrous worshipping of the dead images. By which
example, as also by many others, (for shortness sake, at this present
omitted,) I have just occasion to condemn the wilful subtlety of
those, that in this bright shining light of God's truth would yet,
under colour of godly remembrance, still maintain the having of
images in the church, craftily excusing their idolatrous kneeling and
praying unto them, by affirming, that they never worshipped the dead
images, but the things that the images did represent. But if that
were their only doctrine and cause of having of them, why then would
their predecessors so cruelly compel these poor simple people, thus
openly in their recantations, to abjure and revoke their speaking
against the gross adoration of the outward images only, and not
against the thing represented? Which many of them, (as appeareth
partly by this example,) in their ignorant simplicity, confessed
might be worshipped. Howbeit, God be thanked, (who ever in his mercy
continue it,) their colourable and hypocritical excuses cannot now
take such place in the hearts of the elect of God, as they have done
heretofore, especially seeing the word of God doth so manifestly
forbid as well the worshipping of them, as also the making or having
of them, for order of religion.

     It was alleged against William Cowper and Alice Cowper his
wife, that they had spoken against pilgrimages, and worshipping of
images; but chiefly the woman, who having her child on a time hurt by
falling into a pit or ditch, and earnestly persuaded by some of her
ignorant neighbours, to go on pilgrimage to St. Laurence for help for
her child, said, that neither St. Laurence nor any other saint could
help her child, and therefore none ought to go on pilgrimage to any
image made with man's hand, but only unto Almighty God; for
pilgrimages were nothing worth, saving to make the priests rich.

     Unto John Houshold, Robert Rascal, and Elizabeth Stamford, as
well the article against the sacrament of the altar was objected, as
also that they had spoken against praying to saints, and had despised
the authority of the bishop of Rome, and others of his clergy. But
especially John Houshold was charged to have called them antichrists
and fornicators, and the pope himself a strong strumpet, and a common
scandal unto the world, who with his pardons had drowned in blindness
all Christian realms, and that for money.

     Also among divers other ordinary articles propounded against
George Brown, these were counted very heinous and heretical:  First,
that he had said, that he knew no cause why the cross should be
worshipped, seeing that the same was a hurt and pain unto our Saviour
Christ in the time of his passion, and not any ease or pleasure;
alleging for example, that if he had had a friend hanged or drowned,
he would ever after have loved that gallows, or water, by the which
his friend died, rather worse for that than better. Another objection
was, that he had erroneously, obstinately, and maliciously said, for
so are their words, that the church was too rich. This matter, I may
tell you, touched somewhat the quick, and therefore no marvel though
they counted it erroneous and malicious; for take away their gain,
and farewell their religion. They also charged him to have refused
holy water to be cast about his chamber, and likewise to have spoken
against priests, with other vain matters.

     The greatest matter wherewith they burdened John Wikes, was,
that he had often and of long time kept company with divers persons
suspected of heresies, as they termed them, and had received them
into his house, and there did suffer and hear them, sundry times,
read erroneous and heretical books, contrary to the faith of the
Romish Church, and did also himself consent unto their doctrine; and
had many times secretly conveyed them from the taking of such as were
appointed to apprehend them.

     Like as the greatest number of those before mentioned, so were
also John Southake, Richard Butler, John Sam, William King; Robert
Durdant, and Henry Woolman, especially charged with speaking words
against the real presence of Christ's body in the sacrament of the
altar, and also against images, and the rest of the seven sacraments.
Howbeit, they burdened the last five persons with the reading of
certain English heretical books, accounting most blasphemously the
Gospel of Jesus Christ, written by the four evangelists, to be of
that number, as appeareth evidently by the eighth article objected by
Thomas Bennet, doctor of law, chancellor and vicar general, unto
Richard Fitzjames, then bishop of London, against the said Richard
Butler. The very words of which article, for a more declaration of
truth, I have thought good here to insert; which are these:  "Also we
object to you, that divers times, and especially upon a certain 
night, about the space of three years last past, in Robert Durdant's
house of Iver Court near unto Stanes, you erroneously and damnably
read in a great book of heresy of the said Robert Durdant's, all that
same night, certain chapters of the evangelists in English,
containing in them divers erroneous and damnable opinions and
conclusions of heresy, in the presence of the said Robert Durdant,
John Butler, Robert Carder, Jenkin Butler, William King, and divers
other suspect persons of heresy then being present, and hearing your
said erroneous lectures and opinions." To the same effect and purpose
tended the tenor of some of the articles propounded against the other
four. Whereby, as also by others like before specified, we may easily
judge what reverence they, which yet will be counted the true and
only church of Christ, did bear to the word and Gospel of Christ, who
shamed not to blaspheme the same with most horrible titles of
erroneous and damnable opinions, and conclusions of heresy. But why
should we marvel thereat, seeing the Holy Ghost in sundry places of
the Scripture doth declare, that in the latter days there should come
such proud and cursed speakers, which shall speak lies through
hypocrisy, and have their consciences marked with a hot iron? Let us
therefore now thank our heavenly Father for revealing them unto us;
and let us also pray him, that of his free mercies in his Son Christ
Jesus, he would, if it be to his glory, either turn and mollify all
such hearts, or else, for the peace and quietness of his church, he
would in his righteous judgment take them from us.

     About this time Richard Fitzjames ended his life. After whose
death, Cutbert Tunstall (afterwards bishop of Durham) succeeded in
the see and bishopric of London; who soon upon his first entry into
the room, minding to follow rightly the footsteps of his predecessor,
caused Edmund Spilman, priest, Henry Chambers, John Higgins, and
Thomas Eglestone, to be apprehended, and so to be examined upon
sundry like articles, as before are expressed; and in the end, either
for fear of his cruelty, and his rigour of death, or else through
hope of his flattering promises, (such was their weakness,) he
compelled them to abjure and renounce their true professed faith
touching the holy sacrament of Christ's body and blood, which was,
that Christ's corporal body was not in the sacrament, but in heaven,
and that the sacrament was a figure of his body, and not the body
itself.

     Moreover, about the same time there were certain articles
objected against John Higges, alias Noke, alias Johnson, by the said
bishop's vicar-general. Amongst which were these:  First, that he had
affirmed, that it was as lawful for a temporal man to have two wives
at once, as for a priest to have two benefices. Also, that he had in
his custody a book of the Four Evangelists in English, and did often
read therein; and that he favoured the doctrines and opinions of
Martin Luther, openly pronouncing that Luther had more learning in
his little finger than all the doctors in England in their whole
bodies; and that all the priests in the church were blind, and had
led the people the wrong way. Likewise it was alleged against him,
that he had denied purgatory, and had said, that while he were alive
he would do as much for himself as he could, for after his death he
thought that prayer and alms-deeds could little help him.

     These and such-like matters were they, wherewith these poor and
simple men and women were chiefly charged, and as heinous heretics
excommunicated, imprisoned, and at last compelled to recant; and some
of them, in utter shame and reproach, (besides the ordinary bearing
of faggots before the cross in procession, or else at a sermon,) were
enjoined for penance, (as they termed it,) as well to appear once
every year before their ordinary, as also to wear the sign of a
faggot painted upon their sleeves, or other part of their outward
garment, and that during all their lives, or so often and long as it
pleased their ordinary to appoint. By which long, rigorous, and open
punishing of them, they meant (as it should seem) utterly to terrify
and keep back all others from the true knowledge of Jesus Christ and
his gospel. But the Lord be evermore praised, what effect their
wicked purposes therein have taken, these our most lightsome days of
God's glorious gospel do most joyfully declare.

     There were also troubled besides these, certain others more
simple and ignorant; who having but a very small smack or taste of
the truth, did yet at the first (as it may seem) gladly consent unto
the same; but being apprehended, they quickly again yielded, and
therefore had only assigned them for their penance, the bearing of a
little candle before the cross, without any further open abjuring or
recanting. Amongst which I find two especially; the one a woman,
called Ellen Heyer, to whom it was objected, that she had neither
confessed herself unto the priest, nor yet received the sacrament of
the altar, by the space of four years, and notwithstanding had yearly
eaten flesh at Easter, and after, as well as others that had received
the same, contrary to the usual manner and conversation of all other
Christian people.

     The other was a man, named Robert Berkeway, who (besides most
wicked blasphemies against God, which he utterly denied) was charged
to have spoken heinous words against the pope's holy and blessed
martyr Thomas Becket, calling him covetous and a thief, for that he
wrought by crafts and imaginations.

     Thus have I (as briefly as I could) summarily collected the
principal articles objected against these weak, infirm, and earthy
vessels. Not minding hereby to excuse or condemn them, in these their
fearful falls and dangerous defections; but leaving them unto the
unmeasurable rich mercies of the Lord; I thought only to make
manifest the insatiable bloody cruelty of the pope's kingdom, against
the gospel and true church of Christ; nothing mitigating their
envious rage, no not against the very simple idiots, and that
sometimes in most frivolous and irreligious cases. But now leaving to
say any further herein, I will (by God's grace) go forward with other
somewhat more serious matters.



