Foxe's Book Of Martyrs
Part III.

THE SEVENTH BOOK
OF
THE ACTS AND MONUMENTS,
BEGINNING WITH THE REIGN OF KING HENRY THE EIGHTH.

137. INTRODUCTION TO THE REIGN OF HENRY VIII.

Illustration:  Frontispiece - Portrait of Henry VIII. 
Illustration:  Title Page – The Execution of Dudley Earl of Leicester 
Illustration:  Henry VIII. Trampling the Pope Underfoot

  AS touching the civil state and administration of
the commonwealth, and likewise of the state of the church, under the
reign of King Henry the Seventh, how he entered first in possession
of the crown; how the two houses of York and Lancaster were in him
conjoined, through marriage with Elizabeth the eldest daughter to
King Edward the Fourth, by the prudent counsel of John Morton, then
bishop of Ely, after archbishop of Canterbury, and cardinal; how long
the said king reigned, and what persecution was in his time for lack
of search and knowledge of God's word, both in the diocese of Lincoln
under Bishop Smith, (who was erecter of the house of Brazen-nose in
Oxford,) as also in the diocese of Coventry, and other places more;
and further, what punishment and alteration God commonly sendeth upon
cities and realms public for neglecting the safety of his flock;
sufficiently in the former book hath been already specified; wherein
many things more amply might have been added, incident in the reign
of this prince, which we have for brevity pretermitted. For he that
studieth to comprehend in story all things, which the common course
and use of life may offer to the writer, may sooner find matter to
occupy himself, than to profit other. Otherwise I might have inferred
mention of the seditious tumult of Perkin Warbeck, with his retinue,
A.D. 1494. Also of Blackheath field by the blacksmith, A.D. 1496. I
might also have recited the glorious commendation of George Lily in
his Latin Chronicle, testifying of King Henry the Seventh, how he
sent three solemn orators to Pope Julius the Second to yield his
obedience to the see of Rome, A.D. 1506. And likewise how Pope
Alexander the Ninth, Pius the Third, and Julius the Second, sent to
the said King Henry the Seventh, three sundry famous ambassadors with
three swords, and three caps of maintenance, electing and admitting
him to be the chief defender of the faith. The commendation of which
fact, how glorious it is in the eyes of George Lily and Fabian, that
I leave to them. This I suppose, that when King Henry sent to Pope
Julius three orators with obedience, if he had sent him three
thousand arquebusiers to furnish his field against the French king
fighting at Ravenna, be had pleased Pope Julius much better. If
George Lily had been disposed to illustrate his story with notes,
this had been more worthy the noting, how Louis the Twelfth, French
king, calling his parliament, moved this question against Pope
Julius; Whether a pope might invade any prince by warlike force,
without cause; and whether the prince might withdraw his obedience
from that pope, or not? And it was concluded in the same parliament
with the king, against the pope. Also it was concluded the same time,
(which was in the reign of this King Henry the Seventh,) that the
Pragmatical Sanction should be received in full force and effect,
through all the realm of France.

     And forasmuch as we are fallen into the mention of George Lily,
this in him is to be found not unworthy noting, how, after the
burning of Thomas Norice, above mentioned, at the city of Norwich,
the same year followed such a fire in Norwich, that the whole city,
well near, was therewith consumed. Like as also after the burning of
the aforesaid good father in Smithfield, the same year (which was
1500) we read in the chronicle of Fabian, a great plague to fall upon
the city of London, to the great destruction of the inhabitants
thereof. Where again is to be noted, (as is aforesaid,) that
according to the state of the church, the disposition of the
commonwealth commonly is guided, either to be with adversity
afflicted, or else in prosperity to flourish. But after these notes
of King Henry the Seventh, now to the story of King Henry the Eighth.

     This King Henry the Seventh finishing his course in the year
abovesaid, which was 1509, had by Elizabeth his wife abovenamed, four
men children, and of women children as many. Of whom three only
survived; to wit, Prince Henry, Lady Margaret, and Lady Mary. Of whom
King Henry the Eighth after his father succeeded. Lady Margaret was
married to James the Fourth, king of Scots. Lady Mary was affianced
to Charles, king of Castile.

     Not long before the death of King Henry, Prince Arthur, his
eldest son, had espoused Lady Katharine, daughter to Ferdinand, being
of the age of fifteen years, and she about the age of seventeen; and
shortly after his marriage, within five months, departed at Ludlow,
and was buried at Worcester. After whose decease the succession of
the crown fell next to King Henry the Eighth, being of the age of
eighteen years, entered his reign the year of our Lord 1509, and
shortly after married with the aforesaid Katharine, his late brother
Prince Arthur's wife, to the end that her dowry, being great, should
not be transported out of the land. In the which his marriage, being
more politic than Scripture-like, he was dispensed with by Pope
Julius, at the request of Ferdinand her father. The reign of this
king continued with great nobleness and fame the space of thirty-
eight years. During whose time and reign, great alteration of things,
as well to the civil state of the realm, as especially to the state
ecclesiastical, and matters of the church appertaining. For by him
was exiled and abolished out of the realm, the usurped power of the
bishop of Rome, idolatry and superstition somewhat repressed, images
and pilgrimages defaced, abbeys and monasteries pulled down, sects of
religion rooted out, Scriptures reduced to the knowledge of the
vulgar tongue, and the state of the church and religion redressed.
Concerning all which things, in the process of these volumes here
following, we will endeavour (Christ willing) particularly and in
order to discourse; after that first we shall comprehend a few
matters, which within the beginning of his reign are to he noted and
collected. Where, leaving off to write of Empson and Dudley, who in
the time of King Henry the Seventh, being great doers in executing
the penal laws over the people at that time, and purchasing thereby
more malice than lands, with that which they had gotten, were shortly
after the entering of this king beheaded, the one a knight, the other
an esquire; leaving also to intermeddle with his wars, triumphs, and
other temporal affairs, we mean in these volumes principally to
bestow our travail in declaration of matters concerning most chiefly
the state of the church and of religion, as well in this Church of
England, as also of the whole Church of Rome.



138. DISPUTE ABOUT THE IMMACULATE CONCEPTION

     Wherein first cometh to our hands a turbulent tragedy, and a
fierce contention, which long before had troubled the church, and now
this present year, 1509, was renewed afresh between two certain
orders of Begging Friars, to wit, the Dominic Friars and the
Franciscans, about the conception of the Virgin Mary, the mother of
Christ.

     The Franciscans were they which did hold of St. Francis, and
followed the rule of his testament, commonly called Grey Friars, or
Minorites. Their opinion was this; that the Virgin Mary, prevented by
the grace of the Holy Ghost, was so sanctified, that she was never
subject one moment in her conception to original sin. The Dominic
Friars were they which, holding of Dominic, were commonly called
Black Friars, or Preaching Friars. Their opinion was, that the Virgin
Mary was conceived as all other children of Adam be; so that this
privilege only belongeth to Christ, to be conceived without original
sin:  notwithstanding, the said blessed Virgin was sanctified in her
mother's womb, and purged from her original sin, so as was John
Baptist, Jeremiah, or any other privileged person. This frivolous
question kindling and gendering between these two sects of friars,
burst out in such a flame of parts and sides-taking, that it occupied
the heads and wits, schools and universities, almost through the
whole church, some holding one part with Scotus, some the other part
with Thomas Aquinas. The Minorites, holding with Scotus their master,
disputed and concluded, that she was conceived without all spot or
note of original sin, and thereupon caused the feast and service of
the Conception of St. Mary the Virgin to be celebrated and solemnized
in the church. Contrary, the Dominic Friars, taking side with
Aquinas, preached that it was heresy to affirm that the blessed
Virgin was conceived without the guilt of original sin; and that they
which did celebrate the feast of her Conception, or said any masses
thereof, did sin grievously and mortally.

     In the mean time, as this fantasy waxed hot in the church, the
one side preaching against the other, came Pope Sixtus the Fourth,
A.D. 1476, who, joining side with the Minorites, or Franciscans,
first sent forth his decree by authority apostolic, willing,
ordaining, and commanding all men to solemnize this new-found feast
of the Conception in holy church for evermore; offering to all men
and women, which, devoutly frequenting the church, would hear mass
and service from the first even-song of the said feast, to the
octaves of the same, as many days of pardon, as Pope Urban the
Fourth, and Pope Martin the Fifth, did grant for hearing the service
of Corpus Christi day, &c. And this decree was given and dated at
Rome, A.D. 1476.

     Moreover, the same pope, to the intent that the devotion of the
people might be the more encouraged to the celebration of this
conception, added a clause more to the Ave Maria, granting great
indulgence and release of sins to all such as would invocate the
blessed Virgin with the same addition, saying thus; "Hail Mary! full
of grace, the Lord is with thee; blessed art thou among women, and
blessed is the fruit of thy womb, Jesus Christ; and blessed is Anna
thy mother, of whom thy virgin's flesh hath proceeded without blot of
original sin. Amen."

     Wherein thou mayest note, gentle reader, for thy learning three
things:  First, how the pope turneth that improperly into a prayer,
which properly was sent of God for a message or tidings. Secondly,
how the pope addeth to the words of the Scripture, contrary to the
express precept of the Lord. Thirdly, how the pope exempteth Mary,
the blessed Virgin, not only from the seed of Abraham and Adam, but
also from the condition of a mortal creature. For if there be in her
no original sin, then she beareth not the image of Adam, neither doth
she descend of that seed, of whose seed evil proceedeth upon all men
and women to condemnation, as St. Paul doth teach, Rom. v. Wherefore,
if she descend of that seed, then the infection of original evil must
necessarily proceed unto her. If she descend not thereof, then cometh
she not of the seed of Abraham, nor of the seed of David, &c. Again,
seeing that death is the effect and stipend of sin, by the doctrine
of St. Paul, Rom. vi., then had her flesh injury by the law (as
Christ himself had) to suffer the malediction and punishment of
death, and so should never have died, if original sin had no place in
her, &c. But to return unto our story:  This constitution of the pope
being set forth for the conception of the blessed Virgin, which was
A.D. 1476, it was not long after, but the said Pope Sixtus,
perceiving that the Dominic Friars with their accomplices would not
conform themselves hereunto, directed forth by the authority
apostolic a bull in effect as followeth: 

     "Whereas the holy Church of Rome hath ordained a special and
proper service for the public solemnizing of the feast of the
Conception of the blessed Virgin Mary; certain orders of the Black
Friars in their public sermons to the people in divers places, have
not ceased hitherto to preach, and yet daily do, that all they which
hold or affirm the said glorious Virgin to have been conceived
without original sin, be heretics; and they which celebrate the
service of the said her conception, or do hear the sermons of them
which do so affirm, do sin grievously; also not contented herewith,
do write and set forth books moreover, maintaining their assertions,
to the great offence and ruin of godly minds. We, therefore, to
prevent and withstand such presumptuous and perverse assertions,
which have risen, and more hereafter may arise, by such opinions and
preachings aforesaid, in the minds of the faithful; by the authority
apostolical, do condemn and reprove the same, and by the motion,
knowledge, and authority aforesaid, decree and ordain, that the
preachers of God's word, and all other persons, of what state,
degree, order, or condition soever they be, which shall presume to
dare affirm or preach to the people these aforesaid opinions and
assertions to be true, or shall read, hold, or maintain any such
books for true, having before intelligence hereof, shall incur
thereby the sentence of excommunication; from which they shall not be
absolved otherwise than by the bishop of Rome, except only in the
time of death."

     This bull, being dated A.D. 1483, gave no little heart and
encouragement to the Grey Friars Franciscans, which defended the pure
conception of the holy Virgin against the Black Dominic Friars, with
their confederates, holding the contrary side. By the vigour of which
bull, the Grey order had got such a conquest of the black guard of
the Dominics, that the said Dominics were compelled at length, for a
perpetual memorial of the triumph, both to give to the glorious
Virgin, every night, an anthem in praise of her conception, and also
to subscribe unto their doctrine; in which doctrine these, with
divers other points, be contained: 

     "1. That blessed Mary the Virgin suffered the griefs and
adversities in this life, not for any necessity inflicted for
punishment of original sin, but only because she would conform
herself to the imitation of Christ.

     "2. That the said Virgin, as she was not obliged to any
punishment due for sin, as neither was Christ her Son, so she had no
need of remission of sins; but instead thereof, had the Divine
preservation of God's help, keeping her from all sin; which grace
only she needed, and also had it.

     "3. Item, That where the body of the Virgin Mary was subject to
death, and died; this is to be understood to come, not for any
penalty due for sin, but either for imitation and conformity unto
Christ, or else for the natural constitution of her body being 
elemental, as were the bodies of our first parents; who, if they had
not tasted of the forbidden fruit, should have been preserved from
death, not by nature, but by grace and strength of other fruits and
meats in Paradise; which meats, because Mary had not, but did eat our
common meats, therefore she died, and not for any necessity of
original sin.

     "4. The universal proposition of St. Paul, which saith, that
the Scripture hath concluded all men under sin, is to be understood
thus, as speaking of all them which be not exempted by the special
privilege of God, as is the blessed Virgin Mary.

     "5. If justification be taken for reconciliation of him that
was unrighteous before, and now is made righteous; then the blessed
Virgin is to be taken, not for justified by Christ, but just from her
beginning, by preservation.

     "6. If a Saviour be taken for him which saveth men fallen into
perdition and condemnation, so is not Christ the Saviour of Mary, but
is her Saviour only in this respect, for sustaining her from not
falling into condemnation, &c.

     "7. Neither did the Virgin Mary give thanks to God, nor ought
so to do, for expiation of her sins, but for her conservation from
case of sinning.

     "8. Neither did she pray to God at any time for remission of
her sins, but only for remission of other men's sins she prayed many
times, and counted their sins for hers.

     "9. If the blessed Virgin had deceased before the passion of
her Son, God would have reposed her soul not in the place among the
patriarchs, or among the just, but in the same most pleasant place of
Paradise, where Adam and Eve were before they transgressed."

     These were the doting dreams and fantasies of the Franciscans,
and of other papists, commonly then holden in the schools, written in
their books, preached in their sermons, taught in churches, and set
forth in pictures. So that the people were taught nothing else almost
in the pulpits all this while, but how the Virgin Mary was conceived
immaculate and holy, without original sin, and how they ought to call
to her for help, whom they with special terms do call, "the way of
mercy, the mother of grace, the lover of piety, the comforter of
mankind, the continual intercessor for the salvation of the faithful,
and an advocate to the King, her Son, which never ceaseth," &c. And
although the greatest number of the school doctors were of the
contrary faction, as Peter Lombard, Thomas Aquinas, Bernard,
Bonaventure, and other, yet these new papists shifted off their
objections with frivolous distinctions and blind evasions, as thus: 
"Peter Lombard," they said, "is not received nor holden in the
schools, as touching this article, but is rejected."

     Bernard, although he seemeth to deny the conception of the
blessed Virgin to be void of original sin, saying that she could not
be holy when she was not, and lived not; to this they answer, "That
albeit she was not yet in essence, yet she was holy in her
conception, and before conception in the Divine prescience of God,
which had chosen and pre-elected her before the worlds, to be the
mother of the Lord."

     Again, where Bernard doth argue, that she was not without
original sin conceived, because she was not conceived by the Holy
Ghost, to this they answer, "That the Holy Ghost may work two ways in
conception; either without company of man, and so was Christ only
conceived; or else with company and help of man, and thus was the
blessed Virgin conceived."

     "Bonaventure," say they, "was a holy father, but he spake then
after the custom and manner of his time, when the solemnity and
purity of this conception was not yet decreed nor received by the
public consent and authority of the church; now seeing the authority
of the Church of Rome hath established the same, it ought not to be
contraried, nor can, without dangerous disobedience. In all men's
actions, diligent respect of time must be had. That which bindeth not
at one time, afterward the same by law being ratified, may bind at
another."

     Finally, for the number and multitude on the contrary side,
thus they answer for themselves, as we now in these our days likewise
in defence of the truth may well answer against the pope, and all his
popish friars, turning their own weapons against themselves: 
"Multitude," say they, "ought not to move us. Victory consisteth not
in number and heaps, but in fortitude and hearts of soldiers; yea,
rather fortitude and stomach cometh from heaven, and not of man.
Judas Maccabeus with a little handful overthrew the great army of
Antioch. Strong Samson with a poor ass's bone slew a thousand
Philistines. David had no more but a silly sling, and a few stones,
and with these struck down terrible Goliath the giant," &c.

     With these and such other like reasons the Grey Franciscans
avoided their adversaries, defending the conception of the Virgin
Mary to be unblemished, and pure from all contagion of original sin.
Contrariwise, the black guard of the Dominic Friars, for their parts
were not all mute, but laid lustily from them again, having great
authorities, and also the Scripture on their side. But yet the other
having the see apostolical with them, had the better hand, and in
fine, gat the victory triumphantly over the other, to the high
exaltation of their order. For Pope Sixtus, (as I said,) by the
authority apostolical, after he had decreed the conception day of the
Virgin perpetually to be sanctified, and also with his terrible bull
had condemned for heretics all them which withstood the same; the
Dominic Friars, with authority oppressed, were driven to two
inconveniences; the one was, to keep silence; the other was, to give
place to their adversaries the Franciscans. Albeit, where the mouth
durst not speak, yet the heart would work; and though the tongue were
tied, yet their good will was ready by all means possible to maintain
their quarrel and their estimation.

     Whereupon it happened the same year of our Lord, 1509, after
this dissension between the Dominic Friars and the Franciscans, that
certain of the Dominics thinking by subtle sleight to work in the
people's heads that which they durst not achieve with open preaching,
devised a certain image of the Virgin, so artificially wrought, that
the friars by privy gins made it to stir, and to make gestures, to
lament, to complain, to weep, to groan, and to give answers to them
that asked; insomuch that the people therewith were brought in a
marvellous persuasion, till at length the fraud being espied, the
friars were taken, condemned, and burned at Berne, the year above
mentioned.

     In the story of John Stumsius, this story aforesaid doth partly
appear; but in the registers and records of the city of Berne, the
order and circumstance thereof is more fully expressed and set forth
both in metre and prose, and is thus declared: 

     In the city of Berne there were certain Dominic Friars, to the
number chiefly of four principal doers and chieftains of that order,
who had inveigled a certain simple, poor friar, who had newly planted
himself in the cloister:  whom the aforesaid friars had so infatuated
with sundry superstitions, and feigned apparitions of St. Mary, St.
Barbara, and St. Katharine, and with their enchantments, and
imprinting moreover in him the wounds of St. Francis, that he
believed plainly, that the Virgin Mary had appeared to him, and had
offered to him a red host consecrated, with the blood also of Christ
miraculous; which blessed Virgin also had sent him to the senators of
Berne, with instructions, declaring unto them, from the mouth of the
Virgin, that she was conceived in sin, and that the Franciscan Friars
were not to be credited nor suffered in the city, which were not yet
reformed from that erroneous opinion of her conception. He added
moreover, that they should resort to a certain image there of the
Virgin Mary, (which image the friars by engines had made to sweat,)
and should do their worship, and make their oblations to the same,
&c.

     This feigned device was not so soon forged by the friars, but
it was as soon believed of the people; so that a great while the red-
coloured host was taken undoubtedly for the true body and blood of
Christ, and certain coloured drops thereof sent abroad to divers
noble personages and states for a great relic, and that not without
great recompence. Thus the deceived people in great number came
flocking to the image, and to the red host, and coloured blood, with
manifold gifts and oblations. In brief, the Dominic Friars so had
wrought the matter, and had so swept all the fat to their own beards,
from the order of the Franciscans, that all the alms came to their
box. The Franciscans seeing their estimation to decay, and their
kitchen to wax cold, and their paunches to be pinched, not able to
abide that contumely, and being not ignorant or unacquainted with
such counterfeited doings, for as the proverb saith, "It is ill
halting before a cripple," eftsoons espied their crafty juggling, and
detected their fraudulent miracles. Whereupon the four chief captains
abovenamed were apprehended, and put to the fire, of whom the
provincial of that order was one.

     And thus much touching the beginning and end of this tumultuous
and popish tragedy; wherein evidently it may appear to the reader,
how neither these turbulent friars could agree among themselves, and
yet in what frivolous trifles they wrangled together. But to let
these ridiculous friars pass, with their trifling fantasies, most
worthy to be derided of all wise men; in the mean time this is to be
lamented, to behold the miserable times of the church, in which the
devil kept the minds of Christ's people so attentive and occupied in
such friarly toys, that nothing else almost was taught or heard in
the church, but only the commendation and exaltation of the Virgin
Mary. But of our justification by faith, of grace and the promises of
God in Christ, of the strength of the law, of the horror of sin, of
difference between the law and the gospel, of the true liberty of
conscience, &c., no mention or very little was heard. Wherefore in
this so blind time of darkness, it was much needful and requisite,
that the Lord of his mercy should look upon his church, and send down
his gracious reformation; which also he did. For shortly upon the
same, through the gracious excitation of God, came Martin Luther; of
whom the order of story now requireth that we should and will treat,
(Christ willing,) after the story of Richard Hunne, and a few other
things premised, for the better opening of the story to follow.



139. LONDONERS FORCED TO RECANT, 1510-1527

     Mention was made sufficiently before of the doings of Pope
Julius, and of his warlike affairs, for the which he was condemned,
and not unjustly, in the council of Tours in France, A.D. 1510, and
yet all this could not assuage the furious affection of this pope,
but the same year he invaded the city of Modena and Mirandola in
Italy, and took them by force of war. Which Pope Julius not long
after, in the year of our Lord 1512, refusing peace offered by
Maximilian the emperor, was encountered by Louis the French king,
about Ravenna, upon Easter day; where he was vanquished, and had of
his army slain to the number of sixteen thousand. And the year next
following, A.D. 1513, this apostolical warrior, which had resigned
his keys unto the river of Tiber before, made an end together both of
his fighting and living, after he had reigned and fought ten years.
After whom succeeded next in the see of Rome Pope Leo the Tenth,
about the compass of which time great mutations and stirs began to
work, as well in states temporal, as especially in the state of the
church.

     Pope Leo the Tenth, in Rome, A.D. 1513, reigned nine years.

     Charles the Fifth, emperor in Germany, A.D. 1519, reigned
thirty-nine years.

     Francis, king of France, A.D. 1515, reigned thirty-two years.

     Henry the Eighth, king of England, A.D. 1509, reigned thirty-
eight years.

     James the Fifth, king of Scotland, A.D. 1514, reigned twenty-
nine years.

     In the time of which pope, emperor, and kings of England and of
France, great alterations, troubles, and turns of religion were
wrought in the church, by the mighty operation of God's hand, in
Italy, France, Germany, England, and all Europe, such as have not
been seen, although much groaned for, many hundred years before; as
in further discourse of this history (Christ willing) shall more
manifestly appear.

     But before we come to these alterations, taking the time as it
lieth before us, we will first speak of Richard Hun, and certain
other godly-minded persons here in England, afflicted for the word of
Christ's gospel in great multitude, as they be found and taken out of
the registers of Fitzjames, bishop of London, by the faithful help
and industry of R. Carket, citizen of London.

The history of divers good men and women, persecuted for religion in
the city and diocese of the bishop of London, briefly extracted out
of the registers of Richard Fitzjames.

     Amongst and beside the great number of the faithful martyrs and
professors of Christ, that constantly in the strength of the Holy
Ghost gave their lives for the testimony of his truth, I find
recorded in the register of London, between the years of our Lord
1509 and 1527, the names of divers other persons both men and women;
who, in the fulness of that dark and misty time of ignorance, had
also some portion of God's good Spirit, which induced them to the
knowledge of his truth and gospel, and were diversly troubled,
persecuted, and imprisoned for the same; notwithstanding, by the
proud, cruel, and bloody rage of the catholic seat, and through the
weakness and frailty of their own nature, (not then fully
strengthened in God,) it was again in them, for the time, suppressed
and kept under, as appeareth by their several abjurations made before
Richard Fitzjames, then bishop of London, (in his time a most cruel
persecutor of Christ's church,) or else before his vicar-general
deputed for the same. And forasmuch as many of the adversaries of
God's truth have of late days disdainfully and braggingly cried out,
and made demands in their public assemblies, and yet do, asking where
this our church and religion was within these fifty or sixty years, I
have thought it not altogether vain, somewhat to stop such lying
crakers, both by mentioning their names, and likewise opening some of
the chief and principal matters, for which they were so unmercifully
afflicted and molested, thereby to give to understand, as well the
continuance and consent of the true church of Christ in that age,
touching the chief points of our faith, though not in like perfection
of knowledge and constancy in all; as also by the way, something to
touch what fond and frivolous matters the ignorant prelates shamed
not in that time of blindness to object against the poor and simple
people, accounting them as heinous andgreat offences, yea, such as
deserved death of both body and soul. But lest I should seem too
prolix and tedious herein, I will now briefly proceed with the story,
and first begin with their names, which are these: 

A.D. 1510.
Joan Baker.
William Pottier.
John Forge.
Thomas Goodred
Thomas Walker, alias Talbot
Thomas Forge.
Alice Forge.
John Forge, their son.
William Couper.
John Calverton.
John Woodrofe.

A.D. 1511.
Richard Woolman.
Roger Hilliar.
Alice Couper.
Thomas Austy.
Joan Austy.
Thomas Graunt.
John Garter.
Christopher Ravins.
Dionyse Ravins
Thomas Vincent
Lewis John.
Joan John.

A.D. 1512.
John Webb, alias Baker.

A.D. 1517.
John Houshold.
Robert Rascal.

A.D. 1518.
Elizabeth Stanford.
George Browne.
John Wikes.
John Southake.
Richard Butler.
John Samme.

A.D. 1521.
William King.
Robert Durdant.
Henry Woolman.
Edmund Spilman.

A.D. 1523.
John Higges, alias Noke, alias Johnson.

A.D. 1526.
Henry Chambers.
John Higgins.
A.D. 1527.
Thomas Egleston..

     The particular examination of all these here abovenamed, here
followeth.

     To these were divers and sundry particular articles, (besides
the common and general sort accustomably used in such cases,)
privately objected, even such as they were then accused of, either by
their curate, or other their neighbours. And because I think it
somewhat superfluous to make any large recital of all and every part
of their several process, I mind, therefore, briefly only to touch so
many of their articles as may be sufficient to induce the Christian
reader to judge the sooner of the rest, being (I assure you) of no
greater importance than these that follow:  except that sometime they
were charged most slanderously with horrible and blasphemous lies
against the majesty and truth of God, which, as they utterly denied,
so do I now for this present keep secret in silence, as well for
brevity's sake, as also somewhat to colour and hide the shameless
practices of that lying generation. But to our purpose.

     The chiefest objection against Joan Baker was, that she would
not only herself not reverence the crucifix, but had also persuaded a
friend of hers lying at the point of death, not to put any trust or
confidence in the crucifix, but in God which is in heaven, who only
worketh all the miracles that be done, and not the dead images, that
be but stocks and stones:  and therefore she was sorry that ever she
had gone so often on pilgrimage to St. Saviour and other idols. Also,
that she did hold opinion, that the pope had no power to give
pardons, and that the Lady Young (who was not long before that time
burned) died a true martyr of God; and therefore she wished of God,
that she herself might do no worse than the said Lady Young had done.

     Unto William Pottier, besides divers other false and slanderous
articles, (as that he should deny the benefit and effect of Christ's
passion,) it was also alleged that he should affirm, that there were
six Gods. The first three was the holy Trinity, the Father, the Son,
and the Holy Ghost. The fourth was a priest's concubine being kept in
his chamber. The fifth was the devil. And the sixth, that thing that
a man setteth his mind most upon.

     "The first part of this article he utterly denied, confessing
most firmly and truly the blessed Trinity to be only one God in one
unity of Deity:  as to the other three be answered, that a priest
delighting in his concubine, made her as his god. Likewise a wicked
person persisting in his sin without repentance, made the devil his
god. And lastly he granted, that he once hearing of certain men,
which by the singing and chattering of birds would seek to know what
things were to come, either to themselves or others, said that those
men esteemed their birds as gods:  and otherwise he spake not."

     Amongst the manifold and several articles objected against
Thomas Goodred, Thomas Walker, Thomas Forge, Alice Forge his wife,
John Forge their son, John Calverton, John Woodrofe, Richard Woolman,
and Roger Hilliar, (as that they should speak against pilgrimages,
praying unto saints, and such like,) this principally was propounded,
that they all denied the carnal and corporal presence of Christ's
body and blood in the sacrament of the altar; and further, had
concealed and consented unto their teachers and instructors of that
doctrine, and had not, according unto the laws of the church, accused
and presented them unto the bishop or his ordinary. Also great and
heinous displeasure was conceived against Richard Woolman, for that
he termed the church of Paul's, a house of thieves; affirming that
the priests and other ecclesiastical persons there, were not liberal
givers unto the poor, (as they ought,) but rather takers away from
them, what they could get.

     Likewise as Thomas Austy, Joan Austy his wife, Thomas Graunt,
John Garters, Christopher Ravins, Dionyse Ravins his sister, Thomas
Vincent, Lewis John, Joan John his wife, and John Webb, were of one
fellowship and profession of faith with divers of the last before
recited; so were they also almost apprehended about one time, and
chiefly burdened with one opinion of the sacrament. Which declareth
evidently, that notwithstanding the dark ignorance of those corrupted
times, yet God did ever in mercy open the eyes of some, to behold the
manifest truth, even in those things whereof the papists make now
greatest vaunt and brag of longest continuance. Furthermore, many of
them were charged to have spoken against pilgrimages, and to have
read and used certain English books, impugning the faith of the
Romish Church; as the Four Evangelists, Wickliff's Wicket, a book of
the Ten Commandments of Almighty God, the Revelation of St. John, the
Epistles of Paul and James, with other like, which those holy ones
could never abide; and good cause why:  for as darkness could never
agree with light, no more can ignorance, the maintainer of that
kingdom, with the true knowledge of Christ and his gospel.

     It was further particularly objected against Joan John, the
wife of Lewis John, that (besides the premises) she learned and
maintained that God commanded no holy-days to be kept, but only the
sabbath day; and therefore she would keep none but it, nor no fasting
days; affirming, that to fast from sin was the true fast. Moreover,
that she had despised the pope, his pardons, and pilgrimages;
insomuch that when any poor body asked his alms of her in the worship
of the Lady of Walsingham, she would straight answer in contempt of
the pilgrimage, The Lady of Walsingham help thee. And if she gave any
thing unto him, she would then say, Take this in the worship of our
Lady in heaven, and let the other go. Which declareth for lack of
better instruction and knowledge, she yet ignorantly attributed too
much honour to the true saints of God departed; though otherwise she
did abhor the idolatrous worshipping of the dead images. By which
example, as also by many others, (for shortness sake, at this present
omitted,) I have just occasion to condemn the wilful subtlety of
those, that in this bright shining light of God's truth would yet,
under colour of godly remembrance, still maintain the having of
images in the church, craftily excusing their idolatrous kneeling and
praying unto them, by affirming, that they never worshipped the dead
images, but the things that the images did represent. But if that
were their only doctrine and cause of having of them, why then would
their predecessors so cruelly compel these poor simple people, thus
openly in their recantations, to abjure and revoke their speaking
against the gross adoration of the outward images only, and not
against the thing represented? Which many of them, (as appeareth
partly by this example,) in their ignorant simplicity, confessed
might be worshipped. Howbeit, God be thanked, (who ever in his mercy
continue it,) their colourable and hypocritical excuses cannot now
take such place in the hearts of the elect of God, as they have done
heretofore, especially seeing the word of God doth so manifestly
forbid as well the worshipping of them, as also the making or having
of them, for order of religion.

     It was alleged against William Cowper and Alice Cowper his
wife, that they had spoken against pilgrimages, and worshipping of
images; but chiefly the woman, who having her child on a time hurt by
falling into a pit or ditch, and earnestly persuaded by some of her
ignorant neighbours, to go on pilgrimage to St. Laurence for help for
her child, said, that neither St. Laurence nor any other saint could
help her child, and therefore none ought to go on pilgrimage to any
image made with man's hand, but only unto Almighty God; for
pilgrimages were nothing worth, saving to make the priests rich.

     Unto John Houshold, Robert Rascal, and Elizabeth Stamford, as
well the article against the sacrament of the altar was objected, as
also that they had spoken against praying to saints, and had despised
the authority of the bishop of Rome, and others of his clergy. But
especially John Houshold was charged to have called them antichrists
and fornicators, and the pope himself a strong strumpet, and a common
scandal unto the world, who with his pardons had drowned in blindness
all Christian realms, and that for money.

     Also among divers other ordinary articles propounded against
George Brown, these were counted very heinous and heretical:  First,
that he had said, that he knew no cause why the cross should be
worshipped, seeing that the same was a hurt and pain unto our Saviour
Christ in the time of his passion, and not any ease or pleasure;
alleging for example, that if he had had a friend hanged or drowned,
he would ever after have loved that gallows, or water, by the which
his friend died, rather worse for that than better. Another objection
was, that he had erroneously, obstinately, and maliciously said, for
so are their words, that the church was too rich. This matter, I may
tell you, touched somewhat the quick, and therefore no marvel though
they counted it erroneous and malicious; for take away their gain,
and farewell their religion. They also charged him to have refused
holy water to be cast about his chamber, and likewise to have spoken
against priests, with other vain matters.

     The greatest matter wherewith they burdened John Wikes, was,
that he had often and of long time kept company with divers persons
suspected of heresies, as they termed them, and had received them
into his house, and there did suffer and hear them, sundry times,
read erroneous and heretical books, contrary to the faith of the
Romish Church, and did also himself consent unto their doctrine; and
had many times secretly conveyed them from the taking of such as were
appointed to apprehend them.

     Like as the greatest number of those before mentioned, so were
also John Southake, Richard Butler, John Sam, William King; Robert
Durdant, and Henry Woolman, especially charged with speaking words
against the real presence of Christ's body in the sacrament of the
altar, and also against images, and the rest of the seven sacraments.
Howbeit, they burdened the last five persons with the reading of
certain English heretical books, accounting most blasphemously the
Gospel of Jesus Christ, written by the four evangelists, to be of
that number, as appeareth evidently by the eighth article objected by
Thomas Bennet, doctor of law, chancellor and vicar general, unto
Richard Fitzjames, then bishop of London, against the said Richard
Butler. The very words of which article, for a more declaration of
truth, I have thought good here to insert; which are these:  "Also we
object to you, that divers times, and especially upon a certain 
night, about the space of three years last past, in Robert Durdant's
house of Iver Court near unto Stanes, you erroneously and damnably
read in a great book of heresy of the said Robert Durdant's, all that
same night, certain chapters of the evangelists in English,
containing in them divers erroneous and damnable opinions and
conclusions of heresy, in the presence of the said Robert Durdant,
John Butler, Robert Carder, Jenkin Butler, William King, and divers
other suspect persons of heresy then being present, and hearing your
said erroneous lectures and opinions." To the same effect and purpose
tended the tenor of some of the articles propounded against the other
four. Whereby, as also by others like before specified, we may easily
judge what reverence they, which yet will be counted the true and
only church of Christ, did bear to the word and Gospel of Christ, who
shamed not to blaspheme the same with most horrible titles of
erroneous and damnable opinions, and conclusions of heresy. But why
should we marvel thereat, seeing the Holy Ghost in sundry places of
the Scripture doth declare, that in the latter days there should come
such proud and cursed speakers, which shall speak lies through
hypocrisy, and have their consciences marked with a hot iron? Let us
therefore now thank our heavenly Father for revealing them unto us;
and let us also pray him, that of his free mercies in his Son Christ
Jesus, he would, if it be to his glory, either turn and mollify all
such hearts, or else, for the peace and quietness of his church, he
would in his righteous judgment take them from us.

     About this time Richard Fitzjames ended his life. After whose
death, Cutbert Tunstall (afterwards bishop of Durham) succeeded in
the see and bishopric of London; who soon upon his first entry into
the room, minding to follow rightly the footsteps of his predecessor,
caused Edmund Spilman, priest, Henry Chambers, John Higgins, and
Thomas Eglestone, to be apprehended, and so to be examined upon
sundry like articles, as before are expressed; and in the end, either
for fear of his cruelty, and his rigour of death, or else through
hope of his flattering promises, (such was their weakness,) he
compelled them to abjure and renounce their true professed faith
touching the holy sacrament of Christ's body and blood, which was,
that Christ's corporal body was not in the sacrament, but in heaven,
and that the sacrament was a figure of his body, and not the body
itself.

     Moreover, about the same time there were certain articles
objected against John Higges, alias Noke, alias Johnson, by the said
bishop's vicar-general. Amongst which were these:  First, that he had
affirmed, that it was as lawful for a temporal man to have two wives
at once, as for a priest to have two benefices. Also, that he had in
his custody a book of the Four Evangelists in English, and did often
read therein; and that he favoured the doctrines and opinions of
Martin Luther, openly pronouncing that Luther had more learning in
his little finger than all the doctors in England in their whole
bodies; and that all the priests in the church were blind, and had
led the people the wrong way. Likewise it was alleged against him,
that he had denied purgatory, and had said, that while he were alive
he would do as much for himself as he could, for after his death he
thought that prayer and alms-deeds could little help him.

     These and such-like matters were they, wherewith these poor and
simple men and women were chiefly charged, and as heinous heretics
excommunicated, imprisoned, and at last compelled to recant; and some
of them, in utter shame and reproach, (besides the ordinary bearing
of faggots before the cross in procession, or else at a sermon,) were
enjoined for penance, (as they termed it,) as well to appear once
every year before their ordinary, as also to wear the sign of a
faggot painted upon their sleeves, or other part of their outward
garment, and that during all their lives, or so often and long as it
pleased their ordinary to appoint. By which long, rigorous, and open
punishing of them, they meant (as it should seem) utterly to terrify
and keep back all others from the true knowledge of Jesus Christ and
his gospel. But the Lord be evermore praised, what effect their
wicked purposes therein have taken, these our most lightsome days of
God's glorious gospel do most joyfully declare.

     There were also troubled besides these, certain others more
simple and ignorant; who having but a very small smack or taste of
the truth, did yet at the first (as it may seem) gladly consent unto
the same; but being apprehended, they quickly again yielded, and
therefore had only assigned them for their penance, the bearing of a
little candle before the cross, without any further open abjuring or
recanting. Amongst which I find two especially; the one a woman,
called Ellen Heyer, to whom it was objected, that she had neither
confessed herself unto the priest, nor yet received the sacrament of
the altar, by the space of four years, and notwithstanding had yearly
eaten flesh at Easter, and after, as well as others that had received
the same, contrary to the usual manner and conversation of all other
Christian people.

     The other was a man, named Robert Berkeway, who (besides most
wicked blasphemies against God, which he utterly denied) was charged
to have spoken heinous words against the pope's holy and blessed
martyr Thomas Becket, calling him covetous and a thief, for that he
wrought by crafts and imaginations.

     Thus have I (as briefly as I could) summarily collected the
principal articles objected against these weak, infirm, and earthy
vessels. Not minding hereby to excuse or condemn them, in these their
fearful falls and dangerous defections; but leaving them unto the
unmeasurable rich mercies of the Lord; I thought only to make
manifest the insatiable bloody cruelty of the pope's kingdom, against
the gospel and true church of Christ; nothing mitigating their
envious rage, no not against the very simple idiots, and that
sometimes in most frivolous and irreligious cases. But now leaving to
say any further herein, I will (by God's grace) go forward with other
somewhat more serious matters.



140. WILLIAM SMEETING AND JOHN BREWSTER.

     In searching and perusing of the Register, for the collection
of the names and articles before recited, I find that within the
compass of the same years there were also some others, who after they
had once showed themselves as frail and inconstant as the rest,
(being either therewith pricked in conscience, or otherwise zealously
overcome with the manifest truth of God's most sacred word,) became
yet again as earnest professors of Christ as ever they were before,
and for the same profession were the second time apprehended,
examined, condemned, and in the end were most cruelly burned. Of the
which number were William Sweeting and John Brewster, who were both
burned together in Smithfield, the eighteenth day of October, A.D.
1511. The chiefest case of religion alleged against them in their
articles, was their faith concerning the sacrament of Christ's body
and blood. Which, because it differed from the absurd, gross, and
Capernaitical opinion of the new schoolmen, was counted as most
heinous heresy. There were other things besides objected against
them; as the reading of certain forbidden books, and accompanying
with such persons as were suspected of heresy. But one great and
heinous offence counted amongst the rest, was their putting and
leaving off the painted faggots, which they were at the first
abjuring enjoined to wear as badges during their lives, or so long as
it should please their ordinary to appoint, and not to leave them
off, upon pain of relapse, until they were dispensed withal for the
same. The breach of this injunction was esteemed to be of no small
weight, and yet, the matter well and thoroughly considered, it
seemeth by their confessions, they were both thereunto by necessity
enforced. For the one, named Sweeting, being for fear of the bishop's
cruelty constrained to wander the countries to get his poor living,
came at length unto Colchester, where by the parson of the parish of
Mary Magdalene, he was provoked to be the holy-water clerk, and in
that consideration had that infamous badge first taken away from him.
The other (which was Brewster) left off his at the commandment of the
comptroller of the earl of Oxford's house; who hiring the poor man to
labour in the earl's household business, would not suffer him,
working there, to wear that counterfeit cognizance any longer:  so
that (as I said) necessity of living seemeth to compel both of them
at the first to break that injunction; and therefore, if charity had
borne as great sway in the hearts of the pope's clergy as did
cruelty, this trifle would not have been so heinously taken, as to be
brought against them for an article and cause of condemnation to
death. But where tyranny once taketh place, as well all godly love,
as also all human reason and duties, are quite forgotten. Well, to be
short, what for the causes before recited, as also for that they had
once already abjured, and yet (as they term it) fell again into
relapse, they were both (as you have heard) in the end burned
together in Smithfield; although the same parties (as the Register
recordeth) did again before their death fearfully forsake their
former revived constancy, and submitting themselves unto the
discipline of the Romish Church, craved absolution from their
excommunication. Howbeit, because many of the Register's notes and
records in such cases may rightly be doubted of, and so called into
question, I refer the certain knowledge hereof unto the Lord, (who is
the trier of all truths,) and the external judgment unto the godly
and discreet reader; not forgetting yet by the way, (if that the
report should be true,) upon so just an occasion, to charge that
catholic clergy and their wicked laws, with a more shameless tyranny
and uncharitable cruelty than before. For if they nothing stay their
bloody malice towards such as so willingly submit themselves unto
their mercies, what favour may the faithful and constant professors
of Christ look for at their hands? I might here also ask of them, how
they follow the pitiful and loving admonition (or rather precept) of
our Saviour Christ, (whose true and only church they so stoutly brag
to be,) who in the 17th chapter of St. Luke saith, Though thy brother
sin against thee seven times in a day, and seven times in a day turn
to thee, saying, It repenteth me, thou shalt forgive him. But what go
I about to allure them unto the following of the rule and counsel of
him, unto whose word and gospel they seem most open and utter
enemies? Wherefore, not purposing to stay any longer thereupon, but
leaving them unto the righteous revengement of the Lord; let us now
hereunto adjoin the story of one John Browne, a good martyr of the
Lord, burnt at Ashford, about this fourth year of King Henry the
Eighth, whose story hereunder followeth.

     The occasion of the first trouble of this John Browne was by a
priest, sitting in a Gravesend barge. John Browne being the same time
in the barge, came and sat hard by him; whereupon after certain
communication, the priest asked him, "Dost thou know," said he, "who
I am; thou sittest too near me, thou sittest on my clothes?" "No,
sir," said he, "I know not what you are." "I tell thee I am a
priest." "What, sir, are ye a parson, or vicar, or a lady's
chaplain?" "No," quoth he again, "I am a soul priest, I sing for a
soul," saith he. "Do you so, sir," quoth the other, "that is well
done. I pray you, sir," quoth he, "where find you the soul when you
go to mass?" "I cannot tell thee," said the priest. "I pray you where
do you leave it, sir, when the mass is done?" " I cannot tell thee,"
said the priest. "Neither can you tell where you find it when you go
to mass, nor where you leave it when the mass is done, how can you
then have the soul," said he. "Go thy ways," said the priest, "thou
art a heretic, and I will be even with thee." So at the landing, the
priest taking with him Walter More and William More, two gentlemen,
brethren, rode straightways to the Archbishop Warham, whereupon the
said John Browne within three days after, his wife being churched the
same day, and he bringing in a mess of pottage to the board to his
guests, was sent for, and his feet bound under his own horse, and so
brought up to Canterbury, neither his wife nor he, nor any of his,
knowing whither he went, nor whither he should. And there continuing
from Low-Sunday till the Friday before Whitsunday, his wife not,
knowing all this while where he was; he was set in the stocks over
night, and on the morrow went to death, and was burned at Ashford,
A.D. 1517. The same night as he was in the stocks at Ashford, where
he and his wife dwelt, his wife then hearing of him, came and sat by
him all the night before he should be burned; to whom he declaring
the whole story how he was handled, showed and told, how that he
could not set his feet to the ground, for they were burned to the
bones, and told her how by the two bishops, Warham;and Fisher, his
feet were heated upon the hot coals, and burnt to the bones, "to make
me," said he, "to deny my Lord, which I will never do; for if I
should deny my Lord in this world, he would hereafter deny me. I pray
thee," said he, "therefore, good Elizabeth, continue as thou hast
begun, and bring up thy children virtuously and in the fear of God: "
and so the next day, on Whitsunday even, this godly martyr was
burned. Standing at the stake, this prayer he made, holding up his
hands,

"O Lord, I yield me to thy grace,
Grant me mercy for my trespass,
Let never the fiend my soul chase.
Lord, I will bow, and thou shalt beat,
Let never my soul come in hell heat.
Into thy hands I commend my spirit, thou hast redeemed
me, O Lord of truth." And so he ended.

     At the fire, one Chilton, the baily arrant, bade cast in
Browne's children also; for they would spring, said he, of his ashes.

     This blessed martyr John Browne had borne a faggot seven years
before in the days of King Henry the Seventh.



141. RICHARD HUN

     As it is the property of Satan ever to malice the prosperous
estate of the saints of God, and true professors of Christ; so
ceaseth he not continually to stir up his wicked members to the
effectual accomplishing of that which his envious nature so greedily
desireth; if not always openly by colour of tyrannical laws, yet, at
the leastwise, by some subtle practice of secret murder; which thing
doth most plainly appear not only in a great number of the blessed
martyrs of Christ's church, mentioned in this book, but also, and
especially, in the discourse of this lamentable history that now I
have in hand, concerning the secret and cruel murdering of Richard
Hun, whose story here consequently ensueth, excerped and collected
partly out of the registers of London, partly out of a bill exhibited
and denounced in the parliament house.

     There was in the year of our Lord 1514, one Richard Hun,
merchant tailor, dwelling within the city of London, and freeman of
the same, who was esteemed during his life, and worthily reputed and
taken, not only for a man of true dealing and good substance, but
also for a good catholic man. This Richard Hun had a child at nurse
in Middlesex in the parish of St. Mary Matsilon, which died; by the
occasion whereof, one Thomas Drifield, clerk, being parson of the
said parish, sued the said Richard Hun in the spiritual court for a
bearing sheet, which the said Thomas Drifield claimed, unjustly, to
have of the said Hun, for a mortuary for Stephen Hun, son of the said
Richard Hun; which Stephen, being at nurse in the said parish, died
being of the age of five weeks, and not above. Hun answered him
again, that forasmuch as the child had no property in the sheet, he
therefore neither would pay it, nor the other ought to have it.
Whereupon the priest, moved with a covetous desire, and loth to lose
his pretended right, cited him to appear in the spiritual court,
there to answer the matter. Whereupon the said Richard Hunne, being
troubled in the spiritual court, was forced to seek counsel of the
learned in the law of this land, and pursued a writ of prĉmunire
against the said Thomas Drifield, and other, his aiders, counsellors,
proctors,and adherents, as by the process thereof is yet to be seen;
which when the rest of the priestly order heard of, greatly
disdaining that any layman should so boldly enterprise such a matter
against any of them; and fearing also that if they should now suffer
this priest to be condemned at the suit of Hun, there would be
thereby ever after a liberty opened unto all others of the laity to
do the like with the rest of the clergy in such-like cases; they
straightways, both to stop this matter, and also to be revenged of
him, for that he had already done, sought all means they possibly
could how to entrap and bring him within the danger of their own
cruel laws; and thereupon making secret and diligent inquisition, and
seeking all corners they could against him, at length they found a
means how to accuse him of heresy, unto Richard Fitzjames, then
bishop of London, and so did; who (desirous to satisfy the revenging
and bloody affection of his chaplains) caused him thereupon to be
apprehended and committed unto prison within the Lollard's Tower at
Paul's, so that none of his friends might be suffered to come to him.
This Richard Hun being clapped in the Lollard's Tower, shortly after,
at the earnest instigation of one Doctor Horsey the bishop's
chancellor, (a man more ready to prefer the clergy's cruel tyranny
than the truth of Christ's gospel,) was brought before the bishop at
his manor of Fulham, the second day of December, in the year before-
mentioned; where within his chapel he examined him upon these
articles following, collected against him by the said Horsey and his
accomplices.

     "First, That he had read, taught, preached, published, and
obstinately defended, against the laws of Almighty God; that tithes,
or paying of tithes, was never ordained to he due, saving only by the
covetousness of priests.

     "2. Item, That he had read, taught, preached, published, and
obstinately defended; that bishops and priests be the scribes and
Pharisees that did crucify Christ, and damned him to death.

     "3. Item, That he had read, taught, preached, &c., that bishops
and priests be teachers and preachers, but no doers, neither
fulfillers of the law of God; but catching, ravening, and all things
taking, and nothing ministering, neither giving.

     "4. Item, Where and when one Joan Baker was detected and
abjured of many great heresies, (as it appeareth by her abjuration,)
the said Richard Hun, said, published, taught, preached, and
obstinately took upon him, saying, that he would defend her and her
opinions, if it cost him five hundred marks.

     "5. Item, Afterwards (where and when the said Joan taker, after
her abjuration, was enjoined open penance according to her demerits)
the said Richard Hun said, published, taught, and obstinately did
defend her, saying, The bishop of London and his officers have done
open wrong to the said Joan Baker, in punishing her for heresy; for
her sayings and opinions be according to the laws of God; wherefore
the bishop and his officers are more worthy to be punished for heresy
than she is.

     "6. Item, That the said Richard Him hath in his keeping divers
English books, prohibited and damned by the law; as the Apocalypse in
English, Epistles and Gospels in English, Wickliff's damnable works,
and other books, containing infinite errors, in the which he hath
been long time accustomed to read, teach, and study daily."

     Particular answer unto these several objections, in the
Register, I find none, saving that next under them, there is written
in his name with a contrary hand these words following:  "As touching
these articles, I have not spoken them as they be here laid:  howbeit,
unadvisedly I have spoken words somewhat sounding to the same; for
the which I am sorry, and ask God mercy, and submit me unto my lord's
charitable and favourable correction." Which they affirm to be
written with Hun's own hand:  but how likely to truth that is, let the
discreet wisdom of the reader indifferently judge by the whole sequel
of this process. And further, if it were his own act, what occasion
then had they so cruelly to murder him as they did? seeing he had
already so willingly confessed his fault, and submitted himself unto
the charitable and favourable correction of the bishop, (for the
which even by their own law, in cases of most heinous heresy, he
ought to be again received and pardoned,) except perhaps they will
account horrible murder to be but the bishop's favourable correction.
Again, it seemeth they had very few credible witnesses to prove
certainly that this was his answer and hand-writing; for the
Register, or some other for him (appointed to record the same) hath
certified it, as of hearsay from others, and not of his own proper
sight and knowledge, as the words noted in the margin of the book,
adjoining to the aforesaid answer, plainly do declare, which are
these, Hoc fuit scriptum manu propria Richardi Hunne, ut dicitur. Now
if he had had any sure ground to stablish this certificate, I doubt
not but he would (instead of ut dicitur) have registered the names of
the assistants at the time of his examination, (which he confesseth
to be many,) as generally they do in all their acts, especially in
cases of heresy, as they term it. But how scrupulous those good
fellows that spared not so shamelessly to murder him, would be to
make a lie of him that was already dead, let (as I said) the
indifferent judgment of the godly wise discern.

     This examination ended, the bishop sent him back again the same
day,unto the Lollard's Tower; and then by the appointment of Doctor
Horsey, his chancellor, he was colourably committed from the custody
of Charles Joseph, the sumner, unto John Spalding, the bell-ringer, a
man by whose simpleness in wit (though otherwise wicked) the subtle
chancellor thought to bring his devilish pretended homicide the
easier to pass; which most cruelly he did by his ministers suborned,
within two nights then next following accomplish; as is plainly
proved hereafter by the diligent inquiry and final verdict of the
coroner of London, and his inquest, made by order of the laws in that
behalf limited. But when this usual practice of the papists was once
accomplished, there wanted then no secret shifts nor worldly wiles
for the crafty colouring of this mischief; and therefore, the next
morning after they had in the night committed this murder, John
Spalding (I doubt not but by the counsel of his master chancellor)
got himself out of the way, into the city, and leaving the keys of
the prison with one of his fellows, willed him to deliver them unto
the sumner's boy, which accustomably did use to carry Hun his meat,
and other necessaries that he needed; thinking that the boy, first
finding the prisoner dead, and hanged in such sort as they left him,
they might (by his relation) be thought free from any suspicion of
this matter. Which thing happened in the beginning almost as they
wished. For the boy, the same morning (being the fourth day of
December) having the keys delivered him, accompanied with two other
of the bishop's sumners, went about ten of the clock into the prison,
to serve the prisoner, as he was wont to do; and when they came up,
they found him hanged with his face towards the wall. Whereupon they
(astonished at this sight) gave knowledge thereof immediately unto
the chancellor, being then in the church, and watching, I suppose, of
purpose, for such news; who forthwith got unto him certain of his
colleagues, and went with them into the prison, to see that which his
own wicked conscience knew full well before, as was afterwards
plainly proved, although then he made a fair face to the contrary,
blazing abroad among the people, by their officers and servants, that 
Hun had desperately hanged himself. Howbeit, the people having good
experience as well of the honest life and godly conversation of the
man, as also of the devilish malice of his adversaries the priests,
judged rather that by their procurement he was secretly murdered.
Whereof arose great contention; for the bishop of London on the 'one
side, taking his clergy's part, affirmed stoutly that Hun had hanged
himself. The citizens again on the other side, vehemently suspecting
some secret murder, caused the coroner of London (according to law)
to choose an inquest, and to take good view of the dead body, and so
to try out the truth of the matter. Whereby the bishop and his
chaplains were then driven to the extremity of shifts; and therefore 
minding by some subtle show of justice, to stop the mouths of the
people, they determined that in the mean while, as the inquest was
occupied about their charge, the bishop should, for his part, proceed
ex officio, in case of heresy, against the dead person; supposing
(most like) that if the party were once condemned of heresy, the
inquest durst not then but find him guilty of his own death, and so
clearly acquit them from all the former suspicion of privy murder.
This determination of theirs they did immediately put in practice, in
order as followeth.
Illustration:  Richard Hun Found Hanged in the Lollard's Tower

     First, besides the articles before mentioned, (which they
affirm were objected against him in his lifetime,) Doctor Hed did now
also after his death, collect certain others out of the prologue of
his English Bible, remaining then in the bishop's hands; which he
diligently perused, not to learn any good thing therein, but to get
thereout such matter, as he thought might best serve their cursed
purpose, as appeareth by the tenor of the articles, which are these: 

     "1. First, The said book damneth all holy canons, calling them
ceremonies and statutes of sinful men and uncunning; and calleth the
pope Sathanas and antichrist.

     "2. Item, It damneth the pope's pardons, saying, they be but
leasings.

     "3. Item, The said book of Hun saith, that kings and lords,
called Christian in name, and heathen in conditions, defile the
sanctuary of God, bringing clerks full of covetousness, heresy, and
malice, to stop God's law that it cannot be known, kept, and freely
preached.

     "4. Item, The said book saith, that lords and prelates pursue
full cruelly them that would teach truly and freely the law of God;
and cherish them that preach sinful men's traditions and statutes, by
the which he meaneth the holy canons of Christ's church.

     "5. Item, That poor men and idiots have the truth of the Holy
Scriptures, more than a thousand prelates and religious men, and
clerks of the school.

     "6. Item, That Christian kings and lords set idols in God's
house, and excite the people to idolatry.

     "7. Item, That princes, lords, and prelates, so doing, be worse
than Herod that pursued Christ, and worse than Jews and heathen men
that crucified Christ.

     "8. Item, That every man swearing by our Lady, or any other
saint or creature, giveth more honour to the saints, than to the holy
Trinity; and so he saith they be idolaters.

     "9. Item, He saith, that saints ought not to be honoured.

     "10. Item, He damneth adoration, prayer, kneeling, and offering
to images, which he calleth stocks and stones.

     "11. Item, He saith, that the very body of the Lord is not
contained in the sacrament of the altar, but that men, receiving it,
shall thereby keep in mind, that Christ's flesh was wounded and
crucified for us.

     "12. Item, He damneth the university of Oxford, with all
degrees and faculties in it, as art civil, canon, and divinity,
saying, that they let the true way to come to the knowledge of the
laws of God and Holy Scripture.

     "13. Item, He defendeth the translation of the Bible and Holy
Scripture into the English tongue, which is prohibited by the laws of
our mother holy church."

     These articles thus collected, as also the others before
specified, they caused for a more show of their pretended justice and
innocence, to be openly read the next Sunday following by the
preacher at Paul's Cross, with this protestation made before.

     "Masters and friends, for certain causes and considerations, I
have in commandment to rehearse, show, and publish here unto you, the
articles of heresy, upon which Richard Hun was detected and examined;
and also other great articles and damnable points and opinions of
heresy contained in some of his books, be come to light and
knowledge, here ready to be showed."

     And therewith he read the articles openly unto the people,
concluding with these words: 

     "And, masters, if there be any man desirous to see the
specialty of these articles, or doubt whether they be contained in
this book or not, for satisfying of his mind, let him come to my lord
of London, and he shall see it with good will. Moreover, here I
counsel and admonish, that if there be any persons, that of their
simpleness have been familiar and acquainted with the said Richard
Hun in these articles, or have heard him read upon this book, or any
other sounding to heresy, or have any like books themselves, let them
come unto my lord of London betwixt this and Candlemas next, and
acknowledge their fault, and they shall be charitably treated and
dealt withal, so that both their goods and honesty shall be saved;
and if they will not come of their own offer, but abide the process
of the law, then at their own peril be it, if the rigour of the law
be executed against them."

     After which open publication and admonition, the bishop at
sundry times examined divers of his priests, and other lay persons,
upon the contents of both these articles. Among which examinates,
there was a man servant and a maid of the said Hun's, who, although
they had of long time dwelt with him, were not able to charge him
with any great thing worthy reprehension; no, not in such points as
the bishop chiefly objected against him. But yet the priests (through
whose procurement this mischief was first begun) spared no whit
stoutly and maliciously to accuse him, some in the contents of the
first articles, and some in the second. Wherefore, having now (as
they thought) sufficient matter against him, they purposed speedily
to proceed to his condemnation. And because they would seem to do all
things formally, and by prescript order, they first drew out certain
short and summary rules, by the which the bishop should be directed
in this solemn session; which are these: 

     "First, Let the bishop sit in his tribunal seat, in our Lady's
chapel.

     "Secondly, Let him recite the cause of his coming, and take
notaries to him, to enact that shall be there done.

     "Thirdly, Let him declare, how, upon Sunday last, at Paul's
Cross, he caused to be published a general monition, or denunciation,
that all abettors and maintainers of Richard Hun, should come in, as
by this day, and submit themselves; and let him signify withal, how
certain have come in, and have appeared already.

     "Fourthly, Let him protest and say, that if there remain any
yet behind which have not appeared according to the former monition
and denunciation; yet if they will come, and appear, and submit
themselves, they shall be heard and received with grace and favour.

     "Fifthly, Let the bishop, or some other at his appointment,
recite the articles objected against Richard Hun; in the time of his
life; and then the other articles likewise, which were out of his
great book of the Bible extracted.

     "Sixthly, Let the answers and confessions of the said Richard
Hun summarily be recited, with the attestations made to the same
articles. Also let his books be exhibited, and then Thomas Brook his
servant be called for.

     "Seventhly, Let it be openly cried at the choir door, that if
there be any which will defend the articles, opinions, books, or the
memory of the said Richard Hun, let them come and appear, and they
shall be heard, as the law in that behalf shall require.

     "Eighthly, Let it be openly cried, as in manner before, for
such as be receivers, favourers, defenders, or believers of the said
Richard Hun, that all such do appear and submit themselves to the
bishop, or else he intendeth to proceed to the excommunication of
them in general, according to the exigence of the law in that behalf.

     "Ninthly, Then the bishop speaking to the standers by, and to
them which sat with him upon the bench, of the clergy, demanding of
them, what their judgment and opinion is touching the premises, and
whether they think it convenient and agreeable for him to proceed to
the sentence against the said Richard Hun, in this part to be
awarded.

     "Tenthly, After their consent and counsel given, let the bishop
read out the sentence.

     "Finally, After the sentence read, let the bishop appoint the
publication and denunciation of the aforesaid sentence to be read at
Paul's Cross or elsewhere, as to him shall seem expedient, with a
citation likewise generally against all them that be receivers,
favourers, and believers of the said Hun, to give to understand why
he ought not further to proceed against them," &c.

     Now according to the tenor of these prescripts and rules, the
bishop of London, accompanied with the bishops of Durham and Lincoln,
sat in judgment the 16th day of December, then next following, within
the place by the same appointed; adjoining also unto them as
witnesses of their proceedings, six public notaries, his own
register, and about twenty-five doctors, abbots, priors, and priests
of name, with a great rabble of their common anointed catholics.
Where, after a solemn proclamation made, that if there were any that
would defend the opinions and books of Richard Hun, they should
presently appear and be heard according to law, he commanded all the
articles and objections against Hun openly to be read before the
assembly; and then, perceiving that none durst appear in his defence,
by the advice of his assistants, he pronounced the sentence
definitive against the dead carcass, condemning it of heresy, and
therewith committed the same unto the secular power, to be by them
burned accordingly. Which ridiculous decree was as fondly
accomplished in Smithfield the 20th day of the same month of
December, (being full sixteen days after they had thus horribly
murdered him,) to the great grief and disdain of all the people.

     Notwithstanding, after all this tragical and cruel handling of
the dead body, with their fair and colourable show of justice, yet
the inquest no whit stayed their diligent searching out of the true
cause and means of his death. Insomuch that when they had been divers
times called both before the king's privy council, (his Majesty
himself being sometime present,) and also before the chief judges and
justices of this realm, and that the matter being by them thoroughly
examined, and perceived to be much bolstered and borne withal by the
clergy, was again wholly remitted unto their determination and
ending; they found by good proof and sufficient evidence, that Doctor
Horsey, the chancellor, Charles Joseph, the sumner, and John
Spalding, the bell-ringer, had privily and maliciously committed this
murder, and therefore indicted them all three as wilful murderers.
Howbeit, through the earnest suit of the bishop of London unto
Cardinal Wolsey, (as appeareth by his letters hereafter mentioned,)
means was found, that at the next sessions of gaol delivery, the
king's attorney pronounced the indictment against Doctor Horsey to be
false and untrue; and him not to be guilty of the murder. Who being
then thereby delivered in body, having yet in himself a guilty
conscience, gat him unto Exeter, and durst never after for shame come
again unto London. But now, that the truth of all this matter may
seem more manifest and plain unto all men's eyes, here shall follow
word by word the whole inquiry and verdict of the inquest, exhibited
by them unto the coroner of London, so given up and signed with his
own hand.

The verdict of the inquest.

     "The fifth and the sixth day of December, in the sixth yeere of
the reigne of our soueraigne lord King Henry the Eighth, William
Barnewell crowner of London, the day and yeere abouesaid, within the
ward of Castelbainard of London assembled a quest, whose names
afterward doe appeare, and hath sworne them truely to enquire of the
death of one Richard Hun, which lately was found dead in the Lollards
Tower within Pauls church of London:  whereupon all we of the inquest
together went vp into the said Tower, where we found the body of the
said Hun hanging vpon a staple of iron in a girdle of silke, with
faire countenance, his head faire kemmed, and his bonet right sitting
vpon his head, with his eyne and mouth faire closed, without any
staring, gaping, or frowning, also without any driueling or spurging
in any place of his body:  whereupon by one assent all we agreed to
take downe the dead body of the said Hun, and as soon as we began to
heaue the body, it was loose; whereby, by good aduisement we
perceiued that the girdle had no knot about the staple, but it was
double cast, and the linkes of an iron chaine which did hang on the
same staple, were laid vpon the same girdle whereby hee did hang: 
also the knot of the girdle that went about his necke, stood vnder
his left eare, which caused his head to leane towards his right
shoulder. Notwithstanding there came out of his nostrels two small 
streames of blood, to the quantity of foure drops. Saue onely these
foure drops of blood, the face, lips, chinne, doublet, coller, and
shirt of the said Hun, was cleane from any blood. Also we find that
the skinne both of his necke and throte beneath the girdle of silke,
was fret and faled away, with that thing which the murtherers had
broken his necke withall. Also the hands of the said Hun were wrung
in the wrists; whereby we perceiued that his hands had bin bound.