140. WILLIAM SMEETING AND JOHN BREWSTER.

     In searching and perusing of the Register, for the collection
of the names and articles before recited, I find that within the
compass of the same years there were also some others, who after they
had once showed themselves as frail and inconstant as the rest,
(being either therewith pricked in conscience, or otherwise zealously
overcome with the manifest truth of God's most sacred word,) became
yet again as earnest professors of Christ as ever they were before,
and for the same profession were the second time apprehended,
examined, condemned, and in the end were most cruelly burned. Of the
which number were William Sweeting and John Brewster, who were both
burned together in Smithfield, the eighteenth day of October, A.D.
1511. The chiefest case of religion alleged against them in their
articles, was their faith concerning the sacrament of Christ's body
and blood. Which, because it differed from the absurd, gross, and
Capernaitical opinion of the new schoolmen, was counted as most
heinous heresy. There were other things besides objected against
them; as the reading of certain forbidden books, and accompanying
with such persons as were suspected of heresy. But one great and
heinous offence counted amongst the rest, was their putting and
leaving off the painted faggots, which they were at the first
abjuring enjoined to wear as badges during their lives, or so long as
it should please their ordinary to appoint, and not to leave them
off, upon pain of relapse, until they were dispensed withal for the
same. The breach of this injunction was esteemed to be of no small
weight, and yet, the matter well and thoroughly considered, it
seemeth by their confessions, they were both thereunto by necessity
enforced. For the one, named Sweeting, being for fear of the bishop's
cruelty constrained to wander the countries to get his poor living,
came at length unto Colchester, where by the parson of the parish of
Mary Magdalene, he was provoked to be the holy-water clerk, and in
that consideration had that infamous badge first taken away from him.
The other (which was Brewster) left off his at the commandment of the
comptroller of the earl of Oxford's house; who hiring the poor man to
labour in the earl's household business, would not suffer him,
working there, to wear that counterfeit cognizance any longer:  so
that (as I said) necessity of living seemeth to compel both of them
at the first to break that injunction; and therefore, if charity had
borne as great sway in the hearts of the pope's clergy as did
cruelty, this trifle would not have been so heinously taken, as to be
brought against them for an article and cause of condemnation to
death. But where tyranny once taketh place, as well all godly love,
as also all human reason and duties, are quite forgotten. Well, to be
short, what for the causes before recited, as also for that they had
once already abjured, and yet (as they term it) fell again into
relapse, they were both (as you have heard) in the end burned
together in Smithfield; although the same parties (as the Register
recordeth) did again before their death fearfully forsake their
former revived constancy, and submitting themselves unto the
discipline of the Romish Church, craved absolution from their
excommunication. Howbeit, because many of the Register's notes and
records in such cases may rightly be doubted of, and so called into
question, I refer the certain knowledge hereof unto the Lord, (who is
the trier of all truths,) and the external judgment unto the godly
and discreet reader; not forgetting yet by the way, (if that the
report should be true,) upon so just an occasion, to charge that
catholic clergy and their wicked laws, with a more shameless tyranny
and uncharitable cruelty than before. For if they nothing stay their
bloody malice towards such as so willingly submit themselves unto
their mercies, what favour may the faithful and constant professors
of Christ look for at their hands? I might here also ask of them, how
they follow the pitiful and loving admonition (or rather precept) of
our Saviour Christ, (whose true and only church they so stoutly brag
to be,) who in the 17th chapter of St. Luke saith, Though thy brother
sin against thee seven times in a day, and seven times in a day turn
to thee, saying, It repenteth me, thou shalt forgive him. But what go
I about to allure them unto the following of the rule and counsel of
him, unto whose word and gospel they seem most open and utter
enemies? Wherefore, not purposing to stay any longer thereupon, but
leaving them unto the righteous revengement of the Lord; let us now
hereunto adjoin the story of one John Browne, a good martyr of the
Lord, burnt at Ashford, about this fourth year of King Henry the
Eighth, whose story hereunder followeth.

     The occasion of the first trouble of this John Browne was by a
priest, sitting in a Gravesend barge. John Browne being the same time
in the barge, came and sat hard by him; whereupon after certain
communication, the priest asked him, "Dost thou know," said he, "who
I am; thou sittest too near me, thou sittest on my clothes?" "No,
sir," said he, "I know not what you are." "I tell thee I am a
priest." "What, sir, are ye a parson, or vicar, or a lady's
chaplain?" "No," quoth he again, "I am a soul priest, I sing for a
soul," saith he. "Do you so, sir," quoth the other, "that is well
done. I pray you, sir," quoth he, "where find you the soul when you
go to mass?" "I cannot tell thee," said the priest. "I pray you where
do you leave it, sir, when the mass is done?" " I cannot tell thee,"
said the priest. "Neither can you tell where you find it when you go
to mass, nor where you leave it when the mass is done, how can you
then have the soul," said he. "Go thy ways," said the priest, "thou
art a heretic, and I will be even with thee." So at the landing, the
priest taking with him Walter More and William More, two gentlemen,
brethren, rode straightways to the Archbishop Warham, whereupon the
said John Browne within three days after, his wife being churched the
same day, and he bringing in a mess of pottage to the board to his
guests, was sent for, and his feet bound under his own horse, and so
brought up to Canterbury, neither his wife nor he, nor any of his,
knowing whither he went, nor whither he should. And there continuing
from Low-Sunday till the Friday before Whitsunday, his wife not,
knowing all this while where he was; he was set in the stocks over
night, and on the morrow went to death, and was burned at Ashford,
A.D. 1517. The same night as he was in the stocks at Ashford, where
he and his wife dwelt, his wife then hearing of him, came and sat by
him all the night before he should be burned; to whom he declaring
the whole story how he was handled, showed and told, how that he
could not set his feet to the ground, for they were burned to the
bones, and told her how by the two bishops, Warham;and Fisher, his
feet were heated upon the hot coals, and burnt to the bones, "to make
me," said he, "to deny my Lord, which I will never do; for if I
should deny my Lord in this world, he would hereafter deny me. I pray
thee," said he, "therefore, good Elizabeth, continue as thou hast
begun, and bring up thy children virtuously and in the fear of God: "
and so the next day, on Whitsunday even, this godly martyr was
burned. Standing at the stake, this prayer he made, holding up his
hands,

"O Lord, I yield me to thy grace,
Grant me mercy for my trespass,
Let never the fiend my soul chase.
Lord, I will bow, and thou shalt beat,
Let never my soul come in hell heat.
Into thy hands I commend my spirit, thou hast redeemed
me, O Lord of truth." And so he ended.

     At the fire, one Chilton, the baily arrant, bade cast in
Browne's children also; for they would spring, said he, of his ashes.

     This blessed martyr John Browne had borne a faggot seven years
before in the days of King Henry the Seventh.



141. RICHARD HUN

     As it is the property of Satan ever to malice the prosperous
estate of the saints of God, and true professors of Christ; so
ceaseth he not continually to stir up his wicked members to the
effectual accomplishing of that which his envious nature so greedily
desireth; if not always openly by colour of tyrannical laws, yet, at
the leastwise, by some subtle practice of secret murder; which thing
doth most plainly appear not only in a great number of the blessed
martyrs of Christ's church, mentioned in this book, but also, and
especially, in the discourse of this lamentable history that now I
have in hand, concerning the secret and cruel murdering of Richard
Hun, whose story here consequently ensueth, excerped and collected
partly out of the registers of London, partly out of a bill exhibited
and denounced in the parliament house.

     There was in the year of our Lord 1514, one Richard Hun,
merchant tailor, dwelling within the city of London, and freeman of
the same, who was esteemed during his life, and worthily reputed and
taken, not only for a man of true dealing and good substance, but
also for a good catholic man. This Richard Hun had a child at nurse
in Middlesex in the parish of St. Mary Matsilon, which died; by the
occasion whereof, one Thomas Drifield, clerk, being parson of the
said parish, sued the said Richard Hun in the spiritual court for a
bearing sheet, which the said Thomas Drifield claimed, unjustly, to
have of the said Hun, for a mortuary for Stephen Hun, son of the said
Richard Hun; which Stephen, being at nurse in the said parish, died
being of the age of five weeks, and not above. Hun answered him
again, that forasmuch as the child had no property in the sheet, he
therefore neither would pay it, nor the other ought to have it.
Whereupon the priest, moved with a covetous desire, and loth to lose
his pretended right, cited him to appear in the spiritual court,
there to answer the matter. Whereupon the said Richard Hunne, being
troubled in the spiritual court, was forced to seek counsel of the
learned in the law of this land, and pursued a writ of præmunire
against the said Thomas Drifield, and other, his aiders, counsellors,
proctors,and adherents, as by the process thereof is yet to be seen;
which when the rest of the priestly order heard of, greatly
disdaining that any layman should so boldly enterprise such a matter
against any of them; and fearing also that if they should now suffer
this priest to be condemned at the suit of Hun, there would be
thereby ever after a liberty opened unto all others of the laity to
do the like with the rest of the clergy in such-like cases; they
straightways, both to stop this matter, and also to be revenged of
him, for that he had already done, sought all means they possibly
could how to entrap and bring him within the danger of their own
cruel laws; and thereupon making secret and diligent inquisition, and
seeking all corners they could against him, at length they found a
means how to accuse him of heresy, unto Richard Fitzjames, then
bishop of London, and so did; who (desirous to satisfy the revenging
and bloody affection of his chaplains) caused him thereupon to be
apprehended and committed unto prison within the Lollard's Tower at
Paul's, so that none of his friends might be suffered to come to him.
This Richard Hun being clapped in the Lollard's Tower, shortly after,
at the earnest instigation of one Doctor Horsey the bishop's
chancellor, (a man more ready to prefer the clergy's cruel tyranny
than the truth of Christ's gospel,) was brought before the bishop at
his manor of Fulham, the second day of December, in the year before-
mentioned; where within his chapel he examined him upon these
articles following, collected against him by the said Horsey and his
accomplices.

     "First, That he had read, taught, preached, published, and
obstinately defended, against the laws of Almighty God; that tithes,
or paying of tithes, was never ordained to he due, saving only by the
covetousness of priests.