     Moreouer, we find that within the said prison was no meane
whereby a man might hang himselfe, but onely a stoole, which stoole
stood vpon a bolster of a bed, so tickle, that any man or beast might
not touch it so little, but it was ready to fall. Wherby we perceiued
that it was not possible that Hun might hang himselfe, the stoole so
standing. Also all the girdle from the staple to his necke, as well
as the part which went about his neck, was too little for his head to
come out thereat. Also it was not possible that the soft silken
girdle should breake his necke or skin beneath the girdle. Also we
find in a corner somewhat beyond the place where he did hang, a great
parcell of blood. Also we find vpon the left side of Hunnes iacket
from the brest downeward, two great streames of blood. Also within
the flap of the left side of his iacket, we find a great cluster of
blood, and the iacket folden downe thereupon; which thing the said
Hun could neuer fold nor doe after he was hanged. Whereby it
appeareth plainely to vs all, that the necke of Hun was broken, and
the great plenty of blood was shed before he was hanged. Wherefore
all we find by God and all our consciences; that Richard Hunne was
murthered. Also we acquit the said Richard Hun of his own death.

     "Also there was an end of a wax candle, which as Iohn Belringer
saith, hee left in the prison burning with Hunne that same Sunday at
night that Hun was murthered; which waxe candle we found sticking
vpon the stockes faire put out, about seuen or eight foote from the
place where Hunne was hanged; which candle after our opinion was
neuer put out by him, for many likelihoods which we haue perceiued.
Also at the going vp of master chancellor into the Lollard's Tower,
we haue good proofe that there lay on the stockes a gowne either of
murrey or crimosin in graine furred with shankes; whose gowne it was
wee could neuer proue, neither who bare it away. All we find, that
Master William Horsey, chancellour to my lord of London, hath had at
his commandement both the rule and guiding of the said prisoner.
Moreouer, all wee find that the said Master Horsey, chancellor, hath
put Charles Ioseph out of his office, as the said Charles hath
confessed, because he would not deale and vse the said prisoner so
cruelly, and do to him as the chancellor would haue had him to doe.
Notwithstanding, the deliuerance of the keyes to the chancellour by
Charles on the Saturday at night before Hunnes death, and Charles
riding out of the towne on that Sunday in the morning ensuing, was
but a conuention made betwixt Charles and the chancellour for to
colour the murther. For the same Sunday that Charles rode forth, he
came againe to the towne at night, and killed Richard Hunne, as in
the depositions of Iulian Littell, Thomas Chicheley, Thomas Simonds,
and Peter Turner doth appeare.

     "After colouring of the murther betwixt Charles and the
chancellour conspired, the chancellour called to him one Iohn
Spalding, belringer of Pauls, and deliuered to the same belringer the
keyes of the Lollards Tower, giving to the said belringer a great
charge, saying:  I charge thee to keepe Hun more straitely then hee
hath beene kept, and let him have but one meale a day. Moreouer I
charge thee, let no body come to him without any licence, neither to
bring him shirt, cappe, kirchiefe, or any other thing, but that I see
it before it come to him. Also before Hunne was carried to Fulham,
the chancellor commanded to bee put vpon Huns necke a great coller of
iron with a great chaine, which is too heauie for any man or beast to
weare, and long to endure.

     "Moreouer, it is wel proued, that before Huns death, the said
chancellor came vp into the said Lollard's Tower, and kneeled downe
before Hun, holding vp his hands to him, praying him of forgiuenes of
all that he had done to him, and must doe to him. And on Sunday
following the chancellor commanded the penitensarie of Pauls to goe
vp to him and say a gospel, and make for him holy water and holy
bread, and giue it to him; which so did; and also the chancellor
commanded that Hunne should haue his dinner. And the same dinner time
Charles boy was shut in prison with Hun, which was neuer so before: 
and after dinner when the belringer let out the boy, the belringer
said to the same boy; Come no more hither with meat for him, vntill
to morrow at noone; for my master chancellor hath commanded that he
should haue but one meale a day:  and the same night following Richard
Hun was murthered:  which murther could not haue beene done without
consent and licence of the chancellor, and also by the witting and
knowledge of Iohn Spalding belringer:  for there could no man come
into the prison, but by the keies being in Iohn belringers keeping.
Also as by my lord of Londons booke doth appeare, Iohn belringer is a
poore innocent man. Wherefore all wee doe perceiue that this murther
could not bee done, but by the commandement of the chancellor, and by
the witting and knowing of John belringer.

     "Charles Ioseph within the Tower of London of his own free will
and vnconstrained said, that master chancellor deuised and wrote with
his own hand, all such heresies as were laid to Huns charge, record
Iohn God, Iohn True, Iohn Pasmere, Richard Gibson, with many other.
Also Charles Ioseph saith, that when Richard Hun was slaine, Iohn
belringer bare vp the staire into Lollards Tower a waxe candle,
hauing the keies of the dores hanging on his arme, and I Charles went
next to him, and master chancellor came vp last:  and when all we came
vp, wee found Hun lying on his bed, and then master chancellor said;
Lay hands on the theefe, and so all wee murthered him:  and then I
Charles put the girdle about Huns necke, and then Iohn belringer and
I Charles did heaue vp Hun, and master chancellor pulled the girdle
ouer the staple, and so Hunne was hanged."

The copy of Richard Fitzjames's letter, then bishop of London, sent
to Cardinal Wolsey.

     "I beseech your good lordship to stand so good lord vnto my
poor chancellor now in warde, and indighted by an vntrue quest, for
the death of Richard Hun, vpon the onely accusation of Charles
Ioseph, made by paine and durance; that by your intercession, it may
please the kings grace to haue the matter duely and sufficiently
examined by indifferent persons of his discreet councell, in the
presence of the parties, ere there be any more done in the cause, and
that vpon the innocencie of my said chancellor declared, it may
further please the kings grace to award a plackard vnto his atturney
to confesse the said enditement to be vntrue, when the time shall
require it:  for assured am I, if my chancellor be tried by any twelue
men in London, they be so malitiouslie set In fauorem hereticĉ
prauitatis, that they will cast and condemne any clerke, though he
were as innocent as Abel. Quare si potes beate pater adjuva
infirmitates nostras, tibi in perpetuum deuincti erimus. Ouer this in
most humble wise I beseech you, that I may have the kings gracious
fauour, whom I neuer offended willingly, and that by your good meanes
I might speake with his grace and you, and I with all mine, shall
pray for your prosperous estate long to continue.

     Your most humble Oratour R. L."

     Lastly, now remaineth to infer the sentence of the questmen,
which followeth in like sort to be seen and expended, after I have
first declared the words of the bishop spoken in the parliament
house.

The words that the bishop of London spake before the lords in the
parliament house.

     "Memorandum, That the bishop of London said in the parliament
house, that there was a bill brought to the parliament, to make the
jury that was charged upon the death of Hun, true men; and said, and
took upon his conscience, that they were false, perjured caitiffs;
and said furthermore to all the lords, there then being; For the love
of God look upon this matter; for if you do not, I dare not keep mine
house for heretics:  and said, that the said Richard Hun hanged 
himself, and that it was his own deed, and no man's else. And
furthermore said, that there came a man to his house, whose wife was
appeached of heresy, to speak with him, and he said that he had no
mind to speak with the same man; which man spake and reported to the
servants of the same bishop, that if his wife would not hold still
her opinions, he would cut her throat with his own hands, with other
words."

The sentence of the inquest, subscribed by the coroner.

     The inquisition intended and taken at the city of London in the
parish of St. Gregory, in the ward of Bainard Castle, in London, the
sixth day of December, in the sixth year of the reign of King Henry
the Eighth, before Thomas Barnewell, coroner of our sovereign lord
the king, within the city of London, aforesaid, also before James
Yarford and John Mundey, sheriffs of the said city, upon the sight of
the body of Richard Hun, late of London, tailor, which was found
hanged in the Lollard's Tower; and by the oath and proof of lawful
men of the same ward, and of other three wards next adjoining, as it
ought to be, after the custom of the city aforesaid, to inquire how,
and in what manner wise, the said Richard Hun came unto his death;
and upon the oath of John Bernard, Thomas Stert, William Warren,
Henry Abraham, John Aborow, John Turner, Robert Allen, William
Marler, John Burton, James Page, Thomas Pickhill, William Burton,
Robert Bridgewater, Thomas Busted, Gilbert Howell, Richard Gibson,
Christopher Crafton, John God, Richard Holt, John Palmere, Edmund
Hudson, John Arunsell, Richard Cooper, John Tim:  the which said upon
their oaths, that where the said Richard Hun, by the commandment of
Richard, bishop of London, was imprisoned and brought to hold in a
prison of the said bishop's, called Lollard's Tower, lying in the
cathedral church of St. Paul, in London, in the parish of St.
Gregory, in the ward of Bainard Castle aforesaid, William Horsey of
London, clerk, otherwise called William Heresy, chancellor to
Richard, bishop of London, and one Charles Joseph, late of London,
sumner, and John Spalding of London, otherwise called John
Bellringer, feloniously, as felons to our lord the king, with force
and arms, against the peace of our sovereign lord the king, and
dignity of his crown, the fourth day of December, the sixth year of
the reign of our sovereign lord aforesaid, of their great malice, at
the parish of St. Gregory aforesaid, upon the said Richard Hun made a
fray, and the same Richard Hun feloniously strangled and smothered,
and also the neck they did break of the said Richard Hun, and there
feloniously slew him, and murdered him.

     After that the twenty-four had given up their verdict sealed
and signed with the coroner's seal, the cause was then brought into
the parliament house, where the truth was laid so plain before all
men's faces, and the fact so notorious, that immediately certain of
the bloody murderers were committed to prison, and should, no doubt,
have suffered that they deserved, had not the cardinal, by his
authority, practised for his catholic children, at the suit of the
bishop of London. Whereupon the chancellor, by the king's pardon and
secret shifting, rather than by God's pardon and his deserving,
escaped, and went, as is said, to Exeter, &c. Nevertheless, though
justice took no place, where favour did save, yet, because the
innocent cause of Hun should take no wrong, the parliament became
suitors unto the king's Majesty, that whereas the goods of the said
Hun were confiscated into the king's hands, that it would please his
Grace to make restitution of all the said goods unto the children of
the said Hun; upon which motion, the king, of his gracious
disposition, did not only give all the aforesaid goods unto the
aforesaid children, under his broad seal, yet to be seen, but also
did send out his warrants to those that were the cruel murderers,
commanding them, upon his high displeasure, to redeliver all the said
goods, and make restitution for the death of the said Richard Hun;
all which goods came to the sum of 1500 pounds sterling, besides his
plate and other jewels.

The tenor of the king's letter in the behalf of Richard Hun.

     "Trusty and well-beloved, we greet you well:  Whereas by the
complaint to us made, as well as also in our high court of
parliament, on the behalf and part of Roger Whapplot of our city of
London, draper, and Margaret his wife, late the daughter of Richard
Hun:  And whereas you were indicted by our laws, of and for the death
of the said Richard Hun, the said murder cruelly committed by you,
like as by our records more at large plainly it doth appear, about
the fifth day of December, in the sixth year of our reign; the same
we abhor; nevertheless, we, of our especial grace, certain science,
and mere motion, pardoned you upon certain considerations us moving: 
for the intent that the goods of the said Richard Hun, the
administration of them were committed to the said Roger Whapplot, we
then supposed and intended your amendment, and restitution to be made
by you to the infants the children of the said Richard Hun, as well
foi his death, as for his goods, embezzled, wasted, and consumed by
your tyranny, and cruel act so committed, the same being of no little
value; and as hitherto ye have made no recompence, according to our
laws, as might stand with equity, justice, right, and good
conscience, and for this cause due satisfaction ought to be made by
our laws. Wherefore, we will and exhort, and otherwise charge and
command you, by the tenor of this our especial letters, that ye
satisfy and recompense the said Roger Whapplot, and the said Margaret
his wife, according to our laws in this cause, as it may stand with
right and good conscience, else otherwise at your further peril, so
that they shall have no cause to return unto us, for their further
remedy eftsoons in this behalf, as ye, in the same, tender to avoid
our high displeasure; otherwise, that ye, upon the sight hereof, to
set all excuses apart, and to repair unto our presence, at which your
hither coming you shall be further advertised of our mind.

     From our manor," &c.

Defence of Richard Hun against Sir Thomas More and Alen Cope.

     I doubt not but by these premises thou hast (Christian reader)
sufficiently to understand the whole discourse and story of Richard
Hun from top to toe. First, how he came in trouble for denying the
bearing sheet of this young infant departed; then how he was forced,
for succour of himself, to sue a prĉmunire; and thereupon what
conspiracy of the clergy was wrought against him, what snares were
laid, what fetches were practised, and articles devised, to snarl him
in the trap of heresy, and so to imprison him. Furthermore, being in
prison, how he was secretly murdered; after his murder, hanged; after
his hanging, condemned; after his condemnation, burned; and after his
burning, lastly, how his death was inquired by the coroner, and
cleared by acquittal of the inquest. Moreover, how the cause was
brought into the parliament, and by the parliament the king's precept
obtained for restitution of his goods. The debating of which tragical
and tumultuous story, with all the branches and particular evidences
of the same, taken out as well of the public acts, as of the bishop's
registers, and special records, remaining in the custody of Dunstan
Whapplot, the son of the daughter of the said Richard Hun, there to
be seen, I thought here to unwrap and discover, so much the more, for
three special purposes.

     First, as is requisite, for testimony and witness of the truth
falsely slandered, of innocence wrongfully condemned, and of the
party cruelly oppressed.

     The second cause moveth me, for Sir Thomas More's Dialogues,
wherein he dallieth out the matter, thinking to jest poor simple
truth out of countenance.

     The third cause which constraineth me, be the Dialogues of Alen
Cope; which two, the one in English, the other in Latin, railing and
barking against Richard Hun, do doublewise charge him, both to be a
heretic, and also a desperate homicide of himself. Which, as it is
false in the one, so it is to be found as untrue in the other, if
simple truth, which hath few friends, and many times cometh in crafty
handling, might freely come in indifferent hearing. Wherefore, as I
have hitherto described the order and manner of his handling, with
the circumstances thereof, in plain and naked narration of story,
simply laid out before all men's faces; so something here to intermit
in the defence, as well of his oppressed cause as also in discharge
of myself, I will now compendiously answer to both these aforesaid
adversaries, stopping, as it were, with one bush two gaps, and the
mouths also, if I can, of them both together. And first, against Sir
Thomas More, albeit in degree worshipful, in place superior, in wit
and learning singular, (if his judgment in Christ's matters had been
correspondent to the same,) otherwise being a man with many worthy
ornaments beautified, yet, being but a man, and one man, I lay and
object against the person of him, the persons and censures of twenty-
four questmen, the deposition of so many jurors, the judgment of the
coroner, the approbation of the parliament, and lastly, the king's
bill assigned for restitution of his goods, with his own broad seal
confirmed, &c. And thus much to the person and credit of Sir Thomas
More.

     Now as touching his reasons:  whereas he coming in with a flim-
flam of a horse-mill, or a mill-horse, (in his own terms I speak,)
thinketh it probation good enough, because he could not see him taken
by the sleeve which murdered Hun:  against these reasons unreasonable
of his, I allege all the evidences and demonstrations of the history
above prefixed to be considered, and of all indifferent men to he
poised.

     First, how he was found hanging, with his countenance fair,
with his beard and head fair combed, his bonnet set right upon his
head, with his eyes and his mouth fair closed, without any drivelling
or spurging. His body being taken down, was found loose, (which by
hanging could not be,) his neck broken, and the skin thereof, beneath
the throat where the girdle went, fret and faled away; his girdle
notwithstanding being of silk, and so double cast about the staple,
that the space of the girdle between the staple and his neck, with
the residue also which went about his neck, was not sufficient for
his head to come out at. His hands moreover wrung in his wrists, his
face, lips, chin, doublet, and shirt collar unstained with any blood: 
when notwithstanding, in a manner somewhat beyond the place where he
did hang, a great quantity of blood was found. Also, whereas the
staple whereon he hanged was so that he could not climb thereto
without some mean, there was a stool set up upon the bolster of a
bed, so tickle, that with the first touch in the world it was ready
to fall. And how was it possible that Hun might hang himself upon
that staple, the stool so standing? Besides the confession moreover
of Charles Joseph's own mouth to Julian Litten, of Robert Johnson,
John Spalding the bell-ringer, Peter Turner, and others. All which
testimonies and declarations being so clear and undeniable, may
suffice (I trust) any indifferent man to see where the truth of this
case doth stand:  unless Master More, being a gentleman of Utopia,
peradventure, after some strange guise of that country, useth to
carry his eyes not in his head but in his affection, not seeing but
where he liketh, nor believing but what he listeth.

     Finally, where Sir Thomas More, speaking of himself, so
concludeth, that he hearing in the matter, what well might be said,
yet could not find contrary, but Hun to be guilty of his own death;
so, in as many words to answer him again, I perusing and searching in
the story of Richard Hun, what may well be searched, cannot but
marvel with myself, either with what darkness the eyes of Master More
be closed, not to see what is so plain; or else with what conscience
he would dissemble, that which shame cannot deny. And thus by the way
to the Dialogues of Sir Thomas More.

     Thirdly, touching the Dialogues of Alen Cope, which had rather
the bishop's chancellor and officers to be accounted among thieves
and murderers, than Hun to be numbered among the martyrs; I have
herein not much to say, because himself saith but little; and if he
had said less, unless his ground were better, it had made as little
matter. But forasmuch as he saying not much, sendeth us to seek more
in More; so with like brevity again I may send him to William
Tindall, to shape him an answer. Yet, notwithstanding, lest Cope, in
saying something, should think Hun's innocent cause to lack some
friends, which will not or dare not adventure in defence of truth,
somewhat I will answer in this behalf.

     And first, touching this murder of Hun, not to be his own
wilful act, but the deed of others; besides the demonstrations above
premised to Sir Thomas More, now to Master Cope, if I had no other
evidences but only these two, I would require no more; that is, his
cap found so straight standing upon his head, and the stool so
tottering under his feet. For how is it, I will not say, like, but
how is it possible for a man to hang himself in a silken girdle
double cast about a staple, in such shortness, that neither the space
of the knot could well compass his head about, and yet having his cap
so straight set upon his head, as his was?

     Again, how is it possible, or can it be imagined, for him to
hang himself, climbing up by a stool which had no stay for him to
stand upon, but stood so tickle, that if he had touched the same
never so little, it must needs have fallen?

     But Cope, being something more provident in this matter,
seemeth to exceed not altogether so far as doth Master More. For he
understanding the case to be ambiguous and doubtful, so leave it in
suspense, neither determining that Hun did hang himself, and yet not
admitting that he died a martyr, no more than they which are quelled
by thieves and murderers in highway-sides. Well, be it so as Cope
doth argue, that they which die by the hands of felons and murderers
in thievish ways, be no martyrs; yet, notwithstanding, this his own
similitude, comparing the bishop's chancellor and officers to thieves
and murderers, doth grant at least that Hun died a true man, although
no martyr. Now if the cause be it, and not the pain, that maketh a
martyr, in pondering the cause why Hun was slain, we shall find it
not altogether like to the cause of them which perish by thieves and
robbers. For such commonly because of their goods, and for some
worldly gain to be sought by their death, are made away, and being
true men, may peradventure have the reward, although not the name, of
martyrs:  whereas this man's death, being wrought neither for money,
nor any such temporal lucre to redound to his oppressors, as it hath
another cause, so may it have another name, and deserve to be called
by the name of martyrdom. Like as Abel being slain by wicked Cain,
albeit he had no opinion of religion articulate against him, but of
spite only and of malice was made away, yet, notwithstanding, is
justly numbered among the martyrs; so what let to the contrary, but
that Hun also with him may be reckoned in the same society, seeing
the cause wherefore they both did suffer proceedeth together out of
one fountain? And what, moreover, if a man should call Naboth (who
for holding his right inheritance was slain) a martyr, what great
injury should he do either to the name or cause of the person, worthy
to be carped at? Against Thomas Becket, ye know, Master Cope, no
special article of faith was laid, wherefore he died. And why then do
you bestow upon him so devoutly the title of a martyr, for
withholding that from the king which by the law of God and of the
realm did belong unto him; and cannot suffer Hun to be titled for a
martyr, dying in his own right by the hands of spiritual thieves and
homicides, as you yourself do term them? But what do I strain my
travail any further, to prove Hun a martyr, when Cope's own
confession doth import no less, though I said nothing? For what if I
should take no more but his own very words, and say that he was known
to be a heretic, as Cope doth affirm; what could I say more, seeing
he died for their heresy, to prove him to die a martyr? For to die a
heretic with the papists, what is it else (to say truth) but to die
with God a martyr?
       But howsoever it pleaseth either Sir Thomas More to jest, or
Alen Cope to scold out the matter, and to style Richard Hun for a
known and desperate heretic; yet to all true, godly disposed men, Hun
may well be known to be a godly and virtuous person; no heretic, but
faithful and sound; save that only he seemed rather half a papist; at
least no full protestant, for that he resorted daily to mass, and
also had his beads in prison with him, after the catholic manner;
albeit he was somewhat inclined (as may appear) toward the gospel.
And if the name of a martyr be thought too good for him, yet I trust
Master Cope will stand so good master to him, to let him at least to
be a martyr's fellow. But what now if I go further with Master Cope,
and name Richard Hun not only for a martyr, but also commend him for
a double martyr? Certes, as I suppose, in so saying I should affirm
nothing less than truth, nor any thing more than truly may be said,
and justly proved. But to give and grant this contention unto the
adversary, which notwithstanding might be easily proved; let us see
now the proofs of Master Cope, how he argueth that Richard Hun is no
martyr; "because," saith he, "true men being killed in highways by
thieves and murderers, are not therefore to be counted martyrs," &c.
And was there nothing else in the cause of Hun, but as in true men
killed by thieves and murderers? They that are killed by thieves and
murderers, are killed for some prey, or money about them. And what
prey or profit was in the death of Hun, let us see, to redound to
them which oppressed him? If it were the mortuary or the bearing
cloth, that was a small thing, and not worthy his death. If it were
the prĉmunire, the danger thereof pertained to the priest, and not to
them. If they feared lest the example thereof once begun, should
afterward redound to the prejudice of the whole church, then was the
cause of his death not private, but public, tending to the whole
Church and clergy of Rome; and so is his death not altogether like to
the death of them, which for private respects are killed of thieves
and murderers.

     But he was a heretic, saith Cope. By the same reason that Cope
taketh him for a heretic, I take him the more to be accepted for a
martyr. For by that way which they call heresy, the living God is
served by no way better. And if he were a heretic, why then did they
not proceed against him as a heretic while he was alive? When they
had him at Fulham before them, if they had been sure to entrap him in
that snare, why did they not take their advantage, when they might
with least jeopardy? why did they not proceed and condemn him for a
heretic? why made they such haste to prevent his death before? why
did they not tarry the sentence of the law, having the law in their
own hands? But belike they perceived that he could not be proved a
heretic while he lived; and therefore thought it best to make him
away privily, and to stop the prĉmunire, and afterward to stop the
pursuit of his death, by making him a heretic; and therefore were
articles devised by the chancellor (as is proved by witness of
Charles Joseph and another, above) against him, and he condemned for
a heretic, and his favourers also, whosoever durst stir to take his
part, and so thereupon was committed to the secular power, and
burned. Wherein they did him double wrong; first, in that they burned
him for a heretic, having before submitted himself to their
favourable correction, as it appeareth yet in the bishop's registers
by his own hand, as it is there pretended; which was against their
own laws. Again, if he had not submitted himself at that time, yet
did they him wrong to burn him, before they knew and heard him speak
(as Tindall saith) whether he would recant or no. And yet admit that
he was condemned and burned for a heretic, yet to be killed and
burned of them for a heretic, that taketh not from him the name of a
martyr, but rather giveth him to be a double martyr. But Cope yet
proceeding in his hot choler against Richard Hun, after he hath made
him first no martyr, and then a heretic, thirdly, he now maketh him
also a murderer of himself, and saith, that no other man was any part
of his death, but only his own hands, and that either for indignation
and anger, or for desperation, or for some cause, he knoweth not
what. And in his Epilogue, to make it probable, he allegeth the
example of one, but nameless, who in Queen Mary's time in like sort
went about to hang himself, had he not been taken in the manner, and
rescued.

     Furthermore, as touching the chancellor, he argueth that there
was no cause why he should attempt any such violence against him,
both for his age, for his dignity, for his learning, and for the
greatness of his own peril, which might ensue thereof. Who if he had
maligned the man, and had been so disposed to work his destruction,
had means otherwise without danger to bring that about, having him
within his danger convict and fast tied for heresy. Whereunto I
answer, that to all this matter sufficient hath been answered by the
story itself of his death, above specified. Whereby the manner of his
death, by circumstances of his handling, and hanging, by his neck
broke, by his body loose, by his skin fretted, by his wrists wrung,
by his girdle in such shortness double cast about the staple, by his
cap right upon his head, by his hair combed, by his eyes closed, by
the cake of blood found in the floor, by his shirt collar, doublet,
jacket, and other outward parts of his garments without drop of blood
unspotted, by the stool so standing upon the bolster, by the
chancellor's murrey gown found the day after upon the stocks, the wax
candle fair put out; furthermore, by the verdict of the inquest, by
the attestation of the witnesses sworn, by the coroner's judgment, by
the assent of the parliament, by the king's letters assigned, and
broad seal for restitution of his goods; and finally, by the
confession of the parties themselves which murdered him, &c.:  and yet
thinketh Cope to make men such fools, having their five wits, to ween
yet that Hun did hang himself, after so many demonstrations and
evidences to the contrary, as in every part of this story may appear.
And though it were, as it was unlike, and hard for a man to believe,
that Doctor Horsey, a man of such age, dignity, and learning, would
so much forget himself, to attempt such a villany, yet so great is
the devil sometimes with man (where God permitteth) that he worketh
greater things than this, and more incredible. For who would have
thought it like that Cain would ever have killed Abel his own natural
brother? which was more than a bishop's chancellor to kill a citizen: 
yet so he did. And where Cope pretendeth the causes of anger and
desperation whereby Hun did hang himself; how is it like, or who did
ever hear, a man being in such extremity of desperation, to stand
first trimming himself, and combing his head, before he go to hang
himself? No less credit is also to be given to that which followeth
in the same Cope, where he saith, that Richard Hun being in prison,
was convicted of heresy. By the which word, convicted, if he mean
that Hun was proved a heretic, that is false; for that he, being at
Fulham, examined upon certain articles, both denied the articles to
be true, as they were objected; and also if they were true, yet he
submitted himself to their favourable correction, and therefore, not
standing obstinately in the same, could not be proved a heretic. And
if by this term, convicted, he mean that he was by sentence cast; so
was Hun never cast by any sentence for a heretic, so long as he
lived, but after his death, when be could nothing answer for himself.
And because this untruth should not go without his fellow, see how he
huddleth up one false narration in the neck of another; affirming,
moreover, that Hun was cast into prison before he entered his suit of
prĉmunire against the priest. Which is utterly false and untrue, both
disagreeing to other stories, and also refuted by the words of Sir
Thomas More, his own author, who reporteth that Hun, (in suing his
prĉmunire against the priest,) being set upon a glory of victory,
made his boast among his friends, that he trusted to have the matter
long spoken of, and to be called Hun's case. Whereby it appeareth,
that Hun was not then in prison, clapped up for heresy, but was
abroad seeking counsel among the lawyers, and boasting among his
friends, as writeth More, lib. iii. Dial.

     After this heap of untruths above passed, add yet further
another copy of Cope's false dealing; who, seeking all corners, and
every where, how to pick matter against my former history, chargeth
me with arrogancy, as though I took so highly upon me to undo and
derogate the king's acts and judgments in the acquittal of Doctor
Horsey. If it so pleased the king to acquit Doctor Horsey, by his
gracious pardon, I am not against it, neither do I deny but the king
so did; neither do I say, nor ever did, but the king of his
supereminent prerogative may so do:  and wherein then do I unrip or
loose the king's acts here done and concluded? But if the question be
this, whether Doctor Horsey, with his colleagues, did kill Richard
Hun or no, then do I say, that the pardon of the king doth not take
away the verity of the crime committed, but removeth away the penalty
of the law deserved; and so if the life of them was saved by way of
pardon, (as Master More himself seemeth not to deny,) then was it not
through their innocency claiming justice that they escaped, but
through petition standing in need of mercy. For what needeth pardon,
where justice absolveth? yea, who sueth pardon, but in so doing must
yield himself guilty? for pardon never cometh lightly either with God
or man, except the crime be first confessed. Wherefore, if they
escaped by justice, as Cope pretendeth, how then doth Master More
say, they were saved by pardon? and if they escaped by pardon, how
then doth Cope say, they were not guilty? And be it admitted, that
the sentence of the king's attorney in the king's name did absolve
them as unguilty, according as the king was then informed by the
cardinal and suit of friends; yet, afterward the king, being better
informed by the parliament, and the truth better known, detested and
abhorred their fact, and yet continued his pardon unto them, as by
the king's own acts and his broad seal appeareth, yet remaining in
records to be seen.

     And as touching my former histories set forth in Latin and in
English, which spake first of the foreman of the inquest, then of the
king's attorney, to be laboured with some gifts or money; as Cope
hath yet proved no untruth in my saying, so less can he find any
repugnance or disagreeing in the same. For he that speaketh of
bribing, first of one person, and then afterward of another, where
both might be bribed together, is not contrary (I think) to himself,
but rather doth comprehend that in the one book, which he before
leaveth out in the other, and yet no great repugnance either in the
one or in the other, seeing that which is said may be verified in
both, as it is no other like but in this matter it was. For, how is
it otherwise like or possible, but that there must needs be found
some privy packing in this matter, seeing after such evidence found
and brought in by the coroner's inquest and jury of twenty-four
chosen persons, after so many marks and tokens of the murder so clear
and demonstrable, and laid forth so plain to the eyes of all the
world, that no man could deny, or not see the same; yet, through the
handling of the aforesaid attorney, and of the foreman of the
inquest, the murderers were borne out, and confessed to be no
murderers? If such bolstering out of matters and partiality were then
such a rare case in the realm of England in the time of Cardinal
Wolsey, who then under the king and in the king's name did what he
list, then let it seem untrue in my former stories, that I have
written. And yet the words of my story which Cope carpeth at so much,
be not mine, but the words of Edward Hall, his own author. Wherefore,
if his disposition be so set, that he must needs be a censurer of
other men's writings, let him expostulate with Hall, and not with me.



142. LONDON MARTYRS, 1509-1518

     But I trouble the reader too much in this matter of Richard
Hun, being of itself so clear, that no indifferent judge can doubt
thereof. As for wranglers and quarrellers, they will never be
satisfied. Wherefore, to return again to the purpose of our story
intermitted; in the table above, containing the names of them which
about this time of Richard Hun were forced to deny and abjure their
professed opinions, mention was made of Elizabeth Stamford, John
Houshold, and other more, abjuring about the year of our Lord, 1517.
Whose vexation and weakness, although it be pitiful to behold, yet to
consider the confession of their doctrine in those ancient days, it
is not unprofitable. Wherein we have to see the same form of
knowledge and doctrine then taught and planted in the hearts of our
fore-elders, which is now publicly received, as well touching the
Lord's sacrament of his body, as also other specialties of sincerity.
And although they lacked then public authority to maintain the open
preaching and teaching of the gospel, which the Lord's merciful grace
hath given us now, yet in secret knowledge and understanding they
seemed then little or nothing inferior to these our times of public
reformation; as may appear by this confession of Elizabeth Stamford
hereunder written; which only may suffice for example to understand
what ripe knowledge of God's word was then abroad, although not in
churches publicly preached, for danger of the bishops, yet in secret
wise taught and received of divers.

     In number of whom was this Elizabeth Stamford, who being
brought and examined before Fitzjames, bishop of London, A.D. 1517,
confessed that she was taught by one Thomas Beele, sometime dwelling
at Henley, these words, eleven years before:  "That Christ feedeth and
fast nourisheth his church with his own precious body, that is, the
bread of life coming down from heaven; this is the worthy word that
is worthily received, and joined unto man for to be in one body with
him. Sooth it is that they be both one, they may not be parted:  this
is the wisely deeming of the holy sacrament Christ's own body:  this
is not received by chewing of teeth, but by bearing of ears, and
understanding with your soul, and wisely working thereafter.
Therefore saith St. Paul, I fear me amongst us, brethren, that many
of us be feeble and sick; therefore I counsel us brethren to rise and
watch, that the great day of doom come not suddenly upon us, as the
thief doth upon the merchant." Also the said Thomas taught and showed
her, that the sacrament of the altar was not the very body of Christ,
but very bread; and that the sacrament was the very body of Christ,
put upon the cross, after a divine or mystical manner. And moreover,
that the said Thomas Beele did many times and oft teach her this
aforesaid lesson, that she should confess her sins to God, and that
the pope's pardons and indulgences were nought worth, and profited
not; and that worshipping of images and pilgrimages are not to be
done.

John Stilman, martyr.

     It would ask a long tractation and tedious, to recite in order
the great multitude and number of good men and women, besides these
above rehearsed, which in those days recanted and abjured about the
beginning of King Henry's reign and before:  among whom yet,
notwithstanding, some there were whom the Lord reduced again, and
made strong in the profession of his truth, and constant unto death;
of which number one was John Stilman by name, who about the twenty-
fourth day of September, in the year of our Lord, 1518, was
apprehended and brought before Richard Fitzjames, then bishop of
London, at his manor of Fulham, and by him was there examined and
charged, that notwithstanding his former recantation, oath, and
abjuration made about eleven years then past, before Edmund, then
bishop of Salisbury, as well for speaking against the worshipping,
praying, and offering unto images, as also for denying the carnal and
corporal presence in the sacrament of Christ's memorial; yet, since
that time he had fallen into the same opinions again, and so into the
danger of relapse; and further, had highly commended and praised John
Wickliff, affirming that he was a saint in heaven, and that his book
called The Wicket was good and holy. Soon after his examination he
was sent from thence unto the Lollard's Tower at London, and the
twenty-second day of October then next ensuing, was brought openly
into the consistory at Paul's, and was there judicially examined by
Thomas Hed, the bishop's vicar-general, upon the contents of these
articles following: 

     "1. First I object unto you, that you have confessed before my
lord of London, and me, Doctor Hed his vicar-general, that about
twenty years past, one Stephen Moone, of the diocese of Winchester,
with whom you abode six or seven years after, did teach you to
believe that the going on pilgrimage and worshipping of images, as
the Lady of Walsingham and others, were not to be used. And also that
afterwards one Richard Smart, who was burned at Salisbury about
fourteen or fifteen years past, did read unto you Wickliff's Wicket,
and likewise instructed you to believe that the sacrament of the
altar was not the body of Christ:  all which things you have
erroneously believed.

     "2. Item, You have divers times read the said book called
Wickliffe's Wicket, and one other book of the ten commandments, which
the said Richard Smart did give you, and at the time of your first
apprehension, you did hide them in an old oak, and did not reveal
them unto the bishop of Salisbury, before whom you were abjured of
heresy about eleven years since; where you promised by oath upon the
evangelists, ever after to believe and hold as the Christian faith
taught and preached, and never to offend again in the said heresies,
or any other, upon pain of relapse. And further, you there promised
to perform all such penance as the said bishop of Salisbury did
enjoin you; who then enjoined you, upon the like pain, not to depart
his diocese, without his special licence.

     "3. Item, It is evident that you be relapsed, as well by your
own confession, as also by your deeds, in that about two years after
your abjuration you went into the said place where you had hidden
your books; and then taking them away with you, you departed the
aforesaid diocese, without the licence of the bishop, and brought
them with you to London, where now being attached and taken with them
upon great suspicion of heresy, you are brought unto the bishop of
London. By reason of which your demeanour, you have showed both your
impenitent and dissembled conversation both your errors, and also
your unfaithful abjuration, and disobedience unto the authority of
our mother holy church, in that you performed not the penance, in
which behalf you be voluntarily perjured and also relapsed, in that
you departed the same diocese without licence.

     "4. Item, You be not only (as before is said) impenitent,
disobedient, voluntarily perjured, and relapsed, by this your
aforesaid heretical demeanour, but also, since your last attachment
upon suspicion of heresy, you have maliciously spoken erroneous and
damnable words, affirming before my lord of London, your ordinary,
and me, judicially sitting at Fulham, that you were sorry that ever
you did abjure your said opinions, and had not suffered then manfully
for them:  for they were, and be, good and true; and therefore you
will now abide by them, to die for it. And furthermore, you have
spoken against our holy father the pope and his authority, damnably
saying, that he is antichrist, and not the true successor of Peter,
or Christ's vicar on earth:  and that his pardons and indulgences
which he granteth in the sacrament of penance, are naught, and that
you will none of them:  and likewise that the college of cardinals be
limbs of the said antichrist, and that all other inferior prelates
and priests are the synagogue of Satan. And moreover you said, that
the doctors of the church have subverted the truth of Holy Scripture,
expounding it after their own minds; and therefore their works be
naught, and they in hell; but that Wickliff is a saint in heaven, and
the book called his Wicket is good, for therein he showeth the truth.
Also you did wish that there were twenty thousand of your opinion
against us Scribes and Pharisees, to see what you would do for the
defence of your faith. All which heresies you did afterwards
erroneously affirm before the archbishop of Canterbury, and then
said, that you would abide by them to die for it, notwithstanding his
earnest persuasions to the contrary; and therefore for these premises
you be evidently relapsed, and ought to be committed unto the secular
power."

     After these articles thus propounded, and his constant
persevering in the truth perceived, Doctor Hed, vicar-general, the
twenty-fifth day of October, by his sentence definitive, did condemn
him a relapsed heretic, and so delivered him the same present day
unto the sheriffs of London, to be openly burned in Smithfield.

Thomas Man, martyr.

     Next to John Stilman above mentioned, followeth in this order
of blessed martyrs, the persecution and condemnation of Thomas Man;
who, the twenty-ninth day of March, in the year of our Lord 1518, was
burned in Smithfield. This Thomas Man had likewise been apprehended
for the profession of Christ's gospel about six years before, the
fourteenth day of August, A.D. 1511, and being at that time brought
before Doctor Smith, bishop of Lincoln, was by him examined upon
divers and sundry articles.

     The fifteenth day of February, Doctor Hed, the chancellor,
again judicially sitting in the consistory at Paul's, commanded
Thomas Man to be brought before him, and there causing the articles
objected against him by the bishop of Lincoln, with his order of
abjuration and penance, and also his own articles last propounded, to
be first read, he called forth a third witness to be sworn and
examined upon the same. But because he would seem to do all things by
order of justice, and nothing against law, he therefore appointed
unto the said Thomas Man certain doctors and advocates of the Arches,
as his counsellors to plead in his behalf. Which was even like as if
the lamb should be committed to the defence and protection of the
wolf, or the hare to the hound. For what good help could he look for
at their hands, which were both most wicked haters and abhorrers of
his Christian profession, and also stout upholders and maintainers of
that antichristian law, by the which he was for the same condemned?
And that full well appeared by the good advice and profitable counsel
which they gave him against his next examinations. For as well upon
the twentieth and also the twenty-third days of the same month of
February, in their several sessions, he, seeing his own negations to
their objections to take no place against their sworn witnesses, had
no other thing to allege for himself, but that through his twenty
weeks of hard imprisonment under the bishop of Lincoln, he was forced
to recant and abjure; which was a poor shift of counsel, God knoweth;
and yet Dr. Raynes, being one of his chief assigned advocates,
instead of advice, could by his subtle questioning then make him to
confess, that certain talk, whereof one of the witnesses had accused
him, was spoken about five years before past; which because it was
since his recantation, was rather an accusation of himself, than an
excusing; and therefore it is easy to judge with how favourable and
uprightful hearts they took upon them to be his advocates and
defenders. The chancellor likewise charged him upon the same twenty-
third day, that since his last imprisonment he had said unto Robert
Clunie the bishop's sumner, and his keeper, that as far forth as he
could see or perceive for his part in this his matter, the laws of
the church were grounded upon Pilate and Caiaphas. Which objection he
granting to be true, the chancellor did for that time dismiss the
court, until the first day of March next following. Upon which day,
minding to make quick despatch, he in few words asked Man, what
matter he had to allege for himself, why he should not then,
considering the premises, be pronounced a relapsed heretic, and
receive such punishment by the secular power, as to such was due by
order of law? But he having no other allegations than before which
might take place with them, was finally condemned as a heretic. And
notwithstanding that, as the register noteth, but how truly God only
knoweth, he did again forsake his former renewed profession of
Christ's gospel, and yielded himself unto the bishop of Rome,
requiring to be absolved from his curse of excommunication, and
contented to do such penance as they should enjoin him; he was yet,
the twenty-ninth day of March, delivered by Doctor Hed unto the
sheriff of London, to be then presently burned, with this
protestation made before, that he might not consent to the death of
any, and therefore he desired the sheriff that he would receive this
person as relapsed and condemned, and yet to punish him otherwise
than by rigorous rigor. The words to be marked in their sentence be
these:  We desire in the bowels of our Lord Jesus Christ, that the
punishment and execution of due severity of thee, and against thee in
this part, may so be moderate, that there be no rigorous rigor, nor
yet no dissolute mansuetude, but to the health and wealth of thy
soul, &c. Wherein these catholic churchmen do well declare, according
to the words of Thomas Man before expressed, that the laws of their
church be grounded upon Pilate and Caiaphas; for like as Caiaphas
with his court of Pharisees cried against Christ unto Pilate, It is
not lawful for us to put any man to death; but if thou let him go,
thou art not Cĉsar's friend:  even so they, first condemning the
saints of God to death, and then delivering them unto the secular
magistrate, to be thereupon executed, would yet cover their malignant
hearts with the cloak of hypocritical holiness and unwillingness to
shed blood. But God be thanked, which bringeth all things to light in
his due time, and uncovereth hypocrisy at last, that she may be seen
and known in her right colours.
Illustration:  Thomas Man Brought to Execution

     Thus Thomas Man, the manly martyr of Jesus Christ,being
condemned by the unjust sentence of Hed the chancellor, was delivered
to the sheriff of London, sitting on horseback, in Paternoster Row,
before the bishop's door, A.D. 1518, protesting to the said sheriff
that he had no power to put him to death; and therefore desired the
sheriff to take him as a relapse and condemned, to see him punished,
et tamen citra mortem, that is, without death, as the words stand in
the register. The sheriff, receiving neither articles to be read at
his burning, nor any indentures of that his delivery, immediately
carried him to Smithfield, and there the same day in the forenoon
caused him to be put into God's angel, according to the words of the
said Thomas Man before, saying, that if he were taken again of the
pilled knave priests, as he called them, he wist well he should go to
the holy angel, and then be an angel in heaven.

     In the deposition of one Thomas Risby, weaver, of Stratford
Langthorn, against the forenamed martyr, Thomas Man, it appeareth by
the registers, that he had been in divers places and countries in
England, and had instructed very many, as at Amersham, at London, at
Billericay, at Chelmsford, at Stratford Langthorn, at Uxbridge, at
Burnham, at Henley upon Thames, in Suffolk and Norfolk, at Newbury,
and divers places more; where he himself testifieth, that as he went
westward, he found a great company of well-disposed persons, being of
the same judgment, touching the sacrament of the Lord's supper, that
he was of, and especially at Newbury, where was, as he confessed, a
glorious and sweet society of faithful favourers, who had continued
the space of fifteen years together, till at last by a certain lewd
person, whom they trusted and made of their counsel, they were
betrayed, and then many of them, to the number of six or seven score,
were abjured, and three or four of them burnt. From thence he came
then, as he confessed, to the forest of Windsor, where he, hearing of
the brethren which were at Amersham, removed thither, where he found
a godly and a great company, which had continued in that doctrine and
teaching twenty-three years, which was from this present time seventy
years agone. And this congregation of Buckinghamshire men remained
till the time of John Longham, bishop of Lincoln, whereof we shall,
Christ willing, hear more anon. Against these faithful Christians of
Amersham, was great trouble and persecution in the time of William
Smith, bishop of Lincoln, about the year of our Lord 1507, at which
time divers and many were abjured, and it was called abjuratio magna,
the great abjuration, and they which were noted of that doctrine and
profession, were called by the name of "known men," or "just-fast
men," &c. In this congregation of the faithful brethren, were four
principal readers or instructers. Whereof one was Tilsworth, called
then Doctor Tilsworth, who was burnt at Amersham, mentioned in our
history before, by the name of William Tilseley, whom I suppose
rather to be called Tilseworth. Another was Thomas Chase, called
amongst them Doctor Chase, whom we declared before to be murdered and
hanged in the bishop of Lincoln's prison at Wooburn, called Little
Ease. The third was this Thomas Man, called also Doctor Man, burned,
as is here mentioned, in Smithfield, A.D. 1518, who, as by his own
confession, and no less also by his travail, appeareth, was God's
champion, and suffered much trouble by the priests for the cause and
law of God. He confesseth himself in the same register, that he had
turned seven hundred people to his religion and doctrine, for the
which he thanked God. He conveyed also five couples of men and women
from Amersham, Uxbridge, Burnham, and Henley upon Thames, where they
dwelt, unto Suffolk and Norfolk, that they might be brought, as he
then termed it, out of the devil's mouth. The fourth was Robert
Cosin, named likewise among them, Doctor Cosin.

Robert Cosin, martyr.
This Robert Cosin seemeth to be the same, which in the former part of
our history is before mentioned, being called by the name of Father
Robert, and was burnt in Buckingham. Of this Robert Cosin I find in
the registers of Lincoln, that he, with Thomas Man, had instructed 
and persuaded one Joan Norman, about Amersham, not to go on
pilgrimage, nor to worship any images of saints. Also when she had
vowed a piece of silver to a saint for the health of her child, they
dissuaded her from the same, and that she needed not to confess her
unto a priest, but to be sufficient to lift up her hands to heaven.
Moreover, they were charged by the bishop, for teaching the said
Joan, that she might as well drink upon the Sunday before mass, as
any other day, &c. And thus you see the doctrine of these good men,
for the which they were in those days abjured and condemned to death.

William Sweeting, alias Clerke, martyr.

     William Sweeting, otherwise named Clerke, first dwelt with the
Lady Percy at Darlington in the county of Northampton for a certain
space, and from thence went to Boxted in the county of Essex, where
he was the holy-water clerk the space of seven years; after that, he
was bailiff and farmer to Mistress Margery Wood the term of thirteen
years. From Boxsted he departed and came to the town of St. Osithe,
where he served the prior of St. Osithe's, named George Laund, the
space of sixteen years and more; where he had so turned the prior by
his persuasions, that the said prior of St. Osithe was afterward
compelled to abjure. This William Sweeting coming up to London with
the aforesaid prior, for suspicion of heresy was committed to the
Lollard's Tower, under the custody of Charles Joseph, and there,
being abjured in the church of St. Paul, was constrained to bear a
faggot at Paul's Cross, and at Colchester; and afterward, to wear a
faggot upon his coat all his life. Which he did two years together
upon his left sleeve, till at length the parson of Colchester
required him to help him in the service of the church, and so plucked
the badge from his sleeve, and there he remained two years, being the
holy-water clerk. From thence afterward he departed, and travelling
abroad, came to Rederiffe in the diocese of Winchester, where he was
holy-water clerk the space of a year; then went to Chelsith, where he
was their neatherd, and kept the town beasts. In the which town, upon
St. Ann's day in the morning, as he went forth with his beasts to the
field, the good man was apprehended and brought before the bishop,
and his chamber searched for books. This was A.D. 1511.

     The crimes whereupon he was examined were these: 

     "First, For having much conference with one William Man of
Boxsted, in a book which was called Matthew.

     "Item, That he had familiarity, and frequented much the company
of James Brewster, who had been before abjured.

     "Item, That when his wife would go on pilgrimage, he asked of
her, what good she should receive by her going on pilgrimage:  adding
moreover, that, as he supposed, it was to no purpose nor profit, but
rather it were better for her to keep at home, and to attend to her
business.

     "Item, That he had learned and received of William Man, that
the sacrament of the priests' altar was not the present very body,
but bread in substance, received in memorial of Christ.

     "Item, That he had propounded and affirmed the same doctrine to
James Brewster.

     "Item, Because he had reprehended his wife for worshipping the
images in the church, and for setting up candles before them."

     And thus have you all the causes and crimes laid against this
William Sweeting, wherefore he was condemned. Who then being asked
what cause he had, why he should not be judged for relapse, said, he
had nothing else, but only that he committed himself to the mercy of
Almighty God.

James Brewster, martyr.

     With William Sweeting also the same time was examined and
condemned James Brewster, of the parish of St. Nicholas in
Colchester. This James Brewster was a carpenter, dwelling ten years
in the town of Colchester, who being unlettered, could neither read
nor write, and was apprehended upon the day of St. James, in one
Walker's house in St. Clement's parish.

     About six years before, which was A.D. 1505, he had been
abjured by William Warham, archbishop of Canterbury, the see of
London being then vacant; and after other penance done at Colchester,
was enjoined to wear a faggot upon his upper garment during his life.
Which badge he did bear upon his left shoulder near the space of two
years, till the comptroller of the earl of Oxford plucked it away,
because he was labouring in the works of the earl.

     The crimes whereupon he was examined, and which he confessed,
were these:  "First, that he had been five times with William Sweeting
in the fields keeping beasts, hearing him read many good things out
of a certain book. At which reading also were present at one time,
Woodroffe or Woodbinde, a net-maker, with his wife; also a brother-
in-law of William Sweeting; and another time Thomas Good-red, who
heard likewise the said William Sweeting read.

     "Item, Because he used the company and conference of Henry
Hert, carpenter, of Westminster, and wrought with him in his science
at Westminster.

     "Item, For having a certain Iittle book of Scripture in
English, of an old writing almost worn for age, whose name is not
there expressed.

     "Item, Because he hearing upon a time one Master Bardfield of
Colchester thus say, that he that will not worship the Maozim in
heart and thought shall die in fight; he asked afterward of William
Man, what that word Maozim should mean; who told him that it
signified as much as the mass god, to wit, the sacrament of the
altar.

     "Item, That he had much conference with Henry Hert against
oblations and images, and that it was better bestowed money which was
given to the poor, than that that was offered in pilgrimage.

     "Item, For that he had communication and conference with Roger
Heliar, and one Walker, a thicker of St. Clement's, concerning divers
such matters of pilgrimage, offering to images, worshipping of
saints, and the sacrament of the altar.

     "Item, When Thomas Goodred, William Sweeting, and he, in the
fields keeping beasts, were talking together of the sacrament of the
Lord's body and like matters, this James Brewster should thus say: 
Now the Son of the living God help us. Unto whom William Sweeting
again should answer, Now Almighty God so do."

     And thus have you the causes likewise and crimes laid against
James Brewster, upon which he with William Sweeting was together
examined and condemned. Then being asked, as the Romish manner is,
whether he had any cause why he should not be adjudged for relapse,
he, trusting to find favour and grace in submitting himself, said,
that he submitted him to the mercy of Almighty God, and to the
favourable goodness of him his judge. And likewise did William
Sweeting submit himself; trusting belike that they should find some
favour and relief in this humble subjecting themselves unto their
goodness.

     But note here the unmerciful and unchristian dealing of these
catholic fathers, who upon their submission were contented to give
out a solemn commission, the tenor whereof was to release and pardon
them from the sentence of the excommunication, whereunto they had
incurred:  but immediately after upon the same, the bishop, all this
notwithstanding, pronounced upon them the sentence of death and
condemnation. Whereupon they were both delivered to the secular
power, and both together burnt in Smithfield at one fire, the 18th
day of October, A.D. 1511.

Christopher Shoomaker, martyr.

     To these blessed saints before past, we will also adjoin
Christopher Shoomaker; of whom this I find briefly in the register of
Sir John Longland; that the said Christopher Shoomaker, a parishioner
of Great Missenden, came to the house of John Stay, and after other
matters of talk, read to him out of a little book, the words which
Christ spake to his disciples. And thus coming to his house about
four times, at every time he read something out of the same book unto
him; teaching him not to be deceived in the priest's celebration at
mass, and declaring that it was not the same very present body of
Christ, as the priests did fantasy; but in substance bread, bearing
the remembrance of Christ.

     And taught him moreover, that pilgrimage, worshipping and
setting up candles to saints, were all unprofitable. And thus the
said John Say being taught by this Christopher, and also confirmed by
John Okenden and Robert Pope, was brought to the knowledge of the
same doctrine. Thus much briefly I find in that register concerning
Christopher Shoomaker, declaring further that he was burned at
Newbury about this time, which was A.D. 1518. And thus much out of
the registers of London.
Illustration:  The execution of Christopher Schoomaker



143. PERSECUTION IN LINCOLN

     In turning over the registers and records of Lincoln likewise,
and coming to the year of our Lord 1520, and 1521, I find, that as
the light of the gospel began more to appear, and the number of the
professors to grow, so the vehemency of persecution and stir of the
bishops began also to increase. Whereupon ensued great perturbation
and grievous affliction in divers and sundry quarters of this realm,
especially about Buckinghamshire, and Amersham, Uxbridge, Henley,
Newbury, in the diocese of London, in Essex, Colchester, Suffolk and
Norfolk, and other parts more. And this was before the name of Luther
was heard of in these countries among the people. Wherefore they are
much beguiled and misinformed, which condemn this kind of doctrine
now received of novelty, asking where was this church and religion
forty years ago, before Luther's time? To whom it may be answered,
that this religion and form of doctrine was planted by the apostles,
and taught by true bishops, afterward decayed, and now reformed
again; although it was not received nor admitted of the pope's clergy
before Luther's time, neither yet is, yet it was received of other,
in whose hearts it pleased the Lord secretly to work, and that of a
great number, which both professed and suffered for the same, as in
the former times of this history may appear. And if they think this
doctrine be so new, that it was not heard of before Luther's time,
how then came such great persecution before Luther's time here in
England? If these were of the same profession which they were of,
then was their cruelty unreasonable, so to persecute their own
catholic fraternity. And if they were otherwise, how then is this
doctrine of the gospel so new, or the professors thereof so late
start up, as they pretend them to be? But this cometh only of
ignorance, and for not knowing or considering well the times and
antiquities of the church which have been before us; which if they
did, they should see and say, that the Church of England hath not
lacked great multitudes, which tasted and followed the sweetness of
God's holy word almost in as ample manner, for the number of well-
disposed hearts, as now. Although public authority then lacked to
maintain the open preaching of the gospel, yet the secret multitude
of true professors was not much unequal; certes, the fervent zeal of
those Christian days seemed much superior to these our days and
times; as manifestly may appear by their sitting up all night in
reading and hearing, also by their expenses and charges in buying of
books in English; of whom some gave five marks, some more, some less,
for a book. Some gave a load of hay for a few chapters of St. James,
or of St. Paul, in English. In which rarity of books, and want of
teachers, this one thing I greatly marvel and muse at, to note in the
registers and to consider how the word of truth, notwithstanding, did
multiply so exceedingly, as it did amongst them. Wherein is to be
seen, no doubt, the marvellous working of God's mighty power. For so
I find and observe in considering the registers, how one neighbour
resorting and conferring with another, eftsoons, with a few words of
their first or second talk, did win and turn their minds to that
wherein they desired to persuade them, touching the truth of God's
word and his sacraments. To see their travails, their earnest
seeking, their burning zeal, their readings, their watchings, their
sweet assemblies, their love and concord, their godly living, their
faithful marrying with the faithful, may make us now in these our
days of free profession to blush for shame.

     Four principal points they stood in against the Church of Rome,
in pilgrimage, adoration of saints, in reading Scripture books in
English, and in the carnal presence of Christ's body in the
sacrament.

     After the great abjuration aforesaid, which was under William
Smith, bishop of Lincoln, they were noted and termed among themselves
by the name of "known men," or "just-fast men," as now they are
called by the name of Protestants.

     As they were simple, and yet not uncircumspect in their doings,
so the crafty serpent, being more wily than they, by fraudulent
subtlety did so circumvent them, that they caused the wife to detect
the husband, the husband the wife; the father the daughter, the
daughter the father; the brother to disclose the brother, and
neighbour the neighbour. Neither were there any assemblies nor
readings kept, but both the persons and also the books were known;
neither was any word so closely spoken, nor article mentioned, but it
was discovered. So subtlely and sleightly these catholic prelates did
use their inquisitions and examinations, that nothing was done or
said among these "known men," fifteen or twenty years before, so
covertly, but it was brought at length to their intelligence. Such
captious interrogatories, so many articles and suspicions they had,
such espials and privy scouts they sent abroad, such authority and
credit they had with the king, and in the king's name; such diligence
they showed in that behalf, so violently and impudently they abused
the book of the peaceable evangelists, wresting men's consciences
upon their oath, swearing them upon the same to detect themselves,
their fathers and mothers, and other of their kindred, with their
friends and neighbours, and that to death. All which things in the
further process of the table ensuing, (Christ willing,) which we have
collected out of some part of the registers of Lincoln, shall appear.

     For the better declaration whereof, first here is to be
premonished by the way, touching the see of Lincoln, that after
William Smith, succeeded John Longland. This William Smith, although
he was somewhat eager and sharp against the poor simple flock of
Christ's servants, under whom some were burned, many abjured, a great
number molested, as partly hath been before declared; yet was he
nothing so bloody and cruel as was the said Longland, who afterward
succeeded in that diocese. For so I find of him, that in the time of
the great abjuration and troublesome affliction of Buckinghamshire
men, wherein many were abjured, and certain burned; yet divers he
sent quietly home without punishment and penance, bidding them go
home, and live as good Christian men should do. And many who were
enjoined penance before, he did release. This Smith died about the
year of our Lord 1515, by whom was builded, as is aforesaid, the
college of Brazen-nose in Oxford.

     Not long after him followed John Longland, a fierce and cruel
vexes of the faithful poor servants of Christ; who, to renew again
the old sparkles of persecution, which were not yet utterly quenched,
first began with one or two of those which had been abjured, whom he
thought to be most notorious, causing them by force of their oath, to
detect and bewray, not only their own opinions touching points of
religion, but also to discover all others of their affinity, which
were either suspected or abjured before. And them likewise he put to
their oath, most violently constraining them to utter and confess
both themselves, and whom else soever they knew:  by reason whereof,
an incredible multitude of men, women, and maidens, were brought
forth to examination, and straitly handled. And such as were found in 
relapse, were burned.

     The rest were so burdened with superstitious and idolatrous
penance and injunctions, that either through grief of conscience they
shortly died, or else with shame they lived.

     Captious interrogatories ministered commonly by the bishop of
Lincoln, against these examinates here following.

     The interrogatories or articles which Longland, bishop of
Lincoln, used most commonly to minister to these examinates or "known
men," in number were nine, and are these as followeth: 

     "1. First, Whether they or any of them did know, that certain
of the parish of Amersham had been convented before William Smith,
late bishop of Lincoln, for heresy?

     "2. Item, Whether they knew that they, so convented before the
said bishop, did err in the sacrament of the altar, or in any other
sacrament of the church:  and if they did, in what sacraments, and in
which of them? Also whether they knew that the said parties so
convented did confess their errors, and receive penance for the same?

     "3. Item, Whether they, or any of them, were of the society of
those so convented for heresy:  and if they were, what fellowship they
had with them, and with whom?

     "4. Item, Whether they, or any of them, were ever conversant
with such a one (naming the person whom they knew suspected, as with
Thurstan Littlepage)? And if they were, what conversation they had
with him, how long, and when:  and whether they knew the said person
to have been suspected of heresy?

     "5. Item, Whether they, or any of them, were ever conversant
with him; or with him (naming some other person whom they suspected,
as Alexander Mastall)? and if they were, how, and how long? and
whether they knew the said person to be suspected of heresy?

     "6. Item, Whether they, or any of them, had been beforetime
detected of heresy, to the office of the aforesaid William, bishop of
Lincoln:  and if they were, by what person or persons they were
detected? or else, whether they only were called by the aforesaid
William, bishop, for heresy?

     "7. Item, Whether he or they be noted and holden for heretics;
or be reputed and defamed to be of the sect of those who were
convented for heresy? and whether he or they be named for a 'known
man' amongst them?

     "8. Item, Whether he or they have been ever at any readings of
such as have been so convented for heresy?

     "9. Item, Whether he or they were ever in any secret
communication or conventicle with them? whom or which of them he knew
to be named and reputed for a 'known man,' or holding against the
sacrament of the altar, or other sacraments and articles of faith?
and if they knew any such, to declare where and when, and what they
were, and who were present the same time."

     These articles and interrogatories thus declared, now followeth
to be shown a certain brief sum compendiously collected out of the
registers of John Longland, bishop of Lincoln, of the names first of
those who by oath were constrained against their wills to detect and
accuse others. Secondly, The persons that were accused. Thirdly, The
crimes to them objected.

     And first; forasmuch as the bishop perceived that Roger Bennet,
William Chedwell, Edmund Dormer, Thomas Harding, Robert Andrew, with
such others, were men especially noted to be of that side, therefore,
to work his purpose the better, he began with them; producing the
same as witnesses, to detect first Robert Bartlet of Amersham, and
Richard his brother; understanding that these aforenamed witnesses,
because they had been abjured before, durst now do no other, upon
pain of relapse, but needs confess whatsoever was put unto them. And
therefore, because Robert Bartlet and Richard his brother, being
called before the bishop, and sworn upon their oath, would confess
nothing against themselves; the bishop, to convict them by witnesses,
went first to William Chedwell, lying sore sick in his bed, causing
him upon the evangelists to swear, whether he knew the aforesaid
Robert and Richard Bartlet to be "known men." Which being done, the
bishop then called before him Robert Andrew, Roger Bennet, John Hill,
Edmund Dormer, John Milsent, Thomas Bernard, Thomas Littlepage, John
Dosset, (all Amersham men,) who, being abjured before, as is said,
durst no otherwise do but confess upon their oath that Robert and
Richard Bartlet were "known men." And yet the bishop, not contented
with this, caused also their two wives, to wit, Margaret the wife of
Robert Bartlet, and Isabel the wife of Richard Bartlet, to depose and
give witness against their own natural husbands. Albeit Isabel
Bartlet, being somewhat more temperate of her tongue, refused utterly
to confess any thing of her husband, and denied her husband's words
to be true; till at last, she, being convicted of perjury, was
constrained to utter the truth. And first, as touching those who,
being brought to abjuration, were put to their penance; long it were
to recite the names of all. Certain I thought to recite here in a
catalogue:  first reciting the persons; afterwards the rigorous
penance to them enjoined.

The names of those who were abjured in the diocese of Lincoln, A.D.
1521.
William Colins.
John Colins.
Joan Colins.
Robert Colins.
John Hacker.
John Brabant the father.
John Brabant his son.
John Brabant the younger son.
John Edmonds.
Edward Pope.
Henry Phip.
John Steventon.
Joan Steventon.
Robert Bartlet.
Thomas Clerke.
John Clerke.
Richard Bartlet.
William Phip.
John Phip.
Thomas Couper.
William Littlepage.
John Littlepage.
Joan Littlepage.
John Say.
John Frier.
Richard Vulford.
Thomas Tredway
William Gudgame.
Roger Heron.
Francis Funge.
Robert Pope.
Roger Dods.
John Harris.
Robert Bruges.
John Stampe.
Joan Stampe.
Richard White.
Benet Ward.
John Baker.
Agnes Wellis.
Marian Morden.
Isabel Morwin.
John Butler.
John Butler the younger.
Richard Carder.
Richard Bernard.
Joan Bernard.
John Grace.
John French.
John Edings.

The towns, villages, and countries where these aforesaid persons did
inhabit, are named chiefly to be these.

Amersham.
Chesham.
Hichenden.
Missenden the Great.
Missenden the Less.
East-hundred.
West-hundred.
Asthall.
Beaconsfield.
Denham.
Ginge.
Betterton.
Charney.
Stanlake.
Claufield.
Walton.
Marlow.
Dorney.
Iver.
Burton.
Uxbridge.
Woburn.
Henley.
Wycombe.
West-Wycombe.
Newbury.
Burford.
Witney.
Hungerford.
Upton.
Windsor.
London.
Coleman-street in London.
Cheapside in London.
Shoreditch by London.
St. Giles in London.
Essex.
Suffolk.
Norfolk.
Norwich.

     The books and opinions which these were charged withal, and for
which they were abjured, partly are before expressed, partly here
follow, in a brief summary to be seen.

A brief summary of their opinions

     The opinions of many of these persons were, That he or she
never believed in the sacrament of the altar, nor ever would; and
that it was not as men did take it.

     For that he was known of his neighbours to be a good fellow,
meaning, that he was a "known man."

     For saying, that he would give forty pence on condition that
such a one knew as much as he did know.

     Some, for saying that they of Amersham, who had been abjured
before by Bishop Smith, were good men, and perfect Christians, and
simple folk who could not answer for themselves, and therefore were
oppressed by power of the bishop.

     Some, for hiding others in their barns.

     Some, for reading the Scriptures, or treatises of Scripture, in
English:  some, for hearing the same read.

     Some, for defending, some for marrying with, them that had been
abjured.

     Some, for saying that matrimony was not a sacrament.

     Some, for saying that worshipping of images was mawmetry; some,
for calling images carpenters' chips; some, for calling them stocks
and stones; some, for calling them dead things.

     Some, for saying that money spent upon pilgrimage, served but
to maintain thieves and harlots. Some, for calling the image in the
rood-loft, "Block-almighty."

     Others, for saying that nothing graven with man's hand was to
be worshipped.

     Some, for calling them fools who came from Master John Shorne
in pilgrimage.

     Another, for calling his vicar a poll-shorn priest. Another,
for calling a certain blind chapel, being in ruin, an old fair milk-
house.

     Another, for saying that he threshed God Almighty out of the
straw.

     Another, for saying that alms should not be given before they
did sweat in a man's hand.

     Some, for saying that those who die, pass straight either to
heaven or hell.

     Isabel Bartlet was brought before the bishop and abjured, for
lamenting her husband, when the bishop's man came for him; and
saying, that he was an undone man, and she a dead woman.

     For saying, that Christ, departing from his disciples into
heaven, said that once he was in sinners' hands, and would come there
no more.

     Robert Rave, hearing a certain bell in an uplandish steeple,
said, "Lo, yonder is a fair bell, an it were to hang about any cow's
neck in this town;" and therefore, as for other such-like matters
more, he was brought coram nobis!

     Item, For receiving the sacrament at Easter, and doubting
whether it was the very body of Christ, and not confessing their
doubt to their ghostly father.

     Some, for saying that the pope had no authority to give pardon,
or to release man's soul from sin, and so from pain; and that it was
nothing but blinding of the people, and to get their money.

     The penance to these parties enjoined by this John Longland,
bishop of Lincoln, was almost uniform, and all after one condition;
save only that they were severally committed and divided into several
and divers monasteries, there to be kept and found of alms all their
life, except they were otherwise dispensed with by the bishop. As for
example, I have here adjoined the bishop's letter for one of the said
number, sent to the abbey of Ensham, there to be kept in perpetual
penance; by which one, an estimation may be taken of the rest, who
were bestowed likewise sundrily into sundry abbeys, as to Osney, to
Frideswide, to Abingdon, to Thame, to Bicester, to Dorchester, to
Netley, to Ashridge, and divers more. The copy of the bishop's
letter, sent to the abbot of Ensham, here followeth underwritten.

Copy of the bishop's letter to the abbot of Ensham.

     "My loving brother, I recommend me heartily unto you:  And
whereas I have, according to the law, put this bearer R. T. to
perpetual penance within your monastery of Ensham, there to live as a
penitent, and not otherwise; I pray you, and nevertheless according
unto the law command you, to receive him, and see ye order him there
according to his injunctions, which he will show you, if ye require
the same. As for his lodging, he will bring it with him; and for his
meat and drink, he may have such as you give of your alms. And if he
can so order himself by his labour within your house in your
business, whereby he may deserve his meat and drink; so may you order
him as ye see convenient to his deserts, so that he pass not the
precinct of your monastery. And thus fare you heartily well:  From my
place," &c.

     As touching the residue of the penance and punishment inflicted
on these men, they do little or nothing disagree, but had one order
in them all; the manner and form whereof in the said bishop's
register do proceed in condition as followeth: 

Penance enjoined under pain of relapse, by John Longland, bishop of
Lincoln, the 19th day of December, A.D. 1521.

     "In primis, That every one of them shall, upon a market-day,
such as shall be limited unto them, in the market-time, go thrice
about the market at Burford, and then to stand up upon the highest
greece of the cross there, a quarter of an hour, with a faggot of
wood every one of them upon his shoulder, and every one of them once
to bear a faggot of wood upon their shoulders, before their
procession upon a Sunday, which shall be limited unto them at
Burford, from the choir-door going out, to the choir-door going in;
and all the high mass time, to hold the same faggot upon their
shoulders, kneeling upon the greece before the high altar there; and
every of them to do likewise in their own parish church, upon such a
Sunday as shall be limited unto them:  and once to bear a faggot at a
general procession at Uxbridge, when they shall be assigned thereto;
and once to bear a faggot at the burning of a heretic, when they
shall be admonished thereto.

     "Also every one Of them to fast, bread and ale only, every
Friday during their life; and every even of Corpus Christi, every one
of them to fast bread and water during their life, unless sickness
unfeigned let the same.

     "Also, to be said by them every Sunday, and every Friday,
during their life, once our Ladypsalter; and if they forget it one
day, to say as much another day for the same.

     "Also neither they, nor any of them, shall hide their mark upon
their cheek, neither with hat, cap, hood, kerchief, napkin, or none
otherwise; nor shall suffer their beards to grow past fourteen days;
nor ever haunt again together with any suspected person or persons,
unless it be in the open market, fair, church, or common inn or
alehouse, where other people may see their conversation.

     "And all these injunctions they and every of them to fulfil
with their penance, and every part of the same, under pain of
relapse."

     And thus have you the names, with the causes and the penance,
of those who were at this present time abjured. By this word
"abjured" is meant, that they were constrained by their oath,
swearing upon the evangelists, and subscribing with their hand, and a
cross to the same, that they did utterly and voluntarily renounce,
detest, and forsake, and never should hold hereafter these or any
other like opinions, contrary to the determination of the holy mother
Church of Rome:  And further, that they should detect unto their
ordinary, whomsoever they should see or suspect hereafter to teach,
hold, or maintain the same.

The names of them that were condemned for relapse, and committed unto
the secular power.

     Among these aforenamed persons who thus submitted themselves,
and were put to penance, certain there were, who, because they had
been abjured before, as is above-mentioned, under Bishop Smith, were
now condemned for relapse, and had sentence read aginst them, and so
were committed to the secular arm to be burned:  whose names here
follow:  Thomas Bernard, James Morden, Robert Rave, and John
Scrivener, martyrs.

     Of these mention is made before, both touching their
abjuration, and also their martyrdom; unto whom we may adjoin, Joan
Norman, and Thomas Holmes.

     This Thomas Holmes, albeit he had disclosed and detected many
of his brethren, as in the table above is expressed; thinking thereby
to please the bishop, and to save himself, and was thought to be a
feed man of the bishop for the same:  yet, notwithstanding, in the
said bishop's register appeareth the sentence of relapse and
condemnation, written and drawn out against him; and most likely he
was also adjudged and executed with the others.

     As touching the burning of John Scrivener, here is to be noted,
that his children were compelled to set fire unto their father; in
like manner as Joan Clerke also, daughter of William Tylsworth, was
constrained to give fire to the burning of her own natural father, as
is above specified.

     The example of which cruelty, as it is contrary both to God and
nature, so it hath not been seen or heard of in the memory of the
heathen.

     Where moreover is to be noted, that at the burning of this John
Scrivener, one Thomas Dorman, mentioned before, was present, and bare
a faggot, at Amersham; whose abjuration was afterwards laid against
him, at what time he should depose for recovery of certain lands from
the school of Berkhamstead. This Thomas Dorman (as I am credibly
informed of certain about Amersham) was then uncle to this our
Dorman, and found him to school at Berkhamstead, under Master Reeve;
who now so uncharitably abuseth his pen in writing against the
contrary doctrine, and raileth so fiercely against the blood of
Christ's slain servants, miscalling them to be a dunghill of stinking
martyrs.

     Well, howsoever the savour of these good martyrs do scent in
the nose of Master Dorman, I doubt not but they give a better odour
and sweeter smell in the presence of the Lord:  Pretiosa enim in
conspectu Domini mars sanctorum ejus; Precious in the sight of the
Lord is the death of his saints. And therefore, howsoever it shall
please Master Dorman with reproachful language to misterm the good
martyrs of Christ, or rather Christ in his martyrs; his unseemly
usage (more cart-like than clerk-like) is not greatly to be weighed.
For, as the danger of his blasphemy hurteth not them that are gone,
so the contumely and reproach thereof as well comprehendeth his own
kindred, friends, and country, as any others else; and especially
redoundeth to himself, and woundeth his own soul, and none else, unto
the great provoking of God's wrath against him, unless he be blessed
with better grace, by time to repent.



144. SCHOLARS AND POETS
Doctor John Colet, dean of St. Paul's.

     Much about this time, or not past two years before, died Dr.
John Colet, to whose sermons these "known men," about
Buckinghamshire, had a great mind to resort. After he came from Italy
and Paris, he first began to read the Epistles of St. Paul openly in
Oxford, instead of Scotus and Thomas. From thence he was called by
the king, and made dean of Paul's; where he accustomed much to
preach, not without a great auditory, as well of the king's court, as
of the citizens and others. His diet was frugal, his life upright; in
discipline he was severe, insomuch that his canons, because of their
straiter rule, complained that they were made like monks. The honest
and honourable state of matrimony he ever preferred before the
unchaste singleness of priests. At his dinner commonly was read
either some chapter of St. Paul, or of Solomon's Proverbs. He never
used to sup. And although the blindness of that time carried him away
after the common error of popery, yet in ripeness of judgment he
seemed something to incline from the vulgar trade of that age. The
religious order of monks and friars he fantasied not; as neither he
could greatly favour the barbarous divinity of the school-doctors, as
of Scotus, but least of all of Thomas Aquinas:  insomuch that when
Erasmus, speaking in the praise of Thomas Aquinas, did commend him,
that he had read many old authors, and had written many new works, as
Catena Aurea, and such like, to prove and to know his judgment: 
Colet, first supposing that Erasmus had spoken in jest, but after
supposing that he meant good faith, bursteth out in great vehemency,
saying, "What tell you me," quoth he, "of the commendation of that
man, who, except he had been of an arrogant and presumptuous spirit,
would not define and discuss all things so boldly and rashly; and
also, except he had been rather worldly-minded than heavenly, would
never have so polluted Christ's whole doctrine with man's profane
doctrine, in such sort as he hath done?"

     The bishop of London at that time was Fitzjames, of age no less
than eighty; who, (bearing long grudge and displeasure against
Colet,) with other two bishops taking his part, like to himself,
entered action of complaint against Colet to the archbishop of
Canterbury, being then William Warham. The matter of his complaint
was divided into three articles:  the first was for speaking against
worshipping of images. The second was about hospitality, for that he,
treating upon the place of the gospel, "Feed, feed, feed;" when he
had expounded the two first, for feeding with example of life, and
with doctrine; in the third, which the schoolmen do expound for
feeding with hospitality, he left out the outward feeding of the
belly, and applied it another way. The third crime wherewith they 
charged him, was for speaking against such as used to preach only by
bosom sermons, declaring nothing else to the people, but as they
bring in their prayers with them; which, because the bishop of London
used then much to do for his age, he took it as spoken against him,
and therefore bare him this displeasure. The archbishop, more wisely
weighing the matter, and being well acquainted with Colet, so took
his part against his accusers, that he at that time was rid out of
trouble.

     William Tyndall, in his book answering Master More, addeth
moreover, and testifieth, that the bishop of London would have made
the said Colet, dean of Paul's, a heretic, for translating the
Paternoster into English, had not the bishop of Canterbury holpen the 
dean.

     But yet the malice of Fitzjames the bishop so ceased not; who,
being thus repulsed by the archbishop, practised by another train how
to accuse him unto the king. The occasion thus fell. It happened the
same time, that the king was in preparation of war against France;
whereupon the bishop with his coadjutors, taking occasion upon
certain words of Colet, wherein he seemed to prefer peace before any
kind of war, were it never so just; accused him therefore in their
sermons, and also before the king.

     Furthermore it so befell at the same time, that upon Good
Friday Dr. Colet, preaching before the king, entreated of the victory
of Christ, exhorting all Christians to fight under the standard of
Christ, against the devil; adding, moreover, what a hard thing it was
to fight under Christ's banner, and that all they which upon private
hatred or ambition took weapon against their enemy, (one Christian to
slay another,) such did not fight under the banner of Christ, but
rather of Satan:  and therefore concluding his matter, he exhorted
that Christian men, in their wars, would follow Christ their prince
and captain, in fighting against their enemies, rather than the
examples of Julius or Alexander, &c. The king, hearing Colet thus
speak, and fearing lest by his words the hearts of his soldiers might
be withdrawn from his wars which he had then in hand, took him aside
and talked with him in secret conference, in his garden walking.
Bishop Fitzjames, Bricot, and Standish, who were his enemies, thought
now none other, but that Colet must needs be committed to the Tower;
and waited for his coming out. But the king, with great gentleness
entertaining Dr. Colet, and bidding him familiarly to put on his cap,
in long courteous talk had with him in the garden, much commended him
for his learning and integrity of life; agreeing with him in all
points, but that only he required him (for that the rude soldiers
should not rashly mistake that which he had said) more plainly to
explain his words and mind in that behalf; which after he did. And
so, after long communication and great promises, the king dismissed
Colet with these words, saying:  "Let every man have his doctor as him
liketh, this shall be my doctor;" and so departed. Whereby none of
his adversaries durst ever trouble him after that time.

     Among many other memorable acts left behind him, he erected the
worthy foundation of the school of Paul's, (I pray God the fruits of
the school may answer the foundation,) for the cherishing up of youth
in good letters, providing a sufficient stipend as well for the
master, as for the usher; whom he willed rather to be appointed out
of the number of married men, than of single priests with their
suspected chastity. The first moderator of this school was William
Lily, a man no less notable for his learning, than was Colet for his
foundation. This Colet died the year of our Lord 1519.

     Not long before the death of this Colet and Lily, lived William
Grocine and William Latimer, both Englishmen also, and famously
learned. This Grocine, as he began to read in his open lecture, in
the church of St. Paul, the book of Dionysius Areopagita, commonly
called Hierarchia Ecclesiastica, (for the reading of the Holy
Scriptures in Paul's was not in use,) in the first entry of his
preface cried out with great vehemency against them, whosoever they
were, who either denied or stood in doubt of the authority of that
book:  in the number of whom he noted Laurence Valla, and divers
others of the like approved judgment and learning. But afterwards the
same Grocine, when he had continued a few weeks in his reading
thereof, and did consider further in him, he utterly altered and
recanted his former sentence, protesting openly, that the afore-named
book, to his judgment, was never written by that author whom we read
in the Acts of the Apostles to be called Dionysius Areopagita.

     The tractation of these two couples above rehearsed, do
occasion me to adjoin also the remembrance of another couple of like
learned men:  the names of whom, not unworthy to be remembered, were
Thomas Linacre, and Richard Pace; which two followed much upon the
time of Colet and William Lily. But of Richard Pace, who was dean
next after the aforesaid John Colet, more convenient place shall
serve us hereafter to speak, coming to the story of Cardinal Wolsey.

Geoffrey Chaucer and John Gower

     Moreover, to these two I thought it not out of season, to
couple also some mention of Geoffrey Chaucer and John Gower; which,
although being much discrepant from these in course of years, yet may
seem not unworthy to be matched with these forenamed persons, in
commendation of their study and learning. Albeit concerning the full 
certainty of the time and death of these two, we cannot find; yet it
appeareth in the prologue of Gower's work, entitled Confessio
Amantis, that he finished it in the sixteenth year of King Richard
the Second. And in the end of the eighth book of his said treatise,
he declareth that he was both sick and old when he wrote it; whereby
it may appear that he lived not long after. Notwithstanding, by
certain verses of the said Master Gower, placed in the latter end of
Chaucer's works both in Latin and English, it may seem that he was
alive at the beginning of the reign of King Henry the Fourth, and
also by a book which he wrote to the same King Henry. By his
sepulture within the chapel of the church of St. Mary Overy's, which
was then a monastery, where he and his wife lie buried, it appeareth
by his chain and his garland of laurel, that he was both a knight,
and flourishing then in poetry; in the which place of his sepulture
were made in his grave-stone three books:  the first bearing the
title, Speculum Meditantis; the second, Vox Clamantis; the third,
Confessio Amantis. Besides these, divers chronicles and other works
more he compiled.

     Likewise, as touching the time of Chaucer, by his own words in
the end of his first book of Troilus and Cressida, it is manifest
that he and Gower were both of one time, although it seemeth that
Gower was a great deal his ancient; both notably learned, as the
barbarous rudeness of that time did give; both great friends
together, and both in like kind of study together occupied; so
endeavouring themselves, and employing their time, that they,
excelling many others in study and exercise of good letters, did pass
forth their lives here right worshipfully and godly, to the worthy
fame and commendation of their name. Chaucer's works be all printed
in one volume, and therefore known to all men.

     This I marvel, to see the idle life of the priests and
clergymen of that time, seeing these lay-persons showed themselves in
these kinds of liberal studies so industrious and fruitfully
occupied. But much more I marvel to consider this, how that the
bishops, condemning and abolishing all manner of English books and
treatises which might bring the people to any light of knowledge, did
yet authorize the works of Chaucer to remain still and to be
occupied; who, no doubt, saw into religion as much almost as even we
do now, and uttereth in his works no less, and seemeth to be a right
Wicklevian, or else there was never any. And that all his works
almost, if they be thoroughly advised, will testify (albeit it be
done in mirth, and covertly); and especially the latter end of his
third book of the Testament of Love, for there purely he toucheth the
highest matter, that is, the communion. Wherein, except a man be
altogether blind, he may espy him at the full:  although in the same
book, (as in all others he useth to do,) under shadows covertly, as
under a visor, he suborneth truth in such sort, as both privily she
may profit the godly-minded, and yet not be espied of the crafty
adversary. And therefore the bishops, belike, taking his works but
for jests and toys, in condemning other books, yet permitted his
books to be read.

     So it pleased God to blind then the eyes of them, for the more
commodity of his people, to the intent that through the reading of
his treatises, some fruit might redound thereof to his church; as no
doubt it did to many. As also I am partly informed, of certain who
knew the parties, who to them reported, that by reading of Chaucer's
works they were brought to the true knowledge of religion. And not
unlike to be true:  for, to omit other parts of his volume, whereof
some are more fabulous than other, what tale can be more plainly told
than the Tale of the Ploughman? or what finger can point out more
directly the pope with his prelates to be antichrist, than doth the
poor pelican reasoning against the greedy griffon? Under which
hypotyposis, or poesy, who is so blind that seeth not by the pelican,
the doctrine of Christ and of the Lollards to be defended against the
Church of Rome? or who is so impudent that can deny that to be true
which the pelican there affirmeth, in describing the presumptuous
pride of that pretended church? Again, what egg can be more like, or
fig, unto another, than the words, properties, and conditions of that
ravening griffon resembleth the true image, that is, the nature and
qualities, of that which we call the Church of Rome, in every point
and degree? And therefore no great marvel if that narration was
exempted out of the copies of Chaucer's works; which notwithstanding
now is restored again, and is extant for every man to read that is
disposed. This Geoffrey Chaucer, being born, as is thought, in
Oxfordshire, and dwelling in Woodstock, lieth buried in the church of
the minster of St. Peter at Westminster, in an aisle on the south
side of the said church, not far from the door leading to the
cloister; and upon his grave-stone first were written these two old
verses: 

Galfridus Chaucer Vates, et fama Poësis
Maternĉ, hac sacra sum tumulatus humo.

     Afterwards, about A.D. 1556, one Master Brickham, bestowing
more cost upon his tomb, did add thereunto these verses following: 

Qui fuit Anglorum Vates ter maximus olim,
Galfridus Chaucer conditur hoc tumulo.
Annum si quĉras Domini, si tempora mortis,
Ecce notĉ subsunt, quĉ tibi cuncta notent.
25 Octob. Anno 1400.



145. MARTIN LUTHER -- INTRODUCTION

Here beginneth the Reformation of the church of Christ, in the time
of Martin Luther.
 Although it cannot be sufficiently expressed with
tongue or pen of man, into what miserable ruin and desolation the
church of Christ was brought in those latter days; yet partly by the
reading of these stories afore past, some intelligence may be given
to them which have judgment to mark, or eyes to see, in what
blindness and darkness the world was drowned, during the space of
these four hundred years heretofore and more. By the viewing and
considering of which times and histories, thou mayest understand,
gentle reader, how the religion of Christ, which only consisteth in
spirit and verity, was wholly turned into outward observations,
ceremonies, and idolatry. So many saints we had, so many gods; so
many monasteries, so many pilgrimages; as many churches, as many
relics forged and feigned we had again, so many relics, so many lying
miracles we believed. Instead of the only living Lord, we worshipped
dead stocks and stones:  in place of Christ immortal, we adored mortal
bread:  instead of his blood, we worshipped the blood of ducks. How
the people were led, so that the priests were fed, no care was taken.
Instead of God's word, man's word was set up:  instead of Christ's
Testament, the pope's testament, that is, the canon law:  instead of
Paul, the Master of Sentences took place, and almost full possession.
The law of God was little read, the use and end thereof was less
known; and as the end of the law was unknown, so the difference
between the gospel and the law was not understood, the benefit of
Christ not considered, the effect of faith not expended:  through the
ignorance whereof it cannot be told what infinite errors, sects, and
religions crept into the church, overwhelming the world as with a
flood of ignorance and seduction. And no marvel; for where the
foundation is not well laid, what building can stand and prosper? The
foundation of all our Christianity is only this:  The promise of God
in the blood of Christ his Son, giving and promising life unto all
that believe in him:  giving (saith the Scripture) unto us, and not
bargaining or indenting with us:  and that freely (saith the
Scripture) for Christ's sake; and not conditionally for out merit's
sake.

     Furthermore, freely (saith the Scripture) by grace, that the
promise might be firm and sure; and not by the works that we do,
which always are doubtful. By grace (saith the Scripture) through
promise to all and upon all that believe; and not by the law, upon
them that do deserve. For if it come by deserving, then is it not of
grace:  if it be not of grace, then is it not of promise, and
contrariwise, if it be of grace and promise, then is it not of works,
saith St. Paul. Upon this foundation of God's free promise and grace
first builded the patriarchs, kings, and prophets:  upon this same
foundation also Christ the Lord builded his church:  upon the which
foundation the apostles likewise builded the church apostolical or
catholical.

     This apostolical and catholic foundation so long as the church
did retain, so long it continued sincere and sound:  which endured a
long season after the apostles' time. But after, in process of years, 
through wealth and negligence crept into the church, so soon as this
foundation began to be lost, came in new builders, which would build
upon a new foundation a new church more glorious, which we call now
the Church of Rome; who, being not contented with the old foundation,
and the Head-cornerstone, which the Lord by his word had laid, in
place thereof they laid the groundwork upon the condition and
strength of the law and works. Although it is not to be denied, but
that the doctrine of God's holy law, and of good works according to
the same, is a thing most necessary to be learned, and followed of
all men; yet is it not that foundation whereupon our salvation
consisteth:  neither is that foundation able to bear up the weight of
the kingdom of heaven, but is rather the thing which is builded upon
the foundation; which foundation is Jesus Christ, according as we are
taught of St. Paul, saying, "No man can lay any other foundation
beside that which is laid, Christ Jesus," &c.

     But this ancient foundation, with the old ancient church of
Christ, as I said, hath been now of long time forsaken; and instead
thereof, a new church with a new foundation hath been erected and
framed, not upon God's promise, and his free grace in Christ Jesus,
nor upon free justification by faith, but upon merits and deserts of
men's working. And hereof have they planted all these their new
devices, so infinite, that they cannot well be numbered; as masses-
trecenaries, dirges, obsequies, matins, and hours-singing-service,
vigils, midnight-rising, bare-foot-going, fish-tasting, Lent-fast,
ember-fast, stations, rogations, jubilees, advocation of saints,
praying to images, pilgrimage-walking, works of supererogation,
application of merits, orders, rules, sects of religion, vows of
chastity, wilful poverty, pardons, relations, indulgencies, penance,
and satisfaction, with auricular confession, founding of abbeys,
building of chapels, giving to churches:  and who is able to recite
all their laborious buildings, falsely framed upon a wrong ground;
and all for ignorance of the true foundation, which is the free
justification by faith in Christ Jesus the Son of God.

     Moreover to note, that as this new-found Church of Rome was
thus deformed in doctrine, so no less was it corrupted in order of
life and deep hypocrisy, doing all things only under pretences and
dissembled titles. So, under the pretence of Peter's chair, they
exercised a majesty above emperors and kings. Under the visor of
their vowed chastity, reigned adultery; under the yoke of professed
poverty, they possessed the goods of the temporalty; under the title
of being dead unto the world, they not only reigned in the world, but
also ruled the world; under the colour of the keys of heaven to hang
under their girdle, they brought all the states of the world under
their girdle, and crept not only into the purses of men, but also
into their consciences. They heard their confessions; they knew their
secrets; they dispensed as they were disposed, and loosed what them
listed. And finally, when they had brought the whole world under
their subjections, yet did their pride neither cease to ascend,
neither could their avarice be ever satisfied. And if the example of
Cardinal Wolsey and other cardinals and popes cannot satisfy thee, I
beseech thee, gentle reader! turn over the aforesaid book of "the
Ploughman's Tale" in Chaucer, above-mentioned, where thou shalt
understand much more of their demeanour than I have here described.

     In these so blind and miserable corrupt days of darkness and
ignorance, thou seest, good reader! I doubt not, how necessary it
was, and high time, that reformation of the church should come, which
now most happily and graciously began to work, through the merciful
and no less needful providence of Almighty God; who, although he
suffered his church to wander and start aside, through the seduction
of pride and prosperity a long time, yet at length it pleased his
goodness to respect his people, and to reduce his church into the
pristine foundation and frame again, from whence it was piteously
decayed. Whereof I have now consequently to treat; intending by the
grace of Christ to declare how, and by what means this reformation of
the church first began, and how it proceeded, increasing by little
and little unto this perfection which now we see, and more I trust
shall see.

     And herein we have first to behold the admirable work of God's
wisdom. For as the first decay and ruin of the church before began of
rude ignorance, and lack of knowledge in teachers; so, to restore the
church again by doctrine and learning, it pleased God to open to man
the art of printing, the time whereof was shortly after the burning
of Huss and Jerome. Printing being opened, incontinently ministered
unto the church the instruments and tools of learning and knowledge;
which were good books and authors which before lay hid and unknown.
The science of printing being found, immediately followed the grace
of God; which stirred up good wits aptly to conceive the light of
knowledge and of judgment:  by which light darkness began to be
espied, and ignorance to be detected; truth from error, religion from
superstition, to be discerned, as is above more largely discoursed,
where was touched the invention of printing.

     Furthermore, after these wits stirred up of God, other more,
increasing daily more and more in science, in tongues, and perfection
of knowledge; who now were able not only to discern in matters of
judgment, but also were so armed and furnished with the help of good
letters, that they did encounter also with the adversary, sustaining
the cause and defence of learning against barbarity; of verity
against error; of true religion against superstition. In number of
whom, against many other here unnamed, were Picus, and Franciscus
Mirandula, Laurentius Valla, Franciscus Petrarcha, Doctor de Wesalia,
Revelinus, Grocinus, Doctor Colet, Rhenamus, Erasmus, &c. And here
began the first push and assault to be given against the ignorant and
barbarous faction of the pope's pretended church; who, after that, by
their learned writings and laborious travail, they had opened a
window of light unto the world, and had made, as it were, a way more
ready for others to come after; immediately, according to God's
gracious appointment, followed Martin Luther, with other after him;
by whose ministry it pleased the Lord to work a more full reformation
of his church, as by their acts and proceedings hereafter shall
follow (Christ willing) more amply to be declared.

     And now coming to the time and story of Martin Luther, whom the
Lord did ordain and appoint to be the principal organ and minister
under him, to reform religion; to subvert the see of the pope; first,
before we enter into the tractation hereof, it shall not be
impertinent to the purpose, to infer such prophecies and forewarnings
as were sent before of God, by divers and sundry good men, long
before the time of Luther, which foretold and prophesied of this
reformation of the church to come.

Prophecies going before Martin Luther.

     And first to begin with the prophecy of John Huss and Jerome,
it is both notable, and also before mentioned, what the said John
Huss, at the time of his burning, prophesied unto his enemies,
saying:  That after "a hundred years come and gone, they should give
account to God and to him." Where is to be noted, that counting from
the year 1415, (in the which year John Huss was burned,) or from the
year 1416, (when Jerome did suffer,) unto the year 1516, (when Martin
Luther began first to write,) we shall find the number of a hundred
years expired.

     Likewise to this may be adjoined the prophetical vision or
dream, which chanced to the said John Huss, lying in the dungeon of
the Friars in Constance, a little before he was burned. His dream, as
he himself reporteth it in his epistles writing to Master John Clum,
and as I have also before recorded the same, so will I now repeat the
same again, in like effect of words as he wrote it himself in Latin,
the effect of which Latin is this: 

     "I pray you expound to me the dream which I had this night. I
saw that in my church at Bethlehem (whereof I was parson) they
desired and laboured to abolish all the images of Christ, and did
abolish them. I, the next day following, rose up, and saw many other
painters, who painted both the same, and many more images, and more
fair, which I was glad to behold. Whereupon the painters, with the
great multitude of the people, said, Now let the bishops and priests
come, and put us out these images if they can. Which thing done, much
people rejoiced in Bethlehem, and I with them. And rising up, I felt
myself to laugh."

     This dream Master John of Clum first expounded. Then he, in the
next epistle after, expounded it himself to this effect: 

     "The commandment of God standing, that we must observe no
dreams, yet, notwithstanding, I trust that the life of Christ was
painted in Bethlehem by me, through his word, in the hearts of men;
the which preaching they went about in Bethlehem to destroy, first,
in commanding that no preaching should be, neither in the church of
Bethlehem, nor in the chapels thereby:  secondly, that the church of
Bethlehem should be thrown down to the ground. The same life of
Christ shall be painted up again by more preachers much better than
I, and after a much more better sort, so that a great number of
people shall rejoice thereat; all such as love the life of Christ: 
and also I shall rejoice myself, at what time I shall awake, that is,
when I shall rise again from the dead."

     Also in his forty-eighth epistle he seemeth to have a like
prophetical meaning, where he saith; that he trusted that those
things, which he spake then within the house, should afterwards be
preached above on the house-top, &c.

     And because we are here in hand with the prophecies of John
Huss, it is not to be omitted what he writeth in a certain treatise,
De Sacerdotum et Monachorum carnalium abominatione, thus prophesying
of the reformation of the church.

     "The church," he saith, "cannot be reduced to his former
dignity, and reformed, before all things first be made new (the truth
whereof appeareth by the temple of Solomon); as well the clergy and
priests, as also the people and laity. Or else, except all such as
now be addicted to avarice, from the least to the most, be first
converted and renewed, as well the people as the clerks and priests,
things cannot be reformed. Albeit, as my mind now giveth me, I
believe rather the first, that is, that then shall rise a new people,
formed after the new man, which is created after God. Of the which
people, new clerks and priests shall come forth and be taken, who all
shall hate covetousness and glory of this life, labouring to a
heavenly conversation. Notwithstanding, all these things shall be
done and wrought in continuance and order of time, dispensed of God
for the same purpose. And this God doth, and will do, of his own
goodness and mercy, and for the riches of his patience and
sufferance, giving time and space of repentance to them that have
long lain in their sins, to amend and flee from the face of the
Lord's fury, until at length all shall suffer together, and until
both the carnal people, and priests, and clerks, in process and order
of time, shall fall away and be consumed, as is the cloth consumed
and eaten of the moth," &c.

     With this prophecy of John Huss above-mentioned, speaking of
the hundred years, accordeth also the testimony of Jerome, his fellow
martyr, in these words:  "And I cite you all to answer before the most
high and just Judge, after a hundred years."

     This Jerome was burnt, A.D. 1416; and Luther began to write,
A.D. 1516, which was just a hundred years, according to the right
account of Jerome's prophecy.

     Philip Melancthon, in his Apology, testifieth of one John
Hilton, a monk in Thuringia, who, for speaking against certain abuses
of the place and order where he lived, was cast into prison. At
length being weak and feeble through imprisonment, he sent for the
warden of the convent, desiring and beseeching him to have some
respect of his woeful state and pitiful case. The warden rebuking and
accusing him for what he had done and spoken; he answered again and
said, That he had spoken nothing which might be prejudicial or
hurtful to their monkery, or against their religion:  but there should
come one, (and assigned the year 1516,) who should utterly subvert
all monkery, and they should never be able to resist him, &c.

     Long it were to induce here all prophecies that be read in
histories:  certain I mind briefly to touch and pass over. And first
to omit the revelations of Briget, (whereunto I do not much
attribute,) who, prophesying of the destruction of Rome, Book iv.
cap. 17, saith: 

     "Rome shall be scoured and purged with three things -- with
sword, fire, and the plough. Resembling, moreover, the said Church of
Rome to a plant removed out of the old place into a new:  also to a
body condemned by a judge to have the skin flayed off; the blood to
be drawn from the flesh; the flesh to be cut out in pieces; and the
bones thereof to be broken; and all the marrow to be squeezed out
from the same; so that no part thereof remain whole and perfect," &c.

     But to these speculations of Briget I give no great respect, as
neither I do to the predictions of Katharine de Senis.

     And yet, notwithstanding, Antoninus, writing of the same
Katharine in his third part, reciteth her words thus (prophesying of
the reformation of the church) to Friar Reymund, her ghostly father: 

     "By these tribulations," saith she "God, after a secret manner
unknown to man, shall purge his holy church; and after those things
shall follow such a reformation of the holy church of God, and such a
renovation of the holy pastors, that only the cogitation and
remembrance thereof maketh my spirit to rejoice in the Lord. And, as
I have oftentimes told you heretofore, the spouse, which is now all
deformed and ragged, shall be adorned and decked with most rich and
precious ouches and brooches; and all the faithful shall be glad and
rejoiced to see themselves so beautified with so holy pastors. Yea,
and also the infidels, then allured by the sweet savour of Christ,
shall return to the catholic fold, and be converted to the true
Bishop and Shepherd of their souls. Give thanks therefore to God; for
after this storm he will give a great calm." &c.

     Of the authority of this prophetess I have not to affirm or
judge, but rather to hear what the catholic judges will say of this
their own saint and prophet. For if they do not credit her spirit of
prophecy, why then do they authorize her for a pure saint among the
sisters of dear St. Dominic? If they warrant her prophecy, let them
say then, When was this glorious reformation of the church ever true,
or like to be true, if it be not true now, in this marvellous
alteration of the church in these our latter days? or when was there
any such conversion of Christian people in all countries ever heard
of, since the apostles' time, as hath been since the preaching of
Martin Luther?

     Of Hieronimus Savonarola I wrote before, showing that he
prophesied, that one should pass over the Alps, like to Cyrus, who
should subvert and destroy all Italy:  which may well be applied to
God's word, and the gospel of Christ, spreading now abroad since
Luther's time.

     Theodoric, bishop of Croatia, lived near about the time when
Huss and Jerome were martyred; who, in the end of his prophetical
verses, which are extant in print, declareth,

     "That the see of Rome, which is so horribly polluted with
simony and avarice, shall fall, and no more oppress men with tyranny,
as it hath done, and that it shall be subverted by its own subjects;
and that the church and true piety shall flourish again more than
ever it did before."

     Noviomagus testifieth, that he, A.D. 1620, heard Ostendorpius,
a canon of Daventer, say, that when he was a young man, Doctor
Weselus, a Friesian, which was then an old man, told him, that he
should live to see this new school divinity of Scotus, Aquinas, and
Bonaventure, to be utterly forsaken and exploded of all true
Christians.

     In a book of Charles Boville, mention is made of a certain
vision which one Nicholas, a hermit of Helvetia, had; in which vision
he saw the pope's head crowned with three swords proceeding from his
face, and three swords coming towards it. This vision is also printed
in the books of Martin Luther, with his preface before it.

     Nicholas Medler, being of late superintendent of Brunswick,
affirmed and testified,

     "That he heard and knew a certain priest in his country, which
told the priests there, that they laid aside Paul under their desks
and pews; but the time would come, when Paul should come abroad, and
drive them under the desks and dark stalls, where they should not
appear," &c.

     Matthius Flaccius, in the end of his book entitled, De Testibus
Veritatis, speaketh of one Michael Stifelius: 

     This Michael, being an old man, told him, that he heard the
priests and monks say many times, by old prophecies, that a violent
reformation must needs come against them:  and also that the said
Michael heard Conrad Stifelius his father many times declare the
same:  who also, for the great hatred he bare against this filthy sect
of monks and priests, told to one Peter Pirer, a friend and neighbour
of his, that he should live and see the day; and therefore desired
him, that when the day came, besides those priests which he should
kill for himself, he would kill one priest more for his sake.

     This Stifelius thought, belike, that this reformation should be
wrought by outward violence, and force of sword; but he was therein
deceived; although the adversary useth all forcible means, and
violent tyranny, yet the proceeding of the gospel always beginneth
with peace and quietness.

     In the table of Amersham men I signified a little before, how
one Haggar of London, speaking of this reformation to come, declared,
that the priests should make battle, and have the upper hand a while,
but shortly they should be vanquished and overthrown for ever.

     In the time of Pope Alexander the Sixth, and about A.D. 1500,
as is before specified, the high angel which stood on the top of the
pope's church and castle of St. Angelo, was thrown down with a
terrible thunder into the river Tiber:  whereby might seem to be
declared the ruin and fall of the popedom.

     To this may be adjoined, which in certain chronicles, and in
John Bale, is recorded; which saith, that in the year of our Lord
1516, (which was the same year when Martin Luther began,) Pope Leo
the Tenth did create one and thirty cardinals:  in the which year and
day of their creation, there fell a tempest of thunder and lightning
in Rome, which so struck the church where the cardinals were made,
that it removed the little child Jesus out of the lap of his mother,
and the keys out of St. Peter's hand:  which thing many then did
interpret to signify and foreshow the subversion and alteration of
the see of Rome.

     Hitherto pertaineth also a strange portent and a prodigious
token from heaven, A.D. 1505, in the which year, under the reign of
Maximilian the emperor, there appeared in Germany, upon the vestures
of men, as well of priests as laymen; upon women's garments also, and
upon their rocks as they were spinning, divers prints and tokens of
the nails, of the sponge, of the spear, of the Lord's coat, and of
bloody crosses, &c.:  all which were seen upon their caps and gowns,
as is most certainly testified and recorded by divers which both did
see, and also did write upon the same. Of whom first was Maximilian
the emperor, who both had and showed the same to Franciscus
Mirandula, who wrote thereupon a book in Latin metre called
Staurosticon.

     Of this also writeth John Carion, Functius, Philip Melancthon,
Flaccius, with divers other more. These marks and tokens, as they
were very strange, so they were diversely expounded of many; some
thinking that they portended affliction and persecution of the church
to draw near; some, that God by that token did admonish them, or
foreshowed unto them the true doctrine of their justification, which
only is to be sought in the cross and passion of Christ, and in no
other thing. This I marvel, that Christianus Masseus, and others of
that profession, do leave it out. Belike they saw something in it
that made not to their liking. For, whether it signifieth persecution
to come upon the Germans, they cannot be evil that suffer and bear
the cross with Christ:  or whether it signifieth the true doctrine of
Christ coming to the Germans, it cannot otherwise be, but that the
doctrine of the bishop of Rome must needs be wrong, which is contrary
to this which God hath stirred up in Germany.

     By these and such-like prophecies, it is evident to understand, 
the time not to be far off, when God, of his determinate providence,
was disposed to reform and to restore his church. And not only by
those prophecies the same might well appear, but also, and much
rather, by the hearts of the people at that time; whose minds were so
incensed and inflamed with hatred against the pomp and pride of Rome,
both through all nations, and especially the people of Germany, that
it was easy to perceive the time was near at hand, when the pride of
popish prelacy would have a fall. Such disdain there was, such
contempt and derision began to rise on every side then, against the
pope and the court of Rome, that it might soon appear, by the hearts
of the people, that God was not disposed to have it long stand.

     For neither were their detestable doings so secret, that men
did not see them, neither did any man behold them, having any sparkle
of godliness, that could abide them. And thereupon grew these
proverbs to their derision, in every country, as in Germany it hath
been a proverb amongst them.

"What is this, to see the world now round about,
That for these shaveling priests no man that once may rout?"

     "As soon as a clerk is shorn into his order, by and by the
devil entereth into him."

     "In the name of God, beginneth all evil;" alluding to the
pope's bulls, which commonly so begin.

     "Item, When bulls come from Rome, bind well your purses."

     "The nearer Rome, the farther from Christ."

     "Item, He that goeth once to Rome, seeth a wicked man: 

     "He that goeth twice, learneth to know him: 

     "He that goeth thrice, bringeth him home with him."

     "Item, The court of Rome never regardeth the sheep without the
wool."

     "Once were wooden chalices, and golden priests:  "Now we have
golden chalices, and wooden priests."

     "Once Christian men had blind churches, and light hearts: 

     "Now they have blind hearts, and light churches."

     "Item, Many are worshipped for saints in heaven, whose souls be
burning in hell."

     In France, Gallus Senonensis, writeth four hundred years ago,
that amongst them it was an old saying, "That Satan was let loose at
Rome to destroy the whole church."

     Thomas Becket himself, in his time, writing to the college of
cardinals, denieth it not but to be a common word both through town
and city, "That there is no right in Rome."

     To these may be adjoined also the A, B, C, which we find in the
margin of a certain old register to be attributed to William Thorpe,
whose story we have comprehended before.

"Awake, ye ghostly persons, awake, awake,
Both priest, pope, bishop, and cardinal!
Consider wisely, what ways ye take,
Dangerously being like to have a fall.
Every where the mischief of you all,
Far and near, breaketh out very fast;
God will needs be revenged at the last.
How long have ye the world captived,
In sore bondage of men's traditions?
Kings and emperors ye have deprived,
Lewdly usurping their chief possessions: 
Much misery ye make in all regions.
Now your frauds be almost at their latter cast,
Of God sore to be revenged at the last.
Poor people to oppress ye have no shame,
Quaking for fear of your double tyranny.
Rightful justice ye have put out of frame,
Seeking the lust of your god, the belly.
Therefore I dare you boldly certify,
Very little though you be thereof aghast,
Yet God will be revenged at the last."

     By these and such-like sayings, which may be collected
innumerable, it may soon be seen what hearts and judgments the people
had in those days of the Romish clergy; which thing, no doubt, was of
God as a secret prophecy, that shortly religion should be restored;
according as it came to pass about this present time, when Dr. Martin
Luther first began to write; after Picus Mirandula, and Laurentius
Valla, and last of all Erasmus of Rotterdam, had somewhat broken the
way before, and had shaken the monks' houses. But Luther gave the
stroke, and plucked down the foundation, and all by opening one vein,
long hid before, wherein lieth the touchstone of all truth and
doctrine, as the only principal origin of our salvation, which is,
our free justifying by faith only, in Christ the Son of God. The
laborious travails, and the whole process, and the constant
preachings of this worthy man, because they are sufficiently declared
in the history of John Sleiden, I shall the less need to stay long
thereupon; but only to run over some principal matters of his life
and acts, as they are briefly collected by Philip Melancthon.



146. MARTIN LUTHER
Illustration:  Martin Luther's Birth-Place
Illustration:  Portrait of Martin Luther

     Martin Luther, after he was grown in years, being born at
Eisleben in Saxony, A.D. 1483, was set to the university, first of
Magdeburg, then of Erfurt. In this university of Erfurt, there was a
certain aged man in the convent of the Augustines (who is thought to
be Weselus above mentioned) with whom Luther, being then of the same
order, a friar Augustine, had conference upon divers things,
especially touching the article of remission of sins; the which
article the said aged father opened unto Luther after this sort: 
declaring, that we must not generally believe only forgiveness of
sins to be, or to belong to Peter, to Paul, to David, or such good
men alone; but that God's express commandment is, that every man
should particularly believe his sins to be forgiven him in Christ: 
and further said, that this interpretation was confirmed by the
testimony of Bernard, and showed him the place, in the sermon of the
Annunciation, where it is thus set forth:  "But add thou that thou
believest this, that by him thy sins are forgiven thee. This is the
testimony that the Holy Ghost giveth thee in thy heart, saying, Thy
sins are forgiven thee. For this is the opinion of the apostle, that
man is freely justified by faith."

     By these words Luther was not only strengthened, but was also
instructed of the full meaning of St. Paul, who repeateth so many
times this sentence, "We are justified by faith." And having read the
expositions of many upon this place, he then perceived, as well by
the purpose of the old man, as by the comfort he received in his
spirit, the vanity of those interpretations, which he had read before
of the schoolmen. And so, reading by little and little, with
conferring the sayings and examples of the prophets and apostles, and
continual invoction of God, and excitation of faith by force of
prayer, he perceived that doctrine most evidently. Then began he to
read St. Augustine's books, where he found many comfortable
sentences:  among other, in the exposition of the Psalms, and
specially in the book of the "Spirit and Letter," which confirmed
this doctrine of faith and consolation in his heart not a little. And
yet he laid not aside the sententiaries, as Gabriel and Cameracensis.
Also he read the books of Ocham, whose subtlety he preferred above
Thomas Aquinas and Scotus. He read also and revolved Gerson:  but
above all the rest, he perused all over St. Augustines works with
attentive cogitation. And thus continued he his study at Erfurt the
space of four years in the convent of the Augustines.

     About this time one Staupitz, a famous man, who, ministering
his help to further the erection of a university in Wittenberg, and
endeavouring to have schools of divinity founded in this new
university; when he had considered the spirit and towardness of
Luther, recalled him from Erfurt, to place him in Wittenberg, A.D.
1508, and of his age twenty-six. There his towardness appeared in the
ordinary exercise, both of his disputations in the schools, and
preaching in churches; where many wise and learned men attentively
heard Luther, especially Dr. Mellarstad.

     This Mellarstad would oftentimes say, that Luther was of such a
marvellous spirit, and so ingenious, that he gave apparent
signification; that he would introduce a more compendious, easy, and
familiar manner of teaching, and alter and abolish the order that
then was used.

     There first he expounded the logic and philosophy of Aristotle,
and in the mean while intermitted no whit his study in theology.
Three years after be went to Rome, about certain contentions of the
monks:  and returning the same year, he was graded doctor, at the
expense of the elector Frederic, duke of Saxony, according to the
solemn manner of schools:  for he had heard him preach; well
understood the quietness of his spirit; diligently considered the
vehemency of his words; and had in singular admiration those profound 
matters which in his sermons he ripely and exactly explained. This
degree Staupitz, against his will, enforced upon him; saying merrily
unto him, that God had many things to bring to pass in his church by
him. And though these words were spoken merrily, yet it came so to
pass anon after; as many predictions or presages prove true before a
change.

     After this, he began to expound the Epistle to the Romans, and,
subsequently, the Psalms:  where he showed the difference betwixt the
law and the gospel. He also confounded the error that reigned then in
schools and sermons, teaching that men may merit remission of sins by
their proper works, and that they be just before God by outward
discipline; as the Pharisees taught. Luther diligently reduced the
minds of men to the Son of God; and as John Baptist demonstrated the
Lamb of God who took away the sins of the world; even so Luther,
shining in the church as a bright star after a long cloudy and
obscure say, expressly showed, that sins are freely remitted for the
love of the Son of God, and that we ought faithfully to embrace this
bountiful gift.

     These happy beginnings of so good matters, got him great
authority, considering his life was correspondent to his profession,
the consideration whereof allured to him marvellously the hearts of
his auditors, and also many notable personages.

     All this while Luther yet altered nothing in the ceremonies,
but precisely observed his rule among his fellows. He meddled in no
doubtful opinions, but taught this only doctrine, as most principal
of all others to all men, opening and declaring the doctrine of
repentance, of remission of sins, of faith, of true comfort in times
of adversity. Every man received good taste of this sweet doctrine,
and the learned conceived high pleasure to behold Jesus Christ, the
prophets and apostles, to come forth into light out of darkness;
whereby they began to understand the difference betwixt the law and
the gospel; betwixt the promises of the law, and the promise of the
gospel; betwixt spiritual justice, and civil things; which certainly
could not have been found in Thomas Aquinas, Scotus, nor such-like
school-clerks.

     It happened, moreover, about this time, that many were
provoked, by Erasmus's learned works, to study the Greek and Latin
tongues; who perceiving a more gentle and ready order of teaching
than before, began to have in contempt the monks' barbarous and
sophistical doctrine; and especially such as were of a liberal nature
and good disposition. Luther began to study the Greek and Hebrew
tongue, to this end, that after he had learned the phrase and
property of the tongues, and drawn the doctrine from the very
fountains, he might give more sound judgment.

     As Luther was thus occupied in Germany, which was A.D.1516, Leo
the Tenth of that name, succeeding after Julius the Second, was pope
of Rome, who, under pretence of war against the Turk, sent a jubilee
with his pardons abroad through all Christian realms and dominions,
whereby he gathered together innumerable riches and treasure; the
gatherers and collectors whereof persuaded the people, that whosoever
would give ten shillings, should at his pleasure deliver one soul
from the pains of purgatory. For this they held as a general rule,
that God would do whatsoever they would have him, according to the
saying, Whatsoever you shall loose upon earth, the same shall be
loosed in heaven; but if it were but one jot less than ten shillings,
they preached that it would profit them nothing. This filthy kind of
the pope's merchandise, as it spread through all quarters of
Christian regions, so it came also to Germany, through the means of a
certain Dominic friar named Tetzel, who most impudently caused the
pope's indulgences or pardons to be carried and sold about the
country. Whereupon Luther, much moved with the blasphemous sermons of
this shameless friar, and having his heart earnestly bent with ardent
desire to maintain true religion, published certain propositions
concerning indulgences, which are to be read in the first tome of his
works, and set them openly on the temple that joineth to the castle
of Wittenberg, the morrow after the feast of All Saints, A.D. 1517.

     This beggarly friar, hoping to obtain the pope's blessing,
assembled certain monks, and sophistical divines of his convent, and
forthwith commanded them to write something against Luther. And while
he would not himself seem to be dumb, he began not only to inveigh in
his sermons, but to thunder against Luther; crying, "Luther is a
heretic, and worthy to be persecuted with fire." And besides this, he
burned openly Luther's propositions, and the sermon which he wrote of
indulgences. This rage and fumish fury of this friar, enforced Luther
to treat more amply of the cause, and to maintain his matter.

     And thus rose the beginnings of this controversy; wherein
Luther, neither suspecting nor dreaming of any change that might
happen in the ceremonies, did not utterly reject the indulgences, but
required a moderation in them:  and therefore they falsely accuse him,
which blaze, that he began with plausible matter, whereby he might
get praise, to the end that in process of time he might change the
state of the commonweal, and purchase authority either for himself or
other.

     And certes, he was not suborned or stirred up by them of the
court, (as the Duke of Brunswick wrote,) insomuch that the Duke
Frederic was sorely offended that such competition and controversy
should arise, having regard to the sequel thereof.

     And as this good Duke Frederic was one, of all the princes of
our time, that loved best quietness and common tranquillity, neither
was avaricious, but willingly bent to refer all his counsels to the
common utility of all the world, (as it is easy to be conjectured
divers ways,) so he neither encouraged nor supported Luther, but
often represented semblance of heaviness and sorrow which he bare in
his heart, fearing greater dissensions. But being a wise prince, and
following the counsel of God's rule, and well deliberating thereupon,
be thought with himself, that the glory of God was to be preferred
above all things:  neither was he ignorant what blasphemy it was,
horribly condemned of God, obstinately to repugn the truth. Wherefore
he did as a godly prince should do, he obeyed God, committing himself
to his holy grace and omnipotent protection. And although Maximilian
the emperor, Charles, king of Spain, and Pope Julius, had given
commandment to the said Duke Frederic, that he should inhibit Luther
from all place and liberty of preaching; yet the duke, considering
with himself the preaching and writing of Luther, and weighing
diligently the testimonies and places of the Scripture by him
alleged, would not withstand the thing which he judged sincere. And
yet neither did he this trusting to his own judgment, but was very
anxious and inquisitive to hear the judgment of others, which were
both aged and learned; in the number of whom was Erasmus, whom the
duke desired to declare to him his opinion touching the matter of
Martin Luther; saying and protesting, that he would rather the ground
should open and swallow him, than he would bear with any opinions 
which he knew to be contrary to manifest truth; and therefore he
desired him to declare his judgment in the matter to him freely and
friendly.

     Erasmus, thus being entreated of the duke, began thus jestingly
and merrily to answer the dukes request, saying, that in Luther were
two great faults; first, that he would touch the bellies of monks;
the second, that he would touch the pope's crown; which two matters
in no case are to be dealt withal. Then, opening his mind plainly to
the duke, thus he said, that Luther did well in detecting errors, and
that reformation was to be wished, and very necessary in the church: 
and added moreover, that the effect of his doctrine was true; but
only that he wished in him a more temperate moderation and manner of
writing and handling. Whereupon Duke Frederic shortly after wrote to
Luther, seriously exhorting him to temper the vehemency of his style.
This was at the city of Cologne, shortly after the coronation of the
new emperor, where also Huttenus, Aloisius, Marlianus, Ludovicus
Vives, Halonius, with other learned men, were assembled together,
waiting upon the emperor.

     Futhermore, the same Erasmus, the next year following that,
wrote up to the archbishop of Mentz a certain epistle touching the
cause of Luther; in which epistle thus he signifieth to the bishop: 

     "That many things were in the books of Luther condemned of
monks and divines for heretical, which in the books of Bernard and
Austin are read for sound and godly. That the world is burdened with
men's institutions, with school doctrines and opinions, and with the
tyranny of Begging Friars; which friars, when they are but the pope's
servants and underlings, yet they have so grown in power and
multitude, that they are now terrible, both to the pope himself, and
to all princes; who, so long as the pope maketh with them, so long
they make him more than a God; but if he make any thing against their
purpose or commodity, then they weigh his authority no more than a
dream or fantasy. Once it was counted a heresy when a man repugned
against the gospel, or articles of the faith. Now he that dissenteth
from Thomas Aquinas is a heretic:  whatsoever doth not like them,
whatsoever they understand not, that is heresy. To speak Greek is
heresy, or to speak more finely than they do, that is with them
heresy."

     And thus much by the way concerning the judgment of Erasmus.

Review of Luther's conduct and writings.

     It is also apparent, that Luther promised the Cardinal Cajetan
to keep silence, provided also his adversaries would do the like.
Whereby we may gather, that at that time he determined not to stir
any new debates, but rather coveted the common quietness, and that he
was provoked by little and little to other matters, through the
provoking of unlearned writers.

     Then followed disputations of the difference betwixt Divine and
human law; also of the horrible profanation of the supper of our
Lord, in selling and applying the same for other purposes. Here he
was forced to express the cause of the sacrifice, and to declare the
use of the sacraments.

     Now the godly and faithful Christians, closed in monasteries,
understanding that images ought to be eschewed, began to abandon that
wretched thraldom, in which they were detained. Now Luther, the
plainer to express the doctrine of repentance, of remission of sins,
of faith, and of indulgences, added also to these matters, the
difference of Divine and human laws, the doctrine of the use of our
Lord's supper, of baptism, and of vows; and these were his principal
conflicts. As . touching the question of the Roman bishop's power,
Eckius was the author thereof; and for no other respect, than to
inflame the fiery wrath of the pope and princes against Luther. The
symbol of the apostles, also of Nice and Athanasius; he conserved in
their integrity.

     Further, he sufficiently declareth in divers of his works what
innovation is to be required in the ceremonies and traditions of men;
and wherefore they ought to be altered. And what form of doctrine and
administration of the sacraments he required and approved, is
apparent by the confession which the elector, John, duke of Saxony,
and Prince Philip, landgrave of Hesse, presented to the Emperor
Charles the Fifth, A.D. 1530, in the assembly at Augsburg. It is
manifest also by the ceremonies of the church in this city, and the
doctrine that is preached in our church, the sum whereof is fully
comprised in this confession. I allege this, that the godly may
consider not only what errors he hath corrected and reproved, but
also they may understand that he comprehended also the whole doctrine
necessary for the church; he hath set the ceremonies in their purity,
and given examples to the faithful to reform the churches, and it is
necessary for posterity to know what Luther hath approved.

     I will not here rehearse, who were the first that published
both parts of the supper of our Lord, who first omitted private
masses, and where first the monasteries were abandoned:  for Luther
disputed very little of these before the assembly which was made in
the town of Worms, A.D. 1521:  he changed not the ceremonies, but in
his absence Carolostadt and others altered them. Then Luther
returning, (after Carolostadt had devised and done certain things
rather to breed muttering than otherwise,) manifested by evident
testimonies, published abroad touching his opinion, what he approved,
and what he misliked.

     We know that politic men evermore detested all changes:  and we
must confess, there ensueth some evil upon dissensions, and yet it is
our duty evermore in the church, to advance God's ordinance above
human constitutions. The eternal Father pronounced this voice of his
Son:  This is my well beloved Son, hear him! And he menaced eternal
wrath to all blasphemers, that is, such as endeavour to abolish the
manifest verity. And therefore Luther did as behoved a Christian
faithfully to do, considering he was an instructer of the church of
God. It was his office, I say, to reprehend pernicious errors, which
the rabble of epicures most impudently heaped one upon another, and
it was expedient his auditors dissented not from his opinion, since
he taught purely. Wherefore, if alteration be hateful, and many
perils grow of dissension, as we certainly see many, whereof we be
right sorry, they are partly in fault that spread abroad these
errors, and partly they that with devilish disdain presently maintain
them. I do not recite this to defend Luther and his auditors, but
also that the faithful may consider now, and in time to come, what is
the governance of the true church of God, and what it hath always
been:  how God hath gathered to himself one eternal church, by the
voice of the gospel, of this lump of sin, and filthy heap of human
corruption; among whom the gospel shineth as a spark in the dark. As
in the time of the Pharisees, Zachary, Elizabeth, Mary, and many
others, reverenced and observed the true doctrine; so have many gone
before us, who purely invocated God, some understanding more clearly
than others the doctrine of the gospel. Such a one was the old man of
whom I wrote, that oftentime comforted Luther, when his astonyings
assailed him; and after a sort declared unto him the doctrine of the
faith. And that God may preserve henceforth the light of his gospel,
shining in many, let us pray with fervent affection, as Isaiah
prayeth for his hearers:  Seal the law in my disciples. Further, this
advertisement showeth plainly that coloured superstitions are not
permanent, but abolished by God:  and since this is the cause of
changes, we ought diligently to endeavour, that errors be neither
taught, nor preached in the church.

     But I return to Luther. Even as at the beginning he treated of
this matter, without any particular affection, so, though he was of a
fiery nature, and subject to wrath, yet he always remembered his
office, and prohibited wars to be attempted, and distinguished wisely
offices wherein was any difference; as the bishop, to feed the flock
of God; and the magistrates, by authority of the sword committed unto
them, to repress the people subject unto them. Wherefore when Satan
contendeth by slanders to dissipate the church of God, and
contumeliously to rage against him, and delighteth to do evil, and
rejoiceth to behold us wallow in the puddle of error and blindness,
smiling at our destruction; he laboureth all he can to inflame and
stir up mischievous instruments and seditious spirits to sow
sedition; as Monetarius and his like. Luther repelled boldly these
rages, and not only adorned, but also ratified, the dignity and bands
of politic order and civil government. Therefore, when I consider in
my mind how many worthy men have been in the church, that in this
erred, and were abused; I believe assuredly that Luther's heart was
not only governed by human diligence, but with a heavenly light;
considering how constantly he abode within the limits of his office.

     Luther held not only in contempt the seditious doctors of that
time, as Monetarius and the Anabaptists; but especially these horned
bishops of Rome, who, arrogantly and impudently, by their devised
decrees, affirmed, that St. Peter had not the charge alone to teach
the gospel, but also to govern commonweals, and exercise civil
jurisdiction. Moreover, he exhorted every man to render unto God that
which appertained unto God, and to Cĉsar that which belonged unto
Cĉsar; and said, that all should serve God with true repentance,
knowledge, and maintaining of his true doctrine, invocation, and
works, wrought with a pure conscience:  and as touching civil policy,
that every one should obey the magistrates under whom he liveth, in
all civil duties and reverences, for God's sake. And such a one was
Luther. He gave unto God what belonged unto God:  he taught God; he
invocated God; and had other virtues necessary for a man that
pleaseth God. Further, in politic conversation he constantly avoided
all seditious counsels. I judge these virtues to be such excellent
ornaments, that greater and more divine cannot be required in this
mortal life. And albeit that the virtue of this man is worthy of
commendation, and the rather for that he used the gifts of God in all
reverence; yet our duty is to render condign thanks unto God, that by
him he hath given us the light of the gospel, and to conserve and
enlarge the remembrance of his doctrine. I weigh little the slander
of the epicures and hypocrites, who scoff at and condemn the manifest
truths; but I stay wholly hereupon, that the universal church hath
consented perpetually to this very doctrine, which is preached in our
church, whereunto we must frame our life and devotion conformably.
And I believe that this is the doctrine whereof the Son of God
speaketh, If any love me, he will keep my commandments, and my Father
will love him, and we will come to him, and plant our dwelling with
him. I speak of the sum of the doctrine, as it is understood and
explained in our churches, by the faithful and learned ministers. For
albeit that some one oftentimes expoundeth the same more aptly and
elegantly than some other; yet, as touching the effect, the learned
and faithful do agree in all points.

     Then weighing and perpending with myself long time, the
doctrine that hath been of all times, it seemeth unto me, that since
the apostles there have been four notable alterations after the first
purity of the gospel. Origen had his time; albeit there were some of
a sound and sacred opinion, as Methodius, who reproved certain
suspected doctrines of Origen, that he converted the gospel into
philosophy in the hearts of many; that is to say, he advanced this
persuasion, that the moral discipline deserveth remission of sins,
and that this is that justice, whereof is said, The just shall live
by faith. That age lost almost the whole difference of the law and
the gospel, and forgot the words of the apostles; for they understood
not the natural signification of these words:  Letter, Spirit,
Justice, Faith. Now when the propriety of words was lost, which he
notes of the very things, it was necessary that other things should
be contrived.

     Out of this seed sprang the error of Pelagius, which wandered
largely abroad:  and therefore, albeit the apostles had given unto the
church a pure doctrine, as clear and wholesome fountains, yet Origen
intermixed the same with some corruption in that part. Then, to
correct the errors of that time, or at least some part of them, God
raised up St. Austin, who purged in some part the fountains; and I
doubt not, if he were judge of dissensions at this day, but he would
speak for us, and defend our cause. Certainly, as concerning free
remission, justification by faith, the use of the sacraments and
indifferent things, he consenteth wholly with us. And, albeit that in
some places he expoundeth more eloquently and aptly what he will say
than in others, yet if in reading any do carry with them a godly
spirit and quick understanding, all evil judgment ceaseth; they shall
soon perceive that he is of our opinion. And whereas our adversaries
sometimes do cite sentences selected out of his books against us, and
with clamour provoke us to the ancient fathers, they do it not for
any affection they bear unto the truth or antiquity, but maliciously
to cloak them with the authority of the ancient fathers, which
antiquity never knew of any of these horned beasts and dumb idols, as
we have known in these days. Nevertheless it is certain, there were
seeds of superstition in the time of the fathers and ancient doctors;
and therefore St. Austin ordained something of vows, although he
wrote not thereof so strangely as others:  for the best sometimes
shall be spotted with the blemish of such follies as reign in their
age. For as naturally we love our country, so fondly we favour the
present fashions, wherein we be trained and educated. And very well
alluded Euripides to this effect: 

"What customs we in tender youth
By nature's lore receive;
The same we love and like always,
And loath our lust to leave."

     But would to God, that such as vaunt they follow St. Austin,
would always represent one like opinion and mind, as St. Austin: 
certainly they would not so clip his sentences, to serve their
purposes. The light restored by St. Austin's works hath much profited
posterity; for Prosper, Maximus, Hugo, and some other like writers,
that governed studies to St. Bernard's time, have for the most part
imitated the rule of St. Austin. And this, while the regiment and
riches of the bishops still increased:  and thereof ensued a monstrous
regiment; profane and ignorant men governed the church, among whom,
certain were instructed in sciences and practices of the Roman court,
and some others exercised in pleadings.

     Then the orders of Dominican and Franciscan friars began; who,
beholding the excess and riches of the bishops, and contemning their
ungodly manners, determined to live in more modest order, or, as I
might say, to enclose them in the prisons of discipline:  but first
ignorance increased the superstitions. Then after, when they
considered men's minds wholly addicted to the study of the civil
laws, (for pleading at Rome advanced many to great authority, and
enriched them,) they endeavoured to revoke men to the study of
divinity. but they missed of their purpose, and their counsel failed
them. Albert, and such like, that were given to Aristotle's doctrine,
began to convert the doctrine of the church into profane philosophy.

     The fourth age not only corrupted the fountains of the gospel,
but also gave out poison, that is to say, opinions manifestly
approving all idolatries. Thomas Aquinas, Scotus, and their like,
have brought in so many labyrinths and false opinions, that the godly
and sound sort of divines have always desired a more plain and purer
kind of doctrine:  neither can we deny without great impudency but it
was expedient to alter this kind of doctrine, when it is manifest
that such as employed their whole age in this manner of teaching,
understood not a great part of the sophisms in their disputations.
Further, it is plainly idolatry confirmed, when they teach the
application of sacrifice by work wrought; when they allow the
invocation of saints; when they deny that sins be freely remitted by
faith; when of ceremonies they make a slaughter of consciences.
Finally, there are many other horrible and pernicious devices, that
when I think on them, Lord! how I tremble and quake for fear.