     "2. Item, That he had read, taught, preached, published, and
obstinately defended; that bishops and priests be the scribes and
Pharisees that did crucify Christ, and damned him to death.

     "3. Item, That he had read, taught, preached, &c., that bishops
and priests be teachers and preachers, but no doers, neither
fulfillers of the law of God; but catching, ravening, and all things
taking, and nothing ministering, neither giving.

     "4. Item, Where and when one Joan Baker was detected and
abjured of many great heresies, (as it appeareth by her abjuration,)
the said Richard Hun, said, published, taught, preached, and
obstinately took upon him, saying, that he would defend her and her
opinions, if it cost him five hundred marks.

     "5. Item, Afterwards (where and when the said Joan taker, after
her abjuration, was enjoined open penance according to her demerits)
the said Richard Hun said, published, taught, and obstinately did
defend her, saying, The bishop of London and his officers have done
open wrong to the said Joan Baker, in punishing her for heresy; for
her sayings and opinions be according to the laws of God; wherefore
the bishop and his officers are more worthy to be punished for heresy
than she is.

     "6. Item, That the said Richard Him hath in his keeping divers
English books, prohibited and damned by the law; as the Apocalypse in
English, Epistles and Gospels in English, Wickliff's damnable works,
and other books, containing infinite errors, in the which he hath
been long time accustomed to read, teach, and study daily."

     Particular answer unto these several objections, in the
Register, I find none, saving that next under them, there is written
in his name with a contrary hand these words following:  "As touching
these articles, I have not spoken them as they be here laid:  howbeit,
unadvisedly I have spoken words somewhat sounding to the same; for
the which I am sorry, and ask God mercy, and submit me unto my lord's
charitable and favourable correction." Which they affirm to be
written with Hun's own hand:  but how likely to truth that is, let the
discreet wisdom of the reader indifferently judge by the whole sequel
of this process. And further, if it were his own act, what occasion
then had they so cruelly to murder him as they did? seeing he had
already so willingly confessed his fault, and submitted himself unto
the charitable and favourable correction of the bishop, (for the
which even by their own law, in cases of most heinous heresy, he
ought to be again received and pardoned,) except perhaps they will
account horrible murder to be but the bishop's favourable correction.
Again, it seemeth they had very few credible witnesses to prove
certainly that this was his answer and hand-writing; for the
Register, or some other for him (appointed to record the same) hath
certified it, as of hearsay from others, and not of his own proper
sight and knowledge, as the words noted in the margin of the book,
adjoining to the aforesaid answer, plainly do declare, which are
these, Hoc fuit scriptum manu propria Richardi Hunne, ut dicitur. Now
if he had had any sure ground to stablish this certificate, I doubt
not but he would (instead of ut dicitur) have registered the names of
the assistants at the time of his examination, (which he confesseth
to be many,) as generally they do in all their acts, especially in
cases of heresy, as they term it. But how scrupulous those good
fellows that spared not so shamelessly to murder him, would be to
make a lie of him that was already dead, let (as I said) the
indifferent judgment of the godly wise discern.

     This examination ended, the bishop sent him back again the same
day,unto the Lollard's Tower; and then by the appointment of Doctor
Horsey, his chancellor, he was colourably committed from the custody
of Charles Joseph, the sumner, unto John Spalding, the bell-ringer, a
man by whose simpleness in wit (though otherwise wicked) the subtle
chancellor thought to bring his devilish pretended homicide the
easier to pass; which most cruelly he did by his ministers suborned,
within two nights then next following accomplish; as is plainly
proved hereafter by the diligent inquiry and final verdict of the
coroner of London, and his inquest, made by order of the laws in that
behalf limited. But when this usual practice of the papists was once
accomplished, there wanted then no secret shifts nor worldly wiles
for the crafty colouring of this mischief; and therefore, the next
morning after they had in the night committed this murder, John
Spalding (I doubt not but by the counsel of his master chancellor)
got himself out of the way, into the city, and leaving the keys of
the prison with one of his fellows, willed him to deliver them unto
the sumner's boy, which accustomably did use to carry Hun his meat,
and other necessaries that he needed; thinking that the boy, first
finding the prisoner dead, and hanged in such sort as they left him,
they might (by his relation) be thought free from any suspicion of
this matter. Which thing happened in the beginning almost as they
wished. For the boy, the same morning (being the fourth day of
December) having the keys delivered him, accompanied with two other
of the bishop's sumners, went about ten of the clock into the prison,
to serve the prisoner, as he was wont to do; and when they came up,
they found him hanged with his face towards the wall. Whereupon they
(astonished at this sight) gave knowledge thereof immediately unto
the chancellor, being then in the church, and watching, I suppose, of
purpose, for such news; who forthwith got unto him certain of his
colleagues, and went with them into the prison, to see that which his
own wicked conscience knew full well before, as was afterwards
plainly proved, although then he made a fair face to the contrary,
blazing abroad among the people, by their officers and servants, that 
Hun had desperately hanged himself. Howbeit, the people having good
experience as well of the honest life and godly conversation of the
man, as also of the devilish malice of his adversaries the priests,
judged rather that by their procurement he was secretly murdered.
Whereof arose great contention; for the bishop of London on the 'one
side, taking his clergy's part, affirmed stoutly that Hun had hanged
himself. The citizens again on the other side, vehemently suspecting
some secret murder, caused the coroner of London (according to law)
to choose an inquest, and to take good view of the dead body, and so
to try out the truth of the matter. Whereby the bishop and his
chaplains were then driven to the extremity of shifts; and therefore 
minding by some subtle show of justice, to stop the mouths of the
people, they determined that in the mean while, as the inquest was
occupied about their charge, the bishop should, for his part, proceed
ex officio, in case of heresy, against the dead person; supposing
(most like) that if the party were once condemned of heresy, the
inquest durst not then but find him guilty of his own death, and so
clearly acquit them from all the former suspicion of privy murder.
This determination of theirs they did immediately put in practice, in
order as followeth.
Illustration:  Richard Hun Found Hanged in the Lollard's Tower

     First, besides the articles before mentioned, (which they
affirm were objected against him in his lifetime,) Doctor Hed did now
also after his death, collect certain others out of the prologue of
his English Bible, remaining then in the bishop's hands; which he
diligently perused, not to learn any good thing therein, but to get
thereout such matter, as he thought might best serve their cursed
purpose, as appeareth by the tenor of the articles, which are these: 

     "1. First, The said book damneth all holy canons, calling them
ceremonies and statutes of sinful men and uncunning; and calleth the
pope Sathanas and antichrist.

     "2. Item, It damneth the pope's pardons, saying, they be but
leasings.

     "3. Item, The said book of Hun saith, that kings and lords,
called Christian in name, and heathen in conditions, defile the
sanctuary of God, bringing clerks full of covetousness, heresy, and
malice, to stop God's law that it cannot be known, kept, and freely
preached.

     "4. Item, The said book saith, that lords and prelates pursue
full cruelly them that would teach truly and freely the law of God;
and cherish them that preach sinful men's traditions and statutes, by
the which he meaneth the holy canons of Christ's church.

     "5. Item, That poor men and idiots have the truth of the Holy
Scriptures, more than a thousand prelates and religious men, and
clerks of the school.

     "6. Item, That Christian kings and lords set idols in God's
house, and excite the people to idolatry.

     "7. Item, That princes, lords, and prelates, so doing, be worse
than Herod that pursued Christ, and worse than Jews and heathen men
that crucified Christ.

     "8. Item, That every man swearing by our Lady, or any other
saint or creature, giveth more honour to the saints, than to the holy
Trinity; and so he saith they be idolaters.

     "9. Item, He saith, that saints ought not to be honoured.

     "10. Item, He damneth adoration, prayer, kneeling, and offering
to images, which he calleth stocks and stones.

     "11. Item, He saith, that the very body of the Lord is not
contained in the sacrament of the altar, but that men, receiving it,
shall thereby keep in mind, that Christ's flesh was wounded and
crucified for us.

     "12. Item, He damneth the university of Oxford, with all
degrees and faculties in it, as art civil, canon, and divinity,
saying, that they let the true way to come to the knowledge of the
laws of God and Holy Scripture.

     "13. Item, He defendeth the translation of the Bible and Holy
Scripture into the English tongue, which is prohibited by the laws of
our mother holy church."

     These articles thus collected, as also the others before
specified, they caused for a more show of their pretended justice and
innocence, to be openly read the next Sunday following by the
preacher at Paul's Cross, with this protestation made before.

     "Masters and friends, for certain causes and considerations, I
have in commandment to rehearse, show, and publish here unto you, the
articles of heresy, upon which Richard Hun was detected and examined;
and also other great articles and damnable points and opinions of
heresy contained in some of his books, be come to light and
knowledge, here ready to be showed."

     And therewith he read the articles openly unto the people,
concluding with these words: 

     "And, masters, if there be any man desirous to see the
specialty of these articles, or doubt whether they be contained in
this book or not, for satisfying of his mind, let him come to my lord
of London, and he shall see it with good will. Moreover, here I
counsel and admonish, that if there be any persons, that of their
simpleness have been familiar and acquainted with the said Richard
Hun in these articles, or have heard him read upon this book, or any
other sounding to heresy, or have any like books themselves, let them
come unto my lord of London betwixt this and Candlemas next, and
acknowledge their fault, and they shall be charitably treated and
dealt withal, so that both their goods and honesty shall be saved;
and if they will not come of their own offer, but abide the process
of the law, then at their own peril be it, if the rigour of the law
be executed against them."