     Now to return, and to treat something orderly of the acts and
conflicts of Luther with his adversaries. After that Tetzel, the
aforesaid friar, with his fellow monks and friarly fellows, had cried
out with open mouth against Luther, in maintaining the pope's
indulgences; and that Luther again, in defence of his cause, had set
up propositions against the open abuses of the same, marvel it was to
see how soon these propositions were sparkled abroad in sundry and
far places, and how greedily they were caught up in the hands of
divers both far and near. And thus the contention of this matter
increasing between them, Luther was compelled to write thereof more
largely and fully than otherwise he thought; which was A.D. 1517.

     Yet all this while Luther never thought of any alteration to
come of any ceremony, much less such a reformation of doctrine and
ceremonies as afterwards did follow; but only hearing that he was
accused to the bishop of Rome, he did write humbly unto him:  in the
beginning of which writing he declareth the inordinate outrage of
those his pardon-mongers, who so excessively did pill and poll the
simple people, to the great slander of the church, and shame to his
Holiness. And so proceeding, in the end of the said his writing thus
he submitteth himself: 

     "Wherefore, most holy father, I offer myself prostrate under
the feet of your Holiness, with all that I am, and that I have. Save
me, kill me, call me, recall me, approve me, reprove me, as you shall
please. Your voice, the voice of Christ in you speaking, I will
acknowledge. If I have deserved death, I shall be contented to die: 
for the earth is the Lord's, and all the fulness thereof, who is to
be blessed for ever. Amen."

     This was A.D. 1518.

     After that Martin Luther, provoked thus by Tetzel, had declared
his mind in writing lowly and humbly, and had set up certain
propositions to be disputed; not long after, among other monks and
friars steppeth up one Silvester de Priero, a Dominic friar, who
first began to publish abroad a certain impudent and railing dialogue
against him. Unto whom Luther answered again, first alleging the
place of the apostle in 1 Thess. v., that we must prove all things.
Also the place in Gal. ii., that if an angel from heaven do bring any
other gospel than that we have received, he ought to be accursed.
Item, he alleged the place of Austin unto Jerome, where the said
Austin saith, That he was wont to give this honour only to the books
of canonical Scripture, that whosoever were the writers thereof, he
believeth them verily not to have erred. But as touching all other
men's writings, were they never so holy men, or learned, he doth not
believe them therefore, because they so say; but in that respect as
they do agree with the canonical Scripture, which cannot err. Item,
he alleged the place of the canon law; wherein he proved, that these
pardon-sellers, in their setting forth of the pope's indulgences,
ought to go no further by the law, than is enjoined them within the
letters of their commission. And in the latter part of his answer,
thus Luther writeth to the reader, "Let opinions remain opinions, so
they be not yokes to the Christians. Let us not make men's opinions
equal with the articles of faith, and to the decrees of Christ and
Paul." "Moreover, I am ashamed," quoth he, "to hear the common saying
of these divine school-doctors, who, holding one thing in schools,
and thinking otherwise in their own judgment, thus are wont secretly
among themselves, and with their privy friends talking together, to
say, 'Thus we do hold, and thus would we say being in the schools;
but yet (be it spoken here amongst us) it cannot be so proved by the
Holy Scriptures,'" &c.

     Next after this Silvester, stepped forth Eckius, and impugned
the conclusions of Luther. Against whom encountered Dr. Andreas
Bedenstein, archdeacon of Wittenberg, making his apology in defence
of Luther.

     Then was Martin Luther cited, the seventh of August, by one
Hierome, bishop of Ascalon, to appear at Rome. About which time
Thomas Cajetan, cardinal, the pope's legate, was then lieger at the
city of Augsburg, who before had been sent down in commission, with
certain mandates from Pope Leo, unto that city. The university of
Wittenberg, understanding of Luther's citation, eftsoons directed up
their letters with their public seal to the pope, in Luther's behalf.
Also another letter they sent to Carolus Miltitius, the pope's
chamberlain, being a German born. Furthermore, good Frederic ceased
not for his part to solicit the matter with his letters and earnest
suit with Cardinal Cajetan, that the cause of Luther might be freed
from Rome, and removed to Augsburg, in the hearing of the cardinal.
Cajetan, at the suit of the duke, wrote unto the pope; from whom he
received this answer again, the three and twentieth of the aforesaid
month of August.

     "That he had cited Luther to appear personally before him at
Rome, by Hierome, bishop of Ascalon, auditor of the chamber; which
bishop diligently had done what was commanded him:  but Luther,
abusing and contemning the gentleness offered, did refuse not only to
come, but also became more bold and stubborn, continuing, or rather
increasing, in his former heresy, as by his writings did appear.
Wherefore he would, that the cardinal should cite and call up the
said Luther to appear at the city of Augsburg before him; adjoining
withal, the aid of the princes of Germany, and of the emperor, if
need required; so that when the said Luther should appear, he should
lay hand upon him, and commit him to safe custody; and after, he
should be brought up to Rome. And if he perceived him to come to any
knowledge or amendment of his fault, he should release him and
restore him to the church again; or else he should be interdicted,
with all other his adherents, abettors, and maintainers, of
whatsoever state or condition they were, whether they were dukes,
marquises, earls, barons, &c. Against all which persons and degrees,
he willed him to extend the same curse and malediction (only the
person of the emperor excepted); interdicting, by the censure of the
church, all such lands, lordships, towns, tenements, and villages, as
should minister any harbour to the said Luther, and were not obedient
unto the see of Rome. Contrariwise, to all such as showed themselves
obedient, he should promise full remission of all their sins.
 Likewise the pope directeth other letters also at
the same time to Duke Frederic, complaining, with many grievous
words, against Luther.

     The cardinal, thus being charged with injunctions from Rome,
according to his commission, sendeth with all speed for Luther to
appear at Augsburg before him.

     About the beginning of October, Martin Luther, yielding his
obedience to the Church of Rome, came to Augsburg at the cardinal's
sending, (at the charges of the noble prince elector, and also with
his letters of commendation,) where he remained three days before he
came to his speech; for so it was provided by his friends, that he
should not enter talk with the cardinal before a sufficient warrant
or safe-conduct was obtained of the Emperor Maximilian. Which being
obtained, eftsoons he entered, offering himself to the speech of the
cardinal, and was there received of the cardinal very gently; who,
according to the pope's commandment, propounded unto Martin Luther
three things, or, as Sleiden saith, but two:  to wit,

     I. That he should repent and revoke his errors.

     II. That he should promise, from that time forward, to refrain
from the same.

     III. That he should refrain from all things that might by any
means trouble the church.

     When Martin Luther required to be informed wherein he had
erred, the legate brought forth the Extravagant of Clement, which
beginneth, Unigenitus, &c., because that he, contrary to that canon,
had held and taught in his fifty-eighth proposition, that the merits
of Christ are not the treasure of indulgences or pardons. Secondly,
the cardinal, contrary to the seventh proposition of Luther,
affirmed, that faith is not necessary to him that receiveth the
sacrament.

     Furthermore, another day, in the presence of four of the
emperor's council, having there a notary and witnesses present,
Luther protested for himself, and personally, in this manner
following: 

     "Imprimis, I Martin Luther, a Friar Augustine, protest, that I
do reverence and follow the Church of Rome in all my sayings and
doings, present, past, and to come; and if any thing hath been, or
shall be, said by me to the contrary, I count it, and will that it be
counted and taken, as though it had never been spoken.

     "But because the cardinal hath required, at the commandment of
the pope, three things of me to be observed:  First, That I should
return again to the knowledge of myself:  Secondly, That I should
beware of falling into the same again hereafter:  Thirdly, That I
should promise to abstain from all things which might disquiet the
church of God:  I protest here this day, that whatsoever I have said,
seemeth unto me to be sound, true, and catholic:  yet for the further
proof thereof, I do offer myself personally, either here or
elsewhere, publicly to give a reason of my sayings. And if this
please not the legate, I am ready also in writing to answer his
objections, if he have any against me; and touching these things, to
hear the sentence and judgment of the university of the empire,
Basil, Friburg, and Louvain."

     Hereto when they had received an answer in writing, they
departed.

     After this, Luther by and by prepareth an answer to the legate,
teaching, that the merits of Christ are not committed unto men:  That
the pope's voice is to be heard when he speaketh agreeable to the
Scriptures:  That the pope may err:  That he ought to be reprehended.
[Acts xv.] Moreover he showed, that in the matter of faith, not only
the general council, but also every faithful Christian, is above the
pope, if he lean to better authority and reason:  That the Extravagant
containeth untruths:  That it is an infallible verity, that none is
just:  That it is necessary, for him that cometh to the receiving of
the sacrament, to believe:  That faith in the absolution and remission
of sins, is necessary:  That he ought not, nor might not, decline from
the verity of the Scripture; That he sought nothing but the light of
the truth, &c.

     But the cardinal would hear no Scriptures; he disputed without
Scriptures; devised glosses and expositions of his own head; and by
distinctions, (wherewith the divinity of the Thomists is full,) like
a very Proteus, he avoided all things. After this, Luther, being
commanded to come no more into the presence of the legate except he
would recant, notwithstanding abode there still, and would not
depart. Then the cardinal sent for Johannes Staupitz, vicar of the
Augustines, and moved him earnestly to bring Luther to recant of his
own accord. Luther tarried the next day also, and nothing was said
unto him. The third day, moreover, he tarried, and delivered up his
mind in writing: 

     First, Luther thanked the cardinal for his courtesy and great
kindness, which he perceived by the words of Staupitz toward him; and
therefore was the more ready to gratify him in whatsoever kind of
office he could do him service:  confessing moreover, that where he
had been somewhat sharp and eager against the pope's dignity, that
was not so much of his own mind, as it was to be ascribed to the
importunity of certain which gave him occasion. Notwithstanding, as
he acknowledged his excess therein, so he was ready to show more
moderation in that behalf hereafter, and also promised to make amends
for the same unto the bishop; and that in the pulpit, if he pleased.
And as touching the matter of pardons, he promised also to proceed no
further in any mention thereof, so that his adversaries likewise were
bound to keep silence. But whereas he was pressed to retract his
sentence before defended, forasmuch as he had said nothing but with a
good conscience, and which was agreeable to the firm testimonies of
the Scripture, therefore he humbly desired the determination thereof
to be referred to the bishop of Rome; for nothing could be more
grateful to him, than to hear the voice of the church speaking, &c.
 Who doth not see by this so humble and honest
submission of Luther, but that if the bishop of Rome would have been
answered with any reason, or contented with sufficient mean, he had
never been touched any further of Luther? But the secret purpose of
God had a further work herein to do; for the time now was come, when
God thought good that pride should have a fall. Thus while the
immeasurable desire of that bishop sought more than enough, (like to
Ĉsop's dog coveting both to have the flesh and the shadow,) not only
he missed what he gaped for, but also lost that which he had. But to
the purpose of our matter again:  this writing Luther delivered to the
cardinal, the third day after he was commanded out of his sight;
which letter or writing the cardinal did little regard. When Luther
saw that he would give no answer nor countenance to the letter; yet,
notwithstanding, he remained, after that, the fourth day, and nothing
was answered. The fifth day likewise was passed with like silence,
and nothing done. At length, by the counsel of his friends, and
especially because the cardinal had said before, that he had a
commandment to imprison Luther and John Staupitz the vicar; after
that he had made and set up his appeal where it might be seen and
read, he departed; thinking that he had showed such dangerous
obedience long enough. Luther, a beholder and a doer of these things,
recordeth the same, and showeth the cause why he submitted himself to
the Church of Rome:  declaring also, that even those things which are
most truly spoken, yet ought to be maintained and defended with
humility and fear. Some things he suppressed and concealeth, which he
supposeth the reader to understand, not without grief and sorrow. At
length he protesteth, that he reverenceth and followeth the Church of
Rome in all things, and that he setteth himself only against those,
who, under the name of the Church of Rome, go about to set forth and
commend Babylon unto us.

     Thus you have heard how that Luther, being rejected from the
speech and sight of Cajetan the cardinal, after six days' waiting,
departed by the advice of his friends, and returned unto Wittenberg;
leaving a letter in writing to be given to the cardinal, wherein he
declared sufficiently:  first his obedience in his coming; the reasons
of his doctrine; his submission reasonable to the see of Rome; his
long waiting after he was repelled from the cardinal's speech; the
charges of the duke; and finally, the cause of his departing. Besides
this letter to the cardinal, he left also an appellation to the
bishop of Rome, from the cardinal, which he caused to be affixed
before his departure.

     After that Luther was thus departed and returned again into his
country, Cajetan writeth to Duke Frederic a sharp and a biting 
letter, in which, first he signifieth unto him his gentle
entertainment and good will showed to reduce Luther from his error.
Secondly, he complaineth of the sudden departing of him, and of
Staupitz. Thirdly, he declareth the pernicious danger of Luther's
doctrine against the Church of Rome. Fourthly, he exhorteth the duke,
that as he tendereth his own honour and safety, and regardeth the
favour of the high bishop, he will send him up to Rome, or expel him
out of his dominions, forasmuch as such a pestilence breeding, as
that was, could not, neither ought by any means long so to be
suffered.

     To this letter of the cardinal the duke answereth again at
large, purging both Luther and himself; Luther, in that he, following
his conscience, grounded upon the word of God, would not revoke that
for an error, which could be proved no error. And himself he excuseth
thus:  that where it is required of him to banish him his country, or
to send him up to Rome, it would be little honesty for him so to do,
and less conscience, unless he knew just cause why he should do so;
which, if the cardinal would or could declare unto him, there should
lack nothing in him which were the part of a Christian prince to do.
And therefore he desired him to be a mean unto the bishop of Rome,
that innocency and truth be not oppressed before the crime or error
be lawfully convicted.

     This done, the duke sendeth the letter of the cardinal unto
Martin Luther, who answered again to the prince; showing first how he
came obediently unto Cajetan with the emperor's warrant, and what
talk there was between them:  how Cajetan pressed him, against his
conscience and manifest truth, to revoke his errors. First, that the
merits of Christ's passion were not the treasure of the pope's
pardons:  secondly, that faith was necessary in receiving the
sacraments. Albeit in the first he was content to yield to the
cardinal; in the second, because it touched a great part of our
salvation, he could not with a safe conscience relent, but desired to
be taught by the Scripture, or at least, that the matter might be
brought into open disputation in some free place of Germany, where
the truth might be discussed and judged of learned men. The cardinal,
not pleased with this, in great anger cast out many menacing words,
neither would admit him any more to his presence or speech; whereas
he yet, notwithstanding, persisting in his obedience to the Church of
Rome, gave attendance, waiting upon the cardinal's pleasure a
sufficient time.

     At last when no answer would come, after he had waited the
space of five or six days to his great detriment and greater danger,
by the persuasion of his friends he departed whereat if the cardinal
were displeased, he had the more cause to blame himself. "And now,
whereas the cardinal threateneth me," saith he, "not to let the
action fall, but that the process thereof shall be pursued at Rome,
unless I either come and present myself, or else be banished your
dominions; I am not so much grieved for mine own cause, as that you
should sustain for my matter any danger or peril. And therefore,
seeing there is no place nor country which can keep me from the
malice of mine adversaries, I am willing to depart hence, and to
forsake my country, whithersoever it shall please the Lord to lead
me; thanking God who hath counted me worthy to suffer thus much for
the glory of Christ's name."

     Here, no doubt, was the cause of Luther in great danger; being
now brought to this strait, that both Luther was ready to fly the
country, and the duke again was as much afraid to keep him, had not
the marvellous providence of God, who had this matter in guiding,
here provided a remedy where the power of man did fail, by stirring
up the whole university of Wittenberg; who, seeing the cause of truth
thus to decline, with a full and general consent addressed their
letters unto the prince, in defence of Luther and of his cause;
making their humble suit unto him, that he, of his princely honour,
would not suffer innocency, and the simplicity of truth so clear as
is the Scripture, to be foiled and oppressed by mere violence of
certain malignant flatterers about the pope; but that the error first
may be showed and convicted, before the party be pronounced guilty.

     By the occasion of these letters, the duke began more seriously
in his mind to consider the cause of Luther, and to read his works,
and also to hearken to his sermons:  whereby, through God's holy
working, he grew to knowledge and strength; perceiving in Luther's
quarrel more than he did before. This was about the beginning of
December, A.D. 1518.

     As this passed on, Pope Leo, playing the lion at Rome, in the
mean time, in the month of November, (to establish his seat against
this defection which he feared to come,) had sent forth new
indulgences into Germany, and all quarters abroad, with a new edict,
wherein he declared this to be the catholic doctrine of the holy
mother Church of Rome, prince of all other churches, that bishops of
Rome, who are successors of Peter, and vicars of Christ, have this
power and authority given to release and dispense, also to grant
indulgences, available both for the living and for the dead lying in
the pains of purgatory:  and this doctrine he charged to be received
of all faithful Christian men, under pain of the great curse, and
utter separation from all holy church. This popish decree and
indulgence, as a new merchandise or ale-stake to get money, being set
up in all quarters of Christendom for the holy father's advantage,
came also to be received in Germany about the month of December.
Luther, in the mean time, hearing how they were about in Rome to
proceed and pronounce against him, provided a certain appellation
conceived in due form of law, wherein he appealeth from the pope to
the general council.

     When Pope Leo perceived, that neither his pardons would prosper
to his mind, nor that Luther could be brought to Rome; to essay how
to come to his purpose by crafty allurements, he sent his
chamberlain, Carolus Miltitius, above mentioned, (who was a German,)
into Saxony, to Duke Frederic, with a golden rose, after the usual
ceremony accustomed every year to be presented to him; with secret
letters also to certain nobleman of the duke's council, to solicit
the pope's cause, and to remove the duke's mind, if it might be, from
Luther. But before Miltitius approached into Germany, Maximilian the
emperor deceased in the month of January, A.D. 1519. At that time two
there were who stood for the election; to wit, Francis, the French
king, and Charles, king of Spain, who was also duke of Austria, and
duke of Burgundy. To make the matter short, through the means of
Frederic, prince elector, (who, having the offer of the preferment,
refused the same,) the election fell to Charles, called Charles the
Fifth, surnamed Prudence:  which was about the end of August.
Illustration:  The debate at Leipsic

     In the month of June before, there was a public disputation
ordained at Leipsic, which is a city in Misnia, under the dominion of
George, duke of Saxony, uncle to Duke Frederic. This disputation
first began through the occasion of John Eckius, a friar, and Andreas
Carolostadt, doctor of Wittenberg. This Eckius had impugned certain
propositions or conclusions of Martin Luther, which he had written
the year before touching the pope's pardons. Against him Carolostadt
wrote in defence of Luther. Eckius again, to answer Carolostadt, set
forth an apology, which apology Carolostadt confuted by writing. Upon
this began the disputation, with safe-conduct granted by Duke George
to all and singular persons that would resort to the same. To this
disputation came also Martin Luther, with Philip Melancthon, who, not
past a year before, was newly come to Wittenberg; Luther not thinking
then to dispute in any matter, because of his appellation above
mentioned, but only to hear what there was said and done.

     First, before the entry into the disputation it was agreed,
that the acts should be penned by notaries, and after to be divulged
abroad. But Eckius afterwards went back from that, pretending that
the penning of the notaries would be a hinderance and a stay unto
them, whereby the heat of them in their reasoning should the more
languish, and their vehemency abate. But Carolostadt without notaries
would not dispute. The sum of their disputations was reduced to
certain conclusions; amongst which the Greeks call ?????????? [Greek: 
aythaireton]:  that is, "Whether a man have of himself any election or
purpose to do that is good:  or, (to use the terms of the school,)
"Whether a man of congruence may deserve grace, doing that which in
him doth lie?" Herein when the question was to be discussed, what the
will of man may do of itself without grace, they, through heat of
contention, (as the manner is,) fell into other by-matters and
ambages little or nothing appertaining to that which Carolostadt
proposed. Eckius affirmed, that the pure strength to do good is not
in man's will, but is given of God to man, to take interest and
increase of man again, which first he seemed to deny. Then, being
asked of Carolostadt, whether the whole and full good work that is in
man proceedeth of God; to this he answered, "the whole good work, but
not wholly: " granting, that the will is moved of God; but to consent,
to be in man's power. Against this reasoning Carolostadt alleged
certain places of Austin, and especially of St. Paul, who saith, that
God worketh in us both to will and to perform. And this sentence of
Carolostadt seemed to overcome. Eckius, for his assertion, inferred
certain extracts out of Bernard, which seemed little to the purpose.
And thus was a whole week lost about this contentious and sophistical
altercation between Eckius and Carolostadt.

     Luther (as was said) came, not thinking at all to dispute; but,
having free liberty granted by the duke, and under the pope's
authority, was provoked, and forced against his will, to dispute with
Eckius. The matter of their controversy was about the authority of
the bishop of Rome. Here is first to be admonished, that Luther
before had set forth in writing this doctrine:  That they that do
attribute the pre-eminency to the Church of Rome, have no foundation
for them, but out of the pope's decrees, set forth not much past four
hundred years heretofore; which decrees he affirmed to be contrary to
all ancient histories, above a thousand years past; contrary also to
the Holy Scriptures, and unto the Nicene council.

     Against this assertion Eckius set up a contrary conclusion;
saying, that those who hold that the supremacy and pre-eminency of
the Church of Rome above all other churches was not before the time
of Pope Silvester the First, do err, forasmuch as they that succeeded
in the see and faith of Peter, were always received for the
successors of Peter, and vicars of Christ on earth.

     This being the last of all the other themes of Eckius, yet
thought he chiefly to begin with this against Luther, to bring him
into more displeasure with the bishop of Rome; wherein Luther himself
much refused to dispute, alleging that matter to be more odious than
necessary for that present time, and that also, for the bishop of
Rome's sake, he had much rather keep silence in the same. Whereunto,
if he must needs be urged, he would the fault should be understood of
all men to be where it was; namely, in his adversaries who provoked
him thereunto, and not in himself. Eckius again, clearing himself,
translateth all the fault unto Luther, who first, in his treatise De
Indulgentiis Papĉ defended, that before Pope Silvester's time the
Church of Rome had no place of majority or pre-eminence above other
churches:  and also before, the Cardinal Cajetan affirmed, that Pope
Pelagius wrested many places of the Scripture out of their sense,
unto his own affection and purpose:  "Wherefore the fault hereof,"
said he, "to him rather is to be imputed, who ministered the first
occasion."

     Thus Luther being egged and constrained to dispute, whether he
would or no, the question began to be propounded touching the
supremacy of the bishop of Rome; which supremacy Eckius did contend
to be founded and grounded upon God's law. Martin Luther, on the
other side, denied not the supremacy of the bishop of Rome above
other churches, nor denied the same, moreover, to be universal over
all churches; but only he affirmed it not to be instituted by God's
law. Upon this question the disputation did continue the space of
five days; during all which season, Eckius very dishonestly and
uncourteously demeaned himself, studying by all means how to bring
his adversary into the hatred of the auditors, and into danger of the
pope. The reasons of Eckius were these:  "Forasmuch as the church,
being a civil body, cannot be without a head, therefore, as it
standeth with God's law that other civil regiments should not be
destitute of their head, so is it by God's law requisite, that the
pope should be the head of the universal church of Christ." To this
Martin Luther answered, that he confesseth and granteth the church
not to be headless, so long as Christ is alive, who is the only Head
of the church; neither doth the church require any other bead beside
him, forasmuch as it is a spiritual kingdom, not earthly:  and he
alleged for him the place of Colossians i. Eckius again produceth
certain places out of Jerome and Cyprian, which made very little to
prove the primacy of the pope to hold by God's law. As touching the
testimony of Bernard, neither was the authority of that author of any
great force in this case, nor was the place alleged so greatly to the
purpose.

     Then came he to the place of St. Matthew, chap. xvi., Thou art
Peter, and upon this Rock will I build my church, &c. To this was
answered, that this was a confession of faith, and that Peter there
represented' the person of the whole universal church; as Austin doth
expound it. Also that Christ in that place meaneth himself to be the
Rock, as is manifest to collect, both by his words, and the order of
the sentence, and many other conjectures. Likewise to the place of
St. John, Feed my sheep; which words Eckius alleged properly and
peculiarly to be spoken to Peter alone. Martin answered, that after
these words spoken, equal authority was given to all the apostles,
where Christ saith unto them, Receive ye the Holy Ghost:  whose sins
so-ever ye remit, they are remitted, &c. "By these words," saith he,
"Christ, assigning to them their office, doth teach what it is to
feed; and what he ought to be, that feedeth.

     After this, Eckius came to the authority of the council of
Constance, alleging this amongst other articles:  That it standeth
upon necessity of our salvation, to believe the bishop of Rome to be
supreme head of the church; alleging moreover, that in the same
council it was debated and discussed, that the general council could
not err. Whereunto Martin Luther again did answer discreetly, saying,
that all the articles which John Huss did hold in that council, were
not condemned for heretical; with much other matter more. Again, of
what authority that council of Constance is to be esteemed, that he
left to other men's judgments. "This is most certain," said he, "that
no council hath such authority to make new articles of faith." Here
Martin Luther began to be cried out of by Eckius and his complices,
for diminishing the authority of general councils:  although indeed he
meant nothing less, but ever laboured to confirm the authority of the
same, yet was he called heretic and schismatic, and one of the
Bohemians' faction, with many other terms besides of reproachful
contumely. Eckius then granted the authority of the apostles to be
equal; and yet not to follow thereby, the authority of all bishops
therefore to be equal; "for between apostleship and ministry," said
he, "there is great difference."

     To conclude, Eckius in no case could abide, that any creature
should decline from any word or sentence of the pope's decrees, or
the constitutions of the forefathers. To this again Luther answered,
grounding himself upon the place in Galatians ii., where St. Paul,
speaking of the principal apostles, saith, And of them which seemed
to be great, what they were before, it maketh no matter to me; for
God accepteth no man's person. Nevertheless they that were of some
reputation did avail nothing at all, &c. Eckius to this said, that as
touching the authority of the apostles, they were all chosen of
Christ, but were ordained bishops by St. Peter. And whereas Luther
brought in the constitution of the decree, which saith, Yea, let not
the bishop of Rome be called universal bishop, &c. To this Eckius
answered in this sort:  that the bishop of Rome ought not to be called
universal bishop; yet he may be called (saith he) bishop of the
universal church. And thus much touching the question of the pope's
supremacy.

     From this matter they entered next to purgatory, wherein Eckius
kept no order; for when they should have disputed what power the pope
hath in purgatory, Eckius turned the scope of the question, and
proved that there is purgatory; and alleged for him the place of
Maccabees. Luther, leaning upon the judgment of Jerome, affirmed the
book of Maccabees not to be canonical. Eckius again replied, the book
of Maccabees to be of no less authority than the Gospels. Also he
alleged the place, 1 Cor. iii., He shall be saved, yet so as it were
by fire. Moreover, he inferred the place of Matthew v., Agree thou
with thine adversary while thou art in the way with him, lest he
commit thee to prison; from whence thou shalt not escape till thou
hast paid the uttermost farthing, &c. To this he added also the place
of the Psalms, We have passed though the fire and water, &c. How
these places be wrested to purgatory, let the reader discern and
judge.

     Then was inferred the question of indulgences, whereof Eckius
seemed to make but a toy, and a matter of nothing, and so passed it
over.

     At last they came to the question of penance; touching which
matter, the reasons of Eckius digressed much from the purpose, which
went about to prove, that there be some manner of pains of
satisfaction:  which thing Luther did never deny. But that for every
particular offence such particular penance is exacted of God's
justice upon the repentant sinner, as is in man's power to remit or
release, as pleaseth him; such penance neither Luther, nor any other
true Christian, did admit.

     And thus have ye the chief effect of this disputation between
Luther and Eckius at Leipsic, which was in the month of July, A.D.
1519.

     About the beginning of the same year, Ulderic Zuinglius came
first to Zurich, and there began to teach; who, in the sixteenth
article in his book of articles, recorded, that Luther and he, both
at one time, one not knowing nor hearing of another, began to write
against the pope's pardons and indulgences. Albeit, if the time be
rightly counted, I suppose we shall find that Luther began a year or
two before Zuinglius. Notwithstanding, this doth Sleidan testify,
that in this present year, when Sampson, a Franciscan, came with the
pope's pardons to Zurich, Ulderic Zuinglius did withstand him, and
declared his chaffer and pardons to be but a vain seducing of the
people to inveigle away their money.

     The next year ensuing, which was 1520, the friars and doctors
of Louvain, and also of Cologne, condemned the books of Luther as
heretical; against whom Luther again effectually defended himself,
and charged them with obstinate violence and malicious impiety. After
this, within few days flashed out from Rome the thunderbolt of Pope
Leo against the said Luther, notwithstanding he so humbly and
obediently before had reverenced both the person of the pope, and
recognised the authority of his see, and also had dedicated unto him
the book entitled Of Christian Liberty; in which book these two
points principally he discusseth and proveth: 

     "I. That a Christian man is free, and lord of all things, and
subject to none.

     "II. That a Christian man is a diligent underling and servant
of all men, and to every man subject."

     Moreover, in the same year he set out a defence of all his
articles, which the pope's bull had before condemned.

     Another book also he wrote, to the nobility of Germany, in the
which book he impugneth and shaketh the three principal walls of the
papists:  the first whereof is this: 

     "I. Whereas the papists say, that no temporal or profane
magistrate hath any power upon the spirituality, but they have power
over the other.

     "II. Where any place of Scripture, being in controversy, is to
be decided, they say, No man may expound the Scripture, or be judge
thereof, but only the pope.

     "III. When any council is brought against them, they say, that
no man hath authority to call a council, but only the pope."

     Moreover, in the aforesaid book divers other matters he
handleth and discourseth:  That the pope can stop no free council;
also what things ought to be handled in councils; that the pride of
the pope is not to be suffered; what money goeth out of Germany
yearly to the pope, amounting to the sum of three millions of
florins. The true meaning of this verse he expoundeth:  Tu supplex
ora, to protege, toque labora; wherein the three estates, with their
offices and duties, are described; to wit, the minister, the 
magistrate, and the subjects. Furthermore, in the said book he
proveth and discusseth, that the emperor is not under the pope; but
contrariwise, that the donation of Constantine is not true, but
forged:  that priests may have wives:  that the voices of the people
ought not to be separate from the election of ecclesiastical persons: 
that interdicting and suspending of matrimony at certain times is
brought in by avarice:  what is the right use of excommunication:  that
there ought to be fewer holidays:  that liberty ought not to be
restrained in meats:  that wilful poverty and begging ought to be
abolished:  what damage and inconvenience have grown by the council of
Constance; and what misfortunes Sigismund the emperor sustained, for
not keeping faith and promise with John Huss and Jerome:  that
heretics should be convinced not by fire and faggot, but by evidence
of Scripture, and God's word:  how schools and universities ought to
be reformed:  what is to be said and judged of the pope's decretals: 
that the first teaching of children ought to begin with the gospel: 
Item, he writeth in the same book against excessive apparel among the
Germans:  also against their excess in spices, &c.

     In this year, moreover, followed, not long after, the
coronation of the new emperor Charles the Fifth, which was in the
month of October, at Aix-la-Chapelle. After which coronation, being
solemnized about the month of November, Pope Leo sent again to Duke
Frederic, two cardinals his legates, of whom the one was Hierome
Aleander, who, after a few words of high commendation first premised
to the duke touching his noble progeny, and other his famous virtues,
they made two requests unto him in the pope's name:  first, that he
would cause all books of Luther to be burned; secondly, that he would
either see the said Luther there to be executed, or else would make
him sure, and send him up to Rome, unto the pope's presence.

     These two requests seemed very strange unto the duke; who,
answering again to the cardinals, said, that he, being long absent
from thence about other public affairs, could not tell what there was
done, neither did he communicate with the doings of Luther.
Notwithstanding this, he heard that Eckius was a great perturber not
only of Luther, but of other learned and good men of his university.
As for himself, he was always ready to do his duty; first, in sending
Luther to Cajetan the cardinal at the city of Augsburg; and
afterwards, at the pope's commandment, would have sent him away out
of his dominion, had not Meltitius, the pope's own chamberlain, given
contrary counsel to retain him still in his own country, fearing lest
that in other countries he might do more harm, where he was less
known:  and so now was as ready to do his duty, wheresoever right and
equity did so require. But forasmuch as in this cause he seeth much
hatred and violence showed on the one part, and no error yet
convicted on the other part, but that it had rather the approbation
of divers well learned and sound men of judgment; and forasmuch as
also the cause of Luther was not yet heard before the emperor,
therefore he desired the said legates to be a mean to the pope's
Holiness, that certain learned persons of gravity and upright
judgment might be assigned to have the hearing and determination of
this matter, and that his error first might be known, before he were
made a heretic, or his books burned:  which being done, when he should
see his error by manifest and sound testimonies of Scripture
reproved, Luther should find no favour at his hands. Otherwise he
trusted that the pope's Holiness would exact no such thing of him,
which he might not with equity, and honour of his place and estate,
reasonably perform, &c.

     Then the cardinals (declaring to the duke again, that they
could no otherwise do, but according to the form of their prescript
commission they must proceed) took the books of Luther, and shortly
after set fire upon them, and openly burnt them. Luther, hearing
this, in like manner called all the multitude of students and learned
men in Wittenberg, and there, taking the pope's decrees, and the bull
lately sent down against him, openly and solemnly, accompanied with a
great number of people following him, set them likewise on fire, and
burnt them; which was the tenth of December, A.D. 1520.



147. THE DIET OF WORMS.

     A little before these things thus passed between the pope and
Martin Luther, the emperor had commanded and ordained a sitting or
assembly of the states of all the empire to be holden at the city of
Worms, against the sixth day of January next ensuing; in the which
assembly, through the means of Duke Frederic, the emperor gave forth,
that he would have the cause of Luther there brought before him; and
so it was. For at what time the assembly was commenced in the city of
Worms, the day and month aforesaid, which was the sixth of January;
afterwards, upon the sixth of March following, the emperor, through
the instigation of Duke Frederic, directed his letters unto Luther;
signifying, that forasmuch as he had set abroad certain books, he
therefore, by the advice of his peers and princes about him, had
ordained to have the cause brought before him in his own hearing; and
therefore he granted him licence to come, and return home again. And
that he might safely and quietly so do, and be thereof assured, he
promised unto him, by public faith and credit, in the name of the
whole empire, his passport and safe-conduct; as by the instrument
which he sent unto him, he might more fully be certified. Wherefore,
without all doubt or distrust, he willed him eftsoons to make his
repair unto him, and to be there present the twenty-first day after
the receipt thereof:  and because he should not misdoubt any fraud or
injury herein, he assured to him his warrant and promise.

     Martin Luther being thus provided for his safe-conduct by the
emperor, after he had been first accursed at Rome upon Maundy
Thursday by the pope's censure, shortly after Easter speedeth his
journey toward the emperor at Worms, where the said Luther, appearing
before the emperor and all the states of Germany, how constantly he
stuck to the truth, and defended himself, and answered his
adversaries, and what adversaries he had, here followeth in full
history, with the acts and doings which there happened; according as
in our former edition partly was before described.
 In the year of our salvation 1521, about seventeen
days after Easter, Martin Luther entered into Worms, being sent for
by the Emperor Charles the Fifth, who, the first year of his empire,
made an assembly of princes in the aforesaid city. And whereas Martin
Luther had published three years before, certain propositions to be
disputed in the town of Wittenberg, in Saxony, against the tyranny of
the pope, (which, notwithstanding, were torn to pieces, condemned,
and burned by the papists, and yet by no manifest Scriptures, nor
probable reason, convinced,) the matter began to grow to a tumult and
uproar; and yet Luther maintained all this while openly his cause
against the clergy. Whereupon it seemed good to certain, that Luther
should be called; assigning unto him a herald-at-arms, with a letter
of safe-conduct by the emperor and princes. Being sent for, he came,
and was brought to the knights of the Rhodes' place, where he was
lodged, well entertained, and visited of many earls, barons, knights
of the order, gentlemen, priests, and the commonalty, who frequented
his lodging till night.

     To conclude, he came, contrary to the expectation of many, as
well adversaries as others. For albeit he was sent for by the
emperor's messenger, and had letters of safe-conduct; yet for that a
few days before his access, his books were condemned by public
proclamation, it was much doubted of by many that he would not come: 
and the rather, for that his friends deliberated together in a
village nigh hand, called Oppenheim (where Luther was first
advertised of these occurrents); and many persuaded him not to
adventure himself to such a present danger, considering how these
beginnings answered not to the faith of promise made. Who, when he
had heard their whole persuasion and advice, he answered in this
wise:  "As touching me, since I am sent for, I am resolved and
certainly determined to enter Worms, in the name of our Lord Jesus
Christ; yea, although I knew there were as many devils to resist me,
as there are tiles to cover the houses in Worms."

     The fourth day after his repair, a gentleman named Ulrick, of
Pappenheim, lieutenant-general of the men-at-arms of the empire, was
commanded by the emperor before dinner to repair to Luther, and to
enjoin him at four o'clock in the afternoon to appear before the
imperial Majesty, the princes electors, dukes, and other estates of
the empire, to understand the cause of his sending for; whereunto he
willingly agreed, as his duty was. And after four o'clock, Ulrick of
Pappenheim, and Caspar Sturm, the emperor's herald, (who conducted
Martin Luther from Wittenberg to Worms,) came for Luther, and
accompanied him through the garden of the knights of the Rhodes'
place, to the earl Palatine's palace; and, lest the people should
molest him, that thronged in, he was led by secret stairs to the
place where he was appointed to have audience. Yet many, who
perceived the pretence, violently rushed in, and were resisted,
albeit in vain:  many ascended the galleries, because they desired to
behold Luther.

     Thus standing before the emperor, the electors, dukes, earls,
and all the estates of empire assembled there, he was first
advertised by Ulrick of Pappenheim to keep silence, until such time
as he was required to speak. Then John Eckius above mentioned, who
then was the bishop of Treves' general official, with a loud and
intelligible voice, first in Latin, then in Dutch, according to the
emperor's commandment, said and proponed this sentence in manner as
ensueth, or like in effect: 

     "Martin Luther! the sacred and invincible imperial Majesty hath
enjoined, by the consent of all the estates of the holy empire, that
thou shouldest be appealed before the throne of his Majesty, to the
end I might demand of thee these two points.

     "First, Whether thou confess these books here, [for he showed a
heap of Luther's books written in the Latin and Dutch tongues,] and
which are in all places dispersed, entitled with thy name, be thine,
and thou dost affirm them to be thine, or not?

     "Secondly, Whether thou wilt recant and revoke them, and all
that is contained in them, or rather meanest to stand to that thou
hast written?"

     Then, before Luther prepared to answer, Master Jerome Scurffe,
a lawyer at Wittenberg, required that the titles of the books should
be read. Forthwith the aforesaid Eckius named certain of the books,
and those principally which were imprinted at Basil; among which he
nominated his Commentaries upon the Psalter, his book of Good Works,
his Commentary upon the Lord's Prayer, and divers other which were
not contentious.

     After this Luther answered thus in Latin and in Dutch: 

     "Two things are proponed unto me by the imperial Majesty: 
First, whether I will avouch for mine all those books that bear my
name. Secondly, whether I will maintain or revoke any thing that
hitherto I have devised and published:  whereunto I will answer as
briefly as I can.

     "In the first, I can do none other than recognise those books
to be mine which lastly were named, and certainly I will never recant
any clause thereof. In the second, to declare whether I will wholly
defend, or call back any thing comprised in them:  forasmuch as there
be questions of faith, and the salvation of the soul, (and this
concerneth the word of God, which is the greatest and most excellent
matter that can be in heaven or earth, and the which we ought duly
evermore to reverence,) this might be accounted in me a rashness of
judgment, and even a most dangerous attempt, if I would pronounce any
thing before I were better advised; considering I might recite
something less than the matter importeth, and more than the truth
requireth, if I did not premeditate that which I would speak. The
which two things well considered, doth set before mine eyes this
sentence of our Lord Jesus Christ, wherein it is said, Whosoever
shall deny me before men, I will deny him before my Father. I require
then for this cause, and humbly beseech the imperial Majesty to grant
me, liberty and leisure to deliberate; so that I may satisfy the
interrogation made unto me, without prejudice of the word of God, and
peril of mine own soul."

     Whereupon the princes began to deliberate. This done, Eckius,
the prolocutor, pronounced what was their resolution, saying,

     "Albeit, Master Luther! thou hast sufficiently understood by
the emperor's commandment the cause of thy appearance here, and
therefore dost not deserve to have any further respite given thee to
determine; yet the emperor's Majesty, of his mere clemency, granteth
thee one day to meditate for thine answer, so that to-morrow, at this
instant hour, thou shalt repair to exhibit thine opinion, not in
writing, but to pronounce the same with lively voice."

     This done, Luther was led to his lodging by the herald. But
herein I may not be oblivious, that in the way going to the emperor,
and when be was in the assembly of princes, he was exhorted by others
to be courageous, and manly to demean himself, and not to fear them
that kill the body, but not the soul; but rather to dread Him, that
is able to send both body and soul to everlasting fire.

     Furthermore, he was encouraged with this sentence; When thou
art before kings, think not what thou shalt speak, for it shall be
given thee in that hour, Matt. x.

     The next day, after four o'clock, the herald came and brought
Luther from his lodging to the emperor's court, where he abode till
six o'clock, for that the princes were occupied in grave
consultations; abiding there, and being environed with a great number
of people, and almost smothered for the press that was there. Then
after, when the princes were set, and Luther entered, Eckius, the
official, began to speak in this manner: 

     "Yesterday, at this hour, the emperor's Majesty assigned thee
to be here, Master Luther! for that thou didst affirm those books
that we named yesterday to be thine. Further, to the interrogation by
us made, whether thou wouldest approve all that is contained in them,
or abolish and make void any part thereof, thou didst require time of
deliberation, which was granted, and is now expired; albeit thou
oughtest not to have opportunity granted to deliberate, considering
it was not unknown to thee wherefore we cited thee. And as concerning
the matter of faith, every man ought to be so prepared, that at all
times, whensoever he shall be required, he may give certain and
constant reason thereof; and thou especially, being counted a man of
such learning, and so long time exercised in theology. Then go to;
answer even now to the emperor's demand, whose bounty thou hast
proved in giving thee leisure to deliberate. Wilt thou now maintain
all thy books which thou hast acknowledged, or revoke any part of
them, and submit thyself?"

     The official made this interrogation in Latin and in Dutch.
Martin Luther answered in Latin and in Dutch in this wise, modestly
and lowly, and yet not without some stoutness of stomach, and
Christian constancy; so that his adversaries would gladly have had
his courage more humbled and abased, but yet more earnestly desired
his recantation; whereof they were in some good hope, when they heard
him desire respite of time to make his answer.

     His answer was this: 

     "Most magnificent emperor, and you most noble princes, and my
most gentle lords! I appear before you here at this hour prescribed
unto me yesterday, yielding the obedience that I owe; humbly
beseeching, for God's mercy, your most renowned Majesty, and your
Graces and Honours, that ye will minister to me this courtesy, to
attend this cause benignly, which is the cause (as I trust) of
justice and verity; and if by ignorance I have not given unto every
one of you your just titles, or if I have not observed the ceremonies
and countenances of the court, offending against them; it may please
you to pardon me of your benignities, as one that only hath
frequented cloisters, and not courtly civilities. And first, as
touching myself, I can affirm or promise no other thing but only
this:  that I have taught hitherto, in simplicity of mind, that which
I have thought to tend to God's glory, and to the salvation of men's
souls.

     "Now, as concerning the two articles objected by your most
excellent Majesty, Whether I would acknowledge those books which were
named, and be published in my name; or whether I would maintain and
not revoke them:  I have given resolute answer to the first, in the
which I persist, and shall persevere for evermore, that these books
be mine, and published by me in my name; unless it hath since
happened, by some fraudulent misdealing of mine enemies, there be any
thing foisted into them, or corruptly corrected. For I will
acknowledge nothing but that I have written, and that which I have
written I will not deny.

     "Now to answer to the second article; I beseech your most
excellent Majesty, and your Graces, to vouchsafe to give ear. All my
books are not of one sort:  there be some in which I have so simply
and soundly declared and opened the religion of Christian faith, and
of good works, that my very enemies are compelled to confess them to
be profitable and worthy to be read of all Christians. And truly the
pope's bull (how cruel and tyrannous soever it be) judgeth certain of
my books inculpable; albeit the same, with severe sentence,
thundereth against me, and with monstrous cruelty condemneth my
books:  which books if I should revoke, I might worthily be thought to
neglect and transgress the office of a true Christian, and to be one
alone that repugneth the public confession of all people. There is
another sort of my books which containeth invectives against the
papacy, and others of the pope's retinue, as have, with their
pestiferous doctrine, and pernicious examples, corrupted the whole
state of our Christianity; neither can any deny or dissemble this,
(whereunto universal experience and common complaint of all bear
witness,) that the consciences of all faithful men be most miserably
entrapped, vexed, and cruelly tormented by the pope's laws and
doctrines of men; also that the goods and substance of Christian
people are devoured, especially in this noble and famous country of
Germany; and yet, without order, and in most detestable manner, are
suffered still to be devoured without all measure, by incredible
tyranny; notwithstanding that they themselves have ordained to the
contrary in their own proper laws, as in the 9th and 25th
distinctions, and in the 1st and 2nd questions; where they themselves
have decreed, that all such laws of popes which be repugnant to the
doctrines of the gospel, and the opinions of the ancient fathers, are
to be judged erroneous, and reproved. If then I shall revoke these, I
can do none other but add more force to their tyrannny, and open not
only windows, but wide gates to their impiety, which is like to
extend more wide, and more licentiously, than ever it durst
heretofore. And by the testimony of this my retraction, their
insolent kingdom shall be made more licentious, and less subject to
punishment, intolerable to the common people, and also more confirmed
and established; especially if this be bruited, that I, Luther, have
done this by the authority of your most excellent Majesty, and the
sacred Roman empire. O Lord! what a cover or shadow shall I be then,
to cloak their naughtiness and tyranny. The rest, or third sort of my
books, are such as I have written against certain private and
singular persons; to wit, against such as with tooth and nail labour
to maintain the Romish tyranny, and to deface the true doctrine and
religion which I have taught and professed, As touching these, I
plainly confess, I have been more vehement than my religion and
profession required. For I make myself no saint, and I dispute not of
my life, but of the doctrine of Christ. And these I cannot without
prejudice call back. For by this recantation it will come to pass,
that tyranny and impiety shall reign, supported by my means; and so
shall they exercise cruelty against God's people more violently and
ragingly than before. Nevertheless, for that I am a man, and not God,
I can none otherwise enterprise to defend my books, than did my very
Lord Jesus Christ defend his doctrine; who, being examined of his
learning before Annas, and having received a buffet of the minister,
said, If I have spoken evil, bear witness of the evil, John xviii. If
the Lord, who was perfect and could not err, refused not to have
testimony given against his doctrine, yea, of a most vile servant,
how much the more then I, that am but vile corruption, and can of
myself do nothing but err, ought earnestly to see and require if any
will bear witness against my doctrine. Therefore I require, for God's
mercy, your most excellent Majesty, your Graces and right honourable
Lordships, or whatsoever he be of high or low degree, here to lay in
his testimony, to convict my errors, and confute me by the
Scriptures, either out of the prophets, or the apostles; and I will
be most ready, if I be so instructed, to revoke any manner of error;
yea, and will be the first that shall consume mine own books and burn
them.

     "I suppose hereby it may appear, that I have perpended and well
weighed before the perils and dangers, the divisions and dissensions,
which have arisen throughout the whole world by reason of my
doctrine, whereof I was vehemently and sharply yesterday admonished: 
concerning which divisions of men's minds what other men do judge I
know not; as touching myself, I conceive no greater delectation in
any thing, than when I behold discords and dissensions stirred up for
the word of God; for such is the course and proceeding of the gospel: 
Jesus Christ saith, I came not to send peace but a sword; I came to
set a man at variance with his father, Matt. x.

     "And further, we must think, that our God is marvellous and
terrible in his counsels; lest perhaps that which we endeavour with
earnest study to achieve and bring to pass, (if we begin first with
condemning of his word,) the same rebound again to a huge sea of
evil; and lest the new reign of this young and bounteous Prince
Charles, (in whom, next after God, we all conceive singular hope,) be
lamentably, unfortunately, and miserably begun. I could exemplify
this with authorities of the Scriptures more effectually, as by
Pharaoh, the king of Babylon, and the kings of Israel, who then most
obscured the bright sun of their glory, and procured their own ruin,
when by sage counsels they attempted to pacify and establish their
governments and realms, and not by God's counsels; for it is he that
entrappeth the wily in their wiliness, and subverteth mountains
before they be aware. Wherefore it is good, and God's work, to dread
the Lord.

     "I speak not this, supposing that such politic and prudent
heads have need of my doctrine and admonition, but because I would
not omit to profit my country, and offer my duty or service, that may 
tend to the advancement of the same. And thus I humbly commend me to
your most excellent Majesty, and your honourable Lordships;
beseeching you that I may not incur your displeasures, neither be
contemned of you, through the pursuit of my adversaries. I have
spoken."

     These words pronounced, then Eckius, the emperor's prolocutor,
with a stern countenance, began and said, that Luther had not
answered to any purpose; neither it behoved him to call in question
things in time past, concluded and defined by general councils; and
therefore they required of him a plain and direct answer, whether he
would revoke or no? -- Then Luther said: 

     "Considering your sovereign Majesty, and your Honours, require
a plain answer; this I say and profess as resolutely as I may,
without doubting or sophistication, that if I be not convinced by
testimonies of the Scriptures, and by probable reasons, (for I
believe not the pope, neither his general councils, which have erred
many times, and have been contrary to themselves,) my conscience is
so bound and captived in these Scriptures and word of God which I
have alleged, that I will not, nor may not, revoke any manner of
thing; considering it is not godly or lawful to do any thing against
conscience, Hereupon I stand and rest:  I have not what else to say.
God have mercy upon me!"

     The princes consulted together upon this answer given by
Luther; and when they had diligently examined the same, the
prolocutor began to repel him thus: 

     "Martin, thou hast more immodestly answered than beseemed thy
person, and also little to the purpose. Thou dividest thy books into
three sorts, in such order as all that thou hast said maketh nothing
to the interrogation proponed:  and therefore, if thou hadst revoked
those wherein the greatest part of thine errors is contained, the
emperor's Majesty, and the noble clemency of others, would have
suffered the rest that be sound, to sustain no injury. But thou dost
revive, and bringest to light again, all that the general council of
Constance hath condemned, the which was assembled of all the nation
of Germany, and now dost require to be convinced with Scriptures;
wherein thou errest greatly. For what availeth it to renew
disputation of things so long time past condemned by the church and
councils, unless it should be necessary to give a reason to every man
of every thing that is concluded? Now were it so, that this should be
permitted to every one that gainstandeth the determination of the 
church and councils, that he may once get this advantage, to be
convinced by the Scriptures, we shall have nothing certain and
established in Christendom. And this is the cause wherefore the
emperor's Majesty requireth of thee a simple answer, either negative
or affirmative, whether thou mindest to defend all thy works as
Christian, or no?"

     Then Luther, turning to the emperor and the nobles, besought
them not to force or compel him to yield against his conscience,
confirmed with the Holy Scriptures, without manifest arguments
alleged to the contrary by his adversaries.

     "I have declared and rendered," said he, "mine answer simply
and directly, neither have I any more to say, unless mine
adversaries, with true and sufficient probations grounded upon the
Scripture, can reduce and resolve my mind, and refel mine errors
which they lay to my charge. I am tied, as I said, by the Scriptures;
neither may I, or can, with a safe conscience assent unto them. For,
as touching general councils, with whose authority only they press
me, I am able to prove, that they have both erred, and have defined
many times things contrary to themselves. And therefore the authority
of them," he said, "not to be sufficient, for the which he should
call back those things, the verity whereof standeth so firm and
manifest in the Holy Scripture, that neither of him it ought to be
required, neither could he so do without impiety."

     Whereunto the official again answered, denying that any man
could prove the councils to have erred. But Luther alleged that he
could, and promised to prove it; and now night approaching, the lords
rose and departed. And after Luther had taken his leave of the
emperor, divers Spaniards scorned and scoffed the good man in the way
going toward his lodging, hallooing and whooping after him a long
while.

     Upon the Friday following, when the princes electors, dukes,
and other estates were assembled, the emperor sent to the whole body
of the council a certain letter, containing in effect as followeth: 

     "Our predecessors, who were truly Christian princes, were
obedient to the Romish Church, which Martin Luther presently
impugneth. And therefore, inasmuch as he is not determined to call
back his errors in any one point, we cannot, without great infamy and
stain of honour, degenerate from the examples of our elders, but will
maintain the ancient faith, and give aid to the see of Rome. And
further, we be resolved to pursue Martin Luther and his adherents, by
excommunications, and other means that may be devised, to extinguish
his doctrine. Nevertheless we will not violate our faith, which we
have promised him, but mean to give order for safe return to the
place whence he came."
 The princes electors, dukes, and other estates of
the empire, sat and consulted upon this sentence, on Friday all the
afternoon, and Saturday the whole day, so that Luther yet had no
answer of the emperor.

     During this time, divers princes, earls, barons, knights of the
order, gentlemen, priests, monks, with other the laity and common
sort, visited him. All these were present at all hours in the
emperor's court, and could not be satisfied with the sight of him.
Also there were bills set up, some against Luther, and some, as it
seemed, with him. Notwithstanding many supposed, and especially such
as well conceived the matter, that this was subtilly done by his
enemies, that thereby occasion might be offered to infringe the safe-
conduct given him; the which the Roman ambassadors with all diligence
endeavoured to bring to pass.

     The Monday following, before supper, the archbishop of Treves
advertised Luther, that on Wednesday next he should appear before
him, at nine o'clock before dinner, and assigned him the place. On
St. George's day, a certain chaplain of the archbishop of Treves,
about supper-time, came to Luther by the commandment of the bishop,
signifying, that at that hour and place prescribed, he must, the
morrow after, have access to his master.

     The morrow after St. George's day, Luther, obeying the
archbishop's commandment, entered his palace, being accompanied
thither with his said chaplain, and one of the emperor's heralds, and
such as came in his company out of Saxony to Worms, with other his
chief friends.

     Whereat Dr. Vœus, the marquis of Baden's chaplain, began to
declare and protest, in the presence of the archbishop of Treves,
Joachim, marquis of Brandenburg, George, duke of Saxony, the bishops
of Augsburg and Brandenburg, the earl George, John Bock of Strasburg,
Verdeheymer and Peutiger, doctors,

     That Luther was not called to be conferred with, or to
disputation, but only that the princes had procured licence of the
emperor's Majesty, through Christian charity, to have liberty granted
unto them to exhort Luther benignly and brotherly. -- He said
further, that albeit the councils had ordained divers things, yet
they had not determined contrary matters. And albeit they had greatly
erred, yet their authority was not therefore abased; or at the least,
not so erred, that it was lawful for every man to impugn their
opinions; inferring moreover many things of Zaccheus and the
centurion, also of the traditions, and of constitutions, and of
ceremonies ordained of men:  affirming that all these were established
to repress vices, according to the quality of times; and that the
church could not be destitute of human constitutions. It is true,
said he, that by the fruits the tree may be known; yet of these laws
and decrees of men, many good fruits have proceeded; and St. Martin,
St. Nicholas, and many other saints have been present at the
councils.

     Moreover, that Luther's book would breed a great tumult and
incredible troubles; and that he abused the common sort with his book
of Christian Liberty, encouraging them to shake off their yoke, and
to confirm in them a disobedience:  that the world now was at another
stay, than when the believers were all of one heart and soul, and
therefore it was requisite and behoveful to have laws. It was to be
considered, said he, albeit he had written many good things, and no
doubt of a good mind, as De triplice Justitia, and other matters, yet
how the devil now, by crafty means, goeth about to bring to pass,
that all his works for ever should be condemned. For by these books
which he wrote last, men, said he, would judge and esteem him, as the
tree is known, not by the blossom, but by the fruit.

     Here he added something of the noon devil, and of the spirit
coming in the dark, and of the flying arrow. All his oration was
exhortatory, full of rhetorical places of honesty, of utility of
laws, of the dangers of conscience, and of the common and particular
wealth; repeating oft this sentence in the proem, middle, and
epilogue of his oration:  That this admonition was given him of a
singular good will, and great clemency. In the shutting up of his
oration he added menacings, saying, that if he would abide in his
purposed intent, the emperor would proceed further, and banish him
from the empire; persuading him deliberately to ponder, and to advise
these and other things. Martin Luther answered: 

     "Most noble princes, and my most gracious lords! I render most
humble thanks for your benignities and singular good wills, whence
proceedeth this admonition; for I know myself to be so base, as by no
means I can deserve to be admonished of so mighty estates." Then he
frankly pronounced that he had not reproved all councils, but only
the council of Constance; and for this principal cause, for that the
same had condemned the word of God, which appeared in the
condemnation of this article proponed by John Huss:  "The church of
Christ is the communion of the predestinate." "It is evident," said
he, "that the council of Constance abolished this article, and
consequently the article of our faith:  I believe the holy church
universal." And said, that he was ready to spend life and blood, so
he were not compelled to revoke the manifest word of God; for in
defence thereof we ought rather to obey God than men:  and that in
this he could not avoid the scandal or offence of faith; for there be
two manner of offences, to wit, of charity, and of faith. The slander
of charity consisteth in manners and in life:  the offences of faith
or doctrine rest in the word of God:  and as touching this last, he
could escape it no manner of ways; for it lay not in his power to
make Christ not to be a stone of offence. If Christ's sheep were fed
with pure pasture of the gospel; if the faith of Christ were
sincerely preached, and if there were good ecclesiastical
magistrates, who duly would execute their office; we should not need,
said he, to charge the church with men's traditions. Further, that he
knew well we ought to obey the magistrates and higher powers, how
unjustly and perversely soever they lived:  we ought also to be
obedient to their laws and judgment:  all which he had taught, said
he, in all his works; adding further, that he was ready to obey them
in all points, so that they enforced him not to deny the word of God.

     These words finished, Luther was bade to stand aside, and the
princes consulted what answer they might give him. This done, they 
called him into a parlour, where the aforesaid Doctor Vœus repeated
his former matters, admonishing Luther to submit his writings to the
emperor, and to the princes' judgment. Luther answered humbly and
modestly,

     That he could not, neither would, permit that men should say he
would shun the judgment of the emperor, princes, and superior powers
of the empire. So far was it off that he would refuse to stand their
trial, that he was contented to suffer his writings to be discussed,
considered, and judged of the simplest, so that it were done with the
authority of the word of God, and the Holy Scripture:  and that the
word of God made so much for him, and was so manifest unto him, that
he could not give place, unless they could confound his doctrine by
the word of God. This lesson, said he, he learned of St. Augustine,
who writeth, that he gave this honour only to those books which are
called canonical; that he believed the same only to be true. As
touching other doctors, albeit in holiness and excellency of learning
they passed, yet he would not credit them further than they agreed
with the touchstone of God's word. Further, said he, St. Paul giveth
us a lesson, writing to the Thessalonians:  Prove all things, follow
that is good. And to the Galatians:  Though an angel should descend
from heaven, if he preach any other doctrine, let him be accursed,
and therefore not to be believed!

     Finally, he meekly besought them not to urge his conscience,
captived in the bands of the word of God and Holy Scripture, to deny
the same excellent word. And thus he commended his cause and himself
to them, and especially to the emperor's Majesty, requiring their
favour, that he might not be compelled to do any thing in this matter
against his conscience:  in all other causes he would submit himself,
with all kind of obedience and due subjection.

     As Luther had thus ended his talk, Joachim, elector, marquis of
Brandenburg, demanded if his meaning was this, that he would not
yield, unless he were convinced by the Scripture?" Yea, truly, right
noble lord!" quoth Luther, "or else by ancient and evident reasons."
And so the assembly brake, and the princes repaired to the emperor's
court.

     After their departure the archbishop of Treves, accompanied
with a few his familiars, namely, John Eckius his official, and
Cochleus, commanded Luther to repair into his parlour. With Luther
was Jerome Scurffe, and Nicholas Ambsdorff, for his assistants. Then
the official began to frame an argument, like a sophist and canonist,
defending the pope's cause; that for the most part at all times Holy
Scriptures have engendered errors, as the error of Helvidius the
heretic, out of that place in the gospel, where is expressed, Joseph
knew not his wife till she was delivered of her first child. Further,
he went about to overthrow this proposition:  that the catholic church
is the communion of saints.

     Martin Luther and Jerome Scurffe reproved (but modestly) these
follies, and other vain and ridiculous matters, which Eckius brought
forth, as things not serving to the purpose. Sometime Cochleus would
come in with his five eggs, and laboured to persuade Luther to desist
from his purpose, and utterly to refrain thenceforth to write or
teach; and so they departed.

     About evening the archbishop of Treves advertised Luther by
Ambsdorff, that the emperor's promise made unto him was prolonged two
days, and in the mean season he would confer with him the next day,
and for that cause he would send Peutinger, and the doctor of Baden,
(which was Vœus,) the morrow after to him; and he himself would also
talk with him.

     The Friday after, which was St. Mark's day, Peutinger, and the
doctor of Baden, travailed in the forenoon to persuade Luther simply
and absolutely to submit the judgment of his writings to the emperor
and empire. He answered, he would do it, and submit any thing they
would have him, so they grounded with authority of Holy Scripture;
otherwise he would not consent to do any thing:  for God said by his
prophet, (saith he,) Trust ye not in princes, nor in the children of
men, in whom there is no health. Also, Cursed be he that trusteth in
man. And seeing that they did urge him more vehemently, he answered,
"We ought to yield no more to the judgment of men, than the word of
God doth suffer." So they departed, and prayed him to advise for
better answer; and said, they would return after dinner. And after
dinner they returned, exhorting him as before, but in vain. They
prayed him, that at least he would submit his writing to the judgment
of the next general council. Luther agreed thereunto, but with this
condition, that they themselves should present the articles collected
out of his books to be submitted to the council, in such sort, as,
notwithstanding the sentence awarded by the council, should be
authorized by the Scripture, and confirmed with the testimonies of
the same.

     They then, leaving Luther, departed, and reported to the
archbishop of Treves, that he had promised to submit his writings in
certain articles to the next council, and in the mean space he would
keep silence; which Luther never thought:  who neither with
admonitions, nor yet menaces, could be induced to deny or submit his
books to the judgments of men, (he had so fortified his cause with
clear and manifest authorities of the Scripture,) until they could
prove by sacred Scripture and apparent reasons to the contrary.

     It chanced then by the special grace of God, that the
archbishop of Treves sent for Luther, thinking presently to hear him.
And when he perceived otherwise than Peutinger and the doctor of
Baden had told him, he said that he would for no good, but that he
had heard himself speak; for else he was even now going to the
emperor, to declare what the doctors had reported.

     Then the archbishop entreated Luther, and conferred with him
very gently, first removing such as were present, as well of the one
side as of the other. In this conference Luther concealed nothing
from the archbishop; affirming, that it was dangerous to submit a
matter of so great importance to them, who, after they had called him
under safe-conduct, attempting him with new commandments, had
condemned his opinion and approved the pope's bull.

     Moreover the archbishop, bidding a friend of his draw nigh,
required Luther to declare what remedy might be ministered to help
this. Luther answered, that there was no better remedy than such as
Gamaliel alleged in the fifth chapter of the Acts of the Apostles, as
witnesseth St. Luke, saying, If this counsel, or this work, proceed
of men, it shall come to nought; but if it be of God, ye cannot
destroy it. And so he desired that the emperor might be advertised to
write the same to the pope, that he knew certainly, if this his
enterprise proceeded not of God, it would be abolished within three,
yea, within two years.

     The archbishop inquired of him what he would do, if certain
articles were taken out of his books, to be submitted to the general
council. Luther answered, "So that they be not those which the
council of Constance condemned." The archbishop said, "I fear they
will be the very same; but what then?" Luther replied, "I will not,
nor I cannot, hold my peace of such, for I am sure by their decrees
the word of God was condemned; therefore I will rather lose head and
life, than abandon the manifest word of my Lord God."

     Then the archbishop, seeing Luther would in no wise give over
the word of God to the judgment of men, gently bade Luther farewell;
who at that instant prayed the archbishop to entreat the emperor's
Majesty to grant him gracious leave to depart. He answered, he would
take order for him, and speedily advertise him of the emperor's
pleasure.

     Within a small while after, John Eckius, the archbishop's
official, in the presence of the emperor's secretary, who had been
Maximilian's chancellor, said unto Luther in his lodging, by the
commandment of the emperor:  that since he had been admonished
diversely of the imperial Majesty, the electors, princes, and estates
of the empire, and that, notwithstanding, he would not return to
unity and concord, there remained that the emperor, as advocate of
the catholic faith, should proceed further:  and it was the emperor's
ordinance, that he should in twenty-one days return boldly under
safe-conduct, and be safely guarded to the place whence he came; so
that in the mean while he stirred no commotion among the people in
his journey, either in conference, or by preaching.