     After which open publication and admonition, the bishop at
sundry times examined divers of his priests, and other lay persons,
upon the contents of both these articles. Among which examinates,
there was a man servant and a maid of the said Hun's, who, although
they had of long time dwelt with him, were not able to charge him
with any great thing worthy reprehension; no, not in such points as
the bishop chiefly objected against him. But yet the priests (through
whose procurement this mischief was first begun) spared no whit
stoutly and maliciously to accuse him, some in the contents of the
first articles, and some in the second. Wherefore, having now (as
they thought) sufficient matter against him, they purposed speedily
to proceed to his condemnation. And because they would seem to do all
things formally, and by prescript order, they first drew out certain
short and summary rules, by the which the bishop should be directed
in this solemn session; which are these: 

     "First, Let the bishop sit in his tribunal seat, in our Lady's
chapel.

     "Secondly, Let him recite the cause of his coming, and take
notaries to him, to enact that shall be there done.

     "Thirdly, Let him declare, how, upon Sunday last, at Paul's
Cross, he caused to be published a general monition, or denunciation,
that all abettors and maintainers of Richard Hun, should come in, as
by this day, and submit themselves; and let him signify withal, how
certain have come in, and have appeared already.

     "Fourthly, Let him protest and say, that if there remain any
yet behind which have not appeared according to the former monition
and denunciation; yet if they will come, and appear, and submit
themselves, they shall be heard and received with grace and favour.

     "Fifthly, Let the bishop, or some other at his appointment,
recite the articles objected against Richard Hun; in the time of his
life; and then the other articles likewise, which were out of his
great book of the Bible extracted.

     "Sixthly, Let the answers and confessions of the said Richard
Hun summarily be recited, with the attestations made to the same
articles. Also let his books be exhibited, and then Thomas Brook his
servant be called for.

     "Seventhly, Let it be openly cried at the choir door, that if
there be any which will defend the articles, opinions, books, or the
memory of the said Richard Hun, let them come and appear, and they
shall be heard, as the law in that behalf shall require.

     "Eighthly, Let it be openly cried, as in manner before, for
such as be receivers, favourers, defenders, or believers of the said
Richard Hun, that all such do appear and submit themselves to the
bishop, or else he intendeth to proceed to the excommunication of
them in general, according to the exigence of the law in that behalf.

     "Ninthly, Then the bishop speaking to the standers by, and to
them which sat with him upon the bench, of the clergy, demanding of
them, what their judgment and opinion is touching the premises, and
whether they think it convenient and agreeable for him to proceed to
the sentence against the said Richard Hun, in this part to be
awarded.

     "Tenthly, After their consent and counsel given, let the bishop
read out the sentence.

     "Finally, After the sentence read, let the bishop appoint the
publication and denunciation of the aforesaid sentence to be read at
Paul's Cross or elsewhere, as to him shall seem expedient, with a
citation likewise generally against all them that be receivers,
favourers, and believers of the said Hun, to give to understand why
he ought not further to proceed against them," &c.

     Now according to the tenor of these prescripts and rules, the
bishop of London, accompanied with the bishops of Durham and Lincoln,
sat in judgment the 16th day of December, then next following, within
the place by the same appointed; adjoining also unto them as
witnesses of their proceedings, six public notaries, his own
register, and about twenty-five doctors, abbots, priors, and priests
of name, with a great rabble of their common anointed catholics.
Where, after a solemn proclamation made, that if there were any that
would defend the opinions and books of Richard Hun, they should
presently appear and be heard according to law, he commanded all the
articles and objections against Hun openly to be read before the
assembly; and then, perceiving that none durst appear in his defence,
by the advice of his assistants, he pronounced the sentence
definitive against the dead carcass, condemning it of heresy, and
therewith committed the same unto the secular power, to be by them
burned accordingly. Which ridiculous decree was as fondly
accomplished in Smithfield the 20th day of the same month of
December, (being full sixteen days after they had thus horribly
murdered him,) to the great grief and disdain of all the people.

     Notwithstanding, after all this tragical and cruel handling of
the dead body, with their fair and colourable show of justice, yet
the inquest no whit stayed their diligent searching out of the true
cause and means of his death. Insomuch that when they had been divers
times called both before the king's privy council, (his Majesty
himself being sometime present,) and also before the chief judges and
justices of this realm, and that the matter being by them thoroughly
examined, and perceived to be much bolstered and borne withal by the
clergy, was again wholly remitted unto their determination and
ending; they found by good proof and sufficient evidence, that Doctor
Horsey, the chancellor, Charles Joseph, the sumner, and John
Spalding, the bell-ringer, had privily and maliciously committed this
murder, and therefore indicted them all three as wilful murderers.
Howbeit, through the earnest suit of the bishop of London unto
Cardinal Wolsey, (as appeareth by his letters hereafter mentioned,)
means was found, that at the next sessions of gaol delivery, the
king's attorney pronounced the indictment against Doctor Horsey to be
false and untrue; and him not to be guilty of the murder. Who being
then thereby delivered in body, having yet in himself a guilty
conscience, gat him unto Exeter, and durst never after for shame come
again unto London. But now, that the truth of all this matter may
seem more manifest and plain unto all men's eyes, here shall follow
word by word the whole inquiry and verdict of the inquest, exhibited
by them unto the coroner of London, so given up and signed with his
own hand.

The verdict of the inquest.

     "The fifth and the sixth day of December, in the sixth yeere of
the reigne of our soueraigne lord King Henry the Eighth, William
Barnewell crowner of London, the day and yeere abouesaid, within the
ward of Castelbainard of London assembled a quest, whose names
afterward doe appeare, and hath sworne them truely to enquire of the
death of one Richard Hun, which lately was found dead in the Lollards
Tower within Pauls church of London:  whereupon all we of the inquest
together went vp into the said Tower, where we found the body of the
said Hun hanging vpon a staple of iron in a girdle of silke, with
faire countenance, his head faire kemmed, and his bonet right sitting
vpon his head, with his eyne and mouth faire closed, without any
staring, gaping, or frowning, also without any driueling or spurging
in any place of his body:  whereupon by one assent all we agreed to
take downe the dead body of the said Hun, and as soon as we began to
heaue the body, it was loose; whereby, by good aduisement we
perceiued that the girdle had no knot about the staple, but it was
double cast, and the linkes of an iron chaine which did hang on the
same staple, were laid vpon the same girdle whereby hee did hang: 
also the knot of the girdle that went about his necke, stood vnder
his left eare, which caused his head to leane towards his right
shoulder. Notwithstanding there came out of his nostrels two small 
streames of blood, to the quantity of foure drops. Saue onely these
foure drops of blood, the face, lips, chinne, doublet, coller, and
shirt of the said Hun, was cleane from any blood. Also we find that
the skinne both of his necke and throte beneath the girdle of silke,
was fret and faled away, with that thing which the murtherers had
broken his necke withall. Also the hands of the said Hun were wrung
in the wrists; whereby we perceiued that his hands had bin bound.

     Moreouer, we find that within the said prison was no meane
whereby a man might hang himselfe, but onely a stoole, which stoole
stood vpon a bolster of a bed, so tickle, that any man or beast might
not touch it so little, but it was ready to fall. Wherby we perceiued
that it was not possible that Hun might hang himselfe, the stoole so
standing. Also all the girdle from the staple to his necke, as well
as the part which went about his neck, was too little for his head to
come out thereat. Also it was not possible that the soft silken
girdle should breake his necke or skin beneath the girdle. Also we
find in a corner somewhat beyond the place where he did hang, a great
parcell of blood. Also we find vpon the left side of Hunnes iacket
from the brest downeward, two great streames of blood. Also within
the flap of the left side of his iacket, we find a great cluster of
blood, and the iacket folden downe thereupon; which thing the said
Hun could neuer fold nor doe after he was hanged. Whereby it
appeareth plainely to vs all, that the necke of Hun was broken, and
the great plenty of blood was shed before he was hanged. Wherefore
all we find by God and all our consciences; that Richard Hunne was
murthered. Also we acquit the said Richard Hun of his own death.

     "Also there was an end of a wax candle, which as Iohn Belringer
saith, hee left in the prison burning with Hunne that same Sunday at
night that Hun was murthered; which waxe candle we found sticking
vpon the stockes faire put out, about seuen or eight foote from the
place where Hunne was hanged; which candle after our opinion was
neuer put out by him, for many likelihoods which we haue perceiued.
Also at the going vp of master chancellor into the Lollard's Tower,
we haue good proofe that there lay on the stockes a gowne either of
murrey or crimosin in graine furred with shankes; whose gowne it was
wee could neuer proue, neither who bare it away. All we find, that
Master William Horsey, chancellour to my lord of London, hath had at
his commandement both the rule and guiding of the said prisoner.
Moreouer, all wee find that the said Master Horsey, chancellor, hath
put Charles Ioseph out of his office, as the said Charles hath
confessed, because he would not deale and vse the said prisoner so
cruelly, and do to him as the chancellor would haue had him to doe.
Notwithstanding, the deliuerance of the keyes to the chancellour by
Charles on the Saturday at night before Hunnes death, and Charles
riding out of the towne on that Sunday in the morning ensuing, was
but a conuention made betwixt Charles and the chancellour for to
colour the murther. For the same Sunday that Charles rode forth, he
came againe to the towne at night, and killed Richard Hunne, as in
the depositions of Iulian Littell, Thomas Chicheley, Thomas Simonds,
and Peter Turner doth appeare.

     "After colouring of the murther betwixt Charles and the
chancellour conspired, the chancellour called to him one Iohn
Spalding, belringer of Pauls, and deliuered to the same belringer the
keyes of the Lollards Tower, giving to the said belringer a great
charge, saying:  I charge thee to keepe Hun more straitely then hee
hath beene kept, and let him have but one meale a day. Moreouer I
charge thee, let no body come to him without any licence, neither to
bring him shirt, cappe, kirchiefe, or any other thing, but that I see
it before it come to him. Also before Hunne was carried to Fulham,
the chancellor commanded to bee put vpon Huns necke a great coller of
iron with a great chaine, which is too heauie for any man or beast to
weare, and long to endure.

     "Moreouer, it is wel proued, that before Huns death, the said
chancellor came vp into the said Lollard's Tower, and kneeled downe
before Hun, holding vp his hands to him, praying him of forgiuenes of
all that he had done to him, and must doe to him. And on Sunday
following the chancellor commanded the penitensarie of Pauls to goe
vp to him and say a gospel, and make for him holy water and holy
bread, and giue it to him; which so did; and also the chancellor
commanded that Hunne should haue his dinner. And the same dinner time
Charles boy was shut in prison with Hun, which was neuer so before: 
and after dinner when the belringer let out the boy, the belringer
said to the same boy; Come no more hither with meat for him, vntill
to morrow at noone; for my master chancellor hath commanded that he
should haue but one meale a day:  and the same night following Richard
Hun was murthered:  which murther could not haue beene done without
consent and licence of the chancellor, and also by the witting and
knowledge of Iohn Spalding belringer:  for there could no man come
into the prison, but by the keies being in Iohn belringers keeping.
Also as by my lord of Londons booke doth appeare, Iohn belringer is a
poore innocent man. Wherefore all wee doe perceiue that this murther
could not bee done, but by the commandement of the chancellor, and by
the witting and knowing of John belringer.

     "Charles Ioseph within the Tower of London of his own free will
and vnconstrained said, that master chancellor deuised and wrote with
his own hand, all such heresies as were laid to Huns charge, record
Iohn God, Iohn True, Iohn Pasmere, Richard Gibson, with many other.
Also Charles Ioseph saith, that when Richard Hun was slaine, Iohn
belringer bare vp the staire into Lollards Tower a waxe candle,
hauing the keies of the dores hanging on his arme, and I Charles went
next to him, and master chancellor came vp last:  and when all we came
vp, wee found Hun lying on his bed, and then master chancellor said;
Lay hands on the theefe, and so all wee murthered him:  and then I
Charles put the girdle about Huns necke, and then Iohn belringer and
I Charles did heaue vp Hun, and master chancellor pulled the girdle
ouer the staple, and so Hunne was hanged."

The copy of Richard Fitzjames's letter, then bishop of London, sent
to Cardinal Wolsey.

     "I beseech your good lordship to stand so good lord vnto my
poor chancellor now in warde, and indighted by an vntrue quest, for
the death of Richard Hun, vpon the onely accusation of Charles
Ioseph, made by paine and durance; that by your intercession, it may
please the kings grace to haue the matter duely and sufficiently
examined by indifferent persons of his discreet councell, in the
presence of the parties, ere there be any more done in the cause, and
that vpon the innocencie of my said chancellor declared, it may
further please the kings grace to award a plackard vnto his atturney
to confesse the said enditement to be vntrue, when the time shall
require it:  for assured am I, if my chancellor be tried by any twelue
men in London, they be so malitiouslie set In fauorem hereticæ
prauitatis, that they will cast and condemne any clerke, though he
were as innocent as Abel. Quare si potes beate pater adjuva
infirmitates nostras, tibi in perpetuum deuincti erimus. Ouer this in
most humble wise I beseech you, that I may have the kings gracious
fauour, whom I neuer offended willingly, and that by your good meanes
I might speake with his grace and you, and I with all mine, shall
pray for your prosperous estate long to continue.

     Your most humble Oratour R. L."

     Lastly, now remaineth to infer the sentence of the questmen,
which followeth in like sort to be seen and expended, after I have
first declared the words of the bishop spoken in the parliament
house.

The words that the bishop of London spake before the lords in the
parliament house.

     "Memorandum, That the bishop of London said in the parliament
house, that there was a bill brought to the parliament, to make the
jury that was charged upon the death of Hun, true men; and said, and
took upon his conscience, that they were false, perjured caitiffs;
and said furthermore to all the lords, there then being; For the love
of God look upon this matter; for if you do not, I dare not keep mine
house for heretics:  and said, that the said Richard Hun hanged 
himself, and that it was his own deed, and no man's else. And
furthermore said, that there came a man to his house, whose wife was
appeached of heresy, to speak with him, and he said that he had no
mind to speak with the same man; which man spake and reported to the
servants of the same bishop, that if his wife would not hold still
her opinions, he would cut her throat with his own hands, with other
words."

The sentence of the inquest, subscribed by the coroner.

     The inquisition intended and taken at the city of London in the
parish of St. Gregory, in the ward of Bainard Castle, in London, the
sixth day of December, in the sixth year of the reign of King Henry
the Eighth, before Thomas Barnewell, coroner of our sovereign lord
the king, within the city of London, aforesaid, also before James
Yarford and John Mundey, sheriffs of the said city, upon the sight of
the body of Richard Hun, late of London, tailor, which was found
hanged in the Lollard's Tower; and by the oath and proof of lawful
men of the same ward, and of other three wards next adjoining, as it
ought to be, after the custom of the city aforesaid, to inquire how,
and in what manner wise, the said Richard Hun came unto his death;
and upon the oath of John Bernard, Thomas Stert, William Warren,
Henry Abraham, John Aborow, John Turner, Robert Allen, William
Marler, John Burton, James Page, Thomas Pickhill, William Burton,
Robert Bridgewater, Thomas Busted, Gilbert Howell, Richard Gibson,
Christopher Crafton, John God, Richard Holt, John Palmere, Edmund
Hudson, John Arunsell, Richard Cooper, John Tim:  the which said upon
their oaths, that where the said Richard Hun, by the commandment of
Richard, bishop of London, was imprisoned and brought to hold in a
prison of the said bishop's, called Lollard's Tower, lying in the
cathedral church of St. Paul, in London, in the parish of St.
Gregory, in the ward of Bainard Castle aforesaid, William Horsey of
London, clerk, otherwise called William Heresy, chancellor to
Richard, bishop of London, and one Charles Joseph, late of London,
sumner, and John Spalding of London, otherwise called John
Bellringer, feloniously, as felons to our lord the king, with force
and arms, against the peace of our sovereign lord the king, and
dignity of his crown, the fourth day of December, the sixth year of
the reign of our sovereign lord aforesaid, of their great malice, at
the parish of St. Gregory aforesaid, upon the said Richard Hun made a
fray, and the same Richard Hun feloniously strangled and smothered,
and also the neck they did break of the said Richard Hun, and there
feloniously slew him, and murdered him.

     After that the twenty-four had given up their verdict sealed
and signed with the coroner's seal, the cause was then brought into
the parliament house, where the truth was laid so plain before all
men's faces, and the fact so notorious, that immediately certain of
the bloody murderers were committed to prison, and should, no doubt,
have suffered that they deserved, had not the cardinal, by his
authority, practised for his catholic children, at the suit of the
bishop of London. Whereupon the chancellor, by the king's pardon and
secret shifting, rather than by God's pardon and his deserving,
escaped, and went, as is said, to Exeter, &c. Nevertheless, though
justice took no place, where favour did save, yet, because the
innocent cause of Hun should take no wrong, the parliament became
suitors unto the king's Majesty, that whereas the goods of the said
Hun were confiscated into the king's hands, that it would please his
Grace to make restitution of all the said goods unto the children of
the said Hun; upon which motion, the king, of his gracious
disposition, did not only give all the aforesaid goods unto the
aforesaid children, under his broad seal, yet to be seen, but also
did send out his warrants to those that were the cruel murderers,
commanding them, upon his high displeasure, to redeliver all the said
goods, and make restitution for the death of the said Richard Hun;
all which goods came to the sum of 1500 pounds sterling, besides his
plate and other jewels.

The tenor of the king's letter in the behalf of Richard Hun.

     "Trusty and well-beloved, we greet you well:  Whereas by the
complaint to us made, as well as also in our high court of
parliament, on the behalf and part of Roger Whapplot of our city of
London, draper, and Margaret his wife, late the daughter of Richard
Hun:  And whereas you were indicted by our laws, of and for the death
of the said Richard Hun, the said murder cruelly committed by you,
like as by our records more at large plainly it doth appear, about
the fifth day of December, in the sixth year of our reign; the same
we abhor; nevertheless, we, of our especial grace, certain science,
and mere motion, pardoned you upon certain considerations us moving: 
for the intent that the goods of the said Richard Hun, the
administration of them were committed to the said Roger Whapplot, we
then supposed and intended your amendment, and restitution to be made
by you to the infants the children of the said Richard Hun, as well
foi his death, as for his goods, embezzled, wasted, and consumed by
your tyranny, and cruel act so committed, the same being of no little
value; and as hitherto ye have made no recompence, according to our
laws, as might stand with equity, justice, right, and good
conscience, and for this cause due satisfaction ought to be made by
our laws. Wherefore, we will and exhort, and otherwise charge and
command you, by the tenor of this our especial letters, that ye
satisfy and recompense the said Roger Whapplot, and the said Margaret
his wife, according to our laws in this cause, as it may stand with
right and good conscience, else otherwise at your further peril, so
that they shall have no cause to return unto us, for their further
remedy eftsoons in this behalf, as ye, in the same, tender to avoid
our high displeasure; otherwise, that ye, upon the sight hereof, to
set all excuses apart, and to repair unto our presence, at which your
hither coming you shall be further advertised of our mind.