     Luther, hearing this, answered very modestly and Christianly,
"Even as it hath pleased God, so is it come to pass; the name of the
Lord be blessed! "He said further, he thanked most humbly the
emperor's Majesty, and all the princes and estates of the empire,
that they had given to him benign and gracious audience, and granted
safe-conduct to come and return. Finally, he said, he desired none
other of them, than a reformation according to the sacred word of
God, and consonancy of Holy Scriptures, which effectually in his
heart he desired:  otherwise he was pressed to suffer all chances for
the imperial Majesty, as life, and death, goods, fame, and reproach;
reserving nothing to himself, but the only word of God, which he
would constantly confess to the latter end; humbly recommending him
to the emperor's Majesty, and to all the princes and other estates of
the sacred empire.

     The morrow after, which was the six and twentieth day of April,
after he had taken his leave of such as supported him, and other, his
benevolent friends that oftentimes visited him, and had broken his
fast, at ten of the clock he departed from Worms, accompanied with
such as repaired thither with him; having space of time Iimited unto
him, as is said, for one and twenty days, and no more. The emperor's
herald, Casper Sturm, followed and overtook him at Oppenheim, being
commanded by the emperor to conduct him safely home.

The usual prayer of Martin Luther.

     "Confirm, O God! in us that thou hast wrought, and perfect the
work that thou hast begun in us, to thy glory:  so be it."

     Martin Luther, thus being dismissed of the emperor, according
to the promise of his safe-conduct made, as you have heard, departed
from Worms toward his country, the six and twentieth of April,
accompanied with the emperor's herald, and the rest of his company,
having only one and twenty days to him granted for his return, and no
more. In the which mean space of his return he writeth to the
emperor, and to other nobles of the empire, repeating briefly to them
the whole action and order of things there done, desiring of them
their lawful good will and favour; which, as he hath always stood in
need of, so now he most earnestly craveth, especially in this, that
his cause, which is not his, but the cause of the whole church
universal, may be heard with indifferency and equity, and may be
decided by the rule and authority of Holy Scripture:  signifying
moreover, that whensoever they shall please to send for him, he shall
be ready at their commandment, at any time or place, upon their
promise of safety, to appear, &c.

     During the time of these doings, the doctors and schoolmen of
Paris were not behind with their parts, but, to show their cunning,
condemned the books of Luther, extracting out of the same, especially
out of the book De Captivitate Babylonica, certain articles as
touching the sacraments, laws, and decrees of the church, equality of
works, vows, contrition, absolution, satisfaction, purgatory,
freewill, privileges of holy church, councils, punishment of
heretics, philosophy, school-divinity, with other more. Unto whom
Philip Melancthon maketh answer, and also Luther himself, albeit
pleasantly and jestingly.
Illustration:  Portrait of Philip Melancthon

     It was not long after this, but Charles, the new emperor, to
purchase favour with the pope, (because he was not yet confirmed in
his empire,) provideth and directeth out a solemn writ of outlawry
against Luther, and all them that take his part; commanding the said
Luther, wheresoever he might be gotten, to be apprehended, and his
books burned. By which decree, proclaimed against Luther, the emperor
procured no small thank with the pope; insomuch that the pope,
ceasing to take part with the French king, joined himself wholly to
the emperor. In the mean time Duke Frederic, to give some place for
the time to the emperor's proclamation, conveyed Luther a little out
of sight secretly, by the help of certain noblemen whom he well knew
to be faithful and trusty unto him in that behalf. There Luther,
being close and out of company, wrote divers epistles, and certain
books also, unto his friends; among which he dedicated one to his
company of Augustine friars, entitled, De abroganda Missa:  which
friars the same time being encouraged by him, began first to lay down
their private masses. Duke Frederic, fearing lest that would breed
some great stir or tumult, caused the censure and judgment of the
whole university of Wittenberg to be asked in the matter; committing
the doing thereof to four; Justus Jonas, Philip Melancthon, Nicholas
Ambsdorff, Johannes Dulcius.

     The minds of the whole university being searched, it was showed
to the duke, that he should do well and godly, by the whole advice of
the learned there, to command the use of the mass to be abrogated
through his dominion:  and though it could not be done without tumult,
yet that was no let why the course of true doctrine should be stayed
for the multitude, which commonly overcometh the better part; neither
ought such disturbance to be imputed to the doctrine taught, but to
the adversaries, which willingly and wickedly kick against the truth,
whereof Christ also giveth us forewarning before. For fear of such
tumults therefore, we ought not to surcease from that which we know
is to be done, but constantly must go forward in defence of God's
truth, howsoever the world doth esteem us, or rage against it. Thus
showed they their judgment to Duke Frederic.

     It happened moreover about the same year and time, that King
Henry also, pretending an occasion to impugn the book De Captivitate
Babylonica, wrote against Luther. In which book, first, he reproveth
Luther's opinion about the pope's pardons; secondly, he defended the
supremacy of the bishop of Rome; thirdly, he laboureth to refel all
his doctrine of the sacraments of the church.

     This book, albeit it carried the king's name in the title, yet
it was another that ministered the motion, another that framed the
style. But whosoever had the labour of this book, the king had the
thank and also the reward; for consequently upon the same, the bishop
of Rome gave to the said King Henry, for the style against Luther,
the style and title of "Defender of the Christian Faith;" and to his
successors for ever.

     Shortly after this, within the compass of the same year, Pope
Leo, after he had warred against the Frenchmen, and had gotten from
them, through the emperor's aid, the cities of Parma, Placentia, and
Milan, &c., he, sitting at supper, and rejoicing at three great gifts
that God had bestowed upon him:  first, that he, being banished out of
his country, was restored to Florence again with glory; secondly,
that he had deserved to be called apostolic; thirdly, that he had
driven the Frenchmen out of Italy:  after he had spoken these words,
he was stricken with a sudden fever, and died shortly after, being of
the age of forty-seven years; albeit some suspect that he died of
poison. Successor to whom was Pope Adrian the Sixth, schoolmaster
some time to Charles the emperor, who lived not much above one year
and a half in his papacy; during whose small time these three
especial things were incident:  a great pestilence in Rome, wherein
above a hundred thousand people were consumed; the loss of Rhodes by
the Turk; and thirdly, the capital war which the said Pope Adrian,
with the emperor, and the Venetians, and the king of England, did
hold against Francis the French king. This Pope Adrian was a German
born, brought up at Louvain, and as in learning he exceeded the
common sort of popes, so in moderation of life and manners he seemed
not altogether so intemperate as some other popes have been:  and yet,
like a right pope, nothing degenerating from his see, he was a mortal
enemy against Martin Luther and his partakers. In his time, shortly
after the council of Worms was broken up, another meeting or assembly
was appointed by the emperor at Nuremberg, of the princes, nobles,
and states of Germany, A.D. 1522.



148. ASSEMBLY AT NUREMBERG

     Unto this assembly the said Adrian sent his letters in manner
of a brief, with an instruction also unto his legate Cheregatus, to
inform him how to proceed, and what causes to allege against Luther,
before the princes there assembled. His letter, with the instruction
sent, because they are so hypocritically shadowed over with a fair
show and colour of painted zeal and religion, and beareth resemblance
of great truth and care of the church, able to deceive the outward
ears of them which are not inwardly in true religion instructed:  I
thought therefore to give to the reader a sight thereof, to the
intent that by the experience of them he may learn hereafter, in
cases like, to be prudent and circumspect in not believing over-
rashly the smooth talk or pretended persuasions of men, especially in
church matters, unless they carry with them the simplicity of plain
truth; going not upon terms, but grounded upon the word and revealed
will of God, with particular demonstrations, proving that by the
Scripture which they pretend to persuade. First, the letter of this
pope, conceived and directed against Luther, proceedeth in this
effect: 

     "Right honourable brethren, and dear children, greeting and
apostolic benediction. After that we were first promoted (through
God's divine providence) to the office of the see apostolic, he which
hath so advanced us is our witness, how we, both day and night
revolving in our minds, did cogitate nothing more than how to satisfy
the parts of a good pastor, in attending to the health and cure of
the flock, both universally and singularly committed unto us:  so that
there is no one particular sheep through the whole universal flock so
infected, so sick, or so far gone astray, whom our desire is not to
recover, to seek out, and to reduce into the Lord's fold again. And
chiefly, from the first beginning of our pastoral function, our care
hath always been, as well by our messengers, as our daily letters,
how to reclaim the minds of Christian princes from these intestine
wars and dissensions among themselves to peace and concord; or at
least, if they would needs fight, that they would convert their
strength and armour against the common enemies of our faith. And to
declare this not only in word, but rather in deed, God doth know with
what charges and expenses we have burdened ourselves, to extend our
subsidy and relief to the soldiers of Rhodes for defence of
themselves, and of the Christian faith, against the Turkish tyranny,
by whom they were besieged.

     "And now, to bend our care from these foreign matters, and to
consider our inward troubles at home, we hear, to the great grief of
our heart, that Martin Luther, a new raiser-up of old and damnable
heresies, first after the fatherly advertisements of the see
apostolic; then after the sentence also of condemnation awarded
against him, and that by the assent and consent of the best learned,
and of sundry universities also; and lastly, after the imperial
decree of our well-beloved son Charles, elect emperor of the Romans,
and catholic king of Spain, being divulged through the whole nation
of Germany; yet hath neither been by order restrained, nor of himself
hath refrained from his madness begun, but daily more and more,
forgetting and contemning all Christian charity and godliness,
ceaseth not to disturb and replenish the world with new books,
fraught full of errors, heresies, contumelies, and sedition, (whether
upon his own head, or by the help of other,) and to infect the
country of Germany, and other regions about, with this pestilence;
and endeavoureth still to corrupt simple souls and manners of men,
with the poison of his pestiferous tongue. And (which is worst of
all) hath for his favourers and supporters, not of the vulgar sort
only, but also divers personages of the nobility; insomuch that they
have begun also to invade the goods of priests (which perhaps is the
chief ground of this stir begun) contrary to their obedience which
they owe to ecclesiastical and temporal persons, and now also at last
have grown unto civil war and dissension among themselves. Which
thing how unfortunately it falleth out now, at this present season,
especially amongst us Christians, you may soon repute with
yourselves, and consider. For although the apostle hath told us
before, That heresies must needs be, that they which be tried may be
made manifest, &c., yet was there never time either so convenient to
raise up heresies, or so necessary for the repressing thereof when
any such are raised, as now:  For whereas the devil, the perpetual
enemy of mankind, roaring in the shape of a lion, by the power of the
Turks doth continually invade the flock of Christ; how can we then
resist the violent invasions of him oppressing us without, so long as
we nourish at home the same devil, under the colour of a wily dragon,
sowing such heresies, discords, and seditious among ourselves? And
albeit it were in our power easily to vanquish these foreign
adversaries, yet were that but labour lost, serving to no profit, to
subdue our enemies without, and at home with heresies and schisms to
be divided.

     "We remember, before the time of our papacy, when we were in
Spain, many things we heard then of Luther, and of his perverse
doctrine; which rumours and tidings, although of themselves they were
grievous to be heard, yet more grievous they were for this, because
they proceeded out of that country, where we ourself, after the
flesh, took our first beginning. But yet this comfort we had,
supposing that either for the iniquity, or else for the foolishness
thereof being so manifest, this doctrine would not long hold;
reputing thus with ourself, that such pestiferous plants, translated
from other countries into Germany, would never grow up to any proof
in that ground, which was ever wont to be a weeder out of all
heresies and infidelity. But now, since this evil tree (whether by
God's judgment correcting the sins of the people, or by the
negligence of such as first should have resisted such beginnings)
hath so enlarged, and spread his branches so far; you therefore, both
princes and people of Germany, must this consider and provide, lest
you, which, at the first springing up of this evil, might
peradventure be excused, as no doers thereof, now, through this your
over-much sufferance, might be found inexcusable, and seem to consent
to that which you do not resist.

     "Here we omit and pass over, what enormity, and more than
enormity, that is, that such a great and so devout a nation should by
one friar (who, relinquishing the catholic faith and Christian
religion, which he before professed, playeth the apostate, and hath
lied to God) be now seduced from that way, whichfirst Christ our
Redeemer and his blessed apostles have opened unto us; which so many
martyrs, so many holy fathers, so many great, learned men, and also
your own fore-elders, and old ancestors, have always hitherto walked
in; as though only Luther had all wit and cunning; as though he only
now first had received the Holy Ghost (as the heretic Montanus used
to boast of himself); or as though the church (from which Christ our
Saviour promised himself never to depart) hath erred hitherto always
in dark shadows of ignorance and perdition, till now it should be
illuminate with new resplendent beams of Luther. All which things
there is no doubt but to such as have judgment will seem ridiculous,
but yet may be pernicious to simple and ignorant minds; and to other,
which being weary of all good order, do gape still for new changes,
may breed matter and occasion of such mischiefs, as partly yourselves
have experience already. And therefore do you not consider, O princes
and people of Germany! that these be but prefaces and preambles to
those evils and mischiefs which Luther, with the sect of his
Lutherans, do intend and purpose hereafter? Do you not see plainly,
and perceive with your eyes, that this defending of the verity of the
Gospel, first begun by the Lutherans to be pretended, is now manifest
to be but an invention to spoil your goods, which they have long
intended? or do you think that these sons of iniquity do tend to any
other thing, than under the name of liberty to supplant obedience,
and so to open a general licence to every man to do what him listeth?
And suppose you that they will any thing regard your commandments, or
esteem your laws, which so contemptuously vilipend the holy canons
and decrees of the fathers, yea, and the most holy councils also, (to
whose authority the emperor's laws have always given room and place,)
and not only vilipend them, but also, with a diabolical audacity,
have not feared to rend them in pieces, and set them on a lighted
fire? They which refuse to render due obedience to priests, to
bishops, yea, to the high bishop of all, and which daily before your
own faces make their booties of church goods, and of things
consecrated to God; think ye that they will refrain their
sacrilegious hands from the spoil of laymen's goods? yea, that they
will not pluck from you whatsoever they can rap or reave? Finally, to
conclude, how can you hope that they will more spare you, or hold
their murdering hands from your throats, which have been so bold to
vex, to kill, to slay the Lord's anointed, which are not to be
touched? Nay, think you not contrary, but this miserable calamity
will at length redound upon your goods, your houses, wives, children,
dominions, possessions, and these your temples which you hallow and
reverence; except you provide some speedy remedy against the same.

     "Wherefore we exhort your fraternities, nobilities, and
devotions of all and singular in the Lord, and beseech you for
Christian charity and religion, (for which religion your forefathers
ofttimes have given their blood to uphold and increase the same,) and
notwithstanding require you also, in virtue of that obedience which
all Christians owe to God, and blessed St. Peter, and to his vicar
here in earth, that setting aside all other quarrels and dissensions
among yourselves, you confer your helping hands every man to quench
this public fire, and endeavour and study, the best way ye can, how
to reduce the said Martin Luther, and all other favourers of these
tumults and errors, to better conformity and trade both of life and
faith. And if they which be infected shall refuse to hear your
admonitions, yet provide that the other part, which yet remaineth
sound, by the same contagion be not corrupted. He, to whom all
secrets of men are open, doth know how we, both for our nature, and
also for our pastoral office, whereto we are called, are much more
prone to remit, than to revenge. But when this pestiferous canker
cannot with supple and gentle medicines be cured, more sharp salves
must be proved, and fiery searings. The putrefied members must be cut
off from the body, lest the sound parts also be infected. So God did
cast down into hell the schismatical brethren, Dathan and Abiram; and
him that would not obey the authority of the priest, God commanded to
be punished with death. So Peter, prince of the apostles, denounced
sudden death to Ananias and Sapphira, who lied unto God. So the old
and godly emperors commanded Jovinian and Priscillian, as heretics,
to be beheaded. So St. Jerome wished Vigilant, as a heretic, to be
given to the destruction of the flesh, that the spirit might be saved
in the day of the Lord. So also did our predecessors in the council
of Constance condemn to death John Huss and his fellow Jerome, which
now appeareth to revive again in Luther. The worthy acts and examples
of which forefathers, if you in these doings (seeing otherwise ye
cannot) shall imitate, we do not doubt but God's merciful clemency
shall eftsoons relieve his church; which, being now sore vexed of
infidels, hath her eyes chiefly and principally directed upon you, as
being the most puissant and most populous nation that we have in
Christendom.

     "Wherefore, upon the blessing of Almighty God, and of blessed
St. Peter, which here we send unto you, take courage unto you, as
well against the false dragon, as the strong lion, that both these,
that is, as well the inward heresies, as the foreignenemies, by you
being overcome, you may purchase to your honours an immortal victory,
both here and in the world to come. This we give you to understand,
that whatsoever the Lord hath given us to aid you withal, either in
money or authority, we will not fail to support you herein, yea, and
to bestow our life also in this holy quarrel, and for the health of
our sheep to us committed. Other things as touching the matter of
Luther, we have committed to this Cheregatus our legate, whom we have
directed purposely for the same unto your assembly, whom we wish you
to credit, as being our trusty legate.

     "Given at St. Peter's at Rome, under the ring of the fisher,
the 25th day of November, A.D. 1522, in the first year of our
pontificate."
 By this letter above prefixed, thou halt, gentle
reader! to note and understand, what either wily persuasions or
strength of authority could devise against Luther, here not to have
lacked. If plausible terms, or glozing sentences, or outward facing
and bracing, could have served, where no ground of Scripture is
brought, this might seem apparently a pithy epistle. But if a man
should require the particulars or the specialties of this doctrine
which he here reprehendeth, to be examined and tried by God's word,
there is no substance in it, but only words of office, which may seem
well to serve for waste paper. And yet I thought to exhibit the said
letter unto thee, to the intent that the more thou seest man's
strength with all his policy bent against Luther, the more thou
mayest consider the almighty power of God, in defending the cause of
this poor man against so mighty enemies.

     Now hear further what instructions the said Pope Adrian sent to
his legate Cheregatus, how and by what reasons to move and inflame
the princes of Germany to the destruction of Luther and his cause,
and yet was not able to bring it to pass.

Instructions given by Pope Adrian to Cheregatus his legate, touching
his proceedings in the diet of Nuremberg, how and by what persuasions
to incense the princes against Luther.

     "Imprimis, you shall declare to them the great grief of our
heart for the prospering of Luther's sect, to see the innumerable
souls, redeemed with Christ's blood, and committed to our pastoral
government, to be turned away from the true faith and religion into
perdition by this occasion; and that especially in the nation of
Germany, being our native country, which hath been ever heretofore,
till these few years past, most faithful and devout in religion; and
therefore our desire to be the greater that this pestilence should be
stopped betimes, lest the same happen to that country of Germany,
which happened of late to Bohemia. And as for our part, there shall
be no lack to help forward what we may; as likewise we desire them to
endeavour themselves to the uttermost of their power, whom these
causes ought to move, which here we direct unto you to be declared
unto them.

     "First, the honour of God, which, before all other things,
ought to be preferred, whose honour by these heresies is greatly
defaced, and his worship not only diminished, but rather wholly
corrupted. Also the charity toward our neighbour, by which charity
every man is bound to reduce his neighbour out of error; otherwise
God will require at their hands all such as by their negligence do
perish.

     "The second cause to move them against Luther, is the infamy of
their nations; which, being counted beforetime always most Christian,
now by these sectaries of Luther, is evil spoken of in all other
quarters.

     "The third cause is the respect of their own honour, which
notoriously will be distained, if they which most excel in nobility
and authority among the Germans, shall not bend all their power to
expel these heresies:  first, for that they shall appear to be
degenerate from their progenitors, who, being present at the
condemnation of John Huss and of other heretics, are said, some of
them, with their own hands to have led John Huss to the fire.
Secondly, for that they, or the greater part of them, approving with
their authority the imperial edict set forth of late in condemnation
of Martin Luther, now, except they shall follow the execution of the
same, shall be noted inconstant, or may be thought to favour the
same; seeing it is manifest, that they may easily exterminate him if
they were disposed.

     "The fourth cause is the injury wrought by Luther to them,
their parents, and progenitors, forasmuch as their fathers,
progenitors, and themselves also, have always holden the same faith
which the catholic Church of Rome hath appointed; contrary to which
faith Luther, with his sectaries, now doth hold, saying, that many
things are not to be believed which their aforesaid ancestors have
holden to be of faith. It is manifest, therefore, that they be
condemned of Luther for infidels and heretics; and so consequently,
by Luther's doctrine, all their fore-elders and progenitors which
have deceased in this our faith, be in hell; for error in faith
importeth damnation.

     "The fifth cause to move them is, that they should well advise
and consider the end whereunto all these Lutherans do tend; which is,
that under the shadow of evangelical liberty, they may abolish all
superiority and power. For although, at the first beginning, they
pretended only to annul and repress our power ecclesiastical, as
being falsely and tyrannously usurped against the gospel; yet,
forasmuch as liberty is all their foundation and pretence, (by the
which liberty, the secular power and magistrates cannot bind men by
any commandments, be they never so just or so reasonable, to obey
them under pain of mortal sin,) it is manifest that their scope is to
enfeeble and infringe, as much or more, the secular state also,
although covertly they pretend to salve it; to the end, that when the
secular princes shall believe this their working not to be directed
against them, but only against the usurped domination of the church
and churchmen, then the laity, (which commonly hath been always
against men of the church,) holding with them, shall suffer the
churchmen to be devoured; which done, no doubt but, they will
afterward practise the like upon the secular princes and potentates,
which now they attempt against our ecclesiastical jurisdiction.

     "The sixth clause to move and persuade them against Luther is
this, for them to consider the fruits which follow of that sect; as
slanders, offences, disturbance, robberies, murders, seditions,
dissensions, which this sect hath, and daily doth stir up through
whole Germany:  also blasphemies, slanderous words, scoffings, jests,
and bitter taunts, which are ever in their mouths; against which,
unless that they shall find a present remedy, it is to be feared lest
the desolation of God's wrath will fall upon Germany, being so
divided; or rather upon the princes of Germany, who, having the sword
given of God into their hands for the suppression of malefactors,
suffer such enormities among their subjects. Cursed is he, (saith the
prophet,) which doth the work of the Lord negligently, and holdeth
back his sword from the blood of wicked doers, Jer. xxviii.

     "The seventh reason is, that the princes should consider how
Luther useth the same way of seducing the people of Christ, as hath
the venomous viper Mahomet practised in deceiving so many thousands
of souls, in permitting to them the liberty of those things which
flesh desireth, and afterward in exempting them from such things as
be more sharp in the law; but that Luther a little more temperately
handleth the matter, whereby he may deceive more effectually; for
Mahomet giveth licence to have many wives, and to divorce and marry
others at their pleasure. This Luther, to draw unto him the favour of
nuns, monks, and priests, such as be lascivious in flesh, preacheth
that vows of perpetual continency be unlawful, and much less to be
obligatory; and therefore permitteth unto them that they may marry;
forgetting, by the way, what the apostle writeth of young widows,
saying, That when they wax wanton against Christ, then will they
marry; having condemnation, because they have made void their first
faith, 1 Tim. v. 12.

     "These and other such-like reasons being opened and laid before
them, you shall then in our name exhort the aforesaid princes,
prelates, and people, to awake and employ their diligence how to
gainstand, first, the injury of these Lutherans toward God, and
toward his holy religion; secondly, their villany toward the whole
nation of the Germans and their princes, and especially the shameful
contumely towards their fathers and elders, whom in effect they
condemn to hell. In consideration whereof you shall call upon them to
remember themselves, and to proceed effectually to the execution of
the apostolical sentence, and of the emperor's edict; giving pardon
to them that will amend and acknowledge their fault:  the other, who
obstinately persist in their error, punishing with the rod of strict
severity, according to the decrees of the canons and laws of the
church; that, by their example, such as stand may remain in faith,
and they which are fallen may be reduced.

     "And if any shall object again, that Luther was condemned by
the apostolic see before he was heard, and that his cause ought first
to have been heard and adjudged before he was convicted, you shall
answer, that those things which pertain to faith are to be believed
for their own authority, and not to be proved. 'Take away,' saith
Ambrose, 'arguments where faith is sought:  there the fishers, not the
philosophers, must be trusted.' Truth it is, and we grant no less but
that lawful defence and hearing ought not to be denied in such cases,
where question is of the fact, whether it were done or not; as
whether he spake, preached, wrote, or not. But where the matter is of
God's law, or in cause of the sacraments, there must we always stand
to the authority of holy fathers, and of the church. Now all things
almost, wherein Luther dissenteth from other, are reproved before by
divers councils; neither ought those things to be called into
question, which have been defined before by general councils, and the
universal church; but ought to be received by faith:  for else he doth
injury to the synod of the church, who so bringeth again into
controversy things once rightly discussed and settled. Otherwise what
certainty can there be amongst men, or what end shall there be of
contending and disputing, if it shall be lawful for every lewd and
presumptuous person to decline from the things which havebeen
received and ratified by the consent, not of one, nor of a few, but
of so many ages, so many wise heads, and of the catholic church,
which God never permitteth to err in matters unto faith appertaining?
And how can it otherwise be chosen, but that all must be full of
disturbance, offences, and confusion, unless the things which have
been once, yea, many times, by ripe judgment constituted, be observed
of all men as inviolable? Wherefore, seeing Luther and his fellows do
condemn the councils of holy fathers, do burn the holy canons, do
confound all things at their pleasure, and do disquiet the whole
world, what remaineth, but that they are to be rejected and exploded,
as enemies and perturbers of public peace?

     "Further, this you shall say unto them, that we confess
ourselves, and deny not, but that God suffereth this persecution to
be inflicted upon his church for the sins of men, especially of
priests and prelates of the clergy. For certain it is, that the hand
of the Lord is not shortened, that he cannot save; but our sins have
divided between God and us; and therefore he hideth his face from us
that he will not hear us. The Scripture testifieth, that the sins of
the people do issue out from the sins of the priests. 'And
therefore,' saith Chrysostom, 'Christ, going about to cure the sick
city of Jerusalem, first entered into the temple, to correct the sins
of the priests, like a good physician, which first beginneth to cure
the disease from the very root.' We know that in this holy see there
have been many abominable things of long time wrought and practised;
as abuses in matters spiritual, and also excesses in life and
manners, and all things turned clean contrary. And no marvel if the
sickness, first beginning at the head, that is, at the high bishops,
have descended aftewards to inferior prelates. All we (that is,
prelates of the church) have declined every one after his own way;
neither hath there been one that hath done good, no not one.
Wherefore need it is, that all we give glory to God, and that we
humble our souls to him, considering every one of us from whence he
hath fallen; and that every one do judge himself, before he be judged
of God in the rod of his fury. For the redress whereof you shall
insinuate unto them, and promise in our behalf, that in us shall be
lacking no diligence of a better reformation, first beginning with
our own court:  that like as, this contagion first from thence
descended into all the inferior parts, so reformation and amendment
of all that is amiss, from the same place again, shall take his
beginning; whereunto they shall find us so much the more ready, for
that we see the whole world so desirous of the same. We ourselves, as
you know, never sought this dignity, but rather coveted, if we
otherwise might, to lead a private life, and in a quiet state to
serve God; and also would utterly have refused the same, had not the
fear of God, and the manner of our election, and misdoubting of some
schism to follow after, have urged us to take it. And thus took we
the burden upon us, not for any ambition of dignity, or to enrich our
friends and kinsfolks, but only to be obedient to the will of God,
and for reformation of the catholic church, and for relief of the
poor, and especially for the advancement of learning and learned men,
with such other things more as appertaineth to the charge of a good
bishop and lawful heir of St. Peter. And though all errors,
corruptions, and abuses be not straight-ways amended by us, men ought
not thereat to marvel. The sore is great, and far grown, and is not
single, but of manifold maladies together compacted; and therefore to
the curing thereof we must proceed by little and little, first
beginning to cure the greater and the most dangerous, lest, while we
intend to amend all, we destroy all. 'All sudden mutations,' saith
Aristotle, 'in a commonwealth, are perilous;' and, He that wringeth
too hard, straineth out blood, Prov. xxx.

     "And whereas in your last letters you wrote, that the princes
complain, how this see hath been, and is, prejudicial to their
ordinances and agreements, hereunto you shall thus answer:  that such
excesses, which have been done before our time, ought not to be
imputed to us, who always have misliked these derogations; and
therefore bid them so assure themselves, that though they had
required no such matter, we of our own accord would have refrained
the same; partly for that it is good, right, and reason, that every
one have that which is due unto him; and partly also that the said
noble nation of Germany shall have by us no hinderance, but
furtherance rather, so much as in us shall lie to do for them.

     "And as touching the processes which they desired to have
removed away a rota, and to be referred down to the parties, you
shall signify unto them, that we will gratify them herein as much as
honestly we may. But because our auditors are now presently absent
from the city, by reason of the plague, we cannot be informed as yet
touching the quality of those processes. As soon as they shall
return, (which we hope will be shortly,) we shall do in the princes'
favour what reasonably we may.

     "Further:  whereas we understand, that there be many fresh,
flourishing wits in Germany, and many well-learned men, which are not
seen unto, but be rejected and unlooked to, while in the mean time,
through the apostolical provisions, dignities and promotions are
bestowed upon tapsters anddancers, and unfit persons; we will,
therefore, that you inquire out what those learned men are, and what
be their names, to the intent that when any such vacation of
benefices in Germany doth fall, we, of our voluntary motion, may
provide for them accordingly. For why? we consider how much it is
against God's glory, and against the health and the edification of
souls, that benefices and dignities of the church have now so long
time been bestowed upon unworthy and unable persons.

     "As touching the subsidy for the Hungarians, we send no other
information to you, but that which we gave you at your departure;
save only that we will you to extend your diligence therein, as we
also will do the like, in soliciting the matter with the princes and
cities of Italy, that every one may help after his ability."

     These popish suggestions and instructions of the pope himself
against Luther, I thought, Christian reader! to set before thine
eyes, to the intent thou mayst see here (as in a pattern, and go no
farther) all the crimes, objections, exclamations, suspicions,
accusations, slanders, offensions, contumelies, rebukes, untruths,
cavillations, railings, whatsoever they have devised, or can devise,
invent, articulate, denounce, infer, or surmise, against Luther and
his teaching. They cry, Heresy, heresy! but they prove no heresy.
They cry, Councils, councils! and yet none transgresseth councils
more than themselves. If councils go always with Scripture, then
Luther goeth with them; if councils do jar sometimes from the
Scripture, what heresy is in Luther in standing with Scripture
against those councils? And yet neither hath he hitherto spoken
against any councils, save only the council of Constance. They
inflame kings and princes against Luther, and yet they have no cause
wherefore. They accuse him for teaching liberty. If they mean the
liberty of the flesh, they accuse him falsely; if they mean the
liberty of the spirit, they teach wickedly which teach contrary:  and
yet when they have all said, none live so licentiously as themselves.
They pretend the zeal of the church, but under that church lieth
their own private welfare and belly-cheer. They charge Luther with
disobedience, and none are so disobedient to magistrates and civil
laws as they. They lay to his charge oppression and spoiling of
laymen's goods; and who spoileth the laymen's livings so much as the
pope? For probation hereof, let the pope's accounts be cast, what he
raketh out of every Christian realm. Briefly, turn only the names of
the persons, and instead of Luther's name, place the name of the
pope, and the effect of this letter above prefixed shall agree upon,
none more aptly than upon the pope himself and his own sectaries.

     Now to proceed further in the process of this aforesaid matter,
let us see what the princes again for their parts answer to these
aforesaid suggestions and instructions of Pope Adrian, sent unto them
in the diet of Nuremberg, in the cause of Luther:  the answer of whom
here followeth underwritten: 

     "The noble and renowned prince Lord Ferdinand, lieutenant to
the emperor's Majesty, with other reverend peers in Christ, and
mighty princes electors, and other states and orders of this present
assembly of the Roman empire in Nuremberg convented, have gratefully
received, and diligently perused, the letters sent in form of a
brief, with the instructions also of the most holy father in Christ
and lord, Lord Adrian, the high bishop of the holy and universal
Church of Rome, presented unto them in the cause of Luther's faction.
By the which aforesaid letters and writings, first, whereas they
understand his Holiness to have been born, and to have had his native
origin and parentage out of this noble nation of Germany, they do not
a little rejoice. Of whose egregious virtues and ornaments, both of
mind and body, they have heard great fame and commendation, even from
his tender years:  by reason whereof they are so much the more joyous
of his advancement and preferment, by such consent of election, to
the high top of the apostolical dignity, and yield to God most hearty
thanks for the same:  praying also, from the bottom of their hearts,
for his excellent clemency, and perpetual glory of his name, and for
health of souls, and purity of the universal church, that God will
give his Holiness long continuance of felicity:  having no misdoubt
but that by such a full and consenting election of such a pastor of
the universal catholic church, great profit and commodity will ensue.
Which thing to hope and look for, his Holiness openeth to them an
evident declaration in his own letters, testifying and protesting
what a care it is to him both day and night, how to discharge his
pastoral function, in studying for the health of the flock to him
committed; and especially in converting the minds of Christian
princes from war to peace. Declaring moreover what subsidy and relief
his Holiness hath sent to the soldiers of Rhodes, &c. All which
things they, perpending with themselves, conceive exceeding hope and
comfort in their minds, thus reputing and trusting that this concord
of Christian princes will be a great help and stay to the better
quieting of things now out of frame; without which neither the state
of the commonwealth nor of Christian religion can be rightly
redressed, and much less the tyranny of the barbarous Turks
repressed.

     "Wherefore the excellent prince, lord lieutenant to the
emperor's Majesty, with the other princes electors, and orders of
this present assembly, most heartily do pray, that his Holiness will
persist in this his purpose and diligence, as he hath virtuously
begun, leaving no stone unremoved, how the disagreeing hearts of
Christian princes may be reduced to quiet and peace or if that will
not be, yet at least some truce and intermission of domestical
dissensions may be obtained for the necessity of the time now
present, whereby all Christians may join their powers together, with
the help of God, to go against the Turk, and to deliver the people of
Christ from his barbarous tyranny and bondage; whereunto both the
noble prince lord lieutenant, and other princes of Germany, will put
to their helping hands, to the best of their ability.

     "And whereas by the letters of his Holiness, with his
instruction also exhibited unto them by his legate, they understand
that his Holiness is afflicted with great sorrow for the prospering
of Luther's sect, whereby innumerable souls committed to his charge
are in danger of perdition, and therefore his Holiness vehemently
desireth some speedy remedy against the same to be provided, with an
explication of certain necessary reasons and causes, whereby to move
the German princes thereunto; and that they will tender the execution
of the apostolic sentence, and also of the emperor's edict set forth
touching the suppressing of Luther:  To these the lord lieutenant, and
other princes and states, do answer, that it is to them no less grief
and sorrow than to his Holiness; and also do lament as much for these
impieties and perils of souls, and inconveniences which grow in the
religion of Christ, either by the sect of Luther, or any otherwise. 
Further, what help or counsel shall lie in them for the extirpating
of errors, and decay of souls' health, what their moderation can do,
they are willing and ready to perform; considering how they stand
bound and subject, as well to the pope's Holiness, as also to the
emperor's Majesty. But why the sentence of the apostolic see, and the
emperor's edict against Luther, hath not been put in execution
hitherto, there have been (said they) causes great and urgent, which
have led them thereto:  as first, in weighing and considering with
themselves, that great evils and inconveniences would thereupon
ensue. For the greatest part of the people of. Germany have always
had this persuasion, and now, by reading of Luther's books, are more
therein confirmed, that great grievances and inconveniences have come
to this nation of Germany by the court of Rome:  and therefore, if
they should have proceeded with any rigour in executing the pope's
sentence, and the emperor's edict, the multitude would conceive and
suspect in their minds, this to be done for subverting the verity of
the gospel, and for supporting and confirming the former abuses and
grievances, whereupon great wars and tumults, no doubt, would have
ensued:  which thing unto the princes and states there hath been well
perceived by many arguments; for the avoiding whereof, they thought
to use more gentle remedies, serving more opportunely for the time.

     "Again, whereas the reverend lord legate (said they) in the
name of the pope's Holiness, hath been instructed, to declare unto
them, that God suffereth this persecution to rise in the church for
the sins of men, and that his Holiness doth promise therefore to
begin the reformation with his own court, that as the corruption
first sprang from thence to the inferior parts, so the redress of all
again should first begin with the same. Also, whereas his Holiness,
of a good and fatherly heart, doth testify in his letters, that he
himself did always mislike that the court of Rome should intermeddle
so much, and derogate from the concordats of the princes, and that
his Holiness doth fully purpose in that behalf, during his papacy,
never to practise the like, but so to endeavour, that every one, and
especially the nation of the Germans, may have their proper due and
right, granting especially to the said nation his peculiar favour: 
who seeth not by these premises, but that this most holy bishop
omitteth nothing which a good father, or a devout pastor, may or
ought to do to his sheep? or who will not be moved hereby to a loving
reverence, and to amendment of his defaults, namely, seeing his
Holiness so intendeth to accomplish the same in deed, which in word
he promiseth, according as he hath begun?

     "And thus undoubtedly both the noble lord lieutenant, and all
other princes and states of the empire, well hope that he will, and
pray most heartily that he may do, to the glory of our eternal God,
to the health of souls, and to the tranquillity of the public state.
For unless such abuses and grievances, with certain other articles
also, which the secular princes (assigned purposely for the same)
shall draw out in writing, shall be faithfully reformed, there is no
true peace and concord between the ecclesiastical and secular
estates, nor any true extirpation of this tumult and errors in
Germany, that can be hoped. For partly by long wars, partly by reason
of other grievances and hinderances, this nation of Germany hath been
so wasted and consumed in money, that scarcely it is able to sustain
itself in private affairs, and necessary upholding of justice within
itself; much less then to minister aid and succour to the kingdom of
Hungary, and to the Croatians, against the Turk. And whereas all the
states of the sacred Roman empire do not doubt, but the pope's
Holiness doth right well understand how the German princes did grant
and condescend for the money of annats to be levied to the see of
Rome for term of certain years, upon condition that the said money
should be converted to maintain war against the Turkish infidels, and
for defence of the catholic faith:  and whereas the term of these
years is now expired longsince, when the said annats should be
gathered, and yet that money hath not been so bestowed to that use,
whereto it was first granted; therefore if any such necessity should
now come, that any public helps or contributions against the Turk
should be demanded of the German people, they would answer again, Why
is not that money of annats, reserved many years before to that-use,
now to be bestowed and applied? and so would they refuse to receive
any more such burdens for that cause to be laid upon them.

     "Wherefore the said lord lieutenant, and other princes and
degrees of the empire, make earnest petition, that the pope's
Holiness will with a fatherly consideration expend the premises, and
surcease hereafter to require such annats, which are accustomed after
the death of bishops and other prelates, or ecclesiastical persons,
to be paid to the court of Rome, and suffer them to remain to the
chamber of the empire, whereby justice and peace may be more
commodiously administered, the tranquillity of the public state of
Germany maintained; and also, by the same, due helps may be ordained
and disposed to other Christian potentates in Germany, against the
Turk, which otherwise without the same is not to be hoped for.

     "Item, Whereas the pope's Holiness desireth to be informed,
what way were best to take in resisting these errors of the
Lutherans:  to this the lord lieutenant, with other princes and
nobles, do answer, that whatsoever help or counsel they can devise,
with willing hearts they will be ready thereunto. Seeing therefore
the state, as well ecclesiastical as temporal, is far out of frame,
and have so much corrupted their ways; and seeing not only of
Luther's part, and of his sect, but also by divers other occasions
besides, so many errors, abuses, and corruptions have crept in; much
requisite and necessary it is, that some effectual remedy be
provided, as well for redress of the church, as also for repressing
the Turk's tyranny. Now what more present or effectual remedy can be
had, the lord lieutenant, with other estates and princes, do not see,
than this, that the pope's Holiness, by the consent of the emperor's
Majesty, do summon a free Christian council in some convenient place
of Germany, as at Strasburg, or at Mentz, or at Cologne, or at Metz;
and that with as much speed as conveniently may be, so that the
congregating of the said council be not deferred above one year in
the which council it may be lawful for every person that there shall
have interest, either temporal or ecclesiastical, freely to speak and
consult, to the glory of God, and health of souls, and the public
wealth of Christendom, without impeachment or restraint; whatsoever
oath or other bond to the contrary notwithstanding; yea, and it shall
be every good man's part there to speak, not only freely, but to
speak that which is true, to the purpose, and to edifying, and not to
pleasing or flattering, but simply and uprightly to declare his
judgment, without all fraud or guile. And as touching by what ways
these errors and tumults of the German people may best be stayed and
pacified in the mean time, until the council be set, the aforesaid
lord lieutenant, with the other princes, thereupon have consulted and
deliberated; that forasmuch as Luther, and certain of his fellows, be
within the territory and dominion of the noble Duke Frederic, the
said lord lieutenant and other states of the empire shall so labour
the matter with the aforenamed prince, duke of Saxony, that Luther
and his followers shall not write, set forth, or print any thing
during the said mean space; neither do they doubt but that the said
noble prince of Saxony, for his Christian piety, and obedience to the
Roman empire, as becometh a prince of such excellent virtue, will
effectually condescend to the same.

     "Item, The said lord lieutenant and princes shall labour so
with the preachers of Germany, that they shall not in their sermons
teach or blow into the people's ears such matter, whereby the
multitude may be moved to rebellion or uproar, or be induced into
error; and that they shall preach and teach nothing but the true,
pure, sincere, and holy gospel, and approved Scripture, godly,
mildly, and Christianly, according to the doctrine and exposition of
the Scripture; being approved and received of Christ's church,
abstaining from all such things which are better unknown than learned
of the people, and which to be subtilly searched, or deeply
discussed, it is not expedient. Also, that they shall move no
contention of disputation among the vulgar sort; but whatsoever
hangeth in controversy, the same they shall reserve to the
determination of the council to come.

     "Item, The arcbbishops, bishops, and other prelates within
their diocesees, shall assign godly and learned men, having good
judgment in the Scripture, which shall diligently and faithfully
attend upon such preachers and if they shall perceive the said
preachers either to have erred, or to have uttered any thing
inconveniently, they shall godly, mildly, and modestly advertise and
inform them thereof, in such sort as no man shall justly complain the
truth of the gospel to be impeached. But if the preachers, continuing
still in their stubbornness, shall refuse to be admonished, and will
not desist from their lewdness, then shall they be restrained and
punished by the ordinaries of the place, with punishment for the same
convenient.

     Furthermore, the said princes and nobles shall provide and
undertake, so much as shall be possible, that, from henceforth,
during the aforesaid time, no new book shall be imprinted, especially
none of these famous libels, neither shall they privily or apertly be
sold. Also, order shall be taken amongst all potentates, that if any
shall set out, sell, or imprint any new work, it shall first be seen
and perused of certain godly, learned, and discreet men appointed for
the same; so that if it be not admitted and approved by them, it
shall not be permitted to be published in print, or to come abroad.
Thus, by these means, they hope well, that the tumults, errors, and
offences among the people shall cease; especially if the pope's
Holiness himself shall begin with an orderly and due reformation, in
the aforesaid grievances above mentioned, and will procure such a
free and Christian council as hath been said; and so shall the people
be well contented and satisfied. Or if the tumult shall not so fully
be calmed as they desire, yet the greater part thus will be quieted;
for all such as be honest and good men, no doubt, will be in great
expectation of that general council, so shortly, and now ready at
hand, to come. Finally, as concerning priests which contract
matrimony, and religious men leaving their cloisters, whereof
intimation was also made by the apostolical legate, the aforesaid
princes do consider, that forasmuch as in the civil law there is no
penalty for them ordained, they shall be referred to the canonical
constitutions, to be punished thereafter accordingly; that is, by the
loss of their benefices and privileges, or other condign censures: 
and that the said ordinaries shall in no case be stopped or inhibited
by the secular powers, from the correction of such:  but that they
shall add their help and favour to the maintenance of ecclesiastical
jurisdiction, and shall direct out their public edicts and precepts,
that none shall impeach or prohibit the said ordinaries in their
ecclesiastical castigation, upon such transgressors to be
administered.

     "To conclude; the redoubled prince, lord lieutenant, and other
princes, estates, and orders of the public empire, vehemently and
most heartily do pray and beseech, that the pope's Holiness, and the
reverend lord his legate, will accept and take all the premises to be
no otherwise spoken and meant, than of a good, free, sincere, and a
Christian mind:  neither is there any thing that all the aforesaid
princes, estates, and nobles, do more wish and desire, than the
furtherance and prosperous estate of the holy catholic Church of
Rome, and of his Holiness; to whose wishes, desires, and obedience,
they offer and commend themselves most ready and obsequious, as
faithful children."

     Thus hast thou, loving reader! the full discourse both of the
pope's letter, and of his legate's instructions, with the answer also
of the states of Germany to the said letter and instructions to them
exhibited in the diet of Nuremberg:  in the which diet what was
concluded, and what order and consultation was taken, first touching
the grievances of Germany, which they exhibited to the pope, then
concerning a general council to be called in Germany, also for
printing, and preaching, and for priests' marriage, hath been
likewise declared, &c.

     The occasion of this matter, moved against priests' marriage,
came first by the ministers of Strasburg, which about this time began
to take wives, and therefore were cited by the bishop of Strasburg to
appear before him at a certain day, as violators of the laws of holy
church, the holy fathers, the bishops of Rome, and of the emperor's
Majesty, to the prejudice both of their own order of priesthood, and
majesty of Almighty God:  but they referred their cause to the hearing
of the magistrates of the same city; who, being suitors for them unto
the bishops, laboured to have the matter either released, or at least
to be delayed for a time.

     Long it were to recite all the circumstances following upon
this diet or assembly of Nuremberg, how their decree was received of
some, of some neglected, of divers diversely wrested and expounded.
Luther, writing his letters upon the same decree to the princes, thus
made his exposition of the meaning thereof:  that whereas the
preachers were commanded to preach the pure gospel, after the
doctrine of the church received, he expounded the meaning thereof to
be, not after the doctrine of Thomas Aquinas, or Scotus, or such
other late school writers, but after the doctrine of Hilary, Cyprian,
and Austin, and other ancient doctors; and yet the doctrine of the
said ancestors no further to be received, but as they should agree
with the Scripture.

     Secondly, as concerning new books not to be sold nor printed,
he expounded the meaning thereof to extend no further, but that the
text of the Bible and books of the Holy Scripture might be printed
notwithstanding, and published to all men.

     And as for the prohibition of priests' marriage, he writeth to
the princes, and desireth them to bear with the weakness of men;
declaring that branch of their decree to be very hard, which though
it standeth with the pope's law, yet it accordeth not with the
gospel, neither conduceth to good manners, nor to honesty of life,
&c.

     Furthermore, Whereas in the same session of Nuremberg, mention
was made before of certain grievances collected to the number of a
hundred, and exhibited to the bishop of Rome, it were tedious
likewise to insert them all; yet to give some taste of a few I judge
it not unprofitable, to the intent that the world may see and judge,
not only what abuses and corruptions, most monstrous and incredible,
lay hid under the glorious title of the holy Church of Rome, but also
may understand, with what hypocrisy and impudence the pope taketh
upon him so grievously to complain upon Master Luther and others;
when in all the universal church of Christ, there is none so much to
be blamed all manner of ways, as he himself, according as by these
heinous complaints of the German princes, here following, against the
pope's intolerable oppressions and grievances, may right well appear.
Which grievances being collected by the princes of Germany at
Nuremberg, to the number of a hundred, I wish might be fully and at
large set forth to the studious reader, whereby might appear the
subtle sleights and intolerable frauds of that pretended church. But
forasmuch as it were too long to comprehend the whole, I have thought
good to exhibit some part thereof for example, as giving only a
certain taste, whereby thou mayst more easily conceive what to think
and esteem of all the residue, which both to me would be tedious to
write, and perhaps more grievous to thee to hear.

Certain grievances or oppressions of Germany, against the court of
Rome, collected and exhibited by the princes, at the council of
Nuremberg, to the number of a hundred, whereof certain specialties
here follow.

     Forbidding of marriage in divers degrees, not forbidden by
God's law.

     Forbidding of meats, not forbidden by God's law. Of times of
marriage restrained, and afterwards released for money.

     Complaint for selling remission of sins for money.

     But especially the burden and grievance of the pope's
indulgences and pardons be most importable; when the bishops of Rome,
under pretence of building some church in Rome, or to war against the
Turk, do make out their indulgences with their bulls; persuading and
promising to the simple people strange and wonderful benefits of
remission a pœna et culpa, that is, from all their sins and
punishment due for the same, and that not in this life only, but also
after this life, to them that be dead, burning in the fire of
purgatory. Through the hope and occasion thereof, true piety is
almost extinct in all Germany, while every evil-disposed person
promiseth to himself, for a little money, licence and impunity to do
what him listeth:  whereupon followeth fornication, incest, adultery,
perjury, homicide, robbing and spoiling, rapine, usury, with a whole
flood of all mischiefs, &c.

     Complaint against the immunities of clergymen.

     Complaint of excommunication being abused in Church of Rome.

     Complaint that the church is burdened with a number of
holidays, which ought to be diminished.

     The suspending and hallowing of church-yards complained of,
gainful to the pope, and chargeable to the people.

     Complaint against officials, and other ecclesiastical judges.

     How the ecclesiastical judges do annex certain special causes,
being lay matters, unto their own jurisdiction, and will by no means
release the same, except for money.

     The gain that riseth to the clergy by false slanders and
rumours.

     Complaint against spiritual judges taking secular causes from
the civil magistrates, for gain of money.

     Complaint against ecclesiastical judges inter-meddling with
cases of the secular court, but will not suffer their cases once to
be touched of the other.

     Complaint against certain misorders of cathedral churches, for
using double punishment for one offence against the law.

     Complaint of officials for maintaining unlawful usury.

     Complaint of officials permitting unlawful cohabiting with
another, when the husband or wife is long absent.

     Complaint of canons in cathedral churches, which have their
bishop sworn unto them before he be chosen.

     Complaints against incorporations or impropriations, and other
pilling of the people by churchmen.

     Buying and selling of burials complained of.

     Chaste and continent priests compelled to pay tribute for
concubines.

     Also in many places the bishops and their officials do not only
suffer priests to have concubines, so that they pay certain sums of
money, but also compel continent and chaste priests, which live
without concubines, to pay tribute for concubines, affirming that the
bishop hath need of money:  which being paid, it shall be lawful for
them either to live chaste, or keep concubines. How wicked a thing
this is, every man doth well understand and know.
 These, with many other burdens and grievances
more, to the number of a hundred, the secular states of Germany
delivered to the pope's legate; having (as they said) many more and
more grievous grievances besides these, which had likewise much need
of redress:  but because they would not exceed the limits of
reasonable brevity, they would content themselves (they said) with
these aforesaid hundred, reserving the rest to a more apt and more
convenient opportunity; stedfastly trusting and hoping, that when
those hundred grievances already by them declared, should be
abolished, the other would also decay and fall with them. Of the
which aforesaid grievances and complaints here is moreover to be
noted, that a great part was offered up before to the emperor at the
council of Worms; but because no redress thereof did follow,
therefore the secular states of Germany thought good to exhibit the
same now again, with divers more annexed thereunto, to Cheregatus,
the pope's legate in this present assembly of Nuremberg, desiring him
to present the same to Pope Adrian. This was about A.D. 1523; which
being done, the assembly at Nuremberg brake up for a time, and was
prorogued to the next year following.

     In this mean time Pope Adrian died. After him succeeded Pope
Clement the Seventh, who, the next year following, which was A.D.
1524, sent down his legate, Cardinal Campeius, unto the council of
the German princes assembled again at Nuremberg, about the month of
March, with letters also to Duke Frederic, full of many fair
petitions and sharp complaints, &c. But as touching the grievances
above-mentioned, no word nor message at all was sent, neither by
Campeius, nor by any other. Thus, where any thing was to be
complained of against Luther, either for suppression of the liberty
of the gospel, or for upholding of the pope's dignity, the pope was
ever ready with all diligence to call upon the princes; but where any
redress was to be required for the public wealth of Christian people,
or touching the necessary reformation of the church, herein the pope
neither giveth ear nor answer.



149.LUTHER AFTER THE DIET OF WORMS; HIS TEACHINGS AND DEATH.

     And thus, having discoursed such matters occurrent between the
pope and princes of Germany at the synod of Nuremberg, let us now
proceed, returning again to the story of Luther, of whom ye heard
before, how he was kept secret and solitary for a time, by the advice
and conveyance of certain nobles in Saxony, because of the emperor's
edict above-mentioned. In the mean time, while Luther had thus
absented himself out of Wittenberg, Andreas Carolostadt, proceeding
more roughly and eagerly in causes of religion, had stirred up the
people to throw down images in the temples, besides other things
more. For the which cause Luther, returning again into the city,
greatly misliked the order of their doings, and reproved the rashness
of Carolostadt, declaring that their proceedings herein were not
orderly, but that pictures and images ought first to be thrown outof
the hearts and consciences of men; and that the people ought first to
be taught that they are to be saved before God, and please him only
by faith; and that images serve to no purpose:  this done, and the
people well instructed, there was no danger in images, but they would
fall of their own accord. Not that he repugned to the contrary, (he
said,) as though he would maintain images to stand or to be suffered,
but that this ought to be done by the magistrate; and not by force,
upon every private man's head, without order and authority.

     Furthermore, Luther, writing of Carolostadt, affirmeth, that he
also joined with the sentence of them which began then to spread
about certain parts of Saxony, saying, that they were taught of God
that all wickedness being utterly suppressed, and all the wicked
doers slain, a new full perfection of all things must be set up, and
the innocent only to enjoy all things, &c.

     The cause why Luther so stood against that violent throwing
down of images, and against Carolostadt, seemeth partly to arise of
this, by reason that Pope Adrian, in his letters sent to the princes
and states of Germany, doth grievously complain and charge the sect
of Luther for sedition and tumults, and rebellion against
magistrates, as subverters and destroyers of all order and obedience,
as appeareth by the words of the pope's letter before expressed;
therefore Martin Luther, to stop the mouth of such slanderers, and to
prevent such sinister suspicions, was enforced to take this way as he
did; that is, to proceed as much as he might by order and authority.

     Wherein are to be noted by the way two special points touching
the doctrine and doings of Martin Luther, especially for all such who
in these our days now, abusing the name and authority of Luther,
think themselves to be good Lutherans, if they suffer images still to
remain in temples, and admit such things in the church, which
themselves do wish to be away. The first is, the manner how and after
what sort Luther did suffer such images to stand; for although he
assented not, that the vulgar and private multitude tumultuously by
violence should rap them down; yet that is no argument now for the
magistrate to let them stand. And though he allowed not the ministers
to stir up the people by forcible means to promote religion; yet that
argueth not those magistrates to be good Lutherans, which may and
should remove them, and will not.

     The second point to be noted is, to consider the cause why that
Luther did so stand with standing of images; which cause was time,
and not his own judgment; for albeit in judgment he wished them away,
yet time so served not thereunto then, as it serveth now:  for then
the doctrine of Luther, first beginning to spring, and being but in
the blade, was not yet known whereto it tended, nor to what it would
grow, but rather was suspected to tend to disobedience and sedition;
and therefore the pope, hearing of the doings of Carolostadt in
Wittenberg, and of other like, took his ground thereby to charge the
sect of Luther with sedition, uproars, and dissolute liberty of life.
And this was the cause why Luther (compelled then by necessity of
time to save his doctrine from slander of sedition and tumult being
laid to him by the pope, as ye have heard) was so much offended with
Carolostadt and others, for their violence used against images, For
otherwise, had it not been for the pope's accusations, there is no
doubt but Luther would have been as well contented with abolishing of
images, and other monuments of popery, as he was at the same time
contented to write to the Friars Augustine for abrogating of private
masses. And therefore as Luther in this doing is to be excused, the
circumstances considered, so the like excuse, perhaps, will not serve
the over-much curious imitation of certain Lutherans in this present
age now; which, considering only the fact of Luther, do not mark the
purpose of Luther, neither do expend the circumstances and time of
his doings; being not much unlike to the ridiculous imitators of King
Alexander the Great, which thought it not sufficient to follow him in
his virtues, but they would also counterfeit him in his stooping, and
all other gestures besides. But to these living now in the church, in
another age than Luther did, it may seem, after my mind, sufficient
to follow the same way after Luther, or to walk with Luther to the
kingdom of Christ, though they jump not also in every footstep of of
his, and keep even the same pace and turnings in all points as he
did.
[Footnote:  A Roman Catholic bishop, Dr. Milner, in his Letters to a
Prebendary, (seventh edition, London, 1825, pp. 113-118,) has
favoured us with a series of the coarsest expressions which can be
selected from the writings of Luther, to deduce from them, that
Luther's morality was prostrated, that his sentiments were depraved,
and that his motives and actions were the result of pride, bigotry,
and ambition. Dr. Milner closes his observations with these words,
"There are other passages in great numbers, too indecent to admit of
being translated at all; indeed I almost blush to soil my paper with
transcribing some of them into my notes below, in the original
Latin." This learned doctor of the popish church shrinks, with wonted
modesty, from his own translation of Luther's addresses to his royal
antagonist Henry the Eighth; but how would his delicacy have been
offended had he heard Mr. John Clark, the king's orator, before the
Consistory of Leo the Tenth, (in presenting his master's book to that
spiritual head of the church,) break out into such epithets as these
which follow; unless, indeed, they were deemed excusable, as spoken
of "an execrable, venomous, and pernicious heretic." [See page 1 of
Henry the Eighth's own book, entitled, Assertio Septem Sacramentorum.
Faithfully translated, &c., by T. W., gent., London, 1688.] The
orator denounces Luther as "this furious monster," with "his stings
and poisons, whereby he intends to infect the whole world." Or again,
"What so hot and inflamed force of speaking can be invented
sufficient to declare the crime of that most filthy villain?" [see
page 2.] Or, in reading forward, how would his ear have been jarred
with the expressions, "idol and vain phantom," "a mad dog, to be
dealt with drawn swords," and "a viper's madness!" How startling to
hear three times repeated from the mouth of the most holy father Pope
Leo, the title of "terrible monster;" or to hear him, the head of a
church that professes to be no persecutor of protestants, (because
she persecutes all heretics alike,) speak in definite terms of
"driving away from our Lord's flock the wolves; and cutting off, with
the material sword, the rotten members that infect the mystical body
of Christ: " [see the pope's bull to King Henry.] And, lastly, how
would the tender feelings of Dr. Milner have been wounded had he read
King Henry's own words, in his "Address to the Reader," animadverting
upon Luther as "one risen up, who, by the instigation of the devil,
under pretext of charity, stimulated with anger and hatred, spues out
the poison of vipers against the church! "Again, how inconsistent 
with the meekness of Christianity, for the Defender of the Faith to
speak thus of Luther:  "Oh, that detestable trumpeter of pride,
calumnies, and schisms! what an infernal wolf, &c., what a great
member of the devil is he! &c. Every Christian mind must deeply
regret the coarse and vulgar expressions used by the orator, the
pope, the king, and Luther, in common with other writers of that age: 
that such should have been the expressions of Luther is deeply to be
lamented, as the life and conversation of Christians should be
characteristic of the religion which they profess:  at the same time
it will be perceived, that Luther was the more readily betrayed into
errors of this kind in consequence of the bold and uncompromising
character of his mind, a quality as much to be admired by every
protestant, as it was dreaded by the papists:  they could not refute
his arguments, founded upon scripture; they dared not injure his
person, beloved and esteemed by the people. That the tender mercies
of the Romish Church would not have spared Luther, unless secured
from danger by a more powerful arm, we may gather from John Clark's
oration to the pope, on presenting to the pontiff King Henry's book;
who, speaking of the poisoning of Socrates, adds these words
respecting Luther:  "Could this destroyer of the Christian religion
expect any better from true Christians, for his extreme wickedness
against God?" And again, King Henry the Eighth, in his Address to the
Reader, speaking of Luther's repentance, adds, If Luther refuses
this, it will shortly come to pass, if Christian princes do their
duty, that their errors, and himself, if he perseveres therein, may
be burned in the fire."

     Whatever may have been the errors of Luther, they teach us this
truth; that weak and unstable must be that proud and boasting church,
which shook from its base to its summit, as Luther divulged and
propagated his Scriptural, and alas, in those days, "strange"
doctrines. The success which crowned the labours of this "puny
brother," (as King Henry calls him in the last sentence of his book,)
we must ascribe to the honour of God and the glory of his grace, who
hath "chosen the foolish things of the world to confound the wise,
and the weak things of the world to confound the things which are
mighty; and who hath chosen base things of the world, and things
which are despised, yea, and things which are not, to bring to nought
things that are, that no flesh should glory in his presence." --
Seeley's Edition of Fox, vol. iv. p. 317.]

     And contrariwise, of the other sort, much less are they to be
commended, which running as much on the contrary string, are so
precise, that because of one small blemish, or for a little stooping
of Luther in the sacrament, therefore they give clean over the
reading of Luther, and fall almost into utter contempt of his books: 
whereby is declared, not so much the niceness and curiousness of
these our days, as the hinderance that cometh thereby to the church
is greatly to be lamented. For albeit the church of Christ (praised
be the Lord) is not unprovided of sufficient plenty of worthy and
learned writers, able to instruct in 'matters of doctrine; yet in the
chief points of our consolation, where the glory of Christ, and the
power of his passion, and strength of faith, are to be opened to our
conscience; and where the soul, wrestling for death and life,
standeth in need of serious consolation, the same may be said of
Martin Luther, among all this other variety of writers, that St.
Cyprian was wont to say of Tertullian," Give me my master." And
albeit that Luther went a little awry, and dissented from Zuinglius,
in this one matter of the sacrament; yet in all other states of
doctrine they did accord, as appeared in the synod holden at Marburg,
by Prince Philip, landgrave of Hesse, which was A.D. 1529, where both
Luther and Zuinglius were present, and, conferring together, agreed
in these articles: 

     "1. On the Unity and Trinity of God. 2. In the incarnation of
the Word. 3. In the passion and, resurrection of Christ, 4. In the
article of original sin. 5. In the article of faith in Christ Jesus.
6. That this faith cometh not of merits, but by the gift of God. 7.
That this faith is our righteousness. 8. Touching the extern word. 9.
Likewise they agreed in the articles of baptism. 10. Of good works.
11. Of confession. 12. Of magistrates. 13. Of men's traditions. 14.
Of baptism of infants. 15. Lastly, concerning the doctrine of the
Lord's supper; this they did believe, and hold:  first, that both
kinds thereof are to be ministered to the people, according to
Christ's institution; and that the mass is no such work for the which
a man may obtain grace both for the quick and the dead. Item, that
the sacrament (which they call of the altar) is a true sacrament of
the body and blood of the Lord. Item, that the spiritual manducation
of his body and blood is necessary for every Christian man. And
furthermore, that the use of the sacrament tendeth to the same effect
as doth the word, given and ordained of Almighty God, that thereby
infirm consciences may be stirred to belief by the Holy Ghost," &c.

     In all these sums of doctrine above recited, Luther and
Zuinglius did consent and agree; neither were their opinions so
different in the matter of the Lord's supper, but that in the
principal points they accorded. For if the question be asked of them
both, What is the material substance of the sacrament, which our
outward senses do behold and feel? they will both confess bread, and
not the accidents only of bread. Further, if the question be asked,
Whether Christ be there present? they will both confess his true
presence to be there; only in the manner of presence they differ.
Again, ask, Whether the material substance laid before our eyes in
the sacrament is to be worshipped? they will both deny it, and judge
it idolatry. And likewise for transubstantiation, and the sacrifice
of the mass, they both do abhor, and do deny the same:  as also that
the communion to be in both kinds administered, they do both assent
and grant.

     Only their difference is in this, concerning the sense and
meaning of the words of Christ, "This is my body," &c., which words
Luther expoundeth to be taken nakedly and simply as the letter
standeth, without trope or figure; and therefore holdeth the body and
blood of Christ truly to be in the bread and wine, and so also to be
received with the mouth. Uldricus Zuinglius, with Johannes
Œcolampadius, and other more, do interpret these words otherwise; as
to be taken not literally, but to have a spiritual meaning, and to be
expounded by a trope or figure, so that the sense of these words,
"This is my body," is thus to be expounded:  "This signifieth my body
and blood." With Luther consented the Saxons; with the side of
Zuinglius went the Helvetians. And as time did grow, so the division
of these opinions increased in sides, and spread in farther realms
and countries:  the one part being called, of Luther, Lutherans; the
other having the name of Sacramentaries. Notwithstanding, in this one
unity of opinion both the Lutherans and Sacramentaries do accord and
agree, that the bread and wine therepresent are not transubstantiated
into the body and blood of Christ, (as it is said,) but are a true
sacrament of the body and blood.

     But hereof sufficient, touching this division between the
Lutherans and the Zuinglians. In which division, if there have been
any defect in Martin Luther, yet is that no cause why either the
papists may greatly triumph, or why the protestants should despise
Luther:  for neither is the doctrine of Luther touching the sacrament
so gross, that it maketh much with the papists; nor yet so discrepant
from us, that therefore he ought to be exploded. And though a full
reconciliation of this difference cannot well be made, (as some have
gone about to do,) yet let us give to Luther a moderate
interpretation; and if we will not make things better, yet let us not
make them worse than they be, and let us hear, if not with the
manner, yet at least with the time of his teaching; and finally, let
it not be noted in us, that we should seem to differ in charity more
(as Bucer said) than we do in doctrine. But of this more hereafter,
(Christ willing,) when we come to the history of John Frith.

     They which write the lives of saints use to describe and to
extol their holy life and godly virtues, and also to set forth such
miracles as be wrought in them by God; whereof there lacketh no
plenty in Martin Luther, but rather time lacketh to us, and
opportunity to tarry upon them, having such haste to other things.
Otherwise what a miracle might this seem to be, for one man, and a
poor friar, creeping out of a blind cloister, to be set up against
the pope, the universal bishop, and God's mighty vicar on earth; to
withstand all his cardinals, yea, and to sustain the malice and
hatred almost of the whole world being set against him; and to work
that against the said pope, cardinals, and Church of Rome, which no
king nor emperor could ever do, yea, durst never attempt, nor all the
learned men before him could ever compass:  which miraculous work of
God, I account nothing inferior to the miracle of David overthrowing
great Goliath. Wherefore if miracles do make a saint, (after the
pope's definition,) what lacketh in Martin Luther, but age and time
only, to make him a saint? who, standing openly against the pope,
cardinals, and prelates of the church, in number so many, in power so
terrible, in practice so crafty, having emperors and all the kings of
the earth against him; who, teaching and preaching Christ the space
of nine and twenty years, could, without touch of all his enemies, so
quietly, in his own country where he was born, die and sleep in
peace. In which Martin Luther, first to stand against the pope was a
great miracle; to prevail against the pope, a greater; so to die
untouched, may seem greatest of all, espepecially having so many
enemies as he had. Again, neither is it any thing less miraculous, to
consider what manifold dangers he escaped besides:  as when a certain
Jew was appointed to come to destroy him by poison, yet was it so by
the will of God, that Luther had warning thereof before, and the face
of the Jew sent to him by picture, whereby he knew him, and avoided
the peril.

     Another time, as he was sitting in a certain place upon his
stool, a great stone there was in the vault over his head where he
did sit; which being staid miraculously so long as he was sitting, as
soon as he was up, immediately fell upon the place where he sat, able
to have crushed him all in pieces, if it had lighted upon him.

     And what should I speak of his prayers, which were so ardent
unto Christ, that (as Melancthon writeth) they which stood under his
window where he stood praying, might see his tears falling and
dropping down. Again, with such power he prayed, that he (as himself
confesseth) had obtained of the Lord, that so long as he lived, the
pope should not prevail in his country; after his death (said he) let
them pray who could.

     And as touching the marvellous works of the Lord, wrought here
by men, if it be true which is credibly reported by the learned, what
miracle can be more miraculous, than that which is declared of a
young man about Wittenberg, who, being kept bare and needy by his
father, was tempted by way of sorcery to bargain with the devil, or a
familiar, as they call him; to yield himself body and soul into the
devil's power, upon condition to have his wish satisfied with money.
So that upon the same an obligation was made by the young man,
written with his own blood, and given to the devil. This case you see
how horrible it was, and how damnable. Now hear what followed. Upon
the sudden wealth and alteration of this young man, the matter first
being noted, began afterwards more and more to be suspected, and at
length, after long and great admiration, was brought unto Martin
Luther to be examined. The young man, whether for shame or fear, long
denied to confess, and would disclose nothing; yet God so wrought,
being stronger than the devil, that he uttered unto Luther the whole
substance of the case, as well touching the money, as the obligation.
Luther understanding the matter, and pitying the lamentable state of
the man, willed the whole congregation to pray, and he himself ceased
not with his prayers to labour; so that the devil was compelled at
the last to throw in his obligation at the window, and bade him take
it again unto him:  which narration, if it be so true, as certainly it
is of him reported, I see not the contrary, but that this may well
seem comparable with the greatest miracle, in Christ's church, that
was since the apostles' time.

     Furthermore, as he was mighty in his prayers, so in his sermons
God gave him such a grace, that when he preached, they which heard
him thought every one his own temptation severally to be noted and
touched. Whereof, when signification was given unto him by his
friends, and he demanded how that could be:  "Mine own manifold
temptations," said he, "and experiences are the cause thereof." For
this thou must understand, good reader! that Luther from his tender
years was much beaten and exercised with spiritual conflicts, as
Melancthon in describing of his life doth testify. Also Hieronymus
Wellerus, scholar and disciple of the said Martin Luther, recordeth,
that he oftentimes heard Luther his master thus report of himself,
that he had been assaulted and vexed with all kinds of temptations,
saving only one, which was with covetousness; with this vice be was
never, said he, in all his life troubled, nor once tempted.

     And hitherto concerning the life of Martin Luther, who, living
to the year of his age sixty-three, he continued writing and
preaching about twenty-nine years. As touching the order of his
death, the words of Melancthon be these: 

An intimation given by Philip Melancthon to his auditory at
Wittenberg, of the decease of Martin Luther, A.D. 1546.

     To the scholars assembled to hear the lecture of the Epistle to
the Romans, Philip Melancthon recited publicly this that followeth,
at nine of the clock before noon; advertising he gave this
information, by the counsel of other lords, for that the auditors,
understanding the express truth, (forasmuch as the lords knew
certainly, fame would blow slanderous blasts every where of the death
of Luther,) should not credit flying tales and false reports.

     "My friends, ye know that we have enterprised to expound
grammatically the Epistle to the Romans, in which is contained the
true doctrine of the Son of God, which our Lord, by his singular
grace, hath revealed unto us at this present by the reverend father,
and our dearly beloved master, Martin Luther. Notwithstanding we have
received heavy news, which has so augumented my dolour, that I am in
doubt if I may continue henceforth in scholastical profession, and
exercise of teaching. The cause wherefore I commemorate this thing
is, for that I am so advised by other lords, that ye may understand
the true sequel of things, lest yourselves blaze abroad vain tales of
this fatal chance, or give credit to other fables, which commonly are
accustomed to be spread every where.

     "Wednesday last past, and the seventeenth of February, Doctor
Martin Luther sickened a little before supper of his accustomed
malady, to wit, of the oppression of humours in the orifice or
opening of the stomach, whereof I remember I have seen him oft
diseased in this place. This sickness took him after supper, with the
which he vehemently contending, required secess into a by-chamber,
and there he rested on his bed two hours, all which time his pains
increased; and as Dr. Jonas was lying in his chamber, Luther awaked,
and prayed him to rise, and to call up Ambrose, his children's
schoolmaster, to make fire in another chamber; into the which when he
was newly entered, Albert, earl of Manseld, with his wife, and divers
others, (whose names for haste in these letters were not expressed,)
at that instant came into his chamber. Finally, feeling his fatal
hour to approach, before nine of the clock in the morning, on the
eighteenth of February, he commended himself to God with this devout
prayer: 

     "'My heavenly Father, eternal and merciful God! thou hast
manifested unto me thy dear Son, our Lord Jesus Christ, I have taught
him, I have known him; I love him as my life, my health, and my
redemption; whom the wicked have persecuted, maligned, and with
injury afflicted. Draw my soul to thee.'

     "After this he said as ensueth, thrice: 

     "'I commend my spirit into thy hands, thou hast redeemed me, O
God of truth! God so loved the world, that he gave his only Son, that
all those that believe in him should have life everlasting,' John
iii.

     "Having repeated oftentimes his prayers, he was called to God,
unto whom so faithfully he commended his spirit; to enjoy, no doubt,
the blessed society of the patriarchs, prophets, and apostles in the
kingdom of God the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost. Let us now
love the memory of this man, and the doctrine that he hath taught;
let us learn to be modest and meek; let us consider the wretched
calamities and marvellous changes, that shall follow this mishap and
doleful chance. I beseech thee, O Son of God! crucified for us, and
resuscitate Emmanuel, govern, conserve, and defend thy church."

A prayer after the manner of Luther.

     "Let us render thanks unto God, the eternal Father of our Lord
Jesus Christ, who hath pleased, by the ministry of this godly Luther,
to purify the evangelical fountains from papistical infection, and
restore sincere doctrine to the church:  which thing we remembering,
ought to join our lamentable petitions, with zealous affection
beseeching God to confirm what he hath begun in us, for his holy
name's sake. This is thy voice and promise, O living and just God,
eternal Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, Creator of all things, and
of the church! I will have compassion on you, for my name's sake. I
will do it for myself, yea, even for myself, that I be not
blasphemed. I beseech thee with ardent affection, that for thy glory,
and the glory of thy Son Jesus Christ, thou wilt collect unto thyself
in the voice of thy gospel, among us, one perpetual church, and that,
for the dear love of thy Son our Lord Jesus Christ, our Mediator and
Intercessor, thou wilt govern us by thy Holy Ghost; that we
unfeignedly may call upon thee, and serve thee justly. Rule also the
studies of thy doctrine, govern and conserve the policies and
discipline of the same, which be the nurses of thy church and 
schools. And since thou hast created mankind to acknowledge and to
invocate thee, and that for this respect thou hast revealed thyself
by many clear testimonies, permit not this small number and selected
flock (that profess thy sacred word) to be defaced and overcome. And
the rather, for that thy Son Jesus Christ, ready to fight against
death, hath prayed in this manner for us; Father, sanctify them in
verity, thy word is verity. Our prayers we join with the prayer of
this our holy Priest, making our petition with Him, that thy doctrine
may shine among men, and that we may be directed by the same."

     We heard Luther evermore pray in this wise, and so praying, his
innocent ghost peaceably was separated from the earthly corpse when
he had lived almost sixty-three years.

     Such as succeeded, have divers monuments of his doctrine and
godliness. He wrote certain learned works, wherein he comprised a
wholesome and necessary doctrine for men, informing the sincere minds
to repentance, and to declare the fruits of the same, the use of the
sacraments, the difference betwixt the gospel and philosophy, the
dignity of politic order; and, finally, the principal articles of
doctrine profitable to the church. He composed certain works to
reprove, wherein he refuteth divers pernicious errors. He also
devised books of interpretation, in which he wrote many narrations
and expositions of the prophets and apostles, and in this kind, his
very enemies confess, he excelleth all others whose works are
imprinted and published abroad. Then, all Christians and godly minds!
conceive what praise he deserved; but certainly his exposition of the
Old and New Testament, in utility and labour, is equivalent to all
his works; for in the same is so much perspicuity, that it may serve
instead of a commentary, though it be read in the German tongue. And
yet this is not a naked exposition, but it containeth very learned
annotations and arguments on every part; which both set forth the sum
of heavenly doctrine, and instruct the reader in the sacred phrase
and manner of speaking in the Scriptures, that the godly minds may
receive firm testimonies of the doctrine, out of the very fountains.
His mind was not to keep us occupied in his works; but to guide our
spirits to the very springs. His will was, we should hear God speak,
and that by his word true faith and invocation might be kindled in
our minds, that God might be sincerely honoured and adored, and that
many might be made inheritors of everlasting life.

     It behoveth us thankfully to accept his good will and great
labours, and to imitate the same as our patron, and by him to learn
to adorn the church, according to our power. For we must refer all
our life, enterprises, and deliberations, to two principal ends: 
First, to illustrate the glory of God; Secondly, to profit the
church. As touching the first, St. Paul saith, Do all things to the
glory of God. And of the second, it is said in Psalm xxii., Pray that
Jerusalem may prosper. And there followeth a singular promise added
in this versicle:  Such as love the church, shall prosper and have
good success. Let these heavenly commandments and divine instructions
allure all men to learn the true doctrine of the church, to love the
faithful ministers of the gospel and the true teachers; and to employ
their whole study and diligence to augment the true doctrine, and
maintain concord and unity in the true church.

     Frederic, prince elector, died long before Luther, A.D. 1525,
leaving no issue behind him, for that he lived a single life, and was
never married:  wherefore after him succeeded John Frederic, duke of
Saxony.



150. CARDINAL CAMPEIUS' MISSION

     Mention was made a little before of the ministers of Strasburg,
who, because of their marriage, were in trouble, and cited by the
bishop to appear before him, and there to be judged, without the
precinct of the city of Strasburg; whereas there had been a contrary
order taken before between the bishop and the city, that the bishop
should execute no judgment upon any, but under some of the
magistrates of the said city of Strasburg. Whereupon the senate and
the citizens, taking into their hands the cause of these married
ministers, in defence of their own right and liberties, wrote, as is
said, to their bishop of Strasburg, and caused the judgment thereof a
while to be stayed; by reason whereof the matter was brought at
length before Cardinal Campeius,legate, sent by Pope Clement to the
assembly of Nuremberg, A.D. 1524.

     The chief doer in this matter was one Thomas Murner, a
Franciscan friar, who had commenced a grievous complaint against the
senate and city of Strasburg, before the aforesaid Cardinal Campeius.
Wherefore the senate, to purge themselves, sent their ambassadors,
thus clearing their cause, and answering to their accusation, that
they neither had been nor would be any let to the bishop, but had
signified to him before, by their letters, that whatsoever he could
lay against those married priests, consonant to the law of God, they
would be no stay, but rather a furtherance unto him to proceed in his
action. But the senate herein was not a little grieved that the
bishop, contrary to the order and compact which was taken between him
and them, did call the said ministers out of the liberties of their
city; for so it was between them agreed, that no ecclesiastical
person should be adjudged but under some judge of their own city. But
now, contrary to their said agreement, the bishop called those
ministers out of their liberties; and so the ministers, claiming the
right and privilege of the city, were condemned, their cause being
neither heard nor known. And now if the senate should show themselves
any thing more sharp or rigorous unto those ministers, claiming the
right of the city, the people, no doubt, would not take it well, but
haply would rise up in some commotion against them in the quarrel and
defence of their franchises and liberties.

     And where it is objected, that they receive priests and men of
the clergy into the freedom and protection of their city:  to this
they answered, that they did nothing herein, but that which was
correspondent to the ancient usage and manner of the city before; and
moreover, that it was the bishop's own request and desire made unto
them so to do.

     To this the cardinal again, advising well the letters of the
bishop, and the whole order of the matter which was sent unto him,
declared, that he right well understood by the letters sent, that the
ministers indeed (as the ambassadors said) were called out from the
freedom and liberties of the city, and yet no order of law was broken
therein; forasmuch as the bishop (said he) had there no less power 
and authority, than if he were his own vicar delegate; and therefore
he desired them, that they would assist the bishop in punishing the
aforesaid ministers, &c.

     After much other talk and reasoning on both parts, wherein the
ambassadors argued in defence of their freedom, that the judgment
should not be transferred out of the city:  among other communication,
they inferred moreover, and declared, how in the city of Strasburg
were many, yea, the most part of the clergy, who lived viciously and
wickedly with their women, whom they kept in their houses, to the
great offence of the people, shame to Christ's church, and pernicious
example of others; and yet the bishop would never once stir to see
any punishing or correction thereof. Wherefore, if the senate (said
the ambassadors) should permit the bishop to extend his cruelty and
extremity against these married ministers, for not observing the
bishop of Rome's law, and leave the other notorious offenders, who
break the law of God, to escape unpunished, doubtless it would
redound to their great danger and peril, not only before God, but
also among the commons of their city, ready to rise upon them.

     To this Campeius answered, What composition or bargain was
betwixt the bishop and them, he knew not, but surely the act of the
one was manifest, and needed no great trial in law of proving and
confessing; and therefore they were sequestered and abandoned from
the communion of the church, ipso facto. As for the other sort of
them, who keep women, although, said he, it be not well done, yet
doth it not excuse the enormity of their marriage. Neither was he
ignorant, but that it was the manner of the bishops of Germany, for
money, to wink at priests' lemans; and the same also was evil done
indeed. And further, that the time should come when they shall be
called to an account for the same; but yet, nevertheless, it is not
sufferable that priests therefore should have wives. And if
comparison should be made, said he, much greater offence it were, a
priest to have a wife, than to have and keep at home many paramours.
His reason was this; For they that keep them, said he, as it is
naughty which they do, so do they acknowledge their sin:  the others
persuade themselves that they do well, and so continue still without
repentance, or conscience of their fact. All men, said he, cannot be
chaste, as John the Baptist was; yet can it not be proved by any
example, to be lawful for priests, professing chastity, to leave 
their single life, and to marry:  no, not the Greeks themselves, who
in rites be differing from us, do give this liberty to their own
priests to marry:  wherefore he prayed them to give their aid to the
bishop in this behalf.

     Whereunto the ambassadors replied again, saying, that if he
would first punish the one class of offenders, then might the senate
assist him the better in correcting the other; but the cardinal was
still instant upon them, that first they should assist their bishop,
and then if the bishop would not punish the other crime, he would
come thither himself and see it punished accordingly.

     This Cardinal Campeius, how he was sent by Pope Clement the
Sixth, to the second assembly or diet of Nuremberg, A.D. 1524, and
what was there done by the said cardinal, is before signified. After
this council of Nuremberg, immediately followed another sitting at
Ratisbon, where were present Ferdinand, Campeius, the cardinal of
Saltsburg, the two dukes of Bavaria, the bishops of Trent and
Ratisbon; also the legates of the bishops, Bamberg, Spires,
Strasburg, Augsburg, Constance, Basil, Friburg, Passau, and Brixen.
By whom in the said assembly it was thus concluded: 

Summary of popish decrees made at the council of Ratisbon.

     That forasmuch as the emperor, at the request of Pope Leo, had
condemned, by his public edict set forth at Worms, the doctrine of
Luther for erroneous and wicked; and also it was agreed upon in both
the assemblies at Nuremberg, that the said edict should be obeyed by
all men; they likewise, at the request of Cardinal Campeius, do will
and command the aforesaid edict to be observed through all their
confines and precincts:  that the gospel, and all other Holy
Scriptures, should be taught in churches according to the
interpretation of the ancient forefathers:  that all they who revive
any old heresies before condemned, or teach any new thing
contumelious, either against Christ, his blessed mother, and holy
saints, or which may breed any occasion of sedition, are to be
punished according to the tenor of the edict aforesaid:  That none be
admitted to preach without the licence of his ordinary:  That they who
be already admitted, shall be examined how and what they preach:  That
the laws which Campeius is about to set forth for reformation of
manners, shall be observed:  That in the sacraments, in the mass, and
all other things, there shall be no innovation, but all things to
stand as in fore-time they did:  That all they who approach to the
Lord's supper without confession and absolution, or do eat flesh on
days forbidden, or who do run out of their order; also priests,
deacons, and sub-deacons, that be married, shall be punished:  That
nothing shall be printed without consent of the magistrate:  That no
book of Luther or of any Lutheran shall be printed or sold:  That they
of their jurisdiction, who study in the university of Wittenberg,
shall every one repair home within three months after the publishing
hereof, or else turn to some other place free from the infection of
Luther, under pain of confiscating all their goods, and losing their
inheritance:  That no benefice, nor other office of teaching, be given
to any student of that university. Item, That certain inquisitors,
fit for the same, be appointed to inquire and examine the premises.
Item, Lest it may be said that this faction of Luther taketh its
origin from the corrupt life of priests, the said Campeius, with
other his assistants in the said convocation of Ratisbon, chargeth
and commandeth, that priests live honestly, go in decent apparel,
play not the merchants, haunt not the taverns, be not covetous, nor
take money for their ministration; such as keep concubines to be
removed; the number also of holy days to be diminished,

     These things would Campeius have enacted in a full council, and
with the consents of all the empire:  but when he could not bring that
to pass, by reason that the minds of divers were gone from the pope,
he was fain to get the same ratified in this particular conventicle,
with the assents of these bishops above rehearsed.



151. THE REFORMATION IN SWITZERLAND.

     These things thus hitherto discoursed, which fully may be seen
in the Commentaries of John Sleiden, it remaineth next after the
story of Martin Luther, somewhat to adjoin likewise touching the
history of Zuinglius, and of the Helvetians. But before I come to the
explication of this story, it shall not be inconvenient, first to
give some little touch of the towns, called pages, of these
Helvetians, and of their league and confederation first begun amongst
them.

The history of the Helvetians, or Switzers, how they first recovered
their liberty, and afterwards were joined in league together.

     The Helvetians, whom otherwise we call Switzers, are divided
principally into thirteen pages. The names of whom are Tigurini,
Bernates, Lucernates, Urani, Suicenses, Untervaldii, Tugiani,
Glareanti, Basilienses, Solodurii, Friburgii, Scafusiani,
Apecelenses. Furthermore, to these be added seven other pages, albeit
not with such a full bond as the other be conjoined together; which
be these:  Rheti, Lepontii, Seduni, Veragri, Sangalli, Mullusiani,
Rotulenses. Of these thirteen confederate pages above recited, these
three were the first, to wit, Urania, Suicenses, and Sylvanii, or (as
some call them) Untervaldii, which joined themselves together.

     If credit should be given to old narrations, these three pages
or valleys first suffered great servitude and thraldom under cruel
rulers or governors; insomuch that the governor of Sylvania required
of one of the inhabitants a yoke of his oxen; which when the townsmen
denied to give him, the ruler sent his servant by force to take his
oxen from him. This when the servant was about to do, cometh thepoor
man's son, and cutting off one of his fingers, and upon the same
avoided. The governor, hearing this, taketh the poor man and putteth
out his eyes.

     At another time in the said Sylvania, as the good man of the
house was absent abroad, the governor who had then the rule of the
town, entering into the house, commanded the wife to prepare for him
a bath, and made other proposals to her; whereunto she being
unwilling, deferred the bath as long as she might, till the return of
her husband. To whom then she, making her complaint, so moved his
mind, that he, with his axe or hatchet which he had in his hand, flew
upon the adulterous ruler and slew him.

     Another example of like violence is reported of the ruler of
Suicia and Sylvania, who, surprised with the like pride and disdain
against the poor underlings, caused his cap to be hung up upon a
pole, charging and commanding by his servant, all that passed by to
do obeisance to the cap; which when one named William Tell refused to
do, the tyrant caused his son to be tied, with an apple set upon his
head, and the father with a cross-bow, or a like instrument, to shoot
at the apple. After long refusing, when the woeful father could not
otherwise choose, by force constrained, but must level at the apple;
as God would, he missed the child, and struck the mark. Thus Tell,
being thus compelled by the tyrant to shoot at his son, had brought
with him two shafts; thinking that if he had struck the child with
one, the other he would have let drive at the tyrant:  which being
understood, he was apprehended and led to the ruler's house; but by
the way escaping out of the boat between Urania and Brun, and passing
through the mountains with as much speed as he might, he lay in the
way secretly as the ruler should pass, where he discharged his arrow
at the tyrant and slew him, A.D. 1307.
Illustration:  William Tell

     And thus were these cruel governors utterly expelled out of
these three valleys or pages aforesaid; and after that, such order
was taken by the emperor Henry the Seventh, and also by the emperor
Ludovicus, duke of Bavaria, that henceforth no judge should be set
over them, but only of their own company, and town dwellers.

     It followed after this, A.D. 1315, that great contention and
war fell between Frederic, duke of Austria, and Ludovic, duke of
Bavaria, striving and fighting the space of eight years together
about the empire. With Ludovic held the three pages aforesaid; who
had divers conflicts with Leopold, brother to the aforenamed
Frederic, duke of Austria, fighting in his brother's quarrel. As
Leopold had reared a mighty army of twenty thousand footmen and
horsemen, and was come to Egree, so to pass over the mountains to
subdue the pages; he began to take advice of his council, by what way
or passage best he might direct his journey towards the Switzers.
Whereupon as they were busy in consulting, there stood a fool by,
named Kune de Stocken, who hearing their advice, thought also to
shoot his bolt withal, and told them, that their counsel did not like
him:  "For all you," quoth he, "consult how we should enter into
yonder country; but none of you giveth any counsel how to come out
again after we be entered." And in conclusion, as the fool said, so
they found it true. For when Leopold with his host had entered into
the straits and valleys between the rocks and mountains, the
Switzers, with their neighbours of Urania and Sylvania, lying in
privy wait, had them at such advantage; and with tumbling down stones
from the rocks, and sudden coming upon their backs in blind lanes,
did so encumber them, that neither they had convenient standing to
fight, nor room almost to fly away; by reason whereof a great part of
Leopold's army there, being enclosed about the place called
Morgayten, lost their lives, and many in the flight were slain.
Leopold, with them that remained, retired and escaped to Turgoia.
This battle was fought A.D. 1315, the sixteenth of November.

     After this, the burghers of these three villages, being
continually vexed by Frederic, duke of Austria, for that they would
not knowledge him for emperor, assembled themselves in the town of
Urania, A.D. 1316; and there entered a mutual league and bond of
perpetual society and conjunction, joining and swearing themselves,
as in one body of a commonwealth and public administration together.
After that came to them the Lucernates; then the Tugiani; after them
the Tigurines; next to them followed the Bernates; the last almost of
all were the Basilians:  then followed after, the other seven pages
above recited.

     And thus have ye the names, the freedom, and confederation of
these Switzers, or cantons, or pages of Helvetia, with the occasions
and circumstances thereof, briefly expressed. Now to the purpose of
our story intended, which is to declare the success of Christ's
gospel and true religion received among the Helvetians; also touching
the life and doctrine of Zuinglius, and order of his death, as here
ensueth.

The acts and life of Uldricus Zuinglius; and of receiving the gospel
in Switzerland.
Illustration:  Zurich

     In the tractation of Luther's story, mention was made before of
Uldricus Zuinglius, who first abiding at Glarus, in a place called
then our Lord's Hermitage, from thence removed to Zurich about A.D.
1519, and there began to teach, dwelling in the minster, among the
canons or priests of that close; using with them the same rites and
ceremonies during the space of two or three years, where he continued
reading and explaining the Scriptures unto the people with great
travail, and no less dexterity. And because Pope Leo the same year
had renewed his pardons again through all countries, (as is above
declared,) Zuinglius zealously withstood the same, detecting the
abuses thereof by the Scriptures, and of other corruptions reigning
then in the church; and so continued by the space of two years and
more, till at length Hugo bishop of Constance (to whose jurisdiction
Zurich then also did belong) hearing thereof, wrote his letter to the
senate of the said city of Zurich, complaining grievously of
Zuinglius; who also wrote another letter to the college of canons,
where Zuinglius was the same time dwelling, complaining likewise of
such new teachers who troubled the church; and exhorted them
earnestly to beware, and to take diligent heed to themselves. And
forasmuch as both the pope and the emperor's Majesty had condemned
all such new doctrine by their decrees and edicts, he willed them
therefore to admit no such new innovations of doctrine, without the
common consent of them to whom the same did appertain. Zuinglius
hearing thereof, referreth his cause to the judgment and hearing of
the senate, not refusing to render to them an account of his faith.
And forasmuch as the bishop's letter was read openly in the college,
Zuinglius directeth another letter to the bishop again, declaring the
said letter proceeded not from the bishop, not that he was ignorant
who were the authors thereof; desiring him not to follow their
sinister counsels, for that truth, said he, is a thing invincible,
and cannot be resisted. After the same tenor certain others of the
city likewise wrote unto the bishop, desiring him that he would
attempt nothing that should be prejudicial to the liberty and free
course of the gospel; requiring moreover, that he would bear no
longer the filthy and infamous lives of priests, but that he would
permit them to have their lawful wives, &c. This was A.D. 1522.

     Besides this, Zuinglius wrote also another letter to the whole
nation of the Helvetians, monishing them in no case to hinder the
passage of sincere doctrine, nor to infer any molestation to priests
that were married:  for as for the vow and coaction of their single
life, it came, saith he, of the devil, and a devilish thing it is.
And therefore whereas the said Helvetians had such a right and custom
in their towns and pages, that when they received any new priest into
their churches, they used to premonish him before to take his
concubine, lest he should attempt any misuse with their wives and
daughters; he exhorted them that they would no less grant unto them
to take their wives in honest matrimony, than to live with unmarried
women against the precept of God.

     Thus as Zuinglius continued certain years labouring in the word
of the Lord, offence began to rise at this new doctrine, and divers
stepped up, namely, the Dominic Friars, on the contrary side, to
preach and inveigh against him. But he, keeping himself ever within
the Scriptures, protested that he would make good by the word of God
that which he had taught. Upon this, the magistrates and senate of
Zurich sent forth their commandment to all priests and ministers
within their dominion, to repair to the city of Zurich, against the
twenty-ninth of January next ensuing, (this was A.D. 1523,) there
every one to speak freely, and to be heard quietly, touching these
controversies of religion, what could be said; directing also their
letters to the bishop of Constance, that he would either make his
repair thither himself, or else to send his deputy. When the day
appointed came, the bishop's vicegerent, which was John Faber, was
also present. The council first declaring the cause of this their
frequency and assembly, (which was for the dissension newly risen
about matters of religion,) required that if any there had to object
or infer against the doctrine of Zuinglius, he should freely and
quietly utter and declare his mind.

     Zuinglius had disposed his matter before, and contrived all his
doctrine in a certain order of places, to the number of sixty-seven
articles; which articles he had published also abroad before, to the
end that they which were disposed, might resort thither the better
prepared to the disputation. When the consul had finished that which
he would say, and had exhorted others to begin, Faber, first entering
the matter, began to declare the cause of his sending thither, and
afterwards would persuade, that this was no place convenient, nor
time fit, for discussing of such matters by disputation, but rather
that the cognition and tractation thereof belonged to a general
council, which, he said, was already appointed, and now near at hand.
Notwithstanding Zuinglius still continued urging and requiring him,
that if he had there any thing to say or to dispute, he would openly
and freely utter his mind. To this he answered again, that he would
confute his doctrine by writing. This done, with a few other words on
both sides had to and fro, when no man would appear there to offer
any disputation, the assembly brake, and was discharged; whereupon
the senate of Zurich incontinent caused to be proclaimed through all
their dominion and territory, that the traditions of men should be
displaced and abandoned, and the gospel of Christ purely taught out
of the Old and New Testament. A.D. 1523.

     When the gospel thus began to take place, and to flourish in
Zurich and certain other places of Helvetia, in the following year,
(A.D. 1524,) another assembly of the Helvetians was convented at
Lucerne, where this decree was made on the contrary part: 

Constitutions decreed in the assembly of Lucerne.

     "That no man should deride or contemn the word of God, which
had been taught now above a thousand and four hundred years
heretofore:  nor the mass to be scorned, wherein the body of Christ is
consecrated, to the honour of God, and to the comfort both of the
quick and the dead.

     "That they which are able to receive the Lord's body at Easter,
shall confess their sins in Lent to the priests, and do all other
things, as the use and manner of the church requireth.

     "That the rites and customs of holy church be kept.

     "That every one obey his own proper pastor and curate, and
receive the sacraments of him, after the manner of holy church, and
pay him his yearly duties.

     "That honour be given to priests.

     "Item, to abstain from flesh-eating on fasting-days, and in
Lent to abstain from eggs and cheese.

     "That no opinion of Luther be taught privily or apertly,
contrary to the received determination of holy church; and that in
taverns and at table no mention be made of Luther, or any new
doctrine.

     "That images and pictures of saints in every place be kept
inviolate.

     "That priests and ministers of the church be not compelled to
render account of their doctrine, but only to the magistrate.

     "That due aid and supportation be provided for them, if any
commotion do happen.

     "That no person deride the relics of the Holy Spirit, or of our
Lady, or of St. Anthony.

     "Finally, That all the laws and decrees set forth by the bishop
of Constance, be observed.

     "These constitutions whosoever shall transgress, let them be
presented to the magistrate, and overseers to be set over them that
shall so transgress."

     After these things concluded thus at Lucerne, the cantons of
Helvetia together directed their public letter to the Tigurines, or
men of Zurich, to this effect: -

     "Wherein they do much lament and complain of this new-broached
doctrine which had set all mentogether by the ears, through the
occasion of certain rash and newfangled heads, which had greatly
disturbed both the state of the church and of the commonwealth, and
have scattered the seeds of discord, where beforetime all things were
well in quiet. And although this sore (said they) ought to have been
looked to betimes, so that they should not have suffered the glory of
Almighty God, and of the blessed Virgin, and other saints, so to be
dishonoured, but rather should have bestowed their goods and lives to
maintain the same; yet, notwithstanding, they required them now to
look upon the matter, which otherwise would bring to them destruction
both of body and soul:  as for example, they might see the doctrine of
Luther, what fruit it brought. The rude and vulgar people now (said
they) could not be holden in, but would burst forth to all licence
and rebellion, as hath appeared by sufficient proofs of late; the
like is to be feared also among themselves, and all by the occasion
of Zuinglius, and of Leo Juda, which so took upon them to expound the
word of God after their own interpretation, opening thereby whole
doors and windows to discord and dissension. Albeit of their doctrine
they were not certain what they did teach; yet what inconvenience
followed upon their doctrine, they had too much experience. For now
all fasting was laid down, and all days were alike to eat both flesh
and eggs, as well one as another. Priests and religious persons, both
men and women, brake their vows, ran out of their order, and fell to
marrying; God's service was decayed, singing in the church left, and
prayer ceased; priests grew in contempt, religious men were thrust
out of their cloisters; confession and penance were neglected, so
that men would not stick to presume to receive at the holy altar,
without any confession made to the priest before. The holy mass was
derided and scorned; our blessed Lady and other saints blasphemed;
images plucked down and broken in pieces, neither was there any
honour given to the sacraments. To make short, men now were grown
unto such a licence and liberty, that scarcely the holy host could be
safe within the priest's hands, &c.

     "The disorder of all which things, as it is of no small
importance, so it was to them so grievous and lamentable, that they
thought it their part to suffer the same no longer. Neither was this
the first time (they said) of this their complaining, when in their
former assembly they sent unto them before the like admonition,
writing to them by certain of the clergy, and craving their aid in
the same; which seeing it is so, they did now again earnestly call
upon them touching the premises, desiring them to surcease from such
doings, and to take a better way, continuing in the religion of their
old ancestors, which were before them. And if there were any such
thing, wherein they were grieved and offended against the bishop of
Rome, the cardinals, bishops, or other prelates, either for their
ambition in heaping, exchanging, and selling the dignities of the
church, or for their oppression in pilling men's purses with their
indulgences, or else for their usurped jurisdiction and power, which
they extend too far, and corruptly apply to matters external and
political, which only ought to serve in such cases as be spiritual;
if these and such other abuses were the causes, wherewith they were
so grievously offended, they promised that, for the correction and
reformation thereof, they would also themselves join their diligence
and good will thereto; forasmuch as themselves also did not a little
mislike therewith, and therefore would confer their counsels together
with them, how and by what way such grievances might best be
removed."

     To this effect were the letters of the Helvetians, written to
the senate and citizens of Zurich. Whereunto the Tigurines made their
answer again on the 21st of March, the same year, in manner as
followeth

     "First, declaring how their ministers had laboured and
travailed among them, teaching and preaching the word of God unto
them the space now of five years; whose doctrine at the first seemed
to them very strange and novel, because they never heard the same
before. But. after that they understood and perceived the scope of
that doctrine only to tend to this; to set forth Christ Jesus unto
us, to be the pillar and refuge of all our salvation, which gave his
life and blood for our redemption, and which only delivereth us also,
sinful misers, from eternal death, and is the only Advocate of
mankind before God; they could no otherwise do, but with ardent
affection receive so wholesome and joyful a message.

     "The holy apostles and faithful Christians, after they had
received the gospel of Christ, did not fall out by and by in debate
and variance, but lovingly agreed and consented together:  and so they
trusted (said they) that they should do, if they would likewise
receive the word of God, setting aside men's doctrines and traditions
dissonant from the same. Whatsoever Luther or any other man doth
teach, whether it be right or wrong, it is not for the names of the
persons, why the doctrine which they teach should be either evil or
well judged upon, but only for that it agreeth or disagreeth from the
rule of God's word:  for that were but to go by affection, and were
prejudicial to the authority of the word of God, which ought to rule
man, and not to be measured by man. And if Christ only be worshipped,
and men taught solely to repose their confidence in him, yet neither
doth the blessed Virgin, nor any saint else, receive any injury
thereby; who, being here on earth, received their salvation only by
the name of him.

     "And whereas they charge their ministers with wresting the
Scripture after their own interpretation, God had stirred up such
light now in the hearts of men, that the most part of their city have
the Bible in their hand, and diligently peruse the same; so that
their preachers cannot so wind the Scriptures awry, but they shall
quickly be perceived. Wherefore there is no danger why they should
fear any sects or factions in them; but rather such sects are to be
objected to those, who, for their gain and dignity, wrest the word of
God after their own affections and appetites. And whereas they, and
others, have accused them of error, yet was there never man that
could prove any error in them, although divers bishops of Constance,
of Basil, of Coire, with divers universities besides; also they
themselves have been sundry times desired so to do; yet to this
present day neither they nor ever any others so did; neither were
they, nor any of all the aforesaid bishops, at their last assembly,
being requested to come, so gentle to repair unto them, save only the
Schashusians and Sangallians. In which aforesaid assembly of theirs,
all such as were then present, considering thoroughly the whole case
of the matter, condescended together with them. And if the bishops
haply will object again, and say, that the word of God ought not so
to be handled of the vulgar people; they answered the same not to
stand with equity and reason. For albeit it did belong to the
bishops' office, to provide that the sheep should not go astray, and
most convenient it were, that by them they should be reduced into the
way again; yet because they will not see to their charge, but leave
it undone, referring all things to the fathers and to councils;
therefore right and reason it is, that they themselves should hear
and learn, not what man doth determine, but what Christ himself doth
command in his Scripture. Neither have their ministers given any
occasion of this division; but rather it is to be imputed to such,
which for their own private lucre and preferments, contrary to the
word of the Lord, do seduce the people into error; and grievously
offending God, do provoke him to plague them with manifold
calamities; who, if they would renounce the greediness of their own
gain, and would follow the pure doctrine of his word, seeking not the
will of man, but what is the will of God, no doubt but they should
soon fall to agreement.

     "As for the eating of flesh and eggs, although it be free to
all men, and forbidden to none by Christ; yet they have set forth a
law to restrain rash intemperance, and uncharitable offension of
other.

     "And as touching matrimony, God is himself the author thereof,
who hath left it free for all men. Also Paul willeth a minister of
the church to be the husband of one wife. And seeing that bishops for
money permit their priests to have concubines, which is contrary both
to God's law and to good example; why then might not they as well
obey God in permitting lawful matrimony which he hath ordained, as
they to resist God in forbidding the same? The like is to be said
also of women vowing chastity; of whom this they judge and suppose,
that such kind of vows and coacted chastity, are not available nor
allowed before God:  and seeing that chastity is not all men's gift,
better it were to marry, (after their judgments,) than filthily to
live in single life.

     "As for monasteries, and other houses of canons, they were
first given for relief only of the poor and needy; whereas now they
which inhabit them are wealthy, and able to live of their own
patrimony, in such sort as many times some one of them hath so much,
as might well suffice a great number; wherefore it seemeth to them
not inconvenient, that those goods should be converted again to the
use of the poor. Yet, nevertheless, they have used herein such
moderation, that they have permitted the inhabitants of those
monasteries to enjoy the possession of their goods, during the term
of their natural life, lest any should have cause of just complaint.

     "Ornaments of churches serve nothing to God's service; but this
is well agreeing to the will and service of God, that the poor should
be succoured. So Christ commanded the young man in the gospel, that
was rich, not to hang up his riches in the temple, but to sell them,
and distribute them to the needy.

     "The order of priesthood they do not contemn. Such priests as
will truly discharge their duty, and teach soundly, they do magnify.
As for the other rabble, which serve to no public commodity, but
rather damnify the commonwealth, if the number of them were
diminished by little and little, and their livings put to better use,
they doubted not but it were a service well done to God. Now whether
the singing and prayers of such priests be available before God, it
may be doubted, forasmuch as many of them understand not what they
say, or sing, but only for hire of wages do the same.

     "As for secret confession, wherein men do detect their sins in
the priest's ear, of what virtue this confession is to be esteemed,
they leave it in suspense. But that confession whereby repenting
sinners do fly to Christ our only Intercessor, they account notonly
to be profitable, but also necessary to all troubled consciences. As
for satisfaction, which priests do use, they reckon it but a practice
to get money, and the same to be not only erroneous, but also full of
impiety. True penance and satisfaction is, for a man to amend his
life.

     "The orders of monkery came only by the invention of man, and
not by the institution of God.

     "And as touching the sacraments, such as be of the Lord's
institution, them they do not despise, but receive with all
reverence; neither do suffer the same to be despised of any person,
nor to be abused otherwise than becometh, but to be used rightly,
according to the prescript rule of God's word. And so with the like
reverence they use the sacrament of the Lord's supper, according as
the word prescribeth, not (as many do use it) to make of it an
oblation and a sacrifice.

     "And if the messengers sent to them of the clergy, in their
letters mentioned, can justly charge them with any hinderance, or any
error, they will be ready either to purge themselves, or to satisfy
the offence. And if they cannot, then reason would, that those
messengers of the clergy should hereafter look better to their own
doings, and to their doctrine, and to cease from such untrue slanders
and contumelies.

     "Finally, Whereas they understand by their letters how desirous
they are to have the pope's oppressions, and exactions, and usurped
power abolished, they are right glad thereof and joyful, supposing
that the same can by no means be brought to pass, except the word of
God only and simply be received:  for otherwise, so long as men's laws
and constitutions shall stand in force, there will be no place nor
hope of reformation. For, by the preaching of God's word, their
estimation and dignity must needs decay, and that they well perceive;
and therefore, by all means do provide how to stop the course of the
word:  and because they see themselves too weak to bring their purpose
about, they fly to the aid of kings and princes. For the necessary
remedy whereof, if they shall think good to join their consent, there
shall nothing be lacking in their behalf, what they are able either
in counsel or goods to do in the matter:  declaring moreover, that
this should have been seen to long before. Which being so, they
prayed and desired them to accept in good part, and diligently to
expound, that which they did write. As for their own part, they
required nothing else more than peace, both between them and all men;
neither was it ever their intent to stir any thing that should be
prejudicial against their league and band agreed upon between them.
But in this cause, which concerneth their eternal salvation, they can
do no otherwise but as they have done, unless their error by learning
might be proved and declared unto them. Wherefore, as they did
before, so now they desire again, that if they think this their
doctrine to be repugnant to the Holy Scripture, they will gently show
and teach them their error; and that, before the end of the month of
May next ensuing:  for so long they will abide waiting for an answer,
as well from them, as from the bishop of Constance, and also from the
university of Basil."

     And thus much containeth the answer of the Tigurines unto the
letter of their other colleagues of Helvetia.

     In the mean time, as this passed on, and the month of May,
above-mentioned, was now come, the bishop of Constance, with the
advice of his council about him, did answer the Tigurines, as he was
requested of them to do, in a certain book, first written, and
afterward printed; wherein he declareth what images and pictures
those were, which the profane Jews and Gentiles in the old time did
adore, and what images these be which the church hath from time to
time received and admitted; and what difference there is between
those idols of the Jews and Gentiles, and these images of the
Christians. The conclusion hereof was this; that whereas the
Scripture speaketh against images, and willeth them not to be
suffered, that is to be understood of such images and idols, as the
Jews and idolatrous Gentiles did use; yet nevertheless such images
and pictures which the church had received, are to be used and
retained.

     From this he entereth next into the discourse of the mass,
where he proveth, by divers and sundry testimonies, both of the
pope's canons and councils, the mass to be a sacrifice and oblation.

     This book being thus compiled and written, he sent it unto the
senate of Zurich, about the beginning of June, willing and exhorting
them by no manner of means to suffer their images, or the mass, to be
abrogated; and shortly after he published the said book in print, and
sent it to the priests and canons of the minster of Zurich, requiring
them to follow the custom of the church received, and not to suffer 
themselves to be persuaded otherwise by any man.

     The senate again, answering to the bishop's book, about the
middle of August, did write unto him, first, declaring that they had
read over and over again his book with all diligence:  the which book, 
forasmuch as the bishop had divulged abroad in print, they were
therefore right glad, because the whole world thereby might judge
between them the better. After this, they explained unto him the
judgment and doctrine of their ministers and preachers:  and finally,
by the authority and testimonies of the Scripture, convinced his
opinion, and proved the doctrine of his book to be false. But before
they sent their answer to him, about the thirteenth of June, they
commanded all the images, as well within the city as through their
dominion, to be taken down and burned quietly, and without any
tumult. A few months after, an order was taken in the said city of
Zurich, between the canons of the church and city, for disposing the
lands and possessions of the college.

     It would grow to a long discourse, to comprehend all things by
order of circumstance, that happened among the Helvetians upon this
new alteration of religion; but, briefly to contract, and to run over
the chief specialties of the matter, here is first to be noted, that
of the Helvetians which were confederate together in the thirteen
pages, chiefly, six there were, which most disdained and maligned
this religion of the Tigurines:  to wit, the Lucernates, the Urani,
the Suitenses, the Untervaldii, the Tugiani, and the Friburgenses;
these in no case could be reconciled. The rest showed themselves more
favourable. But the other, which were their enemies, conceived great
grudge, and raised many slanderous reports and false rumours against
them, and laid divers things to their charge:  as, first, for refusing
to join their consent to the public league of the other pages with
Francis the French king; then for dissenting from them in religion;
and thirdly, for refusing to stand to the popish decree made the year
before at Ratisbon, by Ferdinand, and other bishops above-mentioned.

     They laid moreover to their accusation, for aiding the
Vualsutenses their neighbours, against Ferdinand their prince; which
was false. Also for joining league secretly with other cities,
without their knowledge; which was likewise false. Item, That they
should intend some secret conspiracy against them, and invade them
with war; which was as untrue as the rest. Many other quarrels
besides they pretended against the Tigurines, which were all false
and cavilling slanders:  as that they should teach and preach, that
Mary the mother of Christ had more sons; and that James the younger,
the apostle, did die for us, and not Christ himself. Against these
and such other untruths being mere matters of cavillation and
slander, the Tigurines did fully and amply purge and acquit
themselves by writing, and did expostulate vehemently with them, not
only for these false and wrongful suspicions, of their parts
undeserved, but also for other manifold injuries received and borne
at their hands, among which other wrongs and injuries, this was one: 
that the burghermaster of Zurich had apprehended a certain preacher,
named John Oxline, and led him home as prisoner unto his house; being
taken within the precinct and limits of the city of Zurich, contrary
to law and order.

     Finally, after much discoursing, wherein they in a long letter
declared their diligence and fidelity at all times, in keeping their
league, and maintaining the liberty and dignity of their country; as
touching the cause of religion, if that were all the matter of their
offence, they offered themselves willing to hear, and more glad to
amend, if any could prove any error in them by the Scripture.
Otherwise, if none so could or would prove wherein they did err by
the word of God, they could not, they said, alter any thing in the
state of that religion wherein their consciences where already staid
by the word of God and settled, whatsoever peril or danger should
happen to them for the same.

     Although here was no cause why these pages or cantons, which
were so confederate together in the league of peace, should disagree
amongst themselves; yet herein may we see the course and trade of the
world, that when difference of religion beginneth a little to break
the knot of amity, by and by how friends be turned to foes; what
suspicions do rise; what quarrels and grudges do follow; how nothing
there liketh men, but every thing is taken to the worst part:  small
motes are made mountains; virtues made vices, and one vice made a
thousand; and all for lack only of a little good will betwixt party
and party. For as love and charity commonly among men, either
covereth or seeth not the faults of their friends, so hatred and
disdain, taking all things to blame, can find nothing in their foes
that they can like. And thus did it happen between these good men of
Zurich, and these other Switzers above-named.

     These letters of the Tigurines to the other cantons, were
written upon the occasion of their apprehending the preacher, John
Oxline, above-named, on the fourth of January, 1525; and in the month
of April next following, the magistrates and senate of the said city
of Zurich commanded the mass, with all his ceremonies and
apurtenances thereto belonging, to be put down, as well within the
city, as without, throughout all their jurisdiction; and instead
thereof was placed the Lord's supper, the reading of the prophets,
prayer, and preaching. Also a law was made against whoredom and
adultery, and judges ordained to hear the causes of matrimony, A.D.
1525.

     All this while the gospel was not as yet received in any other
page of Helvetia, but only in Zurich. Wherefore the other twelve
pages, or towns, appointed among themselves concerning a meeting or a
disputation to be had at Baden:  where were present, among other
divines, John Faber, Eckius, and Murner, above-mentioned. The bishops
also of Lucerne, Basil, Coire, and Lausanne, sent thither their
legates. The conclusions there propounded were these:  That the true
body and blood of Christ is in the sacrament:  that the mass is a
sacrifice for the quick and dead:  that the blessed Virgin, and other
saints, are to be invocated as mediators and intercessors:  that
images ought not to be abolished:  that there is a purgatory.

     Which conclusions or assertions Eckius took upon him stoutly to
defend. Against him reasoned Œcolampadius, (who was then chief
preacher at Basil,) with certain other more. Zuinglius at that time
was not there present, but by writing confuted the doctrine of
Eckius:  declaring withal the causes of his absence; which were for
that he durst not, for fear of his life, commit himself unto the
hands of the Lucernates, the Urani, the Suitenses, the Untervaldii,
and the Tugiani, his enemies:  and that he refused not to dispute, but
the place only of the disputation; excusing moreover that he was not
permitted of the senate to come:  nevertheless, if they would assign
the place of disputation either at Zurich, or at Berne, or at
Sangallum, thither he would not refuse to come. Briefly, the
conclusion of the disputation was this, that all should remain in
that religion which hitherto they had kept, and should follow the
authority of the council, neither should admit any other new doctrine
within their dominions, &c. This was in the month of June, the said
year above-mentioned.
Illustration:  Berne

     As the time proceeded, and dissension about religion increased,
it followed the next year, A.D. 1527, in the month of December, that
the senate and people of Berne, (whose power among all the Switzers
chiefly excelleth,) considering how neither they could have the acts
of the disputation of Baden communicated unto them, and that the
variance about religion still more and more increased, assigned
another disputation within their own city, and sending forth writings
thereof, called unto the same all the bishops bordering near about
them, as the bishops of Constance, Basil, Sion, Lausanne; warning
them both to come themselves, and to bring their divines with them;
or else to lose all such possessions which they had lying within the
bounds of their precinct. After this they appointed out certain
ecclesiastical persons of their jurisdiction to dispute; prescribing
and determining the whole disputation to be decided only by the
authority of the Old and New Testament. To all that would come
thither, they granted safe-conduct. Also they appointed, that all
things there should be done modestly, without injury and brawling
words; and that every one should have leave to speak his mind freely,
and with such deliberation, that every man's saying might be received
by the notary, and penned:  with this proviso made before, that
whatsoever there should be agreed upon, the same should be ratified,
and observed through all their dominions. And to the intent men might
come thither better prepared before, they propounded in public
writing ten conclusions in the said disputation to be defended of
their ministers by the Scriptures; which ministers were, Franciscus
Colbus and Bertholdus Hallerus. The themes or conclusions were these: 

     "I. That the true church, whereof Christ is the head, riseth
out of God's word, and persisteth in the same, and heareth the voice
of no other.

     "II. That the same church maketh no laws without the word of
God.

     "III. That traditions, ordained in the name of the church, do
not bind but so far forth as they be consonant to God's word.

     "IV. That Christ only hath made satisfaction for the sins of
the world:  and therefore if any man say, that there is any other way
of salvation, or mean to put away sin, the same denieth Christ.

     "V. That the body and blood of Christ cannot be received really
and corporally, by the testimony of the Scripture.

     "VI. That the use of the mass, wherein Christ is present and
offered up to his heavenly Father for the quick and the dead, is
against the Scripture, and contumelious to the sacrifice which Christ
made for us.

     "VII. That Christ only is to be invocated, as the Mediator and
Advocate of mankind to God the Father.

     "VIII. That there is no place to be found by the Holy
Scripture, wherein souls are purged after this life:  and therefore
all those prayers and ceremonies, yearly dirges and obits, which are
bestowed upon the dead, also lamps, tapers, and such other things,
profit nothing at all.

     "IX. That to set up any picture or image to be worshipped, is
repugnant to the Holy Scripture; and therefore, if any such be
erected in churches for that intent, the same ought to be taken down.

     "X. That matrimony is prohibited to no state or order of men,
but, for eschewing of fornication, generally is commanded, and
permitted to all men by the word of God. And forasmuch as all
fornicators are excluded, by the testimony of Scripture, from the
communion of the church, therefore this unchaste and filthy single
life of priests, is most of all inconvenient for the order of
priesthood."

     When the senate and people of Berne had sent abroad their
letters with these themes and conclusions to all the Helvetians,
exhorting them both to send their learned men, and to suffer all
others to pass safely through their countries; the Lucernates,
Uranites, Switzers, Untervaldians, Tugians, Glareans, Soloturnians,
and they of Friburg, answered again by contrary letters, exhorting
and requiring them in any case to desist from their purposed
enterprise; putting them in remembrance of their league and
composition made, and also of the disputation of Baden above-
mentioned, of which disputation they were themselves (they said) the
first beginners and authors. Saying moreover, that it was not lawful
for any nation or province to alter the state of religion, but the
same to belong to a general council:  wherefore they desired them that
they would not attempt any such wicked act, but continue in the
religion which their parents and elders had observed. And in fine,
thus in the end of their letters they concluded, that they would
neither send, nor suffer any of their learned men to come, nor yet
grant safe-conduct to any others to pass through their country. To
this and such-like effect tended the letters of these Switzers above-
named.

     All which notwithstanding, the lords of Berne, proceeding in
their intended purpose, upon the day prescribed, (which was the
seventh of January,) began their disputation. Of all the bishops
before signified, which were assigned to come, there was not one
present. Nevertheless the cities of Basil, Zurich, and Schaffhausen,
and Appenzel, St. Gallen, Mulhausen, with the neighbours of Rhetia;
also they of Strasburg, Ulm, Augsburg, Lindau, Constance, and Isny,
sent thither their ambassadors.

     The doctors above-mentioned of the city of Berne, began the
disputation; whereat the same time were present Zuinglius,
Œcolampadius, Bucer, Capito, Blaurer, with others more, all which
defended the affirmative of the conclusions propounded. On the
contrary side, of them which were the opponents, the chieftain was
Conrad Treger, a friar Augustine; who, to prove his assertion, when
he was driven to shift out of the Scripture to seek help of other
doctors, and the moderators of the disputation would not permit the
same, (being contrary to the order before appointed,) he departed out
of the place, and would dispute no more.

     The disputation endured nineteen days; in the end whereof it
was agreed, by the assent of the most part, that the conclusions
there disputed, were consonant to the truth of God's word, and should
be ratified not only in the city of Berne, but also proclaimed by the
magistrates in sundry other cities near adjoining:  furthermore, that
masses, altars, and images, in all places, should be abolished.

     At the city of Constance, certain things began to be altered a
little before; where also, among other things, laws were made against
fornication and adultery, and all suspect or unhonest company;
whereat the canons (as they are called) of the church, taking great
grief and displeasure, departed the city. In the said city was then
teacher, Ambrose Blaurer, a learned man, and born of a noble stock,
who had been a monk a little before, professed in the monastery of
Alperspake, in the duchy of Wittenberg, belonging to the dominion of
Ferdinand. Which Blaurer, by reading of Luther's works, and having a
good wit, had changed, a little before, his religion, and also his
coat, returning again home to his friends; and when his abbot would
have had him again, and wrote earnestly to the senate of Constance
for him, he declared the whole case of the matter in writing;
propounding withal certain conditions, whereupon he was content (as
he said) to return. But the conditions were such, that the abbot was
rather willing and contented that he should remain still at
Constance; and so he did.

     After this disputation thus concluded at Berne, (as hath been
said,) the images and altars, with ceremonies and masses, were
abolished at Constance.

     They of Geneva also, for their parts, were not behind,
following likewise the example of the city of Berne, in extirpating
images and ceremonies; by reason whereof the bishop and clergy there
left, and departed the city in no small anger.

     The Bernates, after they had redressed with them the state of
religion, they renounced the league made before with the French king;
refusing and forsaking his war stipend, whereby they were bound at
his call to feed his wars; following therein the example of the
Tigurines, which before had done the like, and were contented only
with their yearly pension that the king payeth to every page of the
Helvetians, to keep peace.

     The day and year when this reformation from popery to true
Christianity with them began, they caused on a pillar to be engraven
with golden letters, for a perpetual memory to all posterity to come.
This was A.D. 1528.

     After that the rumour of this disputation and alteration of
Berne was noised in other cities and places abroad, first the
ministers of Strasburg, encouraged by this occasion, began likewise
to affirm and teach, that the mass was wicked, and a great blasphemy
against God's holy name, and therefore was to be abrogated; and
instead thereof the right use of the Lord's supper to be restored
again; which unless they could prove by the manifest testimonies of
the Scriptures to be true, they would refuse no manner of punishment.
On the contrary part, the bishop of Rome's clergy did hold and
maintain, that the mass was good and holy; whereupon kindled great
contention on both sides:  which when the senate and magistrates of
the city would have brought to a disputation, and could not because
the priests would not condescend to any reasoning; therefore, seeing
they so accused the other, and yet would come to no trial of their
cause, the said magistrates commanded them to silence.

     The bishop, in the mean while, ceased not with his letters and
messengers daily to call upon the senate, desiring the senate to
persevere in the ancient religion of their elders, and to give no ear
to those new teachers; declaring what danger and peril it would bring
upon them. The senate again desired him, as they had done oftentimes
before, that such things as appertained to the true honour and
worship of God might be set forward, and all other things which
tended to the contrary might be removed and taken away; for that
properly belonged to his office to see to. But the bishop, still
driving them off with delays, pretended to call an assembly for the
same, appointing also day and place for the hearing and discussing of
those controversies; where, indeed, nothing was performed at all; but
with his letters he did often solicit them to surcease their
enterprise, sometimes by way of entreating, sometimes with menacing
words terrifying them:  and at last, seeing he could nothing by that
way prevail, he turned his suit to the assembly of the empire, which
was then at Spires collected, entreating them to set in a foot, and
to help what they could with their authority.

     They, ready to satisfy the bishop's request, sent a solemn
embassy to the senate and citizens of Strasburg, about December in
the year above-said, with this request: 

     "Requiring them not to put down the mass; for neither it was
(said they) in the power of the emperor, nor of any other estate; to
alter the ancient religion received from their forefathers, but
either by a general, or by a provincial, council; which council if
they be supposed to be far off, at least that they would take a pause
till the next sitting of the empire, which should be with speed;
where their requests being propounded and heard, they should have
such reasonable answer, as should not miscontent them. For it was
(said they) against all law and reason, for a private magistrate to
infringe and dissolve those things, which by general consent of the
whole world have been agreed upon; and therefore good reason
required, that they should obtain so much at their hands; for else if
they should obstinately proceed in this their attempt, so with force
and violence to work as they began, it might fortune the emperor,
their supreme magistrate under God, and also Ferdinand his deputy,
would not take it well, and so should be compelled to seek such
remedy therein, as they would be sorry to use. Wherefore their
request was, and advice also, that they should weigh the matter
diligently with themselves and follow good counsel; who, in so doing,
should not only glad the emperor, but also work that which should
redound chiefly to their own commendation and safety."
 Besides the messengers thus sent from the council
of Spires, the bishop also of Hildesheim had been with them a little
before, exhorting them in the emperor's name, after like manner.
Neither did the bishop of Strasburg also cease with his messengers
and letters daily to labour his friends there, and especially such of
the senators as he had to him bound by any fealty, or otherwise by
any gifts of friendship; that, so much as in them did lie, they
should uphold the mass, and gainstand the contrary proceeding of the
others.

     The senate of Strasburg, in the mean time, seeing the matter
did so long hang in controversy, the space now of two years, and the
preachers daily and instantly calling upon them for a reformation,
and suit also being made to them of the citizens, assembled their
great and full council, to the number of three hundred, (as in great
matters of importance they are accustomed to do,) and there with
themselves debated the case; declaring on the one side, if they
abolished the mass, what danger they should incur by the emperor; on
the other side, if they did not, how much they should offend God:  and
therefore, giving them respite to consult, at the next meeting
required them to declare their advice and sentence in the matter.
When the day came that every man should say his mind, it so fell out,
that the voices and judgments of them which went against the mass,
prevailed:  whereupon immediately a decree was made, on the twentieth
of February, A.D. 1529, that the mass should be suspended and laid
down, till the time that the adversary part could prove by good
Scripture, the mass to be a service available and acceptable before
God.

     This decree being established by the consent of the whole city,
the senate eftsoons commanded the same to be proclaimed, and to take
full place and effect, as well within the city, as also without, so
far as their limits and dominion did extend; andafterwards, by
letters, certified their bishop touching the doing thereof. Who
bearing these news, as heavy to his heart as lead, did signify to
them again, how he received their letters, and how he understood by
them the effect and sum of their doings:  all which he was enforced to
digest with such patience as he could, though they went sore against
his stomach, seeing for the present time he could no otherwise
choose:  hereafter would serve (he said); he would see thereunto,
according as his charge and office should require.

     Thus how the mass was overthrown in Zurich, in Berne, in
Geneva, and in Strasburg, you have heard. Now what followed in Basil
remaineth likewise to understand. In this city of Basil was
Œcolampadius, a preacher, (as is above signified,) by whose diligent
labour and travail the gospel began there to take such root, that
great dissension there also arose among the citizens about religion,
and especially about the mass:  whereupon the senate of Basil
appointed, that after an open disputation it should be determined by
voices, what was to be done therein. This notwithstanding, the
papists, still continuing in their former purpose, began more stoutly
to inveigh against the other part; and because they were so suffered
by the magistrate without punishment, it was therefore doubted by the
commons, that they had some privy maintainers among the senators: 
whereupon certain of the citizens were appointed, in the name of the
whole commons, to sue to the senators, and to put them in remembrance
of their promise. Whose suit and request was this:  that those
senators which were the aiders and supporters of the papists, might
be displaced, for that it did as well tend to the contempt of their
former decree made, as also to the public disturbance of the city.
But when this could not be obtained of the senate, the commons, on
the eighth day of February, in the year abovesaid, assembled
themselves in the Grey Friars' church, and there, considering with
themselves upon the matter, repaired again with their suit unto the
senate, but not in such humble wise as before; and therewithal
gathered themselves in the public places of the city, to fortify the
same; albeit as yet without armour. The same evening, the senate sent
them word, that, at their request they granted, that those senators,
although remaining still in office, yet should not sit in the council
at what time any matter of religion should come in talk.

     By this answer the commons, gathering that the whole state was
ruled by a few, took thereat grief and displeasure, protesting
openly, that they would take counsel by themselves hereafter, what
they had to do, not only in cases of religion, but also in other
matters of civil government; and forthwith took them to armour,
keeping the towers and gates, and other convenient places of the
city, with watch and ward, in as forcible wise as if the enemy had
been at hand.

     The next day the senate, requiring respite to deliberate, was
contented to commit the matter to them, whom the commons before had
sent as suitors unto them; which offer the citizens did not refuse,
but with this condition, that those senators who were guilty, should
in the mean season follow their plea as private persons, upon their
own private costs and charges; and that the others, who defended the
public cause for the behoof of their posterity, should be maintained
by the public charges of the city. This the senate was glad to grant,
with some other like matters of lighter weight, to appease their
rage.

     It happened the very same day, that certain of the citizens,
(such as were appointed to go about the city for the viewing of
things,) came into the high church, where one of them thrusting at a
certain image with his staff, eftsoons it fell down and brake; by the
occasion whereof, other images also, in like sort, were served after
the same devotion. But when the priests came running to them, which
seemed to be greatly offended therewith, they, because they would not
pass their commission, staid their hands and departed.

     It followed upon this, that when word hereof was brought to the
citizens which stood in the marketplace, and the matter being made
worse unto them than it was, they incontinently discharged out three
hundred armed men, to rescue their fellows in the church, supposing
them to be in danger:  who, coming to the church, and not finding
their fellows there, and all things quiet, save only a few images
broken down, they likewise, lest they should have lost all their
labour, threw down all the other idols and images which they found
there standing; and so passing through all churches in the city, did
there also the like. And when certain of the senate came forth to
appease the tumult, the citizens said, "That which you have stood
about these three years, consulting and advising whether it were best
to be done or not, that shall we despatch in one hour, that from
henceforth never more contention shall grow between us for images."
And so the senate permitted them free leave, without any more
resistance; and twelve senators were displaced from their order,
albeit without note of reproach or dishonesty. Also a decree the same
time was made, that as well within the city of Basil, as without,
throughout all their jurisdiction, the mass, with all idols, should
be abandoned:  and further, that in all such matters and cases as
concerned the glory of God, and the affairs of the public wealth,
besides the number of the other senators, two hundred of the burghers
or citizens should be appointed out of every ward in the city to sit
with them in council. These decrees being established, after they had
kept watch and ward about the city three days and three nights, every
one returned again to his house quiet and joyful, without any blood
or stroke given, or anger wreaked, but only upon the images.