     From our manor," &c.

Defence of Richard Hun against Sir Thomas More and Alen Cope.

     I doubt not but by these premises thou hast (Christian reader)
sufficiently to understand the whole discourse and story of Richard
Hun from top to toe. First, how he came in trouble for denying the
bearing sheet of this young infant departed; then how he was forced,
for succour of himself, to sue a præmunire; and thereupon what
conspiracy of the clergy was wrought against him, what snares were
laid, what fetches were practised, and articles devised, to snarl him
in the trap of heresy, and so to imprison him. Furthermore, being in
prison, how he was secretly murdered; after his murder, hanged; after
his hanging, condemned; after his condemnation, burned; and after his
burning, lastly, how his death was inquired by the coroner, and
cleared by acquittal of the inquest. Moreover, how the cause was
brought into the parliament, and by the parliament the king's precept
obtained for restitution of his goods. The debating of which tragical
and tumultuous story, with all the branches and particular evidences
of the same, taken out as well of the public acts, as of the bishop's
registers, and special records, remaining in the custody of Dunstan
Whapplot, the son of the daughter of the said Richard Hun, there to
be seen, I thought here to unwrap and discover, so much the more, for
three special purposes.

     First, as is requisite, for testimony and witness of the truth
falsely slandered, of innocence wrongfully condemned, and of the
party cruelly oppressed.

     The second cause moveth me, for Sir Thomas More's Dialogues,
wherein he dallieth out the matter, thinking to jest poor simple
truth out of countenance.

     The third cause which constraineth me, be the Dialogues of Alen
Cope; which two, the one in English, the other in Latin, railing and
barking against Richard Hun, do doublewise charge him, both to be a
heretic, and also a desperate homicide of himself. Which, as it is
false in the one, so it is to be found as untrue in the other, if
simple truth, which hath few friends, and many times cometh in crafty
handling, might freely come in indifferent hearing. Wherefore, as I
have hitherto described the order and manner of his handling, with
the circumstances thereof, in plain and naked narration of story,
simply laid out before all men's faces; so something here to intermit
in the defence, as well of his oppressed cause as also in discharge
of myself, I will now compendiously answer to both these aforesaid
adversaries, stopping, as it were, with one bush two gaps, and the
mouths also, if I can, of them both together. And first, against Sir
Thomas More, albeit in degree worshipful, in place superior, in wit
and learning singular, (if his judgment in Christ's matters had been
correspondent to the same,) otherwise being a man with many worthy
ornaments beautified, yet, being but a man, and one man, I lay and
object against the person of him, the persons and censures of twenty-
four questmen, the deposition of so many jurors, the judgment of the
coroner, the approbation of the parliament, and lastly, the king's
bill assigned for restitution of his goods, with his own broad seal
confirmed, &c. And thus much to the person and credit of Sir Thomas
More.

     Now as touching his reasons:  whereas he coming in with a flim-
flam of a horse-mill, or a mill-horse, (in his own terms I speak,)
thinketh it probation good enough, because he could not see him taken
by the sleeve which murdered Hun:  against these reasons unreasonable
of his, I allege all the evidences and demonstrations of the history
above prefixed to be considered, and of all indifferent men to he
poised.

     First, how he was found hanging, with his countenance fair,
with his beard and head fair combed, his bonnet set right upon his
head, with his eyes and his mouth fair closed, without any drivelling
or spurging. His body being taken down, was found loose, (which by
hanging could not be,) his neck broken, and the skin thereof, beneath
the throat where the girdle went, fret and faled away; his girdle
notwithstanding being of silk, and so double cast about the staple,
that the space of the girdle between the staple and his neck, with
the residue also which went about his neck, was not sufficient for
his head to come out at. His hands moreover wrung in his wrists, his
face, lips, chin, doublet, and shirt collar unstained with any blood: 
when notwithstanding, in a manner somewhat beyond the place where he
did hang, a great quantity of blood was found. Also, whereas the
staple whereon he hanged was so that he could not climb thereto
without some mean, there was a stool set up upon the bolster of a
bed, so tickle, that with the first touch in the world it was ready
to fall. And how was it possible that Hun might hang himself upon
that staple, the stool so standing? Besides the confession moreover
of Charles Joseph's own mouth to Julian Litten, of Robert Johnson,
John Spalding the bell-ringer, Peter Turner, and others. All which
testimonies and declarations being so clear and undeniable, may
suffice (I trust) any indifferent man to see where the truth of this
case doth stand:  unless Master More, being a gentleman of Utopia,
peradventure, after some strange guise of that country, useth to
carry his eyes not in his head but in his affection, not seeing but
where he liketh, nor believing but what he listeth.

     Finally, where Sir Thomas More, speaking of himself, so
concludeth, that he hearing in the matter, what well might be said,
yet could not find contrary, but Hun to be guilty of his own death;
so, in as many words to answer him again, I perusing and searching in
the story of Richard Hun, what may well be searched, cannot but
marvel with myself, either with what darkness the eyes of Master More
be closed, not to see what is so plain; or else with what conscience
he would dissemble, that which shame cannot deny. And thus by the way
to the Dialogues of Sir Thomas More.

     Thirdly, touching the Dialogues of Alen Cope, which had rather
the bishop's chancellor and officers to be accounted among thieves
and murderers, than Hun to be numbered among the martyrs; I have
herein not much to say, because himself saith but little; and if he
had said less, unless his ground were better, it had made as little
matter. But forasmuch as he saying not much, sendeth us to seek more
in More; so with like brevity again I may send him to William
Tindall, to shape him an answer. Yet, notwithstanding, lest Cope, in
saying something, should think Hun's innocent cause to lack some
friends, which will not or dare not adventure in defence of truth,
somewhat I will answer in this behalf.

     And first, touching this murder of Hun, not to be his own
wilful act, but the deed of others; besides the demonstrations above
premised to Sir Thomas More, now to Master Cope, if I had no other
evidences but only these two, I would require no more; that is, his
cap found so straight standing upon his head, and the stool so
tottering under his feet. For how is it, I will not say, like, but
how is it possible for a man to hang himself in a silken girdle
double cast about a staple, in such shortness, that neither the space
of the knot could well compass his head about, and yet having his cap
so straight set upon his head, as his was?

     Again, how is it possible, or can it be imagined, for him to
hang himself, climbing up by a stool which had no stay for him to
stand upon, but stood so tickle, that if he had touched the same
never so little, it must needs have fallen?

     But Cope, being something more provident in this matter,
seemeth to exceed not altogether so far as doth Master More. For he
understanding the case to be ambiguous and doubtful, so leave it in
suspense, neither determining that Hun did hang himself, and yet not
admitting that he died a martyr, no more than they which are quelled
by thieves and murderers in highway-sides. Well, be it so as Cope
doth argue, that they which die by the hands of felons and murderers
in thievish ways, be no martyrs; yet, notwithstanding, this his own
similitude, comparing the bishop's chancellor and officers to thieves
and murderers, doth grant at least that Hun died a true man, although
no martyr. Now if the cause be it, and not the pain, that maketh a
martyr, in pondering the cause why Hun was slain, we shall find it
not altogether like to the cause of them which perish by thieves and
robbers. For such commonly because of their goods, and for some
worldly gain to be sought by their death, are made away, and being
true men, may peradventure have the reward, although not the name, of
martyrs:  whereas this man's death, being wrought neither for money,
nor any such temporal lucre to redound to his oppressors, as it hath
another cause, so may it have another name, and deserve to be called
by the name of martyrdom. Like as Abel being slain by wicked Cain,
albeit he had no opinion of religion articulate against him, but of
spite only and of malice was made away, yet, notwithstanding, is
justly numbered among the martyrs; so what let to the contrary, but
that Hun also with him may be reckoned in the same society, seeing
the cause wherefore they both did suffer proceedeth together out of
one fountain? And what, moreover, if a man should call Naboth (who
for holding his right inheritance was slain) a martyr, what great
injury should he do either to the name or cause of the person, worthy
to be carped at? Against Thomas Becket, ye know, Master Cope, no
special article of faith was laid, wherefore he died. And why then do
you bestow upon him so devoutly the title of a martyr, for
withholding that from the king which by the law of God and of the
realm did belong unto him; and cannot suffer Hun to be titled for a
martyr, dying in his own right by the hands of spiritual thieves and
homicides, as you yourself do term them? But what do I strain my
travail any further, to prove Hun a martyr, when Cope's own
confession doth import no less, though I said nothing? For what if I
should take no more but his own very words, and say that he was known
to be a heretic, as Cope doth affirm; what could I say more, seeing
he died for their heresy, to prove him to die a martyr? For to die a
heretic with the papists, what is it else (to say truth) but to die
with God a martyr?
       But howsoever it pleaseth either Sir Thomas More to jest, or
Alen Cope to scold out the matter, and to style Richard Hun for a
known and desperate heretic; yet to all true, godly disposed men, Hun
may well be known to be a godly and virtuous person; no heretic, but
faithful and sound; save that only he seemed rather half a papist; at
least no full protestant, for that he resorted daily to mass, and
also had his beads in prison with him, after the catholic manner;
albeit he was somewhat inclined (as may appear) toward the gospel.
And if the name of a martyr be thought too good for him, yet I trust
Master Cope will stand so good master to him, to let him at least to
be a martyr's fellow. But what now if I go further with Master Cope,
and name Richard Hun not only for a martyr, but also commend him for
a double martyr? Certes, as I suppose, in so saying I should affirm
nothing less than truth, nor any thing more than truly may be said,
and justly proved. But to give and grant this contention unto the
adversary, which notwithstanding might be easily proved; let us see
now the proofs of Master Cope, how he argueth that Richard Hun is no
martyr; "because," saith he, "true men being killed in highways by
thieves and murderers, are not therefore to be counted martyrs," &c.
And was there nothing else in the cause of Hun, but as in true men
killed by thieves and murderers? They that are killed by thieves and
murderers, are killed for some prey, or money about them. And what
prey or profit was in the death of Hun, let us see, to redound to
them which oppressed him? If it were the mortuary or the bearing
cloth, that was a small thing, and not worthy his death. If it were
the præmunire, the danger thereof pertained to the priest, and not to
them. If they feared lest the example thereof once begun, should
afterward redound to the prejudice of the whole church, then was the
cause of his death not private, but public, tending to the whole
Church and clergy of Rome; and so is his death not altogether like to
the death of them, which for private respects are killed of thieves
and murderers.