     On the third day, which was Ash Wednesday, (as the pope's
ceremonial church doth call it,) all the wooden images were
distributed among the poor of the city, to serve them for firewood.
But when they could not well agree in dividing the prey, but fell to
brawling among themselves, it was agreed that the said images should
be burnt altogether; so that in nine great heaps all the stocks and
idols there the same day were burnt to ashes before the great church
door. And thus by God's ordinance it came to pass, that the same day
wherein the pope's priests are wont to show forth all their mourning,
and do mark men's foreheads with ashes, in remembrance that they be
but ashes, was to the whole city festival and joyful, for turning
their images to ashes; and so is observed and celebrated every year
still, unto this present day, with all mirth, plays, and pastimes, in
remembrance of the same ashes; which day may there be called a right
Ash Wednesday of God's own making. The men of Zurich, of Berne, of
Soleure, hearing what business was at Basil, sent their ambassadors
to be a mean between them; but before the ambassadors came, all was
ceased and at quiet.

     All this mean space the emperor and the French king were
together occupied in wars and strife; which as it turned to the great
damage and detriment of the French king, who, in the said wars, was
taken prisoner by the emperor, so it happened commodious and
opportune for the success of the gospel:  for else it is to be thought
that these Helvetians and other Germans should not have had that
leisure and rest to reform religion, and to link themselves in league
together, as they did. But thus Almighty God, of his secret wisdom,
disposeth times and occasions to serve his will and purpose in all
things; albeit Ferdinand the emperor's brother, and deputy in
Germany, remitted no time nor diligence to do what he could in
resisting the proceedings of the protestants, as appeared both by the
decree set forth at Ratisbon, and also at Spires; in the which
council of Spires, Ferdinand, at the same time, which was A.D. 1529,
had decreed against the protestants in effect as followeth: 

     "First, That the edict of the emperor made at Worms, should
stand in force through all Germany till the time of the general
council which should shortly follow. Also, that they which already
had altered their religion, and now could not revoke the same again
for fear of sedition, should stay themselves, and attempt no more
innovations hereafter, till the time of the general council.

     "Item, That the doctrine of them which hold the Lord's supper
otherwise than the church doth teach, should not be received, nor the
mass should be altered:  and there, where the doctrine of religion was
altered, there should be no impediment to the contrary, but that they
which were disposed to come to mass, might safely therein use their
devotion. Against Anabaptists likewise; and that all ministers of the
church should be enjoined to use no other intepretation of the Holy
Scripture, but according to the exposition of the church doctors: 
other matters that were disputable not be touched. Moreover, that all
persons and states should keep peace, so that for religion, neither
the one part should infer molestation to the other, nor receive any
confederates under their protection and safeguard; all which decrees
they which should transgress, to be outlawed and exiled."

     Unto this sitting at Spires, first, the ambassadors of
Strasburg were not admitted, but repelled by Ferdinand, because they
had rejected the mass; and therefore the said city of Strasburg
denied to pay any contribution against the Turk, except they, with
other Germans, might be likewise admitted into their councils. The
other princes which were received and not repelled, as the duke of
Saxony, and George of Brandenburg, Ernest and Francis, earls of
Lunenburg, and the landgrave Anhaldius, did utterly gainstand the
decree, and showed their cause, in a large protestation written, why
they so did:  which done, all such cities as subscribed and consented
to the said protestation of the princes, eftsoons conjoined
themselves in a common league with them, whereupon they had their
name called therefore protestants. The names of the cities were
these:  Argentina or Strasburg, Nuremberg, Ulm, Constance, Reutlingen,
Windsheim, Memmingen, Lindau, Kempton, Hailbrun, Isny, Weisseburg,
Nordlingen, St. Gallen.

     Furthermore, as touching the Helvetians, (from whence we hare
somewhat digressed,) how the cities of Berne and Zurich had consented
and joined together in reformation of the true religion, ye heard
before. Wherefore the other pages in Helvetia, which were of the
contrary profession, in like manner confederated themselves in league
with Ferdinand:  the number and names of which pages especially were
five; to wit, the Lucernates, the Urani, the Suitcases, the
Untervaldii, and the Tugiani, which was in the year abovesaid; to the
intent, that they, conjoining their power together, might overrun the
religion of Christ, and the professors of the same:  who also, for
hatred and despite, hanged up the arms of the aforesaid cities of
Zurich and Berne upon the gallows, besides many other injuries and
grievances which they wrought against them; for the which cause the
said cities of Berne and Zurich raised their power, intending to set
upon the aforesaid Switzers, as upon their capital enemies. But as
they were in the field, ready to encounter one army against the
other, through the means of the city of Strasburg, and other
intercessors, they were parted for that time, and so returned.

     As touching the council of Augsburg, which followed the next
year after the assembly of Spires, A.D. 1530, how the princes and
protestants of Germany in the same council exhibited their
confession, and what labour was sought to confute it, and how
constantly Duke Frederic persisted in defence of his conscience
against the threatening words and replications of the emperor; also
in what danger the said princes had been in, had not the landgrave
privily by night slipped out of the city; pertaineth not to this
place presently to discourse.

     To return therefore unto Zuinglius and the Helvetians, of whom
we have here presently to treat, you heard before how the tumult and
commotion between the two cities of Zurich and Berne, and the other
five cities of the cantons, was pacified by the means of
intercession; which peace so continued the space of two years. After
that, the old wound waxing raw again, began to burst out and gather
to a head; which was by reason of certain injuries, and opprobrious
words and contumelies, which the reformed cities had received of the
other; wherefore the Tigurines and the Bernates, stopping all
passages and straits, would permit no corn nor victual to pass unto
them. This was A.D. 1531. And when great trouble was like to be
thereby, the French king, with certain other townships of
Switzerland, as the Glarians, Friburgians, Soloturnians, and other
coming between them, laboured to set them at agreement, drawing out
certain conditions of peace between them; which conditions were
these:  That all contumelies and injuries past should be forgotten: 
that hereafter neither part should molest the other:  that they which
were banished for religion, should again be restored:  that the five
pages might remain without disturbance in their religion, so that
none should be restrained amongst them from the reading of the Old
and New Testament:  that no kind of disquietness should be procured
against them of Berne and Zurich:  and that either part should confer
mutual helps together, one to succour the other as in times past. But
the five pagemen would not observe these covenants made, neither
would their malicious hearts be brought to any conformity. Wherefore
the Bernates and Tigurines, showing and declaring first their cause
in public writing, to purge and excuse the necessity of their war,
being pressed with so many wrongs, and in manner constrained to take
the sword in hand, did, as before, beset the highways and passages,
that no furniture, or victual, or other forage, could come to the
other pages; by reason whereof, when they of the five towns began to
be pinched with want and penury, they armed themselves secretly, and
set forward in warlike array towards the borders of Zurich, where
then was lying a garrison of the Zurich men, to the number of a
thousand and more; whereupon word was sent incontinent to the city of
Zurich, to succour their men with speed. But their enemies approached
so fast, that they could hardly come to rescue them; for when they
were come to the top of the hill, whereby they must needs pass, they
saw their fellows being in great distress in the valley under them.
Whereupon they, encouraging themselves, made down the hill with more
haste than order, who might go fastest; but the nature of the hill
was such, that there could but one go down at once:  by reason
whereof, forasmuch as they could not keep their ranks to join
altogether, it followed that they, being but few in number, were
discomfited and overmatched of the multitude; which was on the
eleventh of October in the year aforesaid. Among the number of them
that were slain, was also Uldricus Zuinglius, the blessed servant and
saint of God. Also the abbot of Capella, and Commendator Kunacensis,
with thirteen other learned and worthy men, were slain; being, as is
thought, falsely betrayed, and brought into the hands of their
enemies.

     As touching the cause which moved Zuinglius to go out with his
citizens to the war, it is sufficiently declared and excused, both by
John Sleidan and especially by Œcolampadius, in his epistle, where
first is to be understood, that it is an old received manner among
the Zurich men, that when they go forth in warfare, the chief
minister of the church goeth with them. Zuinglius also of himself,
being (saith Sleidan) a man of a stout and bold courage, considering
if he should remain at home when war should be attempted against his
citizens, and if he, who in his sermons did so encourage others,
should now faint so cowardly, and tarry behind at home when time of
danger came, what shame and disdain might worthily rise to him
thereby, thought not to refuse to take such part as his brethren did.

     Œcolampadius moreover addeth, that he wentnot out as a captain
of the field, but as a good citizen with his citizens, and a good
shepherd ready to die with his flock. "And which of them all," saith
he, "that most cry out against Zuinglius, can show any such noble
heart in him, to do the like?" Again, neither did he go out of his
own accord, but rather desired not to go; foreseeing belike what
danger thereof would ensue. But the senate, being importune upon him,
would have no nay, urging and enforcing him most instantly to go: 
among whom were thought to have been some false betrayers, saying and
objecting to him, that be was a dastard if he refused to accompany
his brethren as well in time of danger as in peace. Moreover the said
Zuinglius, among other secular arts, had also some skill in such
matters of warfare. When he was slain, great cruelty was shown upon
his dead corpse; such was their hatred toward him, that their malice
could not be satisfied, unless also they should burn his body being
dead.

     The report goeth, that after his body was cut first in four
pieces, and then consumed with fire, three days after his death his
friends came to see whether any part of him was remaining, where they
found his heart in the ashes whole and unburned; in much like manner
as was the heart of Cranmer, archbishop of Canterbury, which in the
ashes also was found and taken up unconsumed, as by credible
information is testified.

     Furthermore, such was then the rage of these five pages against
the aforesaid abbot of Capella, that they took him, being slain, and
putting out both his eyes, clothed him in a monk's cowl, and so set
him in the pulpit to preach, railing and jesting upon him in a most
despiteful manner. Uldricus Zuinglius was, when he died, of the age
of forty-four years; younger than Martin Luther by four years.

     The Bernates, who were purposed the same time to achieve war
against the Untervaldians, bordering near unto them, when they heard
of this discomfiture of the Tigurines, to comfort them again, desired
them to be of good cheer and courage, promising that they would not
fail, but come and revenge their quarrel. Again, when the Tigurines
had assembled their power together, which was the eighth day after
the battle, and had received aid from the Schaffhausen, Mulhausen,
St. Gallen, and from Basil, (the Bernates at this time were nothing
hasty,) out of the whole number they chose out certain ensigns, which
setting forth in the night, lay in the hill beside Menzig, intending
when the moon was up, to take the town of Zug, lying near at hand,
upon the sudden:  which when their enemies had perceived, which were
encamped not far from them, with all speed and most secret manner
came upon them being at rest, the twenty-fourth of October, and to
put them in more fear, made a wonderful clamorous outcry. So it fell
out in conclusion, that many on both parties were slain; and albeit
the five pagemen had the upper hand, yet would they of Zurich nothing
relent in their religion. At the last, through mediation, a peace was
concluded, and thus the matter agreed, that the Tigurines, Bernates,
and Basilians, should forsake the league which they had lately made
with the city of Strasburg and the landgrave:  likewise that the five
pagemen should give over their league and composition made with
Ferdinand:  and hereof obligations were made and sealed in the latter
end of November.

     Œcolampadius, the preacher of the city of Strasburg above
recorded, hearing of the death of Zuinglius his dear friend, took
thereat inward grief and sorrow, insomuch that it is thought to have
increased his disease; and so he also departed this life, the same
year and month of November above-mentioned, being of the age of
forty-nine years, older than Martin Luther by one year. Although this
Œcolampadius then died, yet his learned and famous Commentaries upon
the Prophets, with other worthy works which he left behind him, still
live and shall never die.

     The next year following, which was A.D. 1532, in the month of
August, died also the worthy and memorable prince, John Frederic,
duke of Saxony, who, for testimony of Christ and his gospel,
sustained such trials, so many brunts, and so vehement conflicts with
the emperor, and that especially at the council assembled at
Augsburg; that unless the almighty hand of the Lord had sustained
him, it had not been possible for him or any prince to have endured
so constant and unmovable against so many persuasions and assaults,
as he did to the end. After him succeeded John Frederic his son, &c.

     And thus have ye the history of Zuinglius, and of the church of
Switzerland, with their proceedings and troubles, from the first
beginning of their reformation of religion, set forth and described.
Whereunto we will add one certain epistle of the said Zuinglius,
taken out of his other epistles, and so therewith close up his story;
which epistle I thought here to record, especially for that in the
same, among other matters, profitably is expounded the true meaning
of the apostle, writing to the Corinthians concerning how to judge
the Lord's body, to the intent that the simple thereby may the better
be informed. The words of his letter be these, as follow: 

     "Unto your questions propounded to me in your former letters,
well-beloved brother! I have sent you here mine answer. First, I am
also in the same mind with you, that the Lord's supper is a very
thanksgiving; for so the apostle himself meaneth, saying, Ye shall
show forth the Lord's death:  where the word of showing forth,
signifieth as much as praising or thanksgiving. Wherefore seeing it
is a Eucharist, or a thanksgiving, in my judgment no other thing
ought to be obtruded on men's consciences, but only with due
reverence to give thanks. Nevertheless, this is not to be neglected,
that every man do prove and examine himself; for so we ought to
search and ask our own consciences, what faith we have in Christ
Jesus? which if it be sound and sincere, we may approach without stay
to this thanksgiving. For he that hath no faith, and yet feigneth or
pretendeth to have, eateth his own judgment; for he lieth to the Holy
Ghost. And whereas you suppose, that Paul in this place doth not
reprove them which sit at the table eating of meats offered to idols,
I dissent from you therein. For Paul, a little before, writeth
vehemently against those arrogant persons, which bragging upon their
knowledge, thought they might lawfully eat of such meats offered to
idols, sitting and eating at the Lord's table:  You cannot, saith he,
be partakers both of the Lord's table, and the table of devils, &c.
Wherefore St. Paul's meaning is, that every one should try and
examine himself what faith he hath. Whereupon it followeth, that he
which hath a right faith, must have no part nor fellowship with those
things which be given to idols:  for he is now a member of another
body, that is, of Christ; so that he cannot join himself now to be
one body with idolaters. And therefore those be they which do not
judge or discern the Lord's body, that make no difference between the
church of Christ and the church of idolaters. For they which sit at
the Lord's table, eating of idol meats, do make no difference at all
between the Lord's supper and the supper of the devils:  which be they
whom Paul saith not to judge the body of our Lord, that is, which
make no discrepance, nor give any more regard to Christ's church,
than to the church of devils. Whereas if we would judge ourselves;
that is, if we would thoroughly search and examine our ownconsciences
as we should, in coming to the table of the Lord, we, finding any
faith in us, would:  never go the table, or make thereof the feast, of
devils:  wherefore your judgment 'herein is not amiss in expounding
the word of judging in St. Paul, to signify as much a considering,
perpending, and inquiring.

     "To your second question I answer, that Jesus took bread, and
brake, &c. Also he took the cup, &c. These words declare the action
of one which properly doth a thing; and not the hospitality of one
which inviteth another to eat.

     "Touching your third question, out of the 6th chapter of John,
Doth this offend you? herein I do fully agree with you.

     "As for this word 'Ostren,' which is your fourth question, I
understand thereby the time of the great feast or solemnity, which we
keep in remembrance of the great deliverance of God's people from the
thraldom of Satan; before, from the thraldom of Pharaoh:  neither is
it greatly material with what word we express the thing, so the thing
itself be one, and the analogy and constancy of the Scripture be
kept; for both the Scripture calleth Christ the Lamb, and St. Paul
calleth him our Easter or Passover. Now your word, 'Wanderfest,' well
pleaseth me, for the Passover, or Pĉsah.

     "To your fifth interrogation, of Christ's descending into hell;
I suppose this particle was inserted into the Creed by the sentence
of the fathers, to declare how the fathers were redeemed by the death
of Christ, which died in the faith. For Christ led away captivity,
wherewith they were holden, with him up into heaven:  so that his
going down into hell be not so understood as circumscriptively, which
is, when a thing is present by circumscription of any one place; but
by power, which is by the operation of his Spirit, which is not
comprehended in any certainty of place, but without prescription of
certain place is diffused every where:  so that the article of
Christ's descending into hell importeth as much as that his death
redeemed them which were in hell. Whereunto St. Peter also seemeth to
have respect, where he saith, The gospel also was preached to them
which were dead; that is, that they also did feel the good tidings of
the gospel, their redemption by the Son of God:  and that they which
rose again with Christ in the Spirit, be now with him in heaven, who
nevertheless in flesh shall be judged, what time the Son of God and
of man shall come to judge both the quick and the dead. Return to the
places of Peter, the one in his First Epistle, the other in the
latter; and so be you contented with this present answer rashed up in
haste. Fare ye heartily well; and comfort my William, the good aged
father, by the grace of God which is in you. Commend me to John
Eggenberge.

     "From Zurich, September 1, A.D. 1527."

     From the first beginning of this whole book and history
hitherto, good reader! thou hast heard of many, and sundry troubles,
and much business in the church of Christ, concerning the reformation
of divers abuses and great errors crept into the same, namely in the
Church of Rome; as appeareth by the doings of them, in divers and
sundry places,whereof mention hath been made heretofore in this said
history. For what godly man hath there been, within the space of
these five hundred years, either virtuously disposed, or excellently
learned, which hath not disproved the misordered doings and corrupt
examples of the see and bishop of Rome from time to time, unto the
coming of this Luther? wherein this appeareth to me, and may also
appear no less to all godly disposed men to be noted, not without
great admiration, that seeing this aforesaid Romish bishop hath had
great enemies and gainsayers continually from time to time, both
speaking and working, preaching and writing against him, yet,
notwithstanding, never any could prevail before the coming of this
man. The cause whereof, although it be secretly known unto God, and
unknown unto men, yet so far as men by conjectures may suppose, it
may thus not unlikely be thought, that whereas other men before him,
speaking against the pomp, pride, whoredom, and avarice of the bishop
of Rome, charged him only, or most specially, with examples and
manners of life; Luther went further with him, charging him not with
life, but with his learning; not with his doings, but with his
doctrine; not picking at the rind, but plucking up the root; not
seeking the man, but shaking his seat; yea, and charging him with
plain heresy, as prejudicial and resisting plainly against the blood
of Christ, contrary to the true sense and direct understanding of the
sacred testament of God's holy word. For whereas the foundation of
our faith, grounded upon the Holy Scripture, teacheth and leadeth us
to be justified only by the worthiness of Christ, and the only price
of his. blood; the pope, proceeding with a contrary doctrine,
teacheth us otherwise to seek our salvation, not by Christ alone, but
by the way of men's meriting and deserving by works:  whereupon rose
divers sorts of orders and religious sects among men, some professing
one thing, and some another, and every man seeking his own
righteousness, but few seeking the righteousness of him, which is set
up of God to be our righteousness, redemption, and justification.

     Martin Luther therefore, urging and reducing things to the
foundation and touchstone of the Scripture, opened the eyes of many
who before were drowned in darkness:  whereupon it cannot be expressed
what joy, comfort, and consolation came to the hearts of men, some
lying in darkness and ignorance, some wallowing in sin, some being in
despair, some macerating themselves by works, and some presuming upon
their own righteousness, to behold that glorious benefit of the great
liberty and free justification set up in Christ Jesus. And briefly to
speak, the more glorious the benefit of this doctrine appeared to the
world after long ignorance, the greater persecution followed upon the
same. And where the elect of God took most occasion of comfort and of
salvation, thereof the adversaries took most matter of vexation and
disturbance, as commonly we see the true word of God to bring with it
ever dissension and perturbation; and therefore truly it was said of
Christ, that he came not to send peace on earth, but the sword. And
this was the cause why that after the doctrine and preaching of
Luther, so great troubles and persecutions followed in all quarters
of the world; whereby rose great disquietness amongst the prelates,
and many laws and decrees were made to overthrow the same, by cruel
handling of many good and Christian men. Thus, while authority, armed
with laws and rigour, did strive against simple verity, lamentable it
was to hear how many poor men were troubled, and went to wrack:  some
tossed from place to place, some exiled out of the land for fear,
some caused to abjure, some driven to caves in woods, some racked
with torment, and some pursued to death with faggot and fire. Of whom
we have now (Christ willing) in this history following to treat;
first beginning with certain that suffered in Germany, and then to
return to our own stories and martyrs here in England.



152. HENRY VOES AND JOHN ESCH
Friars Augustine, burnt at Brussels, A.D. 1523.
  IN the year of our Lord 1523, two young men were
burnt at Brussels, the one named Henry Voes, being of the age of
twenty-four years, and the other John Esch; who before had been of
the order of the Augustine Friars. They were degraded the first day
of July, and spoiled of their friars' weed, at the suit of Egmondanus
the pope's inquisitor, and the divines of Louvain; for that they
would not retract and deny their doctrine of the gospel, which the
papists call Lutheranism. Their examiners were Hochestratus and
other, who demanded of them, what they did believe? They said, the
books of the Old Testament and the New, wherein were contained the
articles of the Creed. Then were they asked, whether they believed
the decrees of the councils, and of the fathers? They said, such as
were agreeing to the Scripture they believed. After this they
proceeded further, asking, whether they thought it any deadly sin to
transgress the decrees of the fathers, and of the bishop of Rome?
That (said they) is to be attributed only to the precepts, of God, to
bind the conscience of man, or to loose it. Wherein when they
constantly persisted and would not turn, they were condemned and
judged to be burned. Then they began to give thanks to God their
heavenly Father, which had delivered them through his great goodness
from the false and abominable priesthood, and made them priests of
his holy order, receiving them unto him as a sacrifice of sweet
odour. Then there was a bill written, which was delivered unto them
to read openly before the people, to declare what faith and doctrine
they held. The greatest error that they were accused of was, that men
ought to trust only in God, forasmuch as men are liars, and deceitful
in all their words and deeds, and therefore there ought no trust or
affiance to be put in them.

     As they were led unto the place of execution, which was the
first of July, they went joyfully and merrily, making continual
protestation that they died for the glory of God, and the doctrine of
the gospel, as true Christians, believing and following the holy
church of the Son of God; saying also, that it was the day which they
had long desired. After they were come to the place where they should
be burned, and were despoiled of their garments, they tarried a great
space in their shirts; and joyfully embraced the stake that they
should be bound to, patiently and joyfully enduring whatsoever was
done unto them; praising God with Te Deum laudamus, and singing
psalms, and rehearsing the Creed, in testimony of their faith. A
certain doctor, beholding their jollity and mirth, said unto Henry,
that he should take heed so foolishly to glorify himself. To whom he
answered, "God forbid that I should glory in any thing, but only in
the cross of my Lord Jesus Christ." Another counselled him to have
God before his eyes:  unto whom he answered, "I trust that I carry him
truly in my heart." One of them, seeing that fire was kindled at his
feet, said, "Methinks ye do strew roses under my feet." Finally the
smoke and the flame, mounting up to their faces, choked them.

     Henry being demanded, amongst other things, whether Luther had
seduced him or no:  "Yea," said he, "even as Christ seduced his
apostles." He said also, that it was contrary to God's law, that the
clergy should be exempted from the power and jurisdiction of the
magistrate ordained of God; for such as were ordained in office by
the bishops, have no power but only to preach the word of God, and to
feed their flock therewithal. After their death, their monastery was
dissolved at Antwerp; the president whereof, by the papists called
Jacob the Lutheran, after divers and sundry troubles and afflictions,
was forced to recant at Brussels; but afterwards, his mind being
renewed by the Holy Ghost, embracing that again which before he had
renounced, he fled unto Luther.



153. HENRY SUTPHEN, MONK, A MARTYR, AT DITHMARSCH.

     The next year after the burning of those two Christian martyrs
at Brussels, above-mentioned, with like tyranny also was martyred and
burned without all order of judgment or just condemnation, about the
city of Dithmarsch, on the borders of Germany, one Henry Sutphen,
monk, A.D. 1524, of whom mention is partly touched in the
commentaries of John Sleiden, lib. iv.; but his history is more amply
described by Luther, by Paulus Eberus in his calendar, by Ludovicus,
by Rabus Crispinus, and others. This Sutphen had been before with
Martin Luther, and afterward coming to Antwerp, was from thence
excluded for the gospel, and so came to Bremen, not to the intent
there to preach, but for that he was minded to go to Wittenberg,
being driven from Antwerp, as is above said; who, being at Bremen,
was there required, by certain godly citizens of Bremen, to make one
or two brief exhortations upon the gospel; whereunto, through the
earnest love and zeal that was in him, he was easily allured and
persuaded. He made his first sermon unto the people the Sunday before
St. Martin's day. When the people heard him preach the word of God so
sincerely, they desired him again the second time, and were so in
love with his doctrine, that the whole parish required him to tarry
amongst them to preach the gospel; which thing, for fear of danger,
for a time he refused. When the religious rout had understanding
hereof, specially the canons, monks, and priests, they went about
with all endeavour to oppress him, and thrust both him, and also the
gospel of Christ, out of the city; for that was their chief seeking: 
whereupon they went unto the senate, desiring that such a heretic
might be banished the town, which, in his doctrine, preached against
the catholic church. Upon the complaint of the canons, the senate
sent for the wardens and head men of the parish where Henry had
preached, who being come together, the senate declared unto them the
complaint of the canons and all the other religious men. Whereunto
the citizens of Bremen, taking their preacher's part, answered, that
they knew none other, but that they had hired a learned and honest
man to preach unto them, which should teach them sincerely and truly
the word of God. Notwithstanding, if the chapter-house or any other
man could bring testimonial or witness, that the preacher had taught
any thing which either savoured of heresy, or were repugnant to the
word of God, they were ready (they said) with the chapterhouse to
persecute him,:  for God forbid that they should maintain a heretic.
But if, contrariwise, the canons of the chapter-house, and the other
religious men, will not declare and show that the preacher, whom they
had hired, had taught any error or heresy, but were set only of
malice, by violence to drive him away, they might not (said they) by
any means suffer the same. Whereupon they desired the senate, with
all humble obedience, that they would not require it of them, but
grant them equity and justice, saying, that they were minded to
assist their preacher always, and to plead his cause.

     This answer the senate commanded to be declared to the chapter-
house. When the religious sort understood that they could prevail
little or nothing with their words, bursting out in a fury, they
began to threaten, and therewithal went straight unto the archbishop
to certify him how that the citizens of Bremen were become heretics,
and would no longer obey their religious sort, with many other like
things in their complaint, so that it was to be feared, lest the
whole city shortly should be seduced.

     When the bishop heard tell of these things, straightways he
sent two which were of his council, unto Bremen, requiring that Henry
should be sent unto him without delay. When they were demanded why
they would have him sent, they answered, because he preached against
the holy church. Being again demanded in what points or articles,
they had nothing to say. One of these counsellors was the bishop's
suffragan, a naughty, pernicious hypocrite, which sought all means
possible to carry away the said Henry captive. Finally, they received
this answer of the senators; That forasmuch as the preacher, being
hired by the churchwardens, had not hitherto been convicted for a
heretic, and that no man had declared any erroneous or heretical
article that he had taught, they said they could by no means obtain
of the citizens that he should be carried away:  wherefore they
earnestly desired the bishop, that he would speedily send his learned
men unto Bremen to dispute with him; and if he were convinced, they
promised that without any delay he should be justly punished and sent
away:  if not, they would in no wise let him depart. Whereunto the
suffragan answered with a great protestation, requiring that he might
be delivered into his hands, for the quietness of the whole country;
taking God to his witness, that in this behalf he sought for nothing
else, but only the commodity of his country. But for all this they
could prevail nothing; for the senate continued still in their former
mind. Whereupon the suffragan, being moved with anger, departed from
Bremen, and would not confirm their children.

     When he came unto the bishop, he declared the answer of, the
senate, and what he had heard and learned of the priests and monks
there. Afterwards, when daily news came that the preacher did still
more and more preach, and teach more heinous matter against the
religious rout, they attempted another way, suborning great men to
admonish the citizens of Bremen into what jeopardy their commonwealth
might fall by means of their preacher, preaching contrary to the
decree of the pope and emperor. Besides that, they said that he was
the prisoner of the Lady Margaret; for which cause they had gotten
letters of the Lady Margaret, requiring to have her prisoner sent
unto her again.

     All these crafts and subtleties did nothing at all prevail, for
the senate of Bremen answered all things without blame. When the
bishop saw this his enterprise also frustrated, he attempted another
way, whereby he had certain hope, that both Sutphen, and also the
word of God with him, should be wholly oppressed; whereupon they
decreed a provincial council, not to be holden at Bremen, as it was
accustomed, but at Buxtehade, which place they thought most meet for
their purpose. To this council were called all the prelates and
learned men of the diocese, to determine what was to be believed, and
whereto to trust. Also to the said council was Henry called,
notwithstanding that they had already decreed to proceed against him,
as against a manifest heretic, albeit he was not yet convicted, nor
had pleaded his cause before them. Wherefore the rulers of the city,
together with the commonalty, detained him at home, foreseeing and
suspecting the malice of the council.

     Then the said Henry gathered a sum of his doctrine into a few
articles, and sent it with his letters unto the archbishop; excusing
his innocency, offering himself to be ready, if he were convicted of
any error by the testimony of the Holy Scripture, to recant the same;
notwithstanding, earnestly requiring that his errors might be
convicted by the Holy Scriptures, by the testimony whereof he had
hitherto approved his doctrine, and doubted not hereafter to confirm
the same:  but this took no place amongst those anointed prelates.

     What the determination of their judgment was, it may hereupon
well be gathered, in that shortly after they set up upon the church
porch the bull of Pope Leo the Tenth, and the decree of the emperor,
made at Worms:  whereupon Henry contemning their madness, proceeded
daily in preaching the gospel, adding always this protestation, that
he was ready willingly to give account touching his faith and
doctrine to every man that would require the same. In the mean time
the holy catholics could not be idle, but sent their chaplains unto
every sermon, to trap him in his words:  but God, whose footpaths are
in the midst of the floods, would have his marvellous power to be
seen in them, for he converted many of them; insomuch that the
greater part of those that were sent to hearken, did openly witness
his doctrine to be God's truth, against which no man could contend,
and such as in all their lives before they had not heard:  persuading
them likewise, that they, forsaking all impiety, should follow the
word of God, and believe the same, if they would be saved. But the
chief priests, canons, and monks, were so obdurate and blinded with
Pharaoh, that they became the worse for these admonitions. When God
saw the time convenient that Henry should confirm the verity that he
had preached, he sent him among the cruel murderers appointed for
that slaughter, by this occasion as followeth: 

     It happened A.D. 1524, that this Henry was sent for by letters,
by Nicholas Boyes, parish priest, and other faithful Christians of
the parish of Meldorf, which is a town in Dithmarsch, to preach the
gospel unto them, and deliver them out of the bondage of antichrist,
which in that place had full dominion. These letters being received
upon St. Katharine's even, calling together six brethren, honest
citizens, he opened the matter unto them, how that he was sent for by
them of Dithmarsch, to preach the gospel; adding moreover, that he
was not only a debtor unto them, but to all others who required his
aid:  wherefore he thought good to go unto Dithmarsch, to see what God
would work by him. Requiring also that they would help him with their
advice, by what means he might best take his journey, that no man
should know of it, that thereby he might not be letted or stopped;
which thing without doubt had come to pass, if his purpose had been
known to the people. Unto whom the citizens answered, desiring him
that he would not depart for a time, forasmuch as the gospel had not
yet taken so deep root in the people, but was as yet weak, and
especially in the villages thereabout; and that the persecution was
very great:  willing him also to have respect unto this, that he was
by them called to the office of preaching; and if they of Dithmarsch
desired a preacher, he should send some other in his place, for the
had before perceived the disposition and untrustiness of them of
Dithmarsch:  besides that, it was not in their power to give him free
liberty to depart, without the consent of the whole commonalty.
Whereunto Henry made answer in this manner:  That albeit he could not
deny but that he was sent for by them, yet now there. were many godly
and learned men at Bremen, whose labour they might use in his
absence, in preaching of the gospel. Besides that the papists were
for the most part vanquished and overthrown, and their folly known,
even unto women and children:  adding thereunto that he had now
preached the gospel by the space of two years at Bremen, and that
they of Dithmarsch lived without a pastor even in the midst of the
wolves; wherefore he could not with a safe conscience deny their
request. And whereas they alleged that they could not license him
without the consent of the whole congregation, that (said he) was but
of small effect; forasmuch as he would not utterly forsake them, but
determined only to remain with them of Dithmarsch for a month or two,
to lay a foundation, and then to return again; desiring them that
after his departure they would declare unto the congregation how he
was sent for by them of Dithmarsch, to whom he could not say nay: 
willing them also to excuse his sudden departure, for that he was
forced to depart secretly, because of his adversaries privily lying
in wait in every place for him; thinking that he should scarcely
avoid them that had always gone about to bring him to his death.
Finally, they should promise to the congregation in his name, that
when he had performed his enterprise, he would straight return again.
They, being persuaded with these words, consented onto him,
stedfastly hoping that they of Dithmarsch should be converted unto
the true faith; which people above all others have always been most
given to idolatry.

     Having prepared all things toward his setting forth, on the
twenty-second of October he took his journey, and came to Meldorf,
whither he was sent for; where he was joyfully received by the parish
priest and others, as soon as he was come thither. Albeit he had not
yet preached, the devil with his members by and by began to fret and
fume for anger. Above all others, one Augustine Tornborch, prior of
the Black Friars, began to fume, who went out of hand unto Master
John Swicken his companion, and commissary to the official of
Hamburgh, to take counsel what was to be done, lest they should lose
their kingdom. Finally, it was decreed by them above all things to
withstand the beginnings, that he should not have licence to preach;
for if by any means it happened that he preached, and the people
should hear him, it was to he feared that the wickedness and craft of
the priests and monks should be opened; which being made manifest,
they knew plainly that it would be but a folly to resist, remembering
what had happened lately before in Bremen. This determination had,
the prior, the next day early in the morning, (for he had not slept
well all night for cares,) went with great speed unto Heyde, to speak
with the eight and forty presidents of the country; unto whom with
great complaints he showed how that a seditious fellow, a monk, was
come from Bremen, which would seduce all the people of Dithmarsch, as
he had done the Bremers. There were, moreover, that did assist this
prior, Master Gunter, chancellor of that country, and Peter Hanne,
both enemies unto the gospel. These stoutly assisted the prior,
persuading the other forty-six, being simple and unlearned men, that
they should obtain great favour and good will of the bishop of
Bremen, if they would put this heretic monk to death. When these poor
and unlearned men heard these words, they decreed that this monk
should be put to death, neither heard nor seen, much less convicted.

     Furthermore, this prior obtained letters from the forty-eight
presidents unto the parish priest, commanding him under great penalty
that he should put the monk out of his house, and command him to
depart without preaching. With these letters he came speedily unto
Meldorf, and delivered the letters over night unto the parish priest;
trusting that by their threatenings and commandment, the said Henry
should be feared from preaching, diligently watching whether he did
preach or not.

     Wen Nicholas Boyes, the parish priest, had read over the
letters, he marvelled not a little at that proud commandment, for
that it had not been heard of before, that the forty-eight presidents
should meddle with ecclesiastical matters, and that it had been of
long time used, that the ruling thereof should be in the hands of the
parish priest; and long time before, it was decreed by the whole
province, and customably used, that in every church the parish priest
should have free liberty to receive or put out the preacher. These
letters the parish priest delivered unto Henry; which when he had
diligently looked over, he answered, that forasmuch as he was come,
being sent for by the whole congregation, to preach the gospel of
Christ, he would satisfy that vocation, because he saw it would be
acceptable unto the whole congregation, and that he ought rather to
obey the word of God, than man. Also, that if it pleased God that he
should lose his life in Dithmarsch, there was as near a way to
heaven, as in any other place; for that he doubted nothing at all,
that once he must suffer for the gospel's sake. Upon this courage and
boldness, the next day Henry went up into the pulpit, and made a
sermon, expounding the place of Paul, which is in Romans i., God is
my witness; and the gospel of the day. After the sermon was done, the
whole congregation being called together, the prior delivered the
letters that were sent by the forty-eight presidents, the tenor
whereof was this:  That they of Meldorf should be fined with a fine of
a thousand guilders if they suffered the monk to preach; and
commanded moreover, that they should send ambassadors unto Heyde with
full power and authority. When they heard these letters read, they
were much moved, because they were so charged contrary to the custom
of the country; forasmuch as every parish priest hath always had
authority, according to his discretion, to choose or put away the
preacher. Briefly, they all determined with one voice, to keep Henry
for their preacher, and to defend him; for when they had heard the
sermon, they were greatly offended with the prior.

     After dinner Henry preached again, expounding the place of St.
Paul, Rom. xv., We ought which are strong, &c. The next day the
citizens of Meldorf sent their messengers unto Heyde, offering to
answer in all causes before all men, for their preacher, whom they
had received. Besides that, the messengers declared what Christian
and godly sermons they heard him preach. The parish priest also wrote
letters by the said legates unto the forty-eight rulers, wherein he
excused himself, that it was never his mind, nor the intent of the
said Henry, to move sedition, but only sincerely to preach the word
of God; and offered himself ready to answer for the said Henry to all
men, whensoever he should be called; most earnestly desiring them not
to give credit unto the monks, which being blinded with hatred and
avarice, had fully determined to oppress the truth:  saying, moreover,
that it was against all reason, that a man should be condemned before
the truth be tried out and his cause declared; and if, after due
inquisition had, he should be convicted, then he should suffer
condign punishment. This submission, with the public testimonial, was
nothing esteemed or regarded, neither was there any answer given
thereunto, but every man repined and murmured thereat. Last of all,
one Peter Dethleves, one of the seigniors, answered, that albeit
there were divers dissensions in every place about the Christian
faith, and that they, as men ignorant, could not redress the same,
yet this their sentence should be holden and ratified; which was,
that the judgment of determining this dissension should be reserved
to the next council, which, by the report of master chancellor, was
now in hand to be called and gathered. Also, until all discord and
dissension should be appeased, whatsoever was received and believed
by their neighbours, he promised in the name of the rest, that they
would willingly receive and believe the same. So that if the word of
God hath not hitherto been clearly and sincerely preached (as they
said) unto the people, and that there be now some which can teach and
preach the same more sincerely; it is not their mind or intent to
withstand, or resist their good doings, but that the presidents would
wish this one thing diligently to be taken heed of, that there be no
occasion given by any man to move sedition:  and in the mean time he
commanded all men quietly to give over all matters until Easter next,
and by that time it should be made evident, what should be received,
and what left undone. With this answer they were all very well
contented; and the messengers returned again to Meldorf with great
joy and gladness, declaring to the whole congregation what answer was
made, conceiving a sure hope that the matter would shortly come to
pass.

     Upon St. Nicholas' day, this Henry preached twice; first, upon
the Gospel, A certain nobleman, &c., Luke xix.; secondly, upon this
text, There are many made priests, &c., Heb. vii., with such a spirit
and grace, that all men had him in admiration, praying God most
earnestly, that they might long have such a preacher. Upon the day of
the conception of our Lady, he also made two sermons upon Matthew i.,
expounding the book of the generation; wherein he rehearsed the
promises made by God unto our forefathers, and under what faith our
fathers that then were had lived; adding also, that all respect of
works being set apart, we must be justified by the same faith. All
these things were spoken with such boldness of spirit, that all men
greatly marvelled at him, giving thanks to God for his great mercy,
that had sent them such a preacher:  desiring him, moreover, that he
would tarry with them all Christmas to preach; for they feared lest
he should be sent for to some other place.

     In the mean space, the prior and Master John Schink were not
idle; for when the prior perceived that his malicious enterprise took
no good success, he joined unto him a companion, William, a doctor of
the Jacobins, and so went up to Laudanum to the monks Franciscan, and
Minors, for help and counsel. For those kinds of friars above all
others are best instructed by their hypocrisy, to deceive the poor
and simple people. These friars straightway sent for certain of the
rulers, which had all the rule and authority, and especially Peter
Hanne, Peter Swine, and Nicholas Roden; unto whom they declared,
after their accustomed manner, with great complaints, what a heretic
monk had preached, and how he had obtained the favour almost of all
the simple people; which if they did not so speedily provide for, and
withstand the beginnings, and put the heretic to death, it would come
to pass, that shortly the honour of our Lady, and all saints,
together with the two abbeys, should utterly come to ruin and decay.

     When these simple and ignorant men heard these words, they were
greatly moved:  whereunto Peter Swine answered thus, That they had
before written unto the parish priest and to Henry what was best to
be done; notwithstanding, if they thought good, they would write
again. "No," said the prior, "this matter must be attempted another
way:  for if you write unto the heretic, he will by and by answer you
again. And it is to be feared, lest the contagion of his heresy do
also infect you, being unlearned men; for if you give him leave to
speak, and to answer, there is no hope that you shall overcome him."
Wherefore they finally determined to take this Henry by night, and
burn him before the people should know it, or he come to his defence
to answer. This device pleased all men, but especially the Franciscan
friars. Peter Hanne, the prior's chief friend, willing to get the
chief praise and thanks of this matter, by the help of Master Gunter,
did associate unto him certain other rulers of the towns near
adjoining, whose names are here not to be hidden, because they so
much affected praise and glory. The names of the presidents were
these, Peter Hanne, Peter Swine's son, Hennicke Lundane, John
Holneus, Laurence Hanneman, Nicholas Wollingbourg, Ambrose and John
Brenthusius, Marquadus Kremmerus, Henstedanus Ludecus, John Wislinge,
and Peter Grosse, president of Hemingsted. All these presidents, and
all others that were of counsel to this pretence, assembled together
in the parish of the new church, in the house of Master Gunter, where
also the chancellor was consulting together with them how they might
burn the said Henry, secretly coming upon him without any judgment or
sentence. They concluded the next day after the conception of our
Lady, to meet at Henning, which is five miles from Meldorf, with a
great band of husbandmen. This determination thus made, they laid
scouts in every place, that there should no news of their pretended
mischiefs come unto Meldorf; commanding that as soon as it began to
wax dark, they should all gather together. There assembled above five
hundred men of the country, unto whom was declared the cause of their
assembly, and also they were instructed what was to be done; for
before, no man knew the cause of the assembly, but only the
presidents. When the husbandmen understood it, they would have
returned back again, refusing to do such a detestable and horrible
deed. The presidents, with most bitter threats, kept them in
obedience; and to the intent they should be the more courageous, they
gave them three barrels of Hamburgh beer to drink.

     About midnight they came in armour to Meldorf. The Jacobins and
monks prepared torches for them, that Henry should not slip away
suddenly in the dark. They had also with them a false betrayer, named
Hennegus, by whose treason they had perfect knowledge of all things.
With great violence they burst into the house of the parish priest,
breaking and spoiling all things, as the manner of that drunken
people is. If they found either gold or silver, they took it away.
When they had spoiled all things, they violently fell upon the parish
priest, and with great noise cried out, "Kill the thief," "Kill the
thief." Some of them took him by the hair of the head, and pulled him
out into the dirt, forcing him to go with them as prisoner:  other
some cried out, saying, That the parish priest was not to be meddled
withal, for they had no commission to take him. After they had
satisfied their lust upon the parish priest, with great rage and fury
they ran upon Henry, and drawing him naked out of his bed, bound his
hands hard behind him:  whom being so bound, they drew to and fro so
long, that Peter Hanne, which otherwise was unmerciful and a cruel
persecutor of the word of God, willed them that they should let him
alone; for that without doubt he would follow of his own mind. Then
they committed the guiding of him to John Balco, who rather drew him
by violence than led him. When he was brought to Hemingsted, they
asked of him how and for what intent he came to Dithmarsch? unto whom
he gently declared the whole cause of his coming:  but they all in a
rage cried, "Away with him, away with him! for if we hear him talk
any longer, it is to be feared that he will make us also heretics."
Then he, being marvellously weary and faint, required to be set on
horseback, for his feet were all cut and hurt with the ice, because
he was led all night barefoot. When they heard him say so, they
mocked and laughed at him, saying, "Must we hire a horse for a
heretic? he shall go afoot whether he will or no." Because it was
night they carried him naked to Heyde. Afterwards they brought him to
a certain man's house named Calden, and bound him there with chains
in the stocks. The master of the house, seeing the cruel deed, taking
compassion upon Henry, would not suffer it to be done:  wherefore he
was carried away to a priest's house, the official's servant of
Hamburgh, and shut up in a cupboard, and was kept by the rude people,
which all the night mocked and scorned him. Amongst all other, there
came unto him Simon Altennan, and Christian, parish priest of the new
church, both alike ignorant and wicked persecutors of the word of
God, demanding of him why he had forsaken his holy habit? unto whom
he friendly answered by the Scriptures; but those ignorant persons
understood nothing that he said. Master Gunter also came unto him,
inquiring whether he had rather to be sent to the bishop of Bremen,
or receive his punishment in Dithmarsch? unto whom Henry answered,
"If I have preached any thing contrary to God's word, or done any
wicked act, it is in their hands to punish me therefor." Gunter
answered, "Hark! I pray you, good friends, hark! he desireth to
suffer in Dithmarsch." The common people all the night continued in
immoderate drinking and swilling.

     In the morning, about eight o'clock, they gathered together in
the market-place to consult what they should do; where the rustical
people, boiling with drink, cried out, "Burn him, burn him! to the
fire with the heretic! Without doubt, if we do it, we shall this day
obtain great glory and praise, both of God and man; for the longer he
liveth, the more he will seduce with his heresy." What need many
words? sure he was to die; for they had condemned this good Henry
without any judgment, (his cause not being heard,) to be burned. At
last they commanded the crier to proclaim, that every man that was at
the taking of him, should be ready in armour to bring him forth to
the fire. Amongst all other the friars Franciscan were present,
encouraging the drunken, rude people, saying, "Now you go the right
way to work." Then they bound the said Henry, hands, feet, and neck,
and with great noise brought him forth to the fire. As he passed by,
a certain woman, standing in her door, beholding that pitiful sight,
wept abundantly; unto whom Henry turning himself, said, "I pray you
weep not for me." When he came to the fire, for very weakness he sat
down upon the ground. By and by there was present one of the
presidents named May, which was evidently known to be corrupted and
bribed with money to this purpose:  he condemned the said Henry to be
burned, pronouncing this sentence upon him: 

     "Forasmuch as this thief hath wickedly preached against the
worship of our blessed Lady, by the commandment and sufferance of our
reverend father in Christ, the bishop of Bremen, and my lord, I
condemn him here to be burned and consumed with fire." Unto whom
Henry answered, "I have done no such thing: " and, lifting up his eyes
towards the heaven, he said, "O Lord! forgive them, for they offend
ignorantly, not knowing what they do:  thy name, O Almighty God! is
holy."

     In the mean time, a certain woman, the wife of one Junger,
sister of Peter Hanne, offered herself to suffer a thousand stripes,
and to give them much money, so that they would pacify the matter,
and keep him in prison, until he might plead his matter before the
whole convocation of the country. When they heard these words, they
waxed more mad, and threw the woman down under foot, and trod upon
her, and beat the said Henry unmercifully. One of the rustical sort
struck him behind on the head with a sharp dagger. John Holmes of the
new church struck him with a mace. Others thrust him in the back, and
in the arms. And this was not done once or twice, but as often as he
began to speak. Master Gunter cried out, encouraging them, saying,
"Go to boldly, good fellows! truly God is present with us."

     After this, he brought a Franciscan friar unto Henry, that he
should be confessed; whom Henry demanded in this manner:  "Brother!
when have I done you injury, either by word or deed, or when did I
ever provoke you to anger?" "Never," said the friar. "What should I
then confess unto you," said he, "that you think you might forgive
me?" The friar, being moved at these words, departed. The fire, as
often as it was kindled, would not burn. Notwithstanding they
satisfied their minds upon him, striking and pricking him with all
kind of weapons. The said Henry standing in the mean time in his
shirt before all this rude people, at the last, they, having gotten a
great ladder, bound him hard thereunto, and cast him into the fire.
And when he began to pray, and to repeat his Creed, one struck him
upon the face with his fist, saying, "Thou shalt first be burnt, and
afterward pray and prate as much as thou wilt." Then another,
treading upon his breast, bound his neck so hard to a step of the
ladder, that the blood gushed out of his mouth and nose. This was
done to strangle him withal, for they saw that for all his sore
wounds he would not die.

     After he was bound to the ladder, he was set upright. Then one,
running unto him, set his halbert for the ladder to lean against (for
those countrymen use no common hangman, but every man exerciseth the
office without difference); but the ladder slipping away from the
point of the halbert, caused that the halbert struck him through the
body. Then they cast this good man, ladder and all, upon the wood,
which, tumbling down, lighted upon one side. Then John Holmes ran
unto him, and struck him with a mace upon the breast, till he was
dead and stirred no more. Afterwards they roasted him upon the coals;
for the wood, as often as it was set on fire, would not burn out. And
thus this godly preacher finished his martyrdom; which was A.D. 1524.

     About the same time many other godly persons, and such as
feared God, for the testimony of the gospel, were thrown into the
river Rhine, and into other rivers, where their bodies afterwards
were found and taken up. Also in the said town of Dithmarsch another
faithful saint of God, named John, suffered the like martyrdom. Thus
these two blessed and constant martyrs, as two shining lights set up
of God, in testimony of his truth, offered up the sacrifice of their
confession sealed with their blood, in a sweet odour unto God.

     At the town of Halle likewise, another preacher, named Master
George, for ministering in both kinds, was martyred and slain of a
like sort of cut-throats, set up by monks and friars to murder him,
near to the town called Haschenburg.

     At Prague also, in Bohemia, another, for changing his monkery
into matrimony, did suffer in the like manner.

     Furthermore, in the same year 1524, and the twenty-second of
October, the town of Miltenberg in Germany was taken and ransacked,
and divers of the inhabitants there slain, and many imprisoned, for
maintaining and keeping with them Carolostadt to be their preacher.

     In the same catalogue of holy martyrs likewise is to be placed
Gasper Tamber. Also another called George, a scrivener, which both
were burned at Vienna in Austria.



154. THE LAMENTABLE MARTYRDOM OF JOHN CLERK, OF MELDEN, IN FRANCE.

     [Note:  in Seeley's Edition this martyr is called John Clerk of
Meaux]
[Transcriber's Note:  Melden is the current name of the diocese which
includes the town of Meaux]

     Melden is .a city in France, ten miles distant from Paris,
where John Clerk first was apprehended and taken, A.D. 1523, for
setting up upon the church door a certain bill against the pope's
pardons lately sent thither from Rome, in which bill he named the
pope to be antichrist; for the which his punishment was this, that
three several days he should be whipped, and afterwards have a mark
imprinted on his forehead, as a note of infamy. His mother, being a
Christian woman, although her husband was an adversary, when she
beheld her son thus piteously scourged, and ignominiously deformed in
the face, constantly and boldly did encourage her son, crying with a
loud voice, "Blessed be Christ! and welcome be his prints and marks!"

     After this execution and punishment sustained, the said John
departed that town, and went to Rosia in Bray, and from thence
removed to Metz in Lorraine, where he remained a certain space,
applying his vocation, being a wool-carder by his occupation; where
he, the day before that the people of that city should go out to the
suburbs, to worship certain blind idols near by, (after an old use
and custom amongst them received,) being inflamed with the zeal of
God, went out of the city to the place where the images were, and
brake them all down in pieces. The next morrow after, when the
canons, priests, and monks, keeping their old custom, had brought
with them the people out of the city to the place of idolatry, to
worship as they were wont, they found all their blocks and stocks
almighty, lie broken upon the ground; at the sight whereof they,
being mightily offended in their minds, set all the city on agog, to
search out the author thereof, who was not hard to be found;
forasmuch as this aforesaid Clerk, besides that he was noted of them
to be a man much addicted that way, he was also seen somewhat late in
the evening before to come from the same place into the city.
Wherefore he, being suspected and examined upon the same, at first
confessed the fact, rendering also the cause which moved him so to
do. The people hearing this, and being not yet acquainted with that
kind of doctrine, were moved marvellously against him, crying out
upon him in a great rage. Thus his cause being informed to the
judges, wherein he defended the pure doctrine of the Son of God, he
was condemned, and led to the place of execution, where he sustained
extreme torments. For first his hand was cut off from his right arm,
then his nose with sharp pinchers was violently plucked from his
face; after that both his arms and his paps were likewise plucked and
drawn with the same instrument. To all them that stood looking upon,
it was a horror to behold, the grievous and doleful sight of his
pains:  again, to behold his patience, or rather the grace of God
giving him the gift so to suffer, it was a wonder. Thus quietly and
constantly he endured in his torments, pronouncing, or in a manner
singing, the verses of Psalm cxv.; Their images be silver and gold,
the work only of man's hand, &c. The residue of his life that
remained in his rent body, was committed to the fire, and therewith
consumed; which was about A.D. 1524.



155. JOHN CASTELLANE.

     The year next ensuing, which was 1525, Master John Castellane,
born at Tournay, a doctor of divinity, after that he was called unto
the knowledge of God, and became a true preacher of his word, and had
preached in France, in a place called Bar le Duc, also at Vittery in
Partoise, at Chalons in Champagne, and in the town of Vike, which is
the chamber and episcopal seat of the bishop of Metz in Lorraine,
after he had laid some foundation of the doctrine of the gospel in
the town of Metz, in returning from thence he was taken prisoner by
the cardinal of Lorraine's servants, by whom he was carried from
Gorze to the castle of Nommeni. Whereupon the citizens of Metz took
no little displeasure and grievance; who being grievously offended to
have their preacher so to be apprehended and imprisoned, within short
space after took certain of the cardinal's subjects, and kept them
prisoners so long, until the abbot of St. Anthony, in Viennois,
called Theodore de Chaumont, vicar-general, as well in causes
spiritual as temporal, (through the jurisdiction both of the cardinal
and bishopric of Metz, Toulouse, and Verdun,) being furnished with a
letter and commission from the see of Rome, came to the said town of
Metz; and after divers declarations made to the provost, and the
other justices and counsellors of the city, he so wrought and brought
to pass, that immediately the said subjects of the cardinal were set
at liberty. But John Castellane was kept still prisoner in the castle
of Nommeni, and was most cruelly handled from the fourth of May until
the twelfth of January; during all which time, he persevered constant
in the doctrine of the Son of God. Whereupon he was carried from
Nommeni to the town and castle of Vike, always persevering constantly
in the profession of the same doctrine, so that they did proceed unto
the sentence of his degradation, that he might be delivered over unto
the secular power, according to the custom and manner. And forasmuch
as the form and manner of the sentence and process of degrading is
notable, and hath been reported unto us word for word, we have
thought good here to annex the same, to declare the horrible
blasphemies joined with gross and brutish subtlety, in those high
mysteries which the enemies of the truth do use in their process
against the children of God; whereby every man, even the most
ignorant, may evidently perceive the horrible blindness that these
unshamefaced catholics are blinded withal.

The sentence of the degradation.

     "Concerning the process inquisitory, formed and given in form
of accusation against thee, John Castellane, priest, and religious
man of the friars Eremites, of the order of St. Austin; understanding
likewise thy confession, which thou hast made of thine own good will,
maintaining false and erroneous doctrine; and marking also, besides
this, the godly admonitions and charitable exhortations which we made
unto thee in the town of Metz, which thou, like unto the serpent
Aspis, hast refused, and given no ear unto:  also considering thine
answers made and reiterated unto interrogatories, by means of thine
oath, in the which devilishly thou hast hidden and kept back not only
the truth, but also, following the example of Cain, hast denied to
confess thy sins and mischievous offence:  and finally, hearing the
great number of witnesses sworn and examined against thee, their
persons and depositions diligently considered, and all other things
worthy of consideration being justly examined, the reverend Master
Nicholas Savin, doctor of divinity, and inquisitor of the faith,
assistant unto us, hath entered process against thee, and given full
information thereof; this our purpose and intent being also
communicated unto divers masters and doctors both of the civil and
canon laws, here present, which have subscribed and signed thereunto,
whereby it appeareth, that thou, John Castellane, hast oftentimes,
and in divers places, openly and manifestly spread abroad and taught
many erroneous propositions, full of the heresy of Luther, contrary
and against the catholic faith, and the verity of the gospel, and the
holy apostolic see; and so accursedly looked back and turned thy
face, that thou art found to be a liar before Almighty God:  It is
ordained by the sacred rules of the canon law, that such as through
the sharp darts of their venomous tongue do pervert the Scriptures,
and go about with all their power to corrupt and infect the souls of
the faithful, should be punished and corrected with most sharp
correction, to the end that others should be afraid to attempt the
like, and apply themselves the better to the study of Christian
concord, through the example set before their eyes, as well of
severity, as of clemency. For these causes, and others rising upon
the said process, by the apostolic authority, and also the authority
of our said reverend lord the cardinal, which we do use in this our
sentence definitive, which we, sitting in our judgment-seat, declare
in these writings, having God only before our eyes, and surely
considering, that what measure we do meet unto others, the same shall
be measured to us again:  we pronounce and declare sententially and
definitively, thee, John Castellane, being here present before us,
and judge thee, because of thy deserts, to be excommunicated, with
the most great excommunication, and therewithal to be culpable of
treason against the Divine Majesty, and a mortal enemy of the
catholic faith, and verity of the gospel; also to be a manifest
heretic, and a follower and partaker of the execrable cruelty of
Martin Luther, a stirrer up of old heresies already condemned. And
therefore, as thou oughtest to be deposed and deprived of all
priestly honour and dignity, of all thy orders, of thy shaving and
religious habit, also of thy ecclesiastical benefices, if thou hast
any, and from all privilege of clergy:  so we here presently do
depose, deprive, and separate thee, as a rotten member, from the
communion and company of all the faithful:  and being so deprived, we
judge that thou oughtest to be actually degraded. That done, we leave
thee unto the secular powers, committing the degradation and actual
execution of this our sentence unto the reverend lord and bishop here
present, with the authority and commandment aforesaid."

     This sentence being thus ended, with their catholic sermon
also, the said bishop of Nicopolis, sitting in his pontificalibus in
the judgment-seat, being suffragan of Metz, with the clergy, nobles,
and people about him, proceeded to the degrading (as they call it) of
the said Master John Castellane. Thus the said Master John
Castellane, being prepared and made ready to his degradation by the
officers of the said bishop, was apparelled in his priestly attire,
and afterwards brought forth of the chapel by the priests which were
thereunto appointed, with all his priestly ornaments upon him; and
holding his hands together, he kneeled down before the bishop. Then
the officers gave him the chalice in his hands, with wine and water,
the patine, and the host; all which things the said bishop which
degraded him, took from him, saying, "We take away from thee, or
command to be taken away from thee, all power to offer sacrifice unto
God, and to say mass, as well for the quick as the dead." Moreover,
the bishop scraped the nails of both his hands with a piece of glass,
saying, "By this scraping we take away from thee all power to
sacrifice, to consecrate, and to bless, which thou hast received by
the anointing of thy hands." Then he took from him the chesille,
saying," By good right we do despoil thee of this priestly ornament,
which signifieth charity; for certainly thou hast forsaken the same,
and all innocency." Then taking away the stole, he said, "Thou hast
villanously rejected and despised the sign of our Lord, which is
represented by this stole:  wherefore we take it away from thee, and
make thee unable to exercise and use the office of priesthood, and
all other things appertaining to priesthood."

     The degradation of the order of priesthood being thus ended,
they proceeded to the order of deacon. Then the ministers gave him
the book of the Gospels, which the bishop took away, saying, "We take
away from thee all power to read the Gospels in the church of God,
for it appertaineth only to such as are worthy." After this he
spoiled him of the dalmatick, which is the vesture that the deacons
use, saying, "We deprive thee of this Levitical order; forasmuch as
thou hast not fulfilled thy ministry and office." After this the
bishop took away the stole from behind his back, saying, "We justly
take away from thee the white stole which thou hadst received
undefiledly; which also thou oughtest to have borne in the presence
of our Lord:  and to the end that the people dedicated unto the name
of Christ may take by thee example, we prohibit thee any more to
exercise or use the office of deaconship." Then they proceeded to the
degrading of subdeaconship, and taking away from him the book of the
Epistles, and his subdeacon's vesture, deposed him from reading of
the Epistles in the church of God. And so orderly proceeding unto all
the other orders, degraded him from the order of Benet and Collet,
from the order of exorcist, from the lectorship, and last of all,
from the office of door-keeper, taking from him the keys, and
commanding him hereafter not to open or shut the revestry, nor to
ring any more bells in the church. That done, the bishop went forward
to degrade him from his first shaving, and taking away his surplice,
said unto him, "By the authority of God Almighty, the Father, the
Son, and the Holy Ghost, and by our authority, we take from thee all
clerkly habit, and despoil thee of all ornament of religion:  also we
depose and degrade thee of all order, benefit, and privilege of the
clergy, and as one unworthy of that profession, we commit thee to the
servitude and ignominy of the secular state." Then the bishop took
the shears, and began to clip his head, saying in this manner:  "We
cast thee out as an unthankful child of the Lord's heritage,
whereunto thou wast called, and take away from thy head the crown,
which is the royal sign of priesthood, through thine own wickedness
and malice. The bishop also added these words:  "That which thou hast
sung with thy mouth, thou hast not believed with thy heart, nor
accomplished in work; wherefore we take from thee the office of
singing in the church of God."

     The degrading thus ended, the procurator fiscal of the court
and city of Metz, required of the notary an instrument or copy of the
degrading. Then the ministers of the bishop turned him out of his
clerkly habit, and put upon him the apparel of a secular man. That
done, forasmuch as he which is degraded, according to the institution
of Pope Innocent the Third, ought to he delivered unto the secular
court, the bishop that degraded him proceeded no further, but said in
this manner:  "We pronounce that the secular court shall receive thee
into their charge, being thus degraded of all clerkly honour and
privilege."

     This done, the bishop, after a certain manner, entreated the
secular judge for him, saying, "My lord judge! we pray you as
heartily as we can, for the love of God, and the contemplation of
tender pity and mercy, and for the respect of our prayers, that you
will not in any point do any thing that shall be hurtful to this
miserable man, or tending to his death, or maiming of his body."
These things thus done, the secular judge of the town of Vike,
confirming the aforesaid sentence, condemned the said Master John
Castellane to be burned quick; which death he suffered the twelfth of
January, A.D. 1525, with such a constancy, that not only a great
company of ignorant people were thereby drawn to the knowledge of the
verity, but also a great number which had already some taste thereof,
were greatly confirmed by that his constant and valiant death.



156. MARTYRS IN GERMANY.

     It would fill another volume to comprehend the acts and stories
of all them which in other countries, at the rising of the gospel,
suffered for the same. But praised be the Lord, every region almost
hath its own history-writer, which sufficiently hath discharged that
part of duty, as every one in matters of his own country is best
acquainted:  wherefore I shall the less need to overstrain my travail,
or to overcharge this volume therewith; only it shall suffice me to
collect three or four histories, recorded by Œcolampadius and the
rest, to bring it into a brief story, and so return to occupy myself
with our own domestical matters here done at home.

     "In the year of our Lord 1525, there was a certain good and
godly minister, who had committed something in the commotion there
raised by the rustical clowns of the country, which, they said that
knew him, was but of small importance. He, because he had offended
his prince before, not with any fact or crime, but with some word
something sharply spoken, was therefore condemned to be hanged.

     "After sentence was given, there was a gentleman of a cruel
heart sent with a certain troop of men to apprehend the said priest,
and to hang him; who, coming into his house, saluted him friendly,
pretending as though their coming had been to make good cheer:  for he
was a good housekeeper, and the gentlemen of the country thereabouts
used oftentimes to resort unto his house familiarly. This priest made
ready for them in a short space a very sumptuous banquet, whereof
they did eat and drink very cheerfully. After dinner was ended, and
that the priest was yet at the table, thinking no hurt, the gentleman
said to his servants, 'Take you this priest, our host, and hang him,
and that without delay; for he hath well deserved to be hanged for
the great offence he hath committed against his prince.' The servants
were marvellously astonished with his words, and abhorring to do the
deed, said unto their master, 'God forbid that we should commit
anysuch crime, to hang a man that hath treated us so gently; for the
meat, which he hath given us, is yet in our stomachs undigested. It
were a wicked act for a nobleman to render so great evil for a good
turn, but especially to murder an innocent.' Briefly, the servants
sought no other occasion, but only to give him way to flee, that they
might also avoid the execution of that wicked purpose.

     "As the gentleman and his servants were thus contending, the
priest said unto them, I beseech you show no such cruelty upon me;
rather lead me away captive unto my prince, where I may purge myself.
I am falsely accused, and I trust to pacify his anger which he hath
conceived against me. At least remember the hospitality which I have
ever showed to you, and all noblemen at all times resorting to my
house.' But principally speaking to the gentleman, he advertised him
of the perpetual sting which would follow upon an evil conscience;
protesting that he had faithfully and truly taught them the doctrine
of the gospel, and that it was the principal cause why he had such
evil will:  which long time before he had foreseen would come to pass,
forasmuch as he had oftentimes in the pulpit reproved sharply and
openly the horrible vices of the gentlemen, which maintained their
people in their vicious living; and they themselves were given unto
blasphemy and drunkenness, whereas they should show example of faith,
true religion, and soberness; but they had oftentimes resisted him,
saying, That it was not his part to reprove them, forasmuch as they
were his lords, and might put him to death if they would:  that all
things which they did were allowable, and that no man ought to
gainsay it:  also that be went about some things in his sermons, that
would come to an ill end.