     But he was a heretic, saith Cope. By the same reason that Cope
taketh him for a heretic, I take him the more to be accepted for a
martyr. For by that way which they call heresy, the living God is
served by no way better. And if he were a heretic, why then did they
not proceed against him as a heretic while he was alive? When they
had him at Fulham before them, if they had been sure to entrap him in
that snare, why did they not take their advantage, when they might
with least jeopardy? why did they not proceed and condemn him for a
heretic? why made they such haste to prevent his death before? why
did they not tarry the sentence of the law, having the law in their
own hands? But belike they perceived that he could not be proved a
heretic while he lived; and therefore thought it best to make him
away privily, and to stop the præmunire, and afterward to stop the
pursuit of his death, by making him a heretic; and therefore were
articles devised by the chancellor (as is proved by witness of
Charles Joseph and another, above) against him, and he condemned for
a heretic, and his favourers also, whosoever durst stir to take his
part, and so thereupon was committed to the secular power, and
burned. Wherein they did him double wrong; first, in that they burned
him for a heretic, having before submitted himself to their
favourable correction, as it appeareth yet in the bishop's registers
by his own hand, as it is there pretended; which was against their
own laws. Again, if he had not submitted himself at that time, yet
did they him wrong to burn him, before they knew and heard him speak
(as Tindall saith) whether he would recant or no. And yet admit that
he was condemned and burned for a heretic, yet to be killed and
burned of them for a heretic, that taketh not from him the name of a
martyr, but rather giveth him to be a double martyr. But Cope yet
proceeding in his hot choler against Richard Hun, after he hath made
him first no martyr, and then a heretic, thirdly, he now maketh him
also a murderer of himself, and saith, that no other man was any part
of his death, but only his own hands, and that either for indignation
and anger, or for desperation, or for some cause, he knoweth not
what. And in his Epilogue, to make it probable, he allegeth the
example of one, but nameless, who in Queen Mary's time in like sort
went about to hang himself, had he not been taken in the manner, and
rescued.

     Furthermore, as touching the chancellor, he argueth that there
was no cause why he should attempt any such violence against him,
both for his age, for his dignity, for his learning, and for the
greatness of his own peril, which might ensue thereof. Who if he had
maligned the man, and had been so disposed to work his destruction,
had means otherwise without danger to bring that about, having him
within his danger convict and fast tied for heresy. Whereunto I
answer, that to all this matter sufficient hath been answered by the
story itself of his death, above specified. Whereby the manner of his
death, by circumstances of his handling, and hanging, by his neck
broke, by his body loose, by his skin fretted, by his wrists wrung,
by his girdle in such shortness double cast about the staple, by his
cap right upon his head, by his hair combed, by his eyes closed, by
the cake of blood found in the floor, by his shirt collar, doublet,
jacket, and other outward parts of his garments without drop of blood
unspotted, by the stool so standing upon the bolster, by the
chancellor's murrey gown found the day after upon the stocks, the wax
candle fair put out; furthermore, by the verdict of the inquest, by
the attestation of the witnesses sworn, by the coroner's judgment, by
the assent of the parliament, by the king's letters assigned, and
broad seal for restitution of his goods; and finally, by the
confession of the parties themselves which murdered him, &c.:  and yet
thinketh Cope to make men such fools, having their five wits, to ween
yet that Hun did hang himself, after so many demonstrations and
evidences to the contrary, as in every part of this story may appear.
And though it were, as it was unlike, and hard for a man to believe,
that Doctor Horsey, a man of such age, dignity, and learning, would
so much forget himself, to attempt such a villany, yet so great is
the devil sometimes with man (where God permitteth) that he worketh
greater things than this, and more incredible. For who would have
thought it like that Cain would ever have killed Abel his own natural
brother? which was more than a bishop's chancellor to kill a citizen: 
yet so he did. And where Cope pretendeth the causes of anger and
desperation whereby Hun did hang himself; how is it like, or who did
ever hear, a man being in such extremity of desperation, to stand
first trimming himself, and combing his head, before he go to hang
himself? No less credit is also to be given to that which followeth
in the same Cope, where he saith, that Richard Hun being in prison,
was convicted of heresy. By the which word, convicted, if he mean
that Hun was proved a heretic, that is false; for that he, being at
Fulham, examined upon certain articles, both denied the articles to
be true, as they were objected; and also if they were true, yet he
submitted himself to their favourable correction, and therefore, not
standing obstinately in the same, could not be proved a heretic. And
if by this term, convicted, he mean that he was by sentence cast; so
was Hun never cast by any sentence for a heretic, so long as he
lived, but after his death, when be could nothing answer for himself.
And because this untruth should not go without his fellow, see how he
huddleth up one false narration in the neck of another; affirming,
moreover, that Hun was cast into prison before he entered his suit of
præmunire against the priest. Which is utterly false and untrue, both
disagreeing to other stories, and also refuted by the words of Sir
Thomas More, his own author, who reporteth that Hun, (in suing his
præmunire against the priest,) being set upon a glory of victory,
made his boast among his friends, that he trusted to have the matter
long spoken of, and to be called Hun's case. Whereby it appeareth,
that Hun was not then in prison, clapped up for heresy, but was
abroad seeking counsel among the lawyers, and boasting among his
friends, as writeth More, lib. iii. Dial.

     After this heap of untruths above passed, add yet further
another copy of Cope's false dealing; who, seeking all corners, and
every where, how to pick matter against my former history, chargeth
me with arrogancy, as though I took so highly upon me to undo and
derogate the king's acts and judgments in the acquittal of Doctor
Horsey. If it so pleased the king to acquit Doctor Horsey, by his
gracious pardon, I am not against it, neither do I deny but the king
so did; neither do I say, nor ever did, but the king of his
supereminent prerogative may so do:  and wherein then do I unrip or
loose the king's acts here done and concluded? But if the question be
this, whether Doctor Horsey, with his colleagues, did kill Richard
Hun or no, then do I say, that the pardon of the king doth not take
away the verity of the crime committed, but removeth away the penalty
of the law deserved; and so if the life of them was saved by way of
pardon, (as Master More himself seemeth not to deny,) then was it not
through their innocency claiming justice that they escaped, but
through petition standing in need of mercy. For what needeth pardon,
where justice absolveth? yea, who sueth pardon, but in so doing must
yield himself guilty? for pardon never cometh lightly either with God
or man, except the crime be first confessed. Wherefore, if they
escaped by justice, as Cope pretendeth, how then doth Master More
say, they were saved by pardon? and if they escaped by pardon, how
then doth Cope say, they were not guilty? And be it admitted, that
the sentence of the king's attorney in the king's name did absolve
them as unguilty, according as the king was then informed by the
cardinal and suit of friends; yet, afterward the king, being better
informed by the parliament, and the truth better known, detested and
abhorred their fact, and yet continued his pardon unto them, as by
the king's own acts and his broad seal appeareth, yet remaining in
records to be seen.

     And as touching my former histories set forth in Latin and in
English, which spake first of the foreman of the inquest, then of the
king's attorney, to be laboured with some gifts or money; as Cope
hath yet proved no untruth in my saying, so less can he find any
repugnance or disagreeing in the same. For he that speaketh of
bribing, first of one person, and then afterward of another, where
both might be bribed together, is not contrary (I think) to himself,
but rather doth comprehend that in the one book, which he before
leaveth out in the other, and yet no great repugnance either in the
one or in the other, seeing that which is said may be verified in
both, as it is no other like but in this matter it was. For, how is
it otherwise like or possible, but that there must needs be found
some privy packing in this matter, seeing after such evidence found
and brought in by the coroner's inquest and jury of twenty-four
chosen persons, after so many marks and tokens of the murder so clear
and demonstrable, and laid forth so plain to the eyes of all the
world, that no man could deny, or not see the same; yet, through the
handling of the aforesaid attorney, and of the foreman of the
inquest, the murderers were borne out, and confessed to be no
murderers? If such bolstering out of matters and partiality were then
such a rare case in the realm of England in the time of Cardinal
Wolsey, who then under the king and in the king's name did what he
list, then let it seem untrue in my former stories, that I have
written. And yet the words of my story which Cope carpeth at so much,
be not mine, but the words of Edward Hall, his own author. Wherefore,
if his disposition be so set, that he must needs be a censurer of
other men's writings, let him expostulate with Hall, and not with me.



142. LONDON MARTYRS, 1509-1518

     But I trouble the reader too much in this matter of Richard
Hun, being of itself so clear, that no indifferent judge can doubt
thereof. As for wranglers and quarrellers, they will never be
satisfied. Wherefore, to return again to the purpose of our story
intermitted; in the table above, containing the names of them which
about this time of Richard Hun were forced to deny and abjure their
professed opinions, mention was made of Elizabeth Stamford, John
Houshold, and other more, abjuring about the year of our Lord, 1517.
Whose vexation and weakness, although it be pitiful to behold, yet to
consider the confession of their doctrine in those ancient days, it
is not unprofitable. Wherein we have to see the same form of
knowledge and doctrine then taught and planted in the hearts of our
fore-elders, which is now publicly received, as well touching the
Lord's sacrament of his body, as also other specialties of sincerity.
And although they lacked then public authority to maintain the open
preaching and teaching of the gospel, which the Lord's merciful grace
hath given us now, yet in secret knowledge and understanding they
seemed then little or nothing inferior to these our times of public
reformation; as may appear by this confession of Elizabeth Stamford
hereunder written; which only may suffice for example to understand
what ripe knowledge of God's word was then abroad, although not in
churches publicly preached, for danger of the bishops, yet in secret
wise taught and received of divers.

     In number of whom was this Elizabeth Stamford, who being
brought and examined before Fitzjames, bishop of London, A.D. 1517,
confessed that she was taught by one Thomas Beele, sometime dwelling
at Henley, these words, eleven years before:  "That Christ feedeth and
fast nourisheth his church with his own precious body, that is, the
bread of life coming down from heaven; this is the worthy word that
is worthily received, and joined unto man for to be in one body with
him. Sooth it is that they be both one, they may not be parted:  this
is the wisely deeming of the holy sacrament Christ's own body:  this
is not received by chewing of teeth, but by bearing of ears, and
understanding with your soul, and wisely working thereafter.
Therefore saith St. Paul, I fear me amongst us, brethren, that many
of us be feeble and sick; therefore I counsel us brethren to rise and
watch, that the great day of doom come not suddenly upon us, as the
thief doth upon the merchant." Also the said Thomas taught and showed
her, that the sacrament of the altar was not the very body of Christ,
but very bread; and that the sacrament was the very body of Christ,
put upon the cross, after a divine or mystical manner. And moreover,
that the said Thomas Beele did many times and oft teach her this
aforesaid lesson, that she should confess her sins to God, and that
the pope's pardons and indulgences were nought worth, and profited
not; and that worshipping of images and pilgrimages are not to be
done.

John Stilman, martyr.

     It would ask a long tractation and tedious, to recite in order
the great multitude and number of good men and women, besides these
above rehearsed, which in those days recanted and abjured about the
beginning of King Henry's reign and before:  among whom yet,
notwithstanding, some there were whom the Lord reduced again, and
made strong in the profession of his truth, and constant unto death;
of which number one was John Stilman by name, who about the twenty-
fourth day of September, in the year of our Lord, 1518, was
apprehended and brought before Richard Fitzjames, then bishop of
London, at his manor of Fulham, and by him was there examined and
charged, that notwithstanding his former recantation, oath, and
abjuration made about eleven years then past, before Edmund, then
bishop of Salisbury, as well for speaking against the worshipping,
praying, and offering unto images, as also for denying the carnal and
corporal presence in the sacrament of Christ's memorial; yet, since
that time he had fallen into the same opinions again, and so into the
danger of relapse; and further, had highly commended and praised John
Wickliff, affirming that he was a saint in heaven, and that his book
called The Wicket was good and holy. Soon after his examination he
was sent from thence unto the Lollard's Tower at London, and the
twenty-second day of October then next ensuing, was brought openly
into the consistory at Paul's, and was there judicially examined by
Thomas Hed, the bishop's vicar-general, upon the contents of these
articles following: 

     "1. First I object unto you, that you have confessed before my
lord of London, and me, Doctor Hed his vicar-general, that about
twenty years past, one Stephen Moone, of the diocese of Winchester,
with whom you abode six or seven years after, did teach you to
believe that the going on pilgrimage and worshipping of images, as
the Lady of Walsingham and others, were not to be used. And also that
afterwards one Richard Smart, who was burned at Salisbury about
fourteen or fifteen years past, did read unto you Wickliff's Wicket,
and likewise instructed you to believe that the sacrament of the
altar was not the body of Christ:  all which things you have
erroneously believed.

     "2. Item, You have divers times read the said book called
Wickliffe's Wicket, and one other book of the ten commandments, which
the said Richard Smart did give you, and at the time of your first
apprehension, you did hide them in an old oak, and did not reveal
them unto the bishop of Salisbury, before whom you were abjured of
heresy about eleven years since; where you promised by oath upon the
evangelists, ever after to believe and hold as the Christian faith
taught and preached, and never to offend again in the said heresies,
or any other, upon pain of relapse. And further, you there promised
to perform all such penance as the said bishop of Salisbury did
enjoin you; who then enjoined you, upon the like pain, not to depart
his diocese, without his special licence.

     "3. Item, It is evident that you be relapsed, as well by your
own confession, as also by your deeds, in that about two years after
your abjuration you went into the said place where you had hidden
your books; and then taking them away with you, you departed the
aforesaid diocese, without the licence of the bishop, and brought
them with you to London, where now being attached and taken with them
upon great suspicion of heresy, you are brought unto the bishop of
London. By reason of which your demeanour, you have showed both your
impenitent and dissembled conversation both your errors, and also
your unfaithful abjuration, and disobedience unto the authority of
our mother holy church, in that you performed not the penance, in
which behalf you be voluntarily perjured and also relapsed, in that
you departed the same diocese without licence.

     "4. Item, You be not only (as before is said) impenitent,
disobedient, voluntarily perjured, and relapsed, by this your
aforesaid heretical demeanour, but also, since your last attachment
upon suspicion of heresy, you have maliciously spoken erroneous and
damnable words, affirming before my lord of London, your ordinary,
and me, judicially sitting at Fulham, that you were sorry that ever
you did abjure your said opinions, and had not suffered then manfully
for them:  for they were, and be, good and true; and therefore you
will now abide by them, to die for it. And furthermore, you have
spoken against our holy father the pope and his authority, damnably
saying, that he is antichrist, and not the true successor of Peter,
or Christ's vicar on earth:  and that his pardons and indulgences
which he granteth in the sacrament of penance, are naught, and that
you will none of them:  and likewise that the college of cardinals be
limbs of the said antichrist, and that all other inferior prelates
and priests are the synagogue of Satan. And moreover you said, that
the doctors of the church have subverted the truth of Holy Scripture,
expounding it after their own minds; and therefore their works be
naught, and they in hell; but that Wickliff is a saint in heaven, and
the book called his Wicket is good, for therein he showeth the truth.
Also you did wish that there were twenty thousand of your opinion
against us Scribes and Pharisees, to see what you would do for the
defence of your faith. All which heresies you did afterwards
erroneously affirm before the archbishop of Canterbury, and then
said, that you would abide by them to die for it, notwithstanding his
earnest persuasions to the contrary; and therefore for these premises
you be evidently relapsed, and ought to be committed unto the secular
power."

     After these articles thus propounded, and his constant
persevering in the truth perceived, Doctor Hed, vicar-general, the
twenty-fifth day of October, by his sentence definitive, did condemn
him a relapsed heretic, and so delivered him the same present day
unto the sheriffs of London, to be openly burned in Smithfield.

Thomas Man, martyr.

     Next to John Stilman above mentioned, followeth in this order
of blessed martyrs, the persecution and condemnation of Thomas Man;
who, the twenty-ninth day of March, in the year of our Lord 1518, was
burned in Smithfield. This Thomas Man had likewise been apprehended
for the profession of Christ's gospel about six years before, the
fourteenth day of August, A.D. 1511, and being at that time brought
before Doctor Smith, bishop of Lincoln, was by him examined upon
divers and sundry articles.

     The fifteenth day of February, Doctor Hed, the chancellor,
again judicially sitting in the consistory at Paul's, commanded
Thomas Man to be brought before him, and there causing the articles
objected against him by the bishop of Lincoln, with his order of
abjuration and penance, and also his own articles last propounded, to
be first read, he called forth a third witness to be sworn and
examined upon the same. But because he would seem to do all things by
order of justice, and nothing against law, he therefore appointed
unto the said Thomas Man certain doctors and advocates of the Arches,
as his counsellors to plead in his behalf. Which was even like as if
the lamb should be committed to the defence and protection of the
wolf, or the hare to the hound. For what good help could he look for
at their hands, which were both most wicked haters and abhorrers of
his Christian profession, and also stout upholders and maintainers of
that antichristian law, by the which he was for the same condemned?
And that full well appeared by the good advice and profitable counsel
which they gave him against his next examinations. For as well upon
the twentieth and also the twenty-third days of the same month of
February, in their several sessions, he, seeing his own negations to
their objections to take no place against their sworn witnesses, had
no other thing to allege for himself, but that through his twenty
weeks of hard imprisonment under the bishop of Lincoln, he was forced
to recant and abjure; which was a poor shift of counsel, God knoweth;
and yet Dr. Raynes, being one of his chief assigned advocates,
instead of advice, could by his subtle questioning then make him to
confess, that certain talk, whereof one of the witnesses had accused
him, was spoken about five years before past; which because it was
since his recantation, was rather an accusation of himself, than an
excusing; and therefore it is easy to judge with how favourable and
uprightful hearts they took upon them to be his advocates and
defenders. The chancellor likewise charged him upon the same twenty-
third day, that since his last imprisonment he had said unto Robert
Clunie the bishop's sumner, and his keeper, that as far forth as he
could see or perceive for his part in this his matter, the l