     "This good man, whatsoever he could say, could not make his
matter seem good; for the gentleman continued in his wicked
enterprise, and pricked forth his servants still to accomplish their
purpose (for it was resolved by the prince, that he should be put to
death); and, turning himself unto the priest, he said, that he could
gain nothing by preaching in such sort, but that he should fully
determine himself to die, for the prince had given express
commandment to hang him, whose favour he would not lose for to save
his life. At the last, the servants, after great sorrow and
lamentation, bound their host, and hanged him upon a beam in his own
house, the gentleman standing by and looking on. This good man,
seeing no remedy, spake no other words but only, 'Jesus, have mercy
upon me; Jesus, save me.'

     "This is the truth of this most cruel act, which a Turk would
scarcely have committed against his mortal enemy. Now let every man
judge with himself, which of them have the greatest advantage, either
they which commit the cruelty against the good, or the good men which
do suffer the same unjustly. The first sort have a continual gnawing
in their conscience, and the others obtain an immortal crown."

The history of the death of a certain minister, named Master Peter
Spengler, which was drowned.

     "In a certain village named Schlat, in the country of Brisgois,
there was a vigilant minister, a man very well learned in the
Scriptures, of a good name, for that he lived a godly and a blameless
life, having long time faithfully done his office and duty; being
also courteous and gentle, and well-beloved of men, but specially of
the bishop of Constance, with whom he was in great authority;
peaceable and quiet with all men that he had to do withal. He quieted
discords and contentions with a marvellous prudency, exhorting all
men to mutual charity and love. In all assemblies wheresoever he
came, he greatly commended honest life and amendment of manners. When
the purity of the gospel began to shine abroad, he began to read with
great affection the Holy Scriptures, which long time before he had
read, but without any understanding. When he had recovered a little
judgment, and came to more understanding by continual reading, being
also further grown in age, be began to consider with himself, in how
great darkness and errors the whole order of priests had been a long
time drowned. 'O good God,' said he, 'who would have thought it, that
so many learned and holy men have wandered out of the right way, and
could have so long time been wrapped in so great errors, or that the
Holy Scripture could have been so deformed with such horrible
abuses.' For he never well understood before (he said) that the
gospel was the verity of God, in that order wherein it is written,
seeing it containeth so much touching the cross, persecution, and
ignominious death; and yet the priests lived in great prosperity, and
no man durst maintain any quarrel against them without great danger.
He also saw that the hour was come that the gospel should be
displayed, that persecution was at hand, that the enemies of the
truth began now to rage, that the wicked and proud lifted up their
heads on high, and feared not to enterprise and take in hand all kind
of mischief and wickedness against the faithful; that the bishops,
which ought by their virtue and power to defend the word, were more
barbarous and cruel than any tyrants had been before. He, thus
considering the present state ofthe world, put all doubt from his
heart, and saw presently before his eyes, that Jesus Christ had
taught the truth; seeing so many bodies of the faithful were daily so
tormented, beaten, exiled, banished, drowned, and burned. For who can
report the great torments which the innocent have endured these years
past, even by those who call themselves Christians; and for no other
cause, but only for the true confession of Jesus Christ? This good
pastor, (considering with himself the laws and doctrine of the Church
of Rome to swerve from the truth of Christ, especially in restraining
marriage,) to the end that he would not defile himself with
fornication, married a maid of his, such a one as feared God; by whom
afterwards he had many fair children.

     "About this time the people of the country had raised a great
commotion, who in their rage went to monasteries and priests' houses,
as if they had taken in hand some pilgrimage, and spared nothing that
they could find to eat. That which they could not eat, they either
cast under foot, or carried it away with them. One company of this
rustical sort lodged themselves in the house of this good priest; for
they made no difference between the good and the bad. These roisters
took from him all that they could find, leaving nothing behind them,
insomuch that they took away the very hose from his legs, for all
that he could do:  albeit that he gently entreated them, showing them
that it was theft and a hanging matter that they did, yet they
continued still in their madness like beasts.

     "As they were departing out of the house, the good priest could
not refrain himself from weeping, saying unto them, 'I tell you
before, these your inordinate doings will redound to some great
mischief to yourselves; for what madness is this? What meaneth this
rage and tumult, wherein you keep no order or equity, neither have
any respect between friend and foe? Who thus stirreth you up? What
counsel do you follow, or to what end do you this? Like thieves you
spoil whatsoever you can lay hands upon. And think you not but these
things which you now rob, ravin, and steal, you shall be compelled
hereafter to restore again to your great detriment? What sedition did
ever come to good end? You pretend the gospel, and have no peace of
the gospel either in your mouths or in your hearts. These excesses,'
saith he, 'ye never learned of me, which ever have taught you the
true word of God. This your gospel,' saith he, 'is rather the gospel
of the devil, than of God, which vexeth all the world with violence
and wrong, spoiling and robbing without regard. The true gospel of
Jesus Christ teacheth you to do good unto all men, to avoid
dissensions and perjury. This I say unto you, that in these your
doings you offend God, and provoke his just vengeance to plague you,
which will never suffer these evils to escape unpunished. You find
written in the gospel, That which thou wouldest not should be done to
thee, do not to others. You offend also all the nobility, and your
lawful magistrates, whom you are sworn and bound unto. It is no small
matter, I tell you, to raise up sedition, to stir up others, and to
disturb the state of the commonwealth:  and when this tumult shall be
ceased, what then shall your noblemen do? Shall they not rifle you as
fast, and of your goods make themselves rich? and then shall one of
you betray another.' These, with such other words, he stood preaching
unto them, almost naked; but all this would not prevail with those
men, who, after all these gentle admonitions and fair words, departed
out of his house, giving him foul language, and calling him old
dotard.' Amongst all others, one more wicked than the residue said
unto him in this manner:  'O master curate! we have been long deceived
by your selling of masses, by fearing us with purgatory, by your
dirges and trentals; and so have we been spoiled; wherefore we do
nothing, now, but require again the money which you robbed us of.'
And so mocking and scorning him they departed.

     "After that this sedition of the peasants was partly appeased,
their armour being laid away, and they taken unto grace; after that
also divers of the principals of that conspiracy were taken here and
there in the villages, and executed; this good pastor, fearing no
such thing, for the true and sincere preaching of the gospel, whereat
many took great indignation, was taken in the night by certain
soldiers, which bound him hand and foot with a great rope, before his
wife and children, and so set him upon a horse, and led him away to
Friburg. What grievous sighs, tears, sorrow, and lamentation were
there! it would have moved any heart, were it as hard as a flint, to
a doleful compassion; especially to see the barbarous and despiteful
rebukes, taunts, and extreme cruelty showed by these proud popish
soldiers against the innocent priest. Such beastly tyrants the world
is never without:  such godly ministers we have had but a few.

     "The people, hearing this pitiful noise and lamentation in the
night, came running out, not the men, but only the women, whom the
soldiers willed to go home again, and that their men should come
forth and keep the town; but their men durst not appear. Then from
Friburg shortly after they conveyed him to Ensisheim.

     "After they had long kept this man in prison, and that he had
endured most terrible torments in all parts of his body, they judged
him to death. If you will know the cause what they had to lay to his
charge, it was only this, that he had married a wife secretly in his
own house, with a few witnesses. Other crimes they had none to object
against him; neither that he was a seditious and wicked man, or that
he had committed any other offence, albeit they had gathered divers
wicked persons out of sundry places, to pick out of his sermons the
order and manner of his behaviour. When he was led unto the place of
execution, he answered gently and quietly unto all them that came to
comfort him. But there were divers monks and priests, which troubled
him very sorely with their foolish babbling, as he was striving in
his spirit against the horror of death, and making his prayer unto
Almighty God; seeking nothing else but to turn him away from his
hearty and earnest contemplation. But he desired them that they would
hold their peace, saying that he had already confessed his sins unto
the Lord Jesus, nothing at all doubting but that he had received
absolution and forgiveness of them all. 'And I,' said he, 'shall this
day be an acceptable sacrifice unto my Saviour Jesus Christ, for I
have done no such thing wherefore I am now condemned, which might
displease my Lord God, who, in this behalf, hath given me a good and
quiet conscience. Now therefore let them which thirst for innocent
blood, and shed the same, diligently advise themselves what they do,
and that they offend even Him, unto whom it pertaineth truly to judge
the hearts of men; for it is said, Vengeance is mine, and I will
punish.' And forasmuch as he was a very lean man, he added this
moreover, saying, 'It is all one; for shortly I must have forsaken
this skin, which already scarcely hangeth to my bones. I know well
that I am a mortal, and a corruptible worm, and have nothing in me
but corruption. I have long time desired my latter day, and have made
my request that I might be delivered out of this mortal body, to be
joined with my Saviour Christ. I have deserved, through my manifold
sins committed against my Saviour Christ, my cross; and my Saviour
Christ hath borne the cross, and hath died upon the cross; and for my
part I will not glory in any other thing but only in the cross of
Jesus Christ.'
Illustration:  Peter Spengler Executed by Drowning

     "There were present by certain naughty persons which could not
endure to hear this godly exhortation, but made a sign unto the
hangman to cast him down into the river. After he was thrown down, he
moved by a certain space in the water, in such sort that the river
whereinto he was cast was red with blood. This was a certain sign and
token that innocent blood was that day shed. They which were there
present, beholding that which had happened, were greatly amazed and
astonied, considering with themselves what the staining of the water
with the blood should signify. Every man returned home pensive and
sad, marvelling at the cruel deed that was done that day: 
notwithstanding, no man durst open his mouth to speak one word,
because that all things were exercised with such cruelty. This was
done in the town of Ensisheim, A.D. 1525.

     "These things I did understand by one which did behold them
with his eyes. The Lord of his great grace be merciful unto us, and
forgive us our sins!"

     Such was the wickedness then of those days, and yet is still,
that whosoever was perceived to favour the gospel, or any thing to
dislike the doctrine of the pope's church, he was hated and despised
of the rulers, lawyers, and all other papists through the whole
country about; but especially of priests, monks, and friars. And
though the life of the gospellers were never so sound and upright,
yet such was the hatred and malice of the pope's friendsagainst them,
that they never ceased to seek all occasions, and devise matters how
to bring them to death.

     It so happened a little before this present time, that there
was a commotion of the rude and rustical people of the country rising
in armour inordinately against their rulers, to the great disturbance
of the whole country of Germany, and no less to their own
destruction; of whom were slain above twenty thousand. At length,
when this rebellion was appeased, and all things quiet, such as were
the pope's friends, to work their malice against the gospel, took
occasion thereby not long after to accuse and entangle such as they
knew to be gospellers and protestants. And although the said
gospellers were never so inculpable and clear from all rebellion, yet
that sufficed not; for causes were made, false witnesses brought,
corrupt judges suborned, to condemn the innocent; and many were put
to death, their cause neither being heard nor known. By reason
whereof a great number of good and innocent Christians were miserably
brought to their end and martyrdom; in the number of whom was this
poor man also, whose story by Œcolampadius is thus described: 

     "There was," saith he, "a certain man of the country, which in
my judgment was a good man, and lover of justice, and a mortal enemy
of all the cruel exactions of the gentlemen which oppressed the poor
people. This man, after the tumult and commotion of the country was
appeased, was grievously vexed and tormented because he had cried
'alarm,' when a great number of horsemen ranged about the country to
seek out those which had been the authors of that sedition. This poor
man was taken by policy, and so upholden with fair promises, that
they made him confess whatsoever they required. He, thinking that
they would not have put him to death, was cast into prison, where he
was long time detained, and well cherished, to take away all
suspicion from him. But, after he had tarried a long time in prison,
they put him to the pinbank, laying divers and many grievous offences
to his charge, where they kept him hanging in the truss of the cord
the space of six hours, hanging a great stone fastened at his feet.

     "The sweat that dropped from his body for very pain and
anguish, was almost blood. In this distress he cried out pitifully,
but all that could not once move the tormentors' hearts. When all the
power and strength in his body began to fail him, with great violence
they let him fall down. There this poor man lay even as a stock, not
moving any part or member of his body, but a little drawing his
breath, which was a token that there was some life in him. Here the
tormentors were in great doubt what to do with the man, (whom they
sought by all means to destroy,) in what place they might put him,
that he should not die of that torment.

     "Amongst them there was one who brought vinegar and rose water;
and rubbing him therewithal, they did somewhat recover him. After
they had caused him to eat and drink such as they provided for him,
they let him down into a deep dungeon, where he could see neither sun
nor moon. All this was done to the intent to put him to more torment,
when he had somewhat recovered his strength again. There they let him
continue eighteen days, after which time they brought him again to
examination, propounding certain articles unto him, which he
constantly denied. They devised divers and sundry kinds of torments,
to the intent they might, even of force, extort something of this
poor man, which might seem worthy of death; yet for all that they
were fain to depart without their purpose. The twentieth day after,
these tyrants hired a hangman, (a man sure worthy of his office,)
which left no kind of cruelty unpractised; yet did he miss of his
purpose also, and was constrained to leave his cruelty, and to
pronounce even with his own mouth, that the man was innocent, in that
he had so constantly endured so many horrible and grievous torments.
Yet these tyrants came again the fourth time, and suborned two
witnesses against him; thus concluding, that he was worthy of death,
because he had cried 'alarm' after the truce was taken, and would
have moved a new sedition. The day was appointed when he should
suffer, and they brought unto him the hangman and a friar into the
prison.

     "In the mean time this poor man thought with himself, that they
would have showed him the like cruelty as they had done the night
before. They called him out of the dungeon where they had let him
down, certifying him that they had things to tell him for his profit.
This they did because he should not die in prison. Then they let down
a cord and a staff, but they could not persuade him to sit thereupon,
saying, that he would rather choose to die there, than he would
endure any more such cruel torments; notwithstanding, if they would
promise him not to put him any more to the truss of the cord, nor to
put him to death, but to bring him before just judges, on that
condition he would come out; although he had fully determined never
to have removed from thence, but to have ended his life in that
dungeon. There were present certain councillors which promised to
perform his request, and thereupon he was taken out of the dungeon.
As soon as he saw the friar, he cried out with a loud voice, saying,
'O miserable and wretched man that I am! now am I betrayed and
deceived; for my latter hour is at hand. I see well the dream which I
have dreamed this night will come to effect, for they do handle me
tyrannously, and condemn me not being heard.' The friar brake him off
from his purpose, and pulling a wooden cross out of his sleeve,
presented it unto him, declaring that he must be quiet, because that
they had already given sentence against him, and that he should gain
nothing by so much talk. 'Poor man,' said the friar, thou hast had
good and gentle judges; at the least thou shalt go to God; therefore
confess thy sins in my ear, and after thou hast received absolution
at my hands, doubt not but this day thou shalt go straight to the
kingdom of heaven.' The poor man answered, 'Thou wicked friar! get
thee away from me, for I have long since bewailed my sins and
offences, and that before the face of my Lord Jesus, who hath already
forgiven me all that which I have committed against his majesty;
wherefore I have no need of thy absolution, which thou thyself dost
not understand. This is most certain, that long time since thou
shouldst have amended thine own wicked and hypocritical life. I know
well enough what thou art; thou playest the ape with me, but thou
hast a subtle and a crafty heart, which hath deceived much simple
people. If thou hast any comfort or consolation out of the gospel to
comfort me withal, let me have it; if not, get thee away from me with
thy portues.'

     "The friar was so confused and amazed with these words, that he
knew not what to do or say. The hangman, being wiser than the friar,
bade him read unto the poor man something of the passion, wherein the
poor man would take great pleasure. This foolish friar had no other
consolation to comfort him withal, but to hold the crucifix of wood
before him, saying, 'Behold thy Saviour which died for thee; look
upon him, and thou shalt be comforted.' Then said the poor man, 'I
have another Saviour, this is none of my Saviour; get thee away from
me, thou naughty person! with thy marmoset of wood; my Saviour
dwelleth in heaven, in whom I trust that he will not deliver my soul
to eternal death.' The friar crossed himself, showing the semblance
of a man that was very sorry and aggrieved, thinking with himself
that this poor man was fallen into desperation. Then he was led forth
into the market-place, where, according to the custom, openly before
all the people, his confession was read with a loud voice; which
contained no other thing, but only that the man had been a seditious
person, and that in the time of truce he had cried, 'Alarm,' even in
the night, when all men were at rest.
Illustration:  A Good Man Beheaded

     "When he was come to the place where he should suffer, being
compassed in with glaves and halberts hired for the purpose, after he
had said the Lord's prayer, the hangman bade him kneel down; but he
refused so to do, declaring that he had yet something more to say
before the people, thinking that he should not be denied to speak in
that place, as he was before the wicked judges. 'Those,' said he,
'Which know me, shall be sufficient good witnesses on my behalf, that
from my youth upward I have always lived in good name, fame, and
honesty, being never before accused for any offence, sedition, or
perjury. In an evil time have I happened into these cursed days, when
all ways both of God and man are turned topsy turvy. I was adherent
to the tumult and sedition of the men of the country, as many others
were, which dwelt thereabout. But what then? are there not also many
gentlemen which followed the peasants' army, and many strong towns.
which went also with them? I was not the author of any sedition,
which always I have mortally hated. I never gave counsel unto any man
to move any broil or tumult in any place. We asked counsel of our
gentlemen what we should do, when the bands of the peasants were
assembled in the fields; but they gave us neither counsel nor
comfort. And to speak of myself, I did never understand or know what
the articles were that were published, neither was there ever any man
that told me wherefore they were published; neither did I know
wherefore the bands of the countrymen were risen, neither wherefore
every man moved his neighbour to put on armour. Wherefore then have
ye taken me as a seditious man, and made me to endure so great
torments?' He continued a long time declaring his innocency; but,
notwithstanding all his excuses and defences, the hangman drew his
sword, and, at the commandment of the judge, struck off his head, as
he had made an end of his prayers. His tongue moved a long time after
in his head, by means of the force of the words which he had before
spoken.

     Thus this good man of the country ended his days, against whom
the false judges could find no crime or offence to object, albeit
they had diligently sought by witnesses to have information of all
his life and living. The Lord grant his Spirit to all those which
suffer for his name.

Wolfgangus Schuch, a German, burned in Lorraine.
 WOLFGANGUS Schuch, coming to a certain town in
Lorraine, bearing the name of St.Hippolyte, and being received in the
said town to be their pastor, laboured by all means how to extirpate
out of the hearts of the people, idolatry and superstition. Which,
through the grace of Christ working with him, he in short time had
brought prosperously to pass according to his desire; insomuch that
the observation of Lent, images, and all idols, with the abomination
also of the mass, in the same town was utterly abolished:  so
reformable God made the hearts of the people there, and such
affection had they to their minister, It was not long but the rumour
thereof came to the hearing of Duke Anthony, prince of Lorraine,
(under whose dominion they were,) through the swift report of the
adversaries, falsely belying these Hippolytanes to the duke; as
though they, in relinquishing the doctrine and faction of the pope,
went about to reject and shake off all authority and power of
princes, and all superior governors. By the means of which sinister
report they incensed the prince to such displeasure and indignation,
that he threatened to subvert and utterly to destroy the town with
sword and fire. Wolfgangus, having word of this, wrote unto the duke
his epistle in most humble and obedient wise, in defence both of his
ministry, of his doctrine which he taught, and of the whole cause of
the gospel.

     In which epistle, first, he excused the people to be innocent
and blameless, and rather those slanderous reporters were worthy to
be blamed, and also punished, for their false rumours and forged
slanders raised up against them. After that, he opened and explained
the cause and state of the gospel, and of our salvation, consisting
only in the free grace of God, through faith in Christ his Son;
comparing also the same doctrine of the gospel with the confused
doctrine of the Church of Rome. That done, thirdly, he proceeded to 
our obedience, honour, and worship, which first we owe to God and to
Christ, next under him to princes here and potentates, whom God hath
placed in his room, and endued with authority here in earth; unto
whom they offered themselves now and at all times pressed and most
ready to obey, with all service and duty, &c.

     But with this epistle Wolfgangus did nothing prevail, either
for that it was intercepted by the way, or else for that the false
accusations and wicked tongues of the adversary part took more effect
to win credit with the duke, than could the simple defence of verity.
Whereupon Wolfgangus, when he saw no other remedy, rather than the
town should come into any danger for his cause, the good man, of his
own accord, came to the city of Nancy, (which is the head town of
Lorraine,) there to render a confession of his doctrine, and also to
deliver the town of St. Hippolyte out of peril, drawing all the
danger upon himself.

     As soon as he was come thither, incontinent hands were laid
upon him, and he laid fast in a strait and stinking prison, where he
was sharply and bitterly handled under the custody of the churlish
and cruel keepers. All this notwithstanding, Wolfgangus, continuing
in that prison the space of a whole year, yet would not be moved from
his constancy, neither with the straitness of the prison, nor with
the hardness of his keepers, nor yet with the compassion of his wife
and children, of which he had about six or seven. Then was he had to
the house of the Grey Friars, to profess there his faith; where he
both wittily and learnedly confuted all them that stood against him.

     There was a friar named Bonaventure, provincial of that order,
of face, body, and belly monstrous, but much more gross in blind
ignorance; and a man utterly rude, a contemner of all civility and
honesty; who, being long confessor to the duke, and of great
authority in Lorraine, as he was an enemy to virtue and learning, so
was he ever persuading the duke to banish out of the court and
country of Lorraine all learned men; neither could he abide any
person which seemed to know more than his elders knew before. The sum
of all his divinity was this, to be sufficient to salvation only to
know the Pater-noster and Ave Maria. And thus was the duke brought up
and trained, and in nothing else, as the duke himself oftentimes in
talk with his familiars would confess. This Bonaventure, being chief
judge and moderator where Wolfgangus disputed or was examined, had
nothing else in his mouth, but "Thou heretic! "" Judas! "Beelzebub!"
&c. Wolfgangus, bearing patiently those private injuries which
pertained to himself, proceeded mightily in his disputation by the
Scriptures, confuting, or rather confounding his adversaries; who
being not otherwise able to make their party good, yet for very
shame, because they would not seem to do nothing, took his Bible with
his notes in the margin into their monastery, and burned it. At the
last disputation Duke Anthony himself was said to be there, altering
his apparel because he would not be known; who, albeit he understood
not the speech of Wolfgangus speaking in Latin, yet perceiving him to
be bold and constant in his doctrine, departing from the disputation,
gave sentence that he should be burned, because he denied the church,
and sacrament of the mass. Whereupon it followed shortly after that
Wolfgangus was condemned to be burned, who, hearing the sentence of
his condemnation, began to sing the 122nd Psalm.

     As he was led to the place of execution, passing by the house
of the Grey Friars, Bonaventure the great Cyclops, sitting at the
door, cried out to him, "Thou heretic! do thy reverence here to God,
and to our Lady, and to his holy saints;" showing to him the idols
standing at the friar's gate:  to whom Wolfgangus answered again,
"Thou hypocrite! thou painted wall! the Lord shall destroy thee, and
bring all thy false dissimulation unto light." When they were come to
the place of his martyrdom, first his books before him were thrown
into the fire. Then they asked him, whether he would have his pain
minished or shortened? to whom he said, "No," bidding them to do
their will; "for," said he, "as God hath been with me hitherto, so
trust now he will not leave me when I shall have most need of him;"
concluding his words thus, that they should put the sentence in
execution:  and so beginning to sing the one and fiftieth Psalm, he
entered into the place heaped up with faggots and wood, continuing in
his Psalm, and singing till the smoke and the flame took from him
both voice and life.

     The singular virtue, constancy, and learning of this blessed
man, as it refreshed and greatly edified the hearts of many good men,
so it astonished as much the minds of his adversaries, and wrought to
their confusion. For shortly after his death, the commendator of St.
Anthony of Vienna, who sat as spiritual judge over him, and gave
sentence of his condemnation, fell suddenly down and died. Also his
fellow, who was abbot of Clarilocus, and suffragan to the bishop of
Metz, suddenly, at the coming of the duchess of Denmark into the city
of Nancy, stricken with sudden fear at the crack of guns, fell down
and died, as they which werepresent and saw it have made faithful
relation of the same. A.D. 1525.

John Huglein, martyr, burned at Merseburg.

     Of John Huglein, priest, mention is made in the Commentaries of
John Sleidan; in lib. vi., who ,the next year following, A.D. 1526,
was burned at Merseburg, by the bishop of Constance, for that he did
not hold with the bishop of Rome's doctrine in all points.

     Moreover, besides other matters in this year occurrent, here is
also a memorandum to be made to all posterity, that in this present
year 1526, unto John Frederic, son and heir to the prince and elector
of Saxony, was promised the Lady Katharine, the emperor's younger
sister, in marriage, and writings made of the same. But when the
alteration of religion was sent by God's providence into Saxony, they
swerved from their covenants; and Hawnart, which was then the
emperor's ambassador in Germany, said plainly that there was no
promise to be kept with heretics:  wherein they seemed to follow well
the footsteps of the council of Constance, as before you have partly
heard in the story of John Huss, and of the emperor Sigismund.

George Carpenter of Emerich, martyr, burned in the town of Munich, in
Bavaria.

     The eighth day of February, in the year of our salvation 1527,
there happened a rare and marvellous example and spectacle in the
town of Munich in Bavaria, which was this:  A certain man, named
George Carpenter, of Emerich, was there burnt. When he was taken out
of the prison called Falken-Tower, and led before the council, divers
friars and monks followed him, to instruct and teach him; whom he
willed to tarry at home, and not to follow him. When he came before
the council, his offences were read, contained in four articles.

     I. That he did not believe that a priest could forgive a man's
sins.

     II. That he did not believe that a man could call God out of
heaven.

     III. That he did not believe that God was in the bread which
the priest hangeth over the altar, but that it was the bread of the
Lord.

     IV. That he did not believe that the very element of the water
itself, in baptism, doth give grace.

     Which four articles he utterly refused to recant. Then came
unto him a certain schoolmaster of St. Peter, in the town of Munich,
saying, "My friend George! dost thou not fear the death and
punishment which thou must suffer? If thou wert let go, wouldst thou
return to thy wife and children?" Whereunto he answered, "If I were
set at liberty, whither should I rather go, than to my wife and well-
beloved children?" Then said the schoolmaster, "Revoke your former
sentence and opinion, and you shall be set at liberty." Whereunto
George answered:  "My wife and my children are so dearly beloved unto
me, that they cannot be bought from me for all the riches and
possessions of the duke of Bavaria; but, for the love of my Lord God,
I will willingly forsake them." When he was led to the place of
execution, the schoolmaster spake unto him again in the midst of the
market-place, saying, "Good George! believe in the sacrament of the
altar; do not affirm it to be only a sign." Whereunto he answered, "I
believe this sacrament to be a sign of the body of Jesus Christ
offered upon the cross for us." Then said the schoolmaster, moreover,
"What dost thou mean, that thou dost so little esteem baptism,
knowing that Jesus Christ suffered himself to be baptized in Jordan?"
Whereunto he answered, and showed what was the true use of baptism;
and what was the end why Christ was baptized in Jordan; and how
necessary it was that Christ should die and suffer upon the cross,
wherein only standeth our salvation. "The same Christ," said he, "I
will confess this day before thewhole world; for he is my Saviour,
and in him do I believe."

     After this came unto him one Master Conrad Scheter, the vicar
of the cathedral church of our Lady in Munich, a preacher, saying,
"George! if thou wilt not believe the sacrament, yet put all thy
trust in God, and say, I trust my cause to be good and true; but if I
should err, truly I would be sorry and repent: " whereunto George
Carpenter answered, "God suffer me not to err, I beseech him." Then
said the schoolmaster unto him, "Do not put the matter on that
hazard, but choose unto you some good Christian brother, Master
Conrad, or some other, unto whom thou mayest reveal thy heart; not to
confess thyself, but to take some godly counsel of him." Whereunto he
answered, "Nay, not so, for it would be too long." Then Master Conrad
began the Lord's prayer:  "Our Father which art in heaven;" whereunto
Carpenter answered, "Truly thou art our Father, and no other, this
day I trust to be with thee." Then Master Conrad went forward with
the prayer, saying, "Hallowed be thy name." Carpenter answered, "O my
God, how little is thy name hallowed in this world! "Then said Master
Conrad, "Thy kingdom come." Carpenter answered, "Let thy kingdom come
this day unto me, that I also may come unto thy kingdom." Then said
Conrad, "Thy will be done in earth as it is in heaven." Carpenter
answered, "For this cause, O Father! am I now here, that thy will
might be fulfilled and not mine." Then said Conrad, "Give us this day
our daily bread." Carpenter answered, "The only living bread Jesus
Christ, shall be my food." Then said Conrad, "And forgive us our
trespasses, as we forgive them that trespass against us." Carpenter
answered, "With a willing mind do I forgive all men, both my friends
and adversaries." Then said Master Conrad," And lead us not into 
temptation, but deliver us from all evil." Whereunto Carpenter
answered, "O my Lord! without doubt thou shalt deliver me; for upon
thee only have I laid all my hope." Then he began to rehearse the
Belief, saying, "I believe in God the Father Almighty." Carpenter
answered, "O my God! in thee alone do I trust; in thee only is all my
confidence, and upon no other creature; albeit they have gone about
to force me otherwise." In this manner he answered to every word;
which his answers, if they should be described at length, would be
too long.

     This prayer ended, the schoolmaster said unto him, "Dost thou
believe so truly and constantly in thy Lord and God with thy heart,
as thou dost cheerfully seem to confess him with thy mouth?" Hereunto 
he answered; "It were a very hard matter for me, if that I, which am
here ready to suffer death, should not believe that with my heart,
which I openly profess with my mouth:  for I knew before that I must
suffer persecution, if I would cleave unto Christ, who saith, Where
thy heart is, there also is thy treasure, Luke xii.; and whatsoever
thing a man doth fix in his heart to love above God, that he maketh
his idol." Then said Master Conrad unto him, "George! dost thou think
it necessary after thy death, that any man should pray for thee, or
say mass for thee?" He answered, "So long as the soul is joined to
the body, pray God for me, that he will give me grace and patience,
with all humility, to suffer the pains of death with a true Christian
faith; but when the soul is separate from the body, then have I no
more need of your prayers."

     When the hangman should bind him to the ladder, he preached
much unto the people. Then he was desired by certain Christian
brethren, that as soon as he was cast into the fire, he should give
some sign or token what his faith or belief was. To whom he answered,
"This shall be my sign and token; that so long as I can open my
mouth, I will not cease to call upon the name of Jesus."

     Behold, good reader! what an incredible constancy was in this
godly man, such as lightly hath not been seen in any man before. His
face and countenance never changed colour, but cheerfully he went
unto the fire. "In the midst," saith he, "of the town this day will I
confess my God before the whole world." When he was laid upon the
ladder, and the hangman put a bag of gunpowder about his neck, he
said, "Let it so be, in the name of the Father, and of the Son, and
of the Holy Ghost!" And when the two hangmen lifted him up upon the
ladder, smiling, he bade a certain Christian farewell, requiring
forgiveness of him. That done, the hangman thrust him into the fire.
He with a loud voice cried out, "Jesus! Jesus!" Then the hangman
turned him over; and he again for a certain space cried, "Jesus!
Jesus! "and so joyfully yielded up his spirit.

Leonard Keyser, martyr, burned at Schardingham.

     Here also is not to be passed over the marvellous constancy of
Master Leonard Keyser, of the country of Bavaria, who was burned for
the gospel. This Keyser was of the town of Rawbe, four miles from
Passau, of a famous house. This man, being at his study in
Wittenberg, was sent for by his brethren, which certified him, that
if ever he would see his father alive, he should come with speed;
which thing he did. He was scarcely come thither when, by the
commandment of the bishop of Passau, hewas taken by his mother and
his brethren. The articles which he was accused of, for which also he
was most cruelly put to death, and shed his blood for the testimony
of the truth, were these: 

     That faith only justifieth.

     That works are the fruits of faith.

     That the mass is no sacrifice or oblation.

     Item, For confession, satisfaction, the vow of chastity,
purgatory, difference of days, for affirming only two sacraments, and
invocation of saints.

     He also maintained three kinds of confession.

     The first to be of faith, which is always necessary.

     The second of charity, which serveth when any man hath offended
his neighbour, to whom he ought to reconcile himself again, as a man
may see by that which is written in Matt. xviii.

     The third, which is not to be despised, is to ask counsel of
the ancient ministers of the church.

     And forasmuch as all this was contrary to the bull of Pope Leo,
and the emperor's decree made at Worms, sentence was given against
him, that he should be degraded, and put into the hands of the
secular power. The persecutors who sat in judgment upon him, were the
bishop of Passau; the suffragans of Ratisbon and Passau; also Dr.
Eckius, being guarded about with armed men. His brethren and
kinsfolks made great intercession to have his judgment deferred and
put off, that the matter might be more exactly known. Also John
Frederic, duke of Saxony, and the earls of Schauenburg and
Shunartzen, wrote to the bishop for him, but could not prevail. After
the sentence was given, he was carried by a company of harnessed men
out of the city again, to Schardingham, the thirteenth of August;
where Christopher Frenkinger, the civil judge, receiving him, had
letters sent him from Duke William of Bavaria, that forthwith,
tarrying for no other judgment, he should be burned alive. Whereupon
the good and blessed martyr, early in the morning, being rounded and
shaven, and clothed in a short gown, and a black cap set upon his
head, all cut and jagged, so was delivered unto the officer. As he
was led out of the town to the place where he should suffer, he
boldly and hardily spake in the Almain tongue, turning his head first
on the one side, and then on the other, saying, "O Lord Jesus! remain
with me, sustain and help me, and give me force and power."

     Then the wood was made ready to be set on fire, and he began to
cry with a loud voice, "O Jesus! I am thine, have mercy upon me, and
save me; "and therewithal he felt the fire begin sharply under his
feet, his hands, and about his head. And because the fire was not
great enough, the hangman plucked the body, half burnt, with a long
hook, from underneath the wood. Then he made a great hole in the
body, through which he thrust a stake, and cast him again into the
fire, and so made an end of burning. This was the blessed end of that
good man, who suffered for the testimony of the truth, on the sixth
of August, A.D. 1527.

Wendelmuta, widow, martyr, at the Hague.

     In Holland also the same year, 1527, was martyred and burned a
good and virtuous widow, named Wendelmuta, a daughter of Nicholas of
Munchenstein. This widow, receiving to her heart the brightness of
God's grace by the appearing of the gospel, was therefore apprehended
and committed to custody in the castle of Werden; and shortly after
from thence was brought to Hague, the fifteenth day of November,
there to appear at the general sessions of that country; where was
present Hochstratus, lord president of the said country, who also sat
upon her the seventeenth day of the aforesaid month. Divers monks
were appointed there to talk with her, to the end they might convince
her, and win her to recant; but she, constantly persisting in that
truth wherein she was planted, would not be removed. Many also of her
kindred, and other honest women, were suffered to persuade with her;
among whom there was a certain noble matron, who loved and favoured
dearly the said widow being in prison. This matron coming and
communing with her, in her talk said, "My Wendelmuta! why dost thou
not keep silence, and think secretly in thine heart these things
which thou believest, that thou mayest prolong here thy days and
life? To whom she answered again:  "Ah," said she, "you know not what
you say. It is written, With the heart we believe to righteousness,
with the tongue we confess to salvation," &c., Rom. x. And thus she,
remaining firm and stedfast in her belief and confession, on the
twentieth day of November was condemned, by sentence given as against
a heretic, to be burned to ashes, and her goods to be confiscated;
she taking the sentence of her condemnation mildly and quietly.

     After she came to the place where she should be executed, and a
monk there had brought out a blind cross, willing her many times to
kiss and worship her God; "I worship," said she, "no wooden god, but
only that God which is in heaven: " and so, with a merry and joyful
countenance, she went to the stake, desiring the executioner to see
the stake to be fast, that it fall not. Then taking the powder, and
laying it to her breast, she gave her neck willingly to be bound,
with an ardent prayer commending herself into the hands of God. When
the time came that she should be strangled, modestly she closed her
eyes, and bowed down her head, as one that would take a sleep:  which
done, the fire then was put to the wood, and she, being strangled,
was burned afterwards to ashes; instead of this life, to get the
immortal crown in heaven. A.D. 1527.

Peter Flisteden and Adolphus Clarebach, put to death at Cologne.

     In the number of these German martyrs, are also to be
comprehended Peter Flisteden and Adolphus Clarebach; two men of
singular learning, and having ripe knowledge of God's holy word.
Which two, A.D. 1529, (for that they did dissent from the papists in
divers points, and especially touching the supper of the Lord, and
other the pope's traditions and ceremonies,) after they had endured
imprisonment a year and a half, by the commandment of the archbishop
and senate, were to put to death and burned in Cologne, not without
the great grief and lamentation of many good Christians; all the
fault being put upon certain divines, which at that time preached,
that the punishment and death of certain wicked persons should pacify
the wrath of God, which then plagued Germany grievously with a new
and strange kind of disease:  for at that season the sweating sickness
did mortally rage and reign throughout all Germany.

A preface to the table following.

     If thou well remember in reading this book of stories, loving
reader! it was before mentioned and declared how in the year of grace
1501, certain prodigious marks and prints of the Lord's passion, as
the crown, cross, nails, scourges, and spear, were seen in Germany
upon the garments of men and women. Which miraculous ostent, passing
the ordinary course of natural causes, as it was sent of God, no
doubt, to foreshow the great and terrible persecution, which
afterwards fell in the country of Germany, and other regions besides,
for the testimony of Christ; so, if the number and names of all those
good men and women, which suffered in the same persecution, with
their acts and doings, should be gathered and compiled together, it
would ask a long time, and a large volume. Notwithstanding, partly to
satisfy the history which we have in hand, partly also to avoid
tedious prolixity, I thought briefly to contract the discourse
thereof, drawing, as in a compendious table, the names of the
persecutors, and of the martyrs who suffered, and the causes thereof,
in as much shortness as I may; referring the full tractation of their
lives and doings to those writers of their own country, where they
are to be read more at large. And to keep an order in the same table,
as much as in such a confused heap of matters I may, according to the
order and distinction of the countries in which these blessed saints
of Christ did suffer; I have so divided the order of the table in
such sort, as first to begin with them that suffered in Germany, then
in France, also in Spain, with other foreign countries more; showing
only the names, with the principal matters of them; referring the
rest to the further explication of their own story-writers, from
whence they be collected:  the which table being finished, my purpose
is, Christ willing, to return to the full history of our own matters,
and of the martyrs who suffered here in England.

A table of the names and causes of such martyrs as gave their lives
for the testimony of the gospel, in Germany, France, Spain, Italy,
and other foreign countries, since Luther's time:  in which table are
contained the persecutors, the martyrs, and the causes of their
martyrdom.

The martyrs of Germany.
 OF divers who suffered in Germany for the witness
of the gospel, partly some rehearsal is made before, as of Voes and
Esch, of Sutphen, John Castellane, Peter Spengler, with a certain
godly minister, and another simple man of the country, mentioned in
Œcolampadius:  also of them in Dithmarsch and Prague, of M. George of
Halle, Gasper, Tambert, George of Vienna, Wolfgangus Schuch, John
Huglius, George Carpenter, Leonard Keyser, Wendelmuta, Peter
Flisteden, Adolphus Clarebach, and others. The residue follow in
order of this table here to be showed.

Persecutors:  Charles the emperor; also two servants of a butcher, who
did apprehend one Nicholas at Antwerp, A.D. 1524.
Nicholas of Antwerp, a martyr.

Persecutors:  Margaret, daughter of Maximilian, princess of Holland;
also M. Montane, M. Rosemund, and M. Anchusanus, inquisitors; also M.
Jodocus Lovering, vicar of Mechlen, A.D. 1524.
Johannes Pistorius, a learned man of Holland, and partly of kin to
Erasmus of Rotterdam, a martyr.

Persecutor:  Sebastian Braitestein, abbot. In Suevia, A.D. 1525.
Matthias Weibell, schoolmaster, a martyr.

Persecutors:  certain noblemen, after the commotion of the countrymen
in Germany, A.D. 1525.
A certain godly priest, a martyr.

Persecutor:  the name of the persecutor appears not in the story.
George Scherter, a martyr, at Radstadt, by Saltsburg, A.D. 1528.

Persecutor:  Balthasar, official.
Henry Fleming at Dornick, 1535, a martyr.

Persecutor:  a popish priest, and a wicked murderer.
A good priest dwelling not far from Basil, 1539, a martyr.

Persecutors:  Charles, the emperor's procurator; Dr. Enchusanus,
inquisitor; and Latomus.
Twenty-eight Christian men and women of Louvain, A.D. 1543, martyrs.

Persecutor:  the name of the persecutor appeareth not in the story.
Master Perseval, a martyr at Louvain, A.D. 1544.

Persecutor:  Dorsardus, a potentate in that country, and a great
persecutor.
Justus Imsberg, a martyr at Brussels, A.D. 1544.

Persecutor:  the parson of Brussels.
Giles Tilleman, a martyr at Brussels, A.D. 1544.

Great persecution in Gaunt, and other parts of Flanders, by the
friars and priests thereof.

     As Charles the emperor did lie in Gaunt, the friars and doctors
there obtained, that the edict made against the Lutherans, might be
read openly twice a year. This being obtained, great persecution
followed, so that there was no city nor town in all Flanders, wherein
some either were not expulsed, or beheaded, or condemned to perpetual
prison, or had not their goods confiscated:  neither was there any 
respect of age or sex. At Gaunt especially, many there were of the
head men, which for religion sake were burned.

     Afterwards, the emperor coming to Brussels, there was terrible
slaughter and persecution of God's people, namely, in Brabant,
Hennegow, and Artois; the horror and cruelty whereof is almost
incredible:  insomuch that at one time as good as two hundred men and
women together were brought out of the country about into the city,
of whom some were drowned, some buried quick, some privily made away,
others sent to perpetual prison:  whereby all the prisons and towers
thereabout were replenished with prisoners and captives, and the
hands of the hangman tired with slaying and killing; to the great
sorrow of all them which knew the gospel, being now compelled either
to deny the same, or to confirm it with their blood. The story hereof
is at large set forth by Francis Encenas, a notable learned man, who
also himself was prisoner the same time at Brussels:  whose book,
written in Latin, I myself have seen and read, remaining in the hands
of John Oporine at Basil.

Persecutors:  The Franciscan Friars of Gaunt.
Martin Hœurblock, fishmonger at Gaunt, a martyr, A.D. 1545.

     This Martin ever, almost to his later age, was a man much given
to all wickedness and fleshly life, so long as he continued a
follower of the pope's superstition and idolatry. Afterward, (as God
hath always his calling,) through the occasion of a sermon of his
parish priest, beginning to taste some workings of grace and
repentance of his former life, went out of Gaunt for the space of
three months, seeking the company of godly Christians, such as he
heard to use the reading of the Scriptures:  by whom he being more
groundedly instructed, returned again to the city of Gaunt, where all
his neighbours first began to marvel at the sudden change of this
man. The Franciscans, which knew him before so beneficial unto them,
now seeing him so altered from their ways and superstition, and
seeing him to visit the captives in prison, to comfort them in
persecution, and to confirm them in the word of God which went to the
fire, conspired against him:  whereby he was detected and laid in
bands.

     After that, with sharp and grievous torments they would have
constrained him to utter other of the same religion. To whom thus he
answered:  that if they could prove by the Scripture, that his
detecting and accusing of his brethren, whom they would afflict with
the like torments, were not against the second table of God's law,
then he would not refuse to prefer the honour of God before the
safeguard of his brethren. Then the friars examined him in the
sacrament, asking him why he was so earnest to have it in both kinds,
"seeing," said they, "it is but a naked sacrament, as you say?" To
whom he answered, that the elements thereof were naked, but the
sacrament was not naked, forasmuch as the said elements of bread and
wine, being received after the institution of Christ, do now make a
sacrament and a mystical representation of the Lord's body,
communicating himself with our souls. And as touching the receiving
in both kinds, because it is the institution of the Lord, "Who is
he," said Martin, "that dare alter the same?" Then was he brought
before the council of Flanders. The causes laid against him were the
sacrament, purgatory, and praying for the dead; for the which he was
condemned and burned at Gaunt, in Verle-place, all his goods being
confiscated. As he stood at the stake, a Franciscan friar said to
him, "Martin, unless thou dost turn, thou shalt go from this fire to
everlasting fire." "It is not in you," said Martin again, "to judge."
For this the friars afterwards were so hated, that many bills and
rhymes were set forth in divers places against them.

Persecutors:  The council of Flanders.
Nicholas Vanpole, and John de Bruck and his wife; martyrs at Gaunt,
A.D. 1545.

Persecutors:  The same council.
Ursula, and Maria, virgins of noble stock, martyrs at Delden, A.D.
1545.

     Delden is a town in Lower Germany, three miles from Deventer,
where these two virgins of noble parentage were burned; who, after
diligently frequenting of churches and sermons, being instructed in
the word of the Lord, defended, that seeing the benefit of our
salvation cometh only by our faith in Christ, all the other
merchandise of the pope, which he useth to sell to the people for
money, was needless. First, Maria, being the younger, was put to the
fire; where she prayed ardently for her enemies, commending her soul
to God; at whose constancy the judges did greatly marvel.

     Then they exhorted Ursula to turn, or if she would not, at
least that she should require to be beheaded. To whom she said, that
she was guilty of no error, nor defended any thing but which was
consonant to the Scripture, in which she trusted to persevere unto
the end. And as touching the kind of punishment, she said, she feared
not the fire, but rather would follow the. example of her dear sister
that went before. This was marvellous, that the executioners could in
no wise consume their bodies with fire, but left them whole, lying
upon the ground white; which certain good Christians privily took up
in the night, and buried. Thus God many times showeth his power in
the midst of tribulations.

Persecutors:  The parson of St. Katharine's; Dr. Tapert; and William
Clericken, ruler of Mechelen.
Andreas Thiessen, and Katharine his wife; also Nicholas Thiessen, and
Francis Thiessen, their sons, martyrs at Mechelen, A.D. 1545.

     Andrew Thiessen, citizen of Mechelen, of his wife Katharine had
three sons and a daughter, whom he instructed diligently in the
doctrine of the gospel, and despised the doings of popery:  wherefore
being hated and persecuted of the friars and priests there, he went
into England and there died. Francis and Nicholas, his two sons, went
to Germany to study; and returning again to their mother, and sister,
and younger brother, by diligent instruction brought them to the
right knowledge of God's gospel. Which being not unknown to the
parson there of St. Katharine's, he called to them Drs. Rupert and
Tapert, and other masters and friars, who taking counsel together
with William Clericken, the head magistrate of the town of Mechelen,
agreed that the mother, with her four children, should be sent to
prison, separated one from another; where great labour was employed
to reclaim them home unto their church, that is, from light to
darkness again. The two younger, to wit, the daughter with the
younger brother, being not yet settled either in years or doctrine,
something inclined to them, and were delivered. The mother, which
would not consent, was condemned to perpetual prison. The other two,
Francis and Nicholas, standing firmly to their confession, defended
that the catholic church was not the Church of Rome; that the
sacrament was to be administered in both kinds; that auricular
confession was to no purpose; that invocation of saints was to be
left; that there was no purgatory. The friars they called hypocrites,
and contemned their threatenings. The magistrates, after
disputations, fell to torments, to know of them who was their master,
and what fellows they had. Their Master, they said, was Christ, who
bare his cross before. Fellows, they said, they had innumerable,
dispersed in all places. At last they were brought to the judges: 
their articles were read, and they condemned to be burned. Coming to
the place of execution, as they began to exhort the people, gags, or
balls of wood, were thrust into their mouths, which they, through
vehemency in speaking, thrust out again, desiring for the Lord's sake
that they might have leave to speak. And so, singing with a loud
voice, Credo in unum Deum, &c., they went, and were fastened to the
stake, praying for their persecutors; and exhorting the one the
other, they did abide the fire patiently. The one feeling the flame
to come to his beard, "Ah!" said he, "what a small pain is this, to
be compared to the glory to come?" Thus the patient martyrs,
committing their spirits to the hands of God, to the great admiration
of the lookers on, through constancy achieved the crown of martyrdom.

Persecutors:  The names of their accusers appear not in the authors.
Marion, wife of Adrian Taylor, martyr at Dornick, A.D. 1545.

     In the same persecution against Bruley and his company in
Dornick, was apprehended also one Adrian, and Marion his wife. The
cause of their trouble, as also of the others, was the emperor's
decree made in the council of Worms against the Lutherans mentioned
before. Adrian, not so strong as a man, for fear gave back from the
truth, and was but only beheaded. The wife, stronger than a woman,
did withstand their threats, and abide the uttermost; and being
enclosed in an iron grate, formed in shape of a pasty, was laid in
the earth and buried quick, after the usual punishment of that
country for women. When the adversaries first told her that her
husband had relented, she believed them not; and therefore, as she
went to her death, passing by the tower where he was, she called to
him to take her leave; but he was gone before.

Persecutors:  The magistrates of Dornick or Tournay.
Master Peter Braley, preacher, a martyr, at Dornick, A.D. 1545.

     Master Peter Bruley was preacher in the French church at
Strasburg, who at the earnest request of faithful brethren came down
to visit the lower countries about Artois and Dornick, in Flanders;
where he most diligently preached the word of God unto the people in
houses, the doors standing open. Whereupon, when the magistrates of
Dornick had shut the gates of the town, and had made search for him
three days, he was privily let down the wall in the night by a
basket:  and as he was let down to the ditch ready to take his way,
one of them that let him down, leaning over the wall to bid him
farewell, caused unawares a stone to slip out of the wall, which
falling upon him, brake his leg, by reason whereof he was heard of
the watchman complaining of his wound, and so was taken, giving
thanks to God, by whose providence he was there staid to serve the
Lord in that place. So long as he remained in prison, he ceased not
to supply the part of a diligent preacher, teaching, and confirming
all them that came to him in the word of grace. Being in prison, he
wrote his own confession and examination, and sent it to the
brethren. He wrote also another epistle unto them that were in
persecution; another also to all the faithful; also another letter to
his wife, the same day that he was burned. He remained in prison four
months. His sentence was given by the emperor's commissioners at
Brussels, that he should be burned to ashes, and his ashes thrown
into the river. Although the priests and friars made the fire but
small, to multiply his pain, yet he the more cheerfully and
constantly took his martyrdom, and suffered it. The letters of Duke
Frederic, and of the landgrave, came to entreat for him; but he was
burned a little before the letters came.

Persecutor:  The senate of Dornick, and Doctor Hasarde, a Grey Friar.
Peter Miocius, a silk-weaver, and one Bergiban, martyrs, at Dornick,
A.D. 1545.

Persecutor:  A certain prince in Germany, about Hungary, or the parts
of Pannonia.
A priest of Germany, a martyr.

Persecutors:  Alphonsus Diazius, a Spaniard; Petrus Malvenda, the
pope's prolocutor at Ratisbon, a Spaniard; the emperor's confessor, a
Black Friar, a Spaniard; also Marquina.
John Diazius, Spaniard, a martyr, killed by his own brother at
Neoberg, in Germany, A.D. 1546.

Persecutor:  A bishop in Hungary.
A godly priest in Hungary, a martyr.

Persecutor:  Charles, the emperor.
John Frederic of Saxony, elector, A.D. 1547, martyr.

Persecutor:  Charles the emperor, and Mary his sister.
The landgrave of Hesse, A.D. 1547, martyr.

Persecutor:  Charles the emperor.
Herman, archbishop of Cologne, martyr, A.D. 1547.

     With these holy martyrs above recited may also be numbered
Herman, archbishop of Cologne, who, a little before the emperor had
war against the protestants, had reformed his church from certain
papistical superstitions, using therein the aid and advice of Martin
Bucer. Wherefore Charles the emperor sent word to Cologne, that he
should be deposed; which he patiently did suffer. In his room was set
Adolphus, earl of Scauvenburg.

Persecutor:  The president or mayor of Dornick.
Master Nicholas Frenchman; also Marion, wife of Augustine, a barber,
martyrs, A.D. 1549.

     Master Nicholas and Barbara his wife; also Augustine, a barber,
and Marion his wife, born about Hennegow, after they had been at
Geneva a space, came into Germany, thinking that way to pass over
into England. By the way, coming to Hennegow, Augustine desired
Master Nicholas, because he was learned, to come to Bergis to visit
and comfort certain brethren there:  which he willingly did. From
thence, passing by Dornick (or Tournay) they held on their journey
toward England. But in the way Augustine and his wife, being known,
were detected to the lieutenant of Dornick, who, in all speedy haste
following after them, overtook them four miles beyond Dornick.
Augustine (how I cannot tell) escaped that time out of their hands,
and could not be found. The soldiers then, laying hands upon Nicholas
and the two women, brought them back again unto Dornick. In returning
by the way, when Master Nicholas at the table gave thanks, as the
manner is of the faithful, the wicked ruler, scorning them, and
swearing like a tyrant, said, "Now let us see, thou lewd heretic,
whether thy God can deliver thee out of my hand." To whom Nicholas,
answering again modestly, asked, What had Christ ever offended him,
that he with his blasphemous swearing did so tear him in pieces?
desiring him, that if he had any thing against Christ, rather he
would wreak his anger upon his poor body, and let the Lord alone.
Thus they, being bound hands and feet, were brought to Bergis, and
there laid in the dungeon. Then Duke Ariscote, accompanied with a
great number of priests and Franciscan friars, and with a doctor,
which was their warden, came to talk with them. Nicholas, standing in
the midst of them, being asked what he was, and whither he would;
answered them perfectly to all their questions:  and moreover, so
confounded the friars, that they went away ashamed, saying, that he
had a devil, and crying, "To the fire with him, Lutheran!"

     As they continued looking still for the day of their execution,
it came to the rulers' minds to ask of Nicholas in what house be was
lodged, when he came to Bergis? Nicholas said, He had never been
there before; and therefore, being a stranger, he could not tell the
name of the house. When Nicholas would confess nothing, Duke
Ariscotus came to Barbara, the wife of Nicholas, to know where they
were lodged at Bergis, promising many fair words of delivery, if she
would tell. She being a weak and timorous woman, uttered all; by the
occasion whereof great persecution followed, and many were
apprehended. Where this is to be noted, that shortly even upon the
same, the son of the said Duke Ariscotus was slain, and buried the
same day when Augustine was burned. To be short, Nicholas shortly
after was brought before the judges, and there condemned to be burned
to ashes; at which sentence-giving, Nicholas blessed the Lord, who
had courted him worthy to be a witness in the cause of his dear and
well-beloved Son. Going to the place of execution he was commanded to
speak nothing unto the people, or else he should have a ball of wood
thrust into his mouth. Being at the stake, and seeing a great
multitude about him, forgetting his silence promised, he cried with a
loud voice:  "O Charles, Charles! how long shall thy, heart be
hardened?" And with that one of the soldiers gave him a blow. Then
said Nicholas again; "Ah miserable people! thou art not worthy, to
whom the word of God should be preached." And thus he spake as they
were binding him to the stake. The friars came out with their old
song, crying, that he had a devil; to whom Nicholas spake the verse
of the Psalm, Depart from me, all ye wicked! for the Lord hath heard
the voice of my weeping. And thus this holy martyr, patiently taking
his death, commended up his spirit unto God in the midst of the fire.

Marion, wife of Augustine, above mentioned, a martyr, at Bergis in
Hennegow, A.D. 1549.

     After the martyrdom of this Master Nicholas, Marion, the wife
of Augustine, was called for, with whom they had much talk about the
manner and state of Geneva, asking her how the sacraments were
administered there, and whether she had celebrated there the Lord's
supper? To whom she answered, that the sacraments there were
celebrated after the Lord's institution, of the which she was no
celebrator, but a partaker. The sentence of her condemnation was
this, that she should be interred quick. When she was let down to the
grave, kneeling upon her knees, she desired the Lord to help her; and
before she should be thrown down, she desired her face might be
covered with a napkin or some linen cloth; which being so covered,
and the earth thrown upon her face and body, the hangman stamped upon
her with his feet till her breath was past.

Persecutors:  The watchmen or soldiers of Bellimont.
Augustine, the husband of Marion, martyred at Bellimont, in Hennegow,
A.D. 1549.

     Ye heard before how Augustine escaped before, at the taking of
Nicholas and the two women. After this he gave himself to sell
spices, and other pedlary ware, from place to place; who, at length,
coming to the town of Bellimont in Hennegow, there was known and
detected to the magistrate; whereof he, having some intelligence
before, left his ware and ran away. And seeing, moreover, the house
beset about with harnessed men where he was hosted, he began to be
more afraid, and hid himself in a bush; for he was very timorous, and
a weak-spirited man. But the hour being come which the Lord had
appointed for him, it happened that certain standing upon the town
wall, which might well see him go into the thicket or bush, gave
knowledge thereof to the soldiers, which followed him to the bush,
and took him. Being taken, he was had to Bergis, the head town of
Hennegow, where being examined, valiantly standing to the defence of
his doctrine, answered his adversaries with great boldness.

     Wherein here is to be noted and marvelled to see the work of
the Lord, how this man, being before of nature so timorous, now was
so strengthened with God's grace, that he nothing feared the force of
all his enemies. Among others came to him the warden of the Grey
Friars, with a long oration, persuading him to relent, or else he
should be damned in hell-fire perpetually. To whom Augustine
answering again, said, "Prove that which you said by the authority of
God's word, that a man may believe you:  you say much, but you prove
nothing, rather like a doctor of lies than of truth," &c. At last, he
being there condemned to be burned at Bellimont, was brought to the
inn where he should take horse, where was a certain gentleman, a
stranger, who, drinking to him in a cup of wine, desired him to have
pity upon himself; and if he would not favour his life, yet that he
would favour his own soul. To whom said Augustine, after he had
thanked him for his good will, "What care I have," said he, "of my
soul, you may see by this, that I had rather give my body to be
burned, than to do that thing that were against my conscience." When
he was come to the town of Bellimont, where he should be burned, the
same day there was a great burial of the son of Duke Ariscotus, which
was slain a little before (as is before touched); by the occasion
whereof many nobles and gentlemen were there present, who, hearing of
this Augustine, came to him and talked with him. When the day came of
his martyrdom, the people, being offended at his constancy, cried out
to have him drawn at a horse's tail, to the place of burning; but the
Lord would not suffer that. In fine, being tied to the stake, and
fire set unto him, heartily he prayed unto the Lord, and so in the
fire patiently departed.

A certain woman of Augsburg who narrowly escaped martyrdom there;
A.D. 1550.
Two virgins, in the diocese of Bamberg, martyrs, A.D. 1551.

     In the diocese of Bamberg, two maids were led out to slaughter,
which they sustained with patient hearts and cheerful countenances.
They had garlands of straw put on their beads; whereupon the one
comforted the other, going to their martyrdom:  "Seeing Christ," said
she, "for us bare a crown of thorns, why should we stick to bear a
crown of straw? no doubt but the Lord will render to us again better
than crowns of gold." Some said that they were Anabaptists; and it
might be (saith Melancthon) that they had some fond opinion admired
withal; yet they did hold (saith he) the foundation of the articles
of our faith, and they died blessedly, in a good conscience, and
knowledge of the Son of God. Few do live without errors. Flatter not
yourselves, thinking yourselves so clear that you cannot err.

Persecutors:  James Hesselius, chamberlain of Gaunt, and the friars
there.
Hostius, otherwise called George, martyred at Gaunt, A.D. 1555.

     This Hostius, born at Gaunt, was cunning in graving in armour
and in steel. He first was in the French church here in England,
during the reign of King Edward. After the coming of Queen Mary, he
went to Norden, in Friesland, with his wife and children. From
thence, having business, he came to Gaunt, where (after a certain
space that he had there continued, instructing divers of his friends)
he heard that there was a Black Friar, who used to preach good
doctrine to the people:  wherefore he, being desirous to hear, came to
his sermon; where the friar, contrary to his expectation, preached in
defence of transubstantiation. At the hearing of which his heart was
so full, that he had much ado to refrain, while the sermon was
finished. As soon as the friar was come down, he burst out and
charged him with false doctrine, persuading the people, as well as he
could be heard, by the Scriptures, that the bread was but a sacrament
only of the Lord's body. The friar, not willing to hear him, made
signs unto him to depart; also the throng of the people was such,
that it carried him out of the doors. He had not gone far, but
Hesselius the chamberlain overtook him and carried him to prison.
Then were doctors and other friars, as Pistorius, and Bunderius,
brought to reason with him of the sacrament, of invocations of
saints, and purgatory. He ever stood to the trial only of the
Scripture, which they refused. Then was it agreed that he should
declare his mind in writing, which he did. He wrote also to his wife
at Emden, comforting her, and requiring her to take care of Samuel
and Sarah his children. When he was condemned, he was commanded not
to speak to the people. Hesselius the officer made great haste to
have him despatched; wherefore he, mildly like a lamb, praying for
his enemies, gave himself to be bound, patiently taking what they
would do against him:  whom first they strangled, and then consumed
his body, being dead, with fire. And thus was the martyrdom of
Hostius.

John Frisius, abbot in Bavaria, A.D. 1554.

Persecutors:  The bailiff of Hennegow; the governor of the town and
castle of Dornick; Peter Deventiere, lieutenant of the said bailiff;
Philip de Cordis, chief councillor in criminal causes; Nicholas
Chambree; Peter Rechelier; James de Clerke; Nicholas of Fernague;
Master Hermes, of Wingles, one of the council for the said bailiwick.
Bertrand le Blas, martyred at Dornick, A.D. 1555.

     The story of Bertrand is lamentable, his torments incredible,
the tyranny showed unto him horrible, the constancy of the martyr
admirable. This Bertrand, being a silk-weaver, went to Wesel, for the
cause of religion, who being desirous to draw his wife and children
from Dornick to Wesel, came thrice from thence to persuade with her
to go with him thither. When she in no wise could be entreated, he,
remaining a few days at home, set his house in order, and desired his
wife and his brother to pray that God would establish him in his
enterprise that he went about. That done, he went upon Christmas day
to the high church of Dornick, where he took the cake out of the
priest's hand, as he would have lifted it over his head at mass, and
stamped it under his feet, saying that he did it to show the glory of
that god, and what little power he hath:  with other words more to the
people, to persuade them that the cake or fragment of bread, was not
Jesus their Saviour. At the sight hereof the people, being struck
with a marvellous damp, stood all amazed. At length such a stir
thereupon followed, that Bertrand could hardly escape with life.

     It was not long but the noise of this was carried to the
bailiff of Hennegow, and governor of the castle of Dornick, who lay
sick the same time of the gout at Biesme; who, like a madman, cried
out, that ever God would or could be so patient, to suffer that
contumely, so to be trodden under the foot by such a miser:  adding,
moreover, that he would revenge his cause in such sort, as it should
be an example for ever to all posterity; and forthwith the furious
tyrant commanded himself to be carried to the castle of Dornick.
Bertrand being brought before him, was asked whether he repented of
his fact, or whether he would so do, if it were to be done again? Who
answered, that if it were a hundred times to be done, he would do it;
and if he had a hundred lives, he would give them in that quarrel.
Then was he thrice put to the pinbank, and tormented most miserably,
to utter his setters-on, which he would never do. Then proceeded they
to the sentence, more like tyrants than Christian men; by the tenor
of which sentence, this was his punishment: 

     First, he was drawn from the castle of Dornick to the market-
place, having a ball of iron put in his mouth. Then he was set upon a
stage, where his right hand, wherewith he took the host, was crushed
and pressed between two hot irons, with sharp iron edges fiery red,
till the form and fashion of his hand was misshapen. In like manner
they brought other like irons for his right foot, made fire-hot,
whereunto of his own accord he put his foot, to suffer as his hand
had done before, with marvellous constancy and firmness of mind. That
done, they took the ball of iron out of his mouth, and cut off his
tongue, who, notwithstanding, with continual crying, ceased not to
call upon God; whereby the hearts of the people were greatly moved: 
whereupon the tormentors thrust the iron ball into his mouth again.
From thence they brought him down to the lower stage, he going to the
same no less cheerfully and quietly, than if no part of his body had
been hurt. There his legs and his hands were bound behind him with an
iron chain going about his body, and so he was let down flat upon the
fire; whom the aforesaid governor, there standing by and looking on,
caused to be let up again, and so down and up again, till at last the
whole body was spent to ashes, which he commanded to be cast into the
river. When this was done, the chapel where this mass-god was so
treated was locked up, and the board whereupon the priest stood was
burnt; the marble stone whereupon the host did light, was broken in
pieces. And, finally, forasmuch as the said Bertrand had received his
doctrine at Wesel, commandment was there given, that no person out of
that country should go to Wesel, or there occupy, under incurring the
danger of the emperor's placard.

Two hundred ministers of Bohemia, A.D. 1555.

     The same year two hundred ministers and preachers of the gospel
were banished out of Bohemia, for preaching against the superstition
of the bishop of Rome, and extolling the glory of Christ.

The preachers of Locrane.

     Locrane is a place between the Alps, yet subject to the
Helvetians. When these also had received the gospel, and the five
pages of the Helvetians, above-mentioned, were not well-pleased
therewith, but would have them punished, and great contention was
among the Helvetians about the same, it was concluded at length, that
the ministers should be exiled; whom the Tigurines did receive.
Francis Warlut, and Alexander Dayken, martyred at Dornick, A.D. 1562.

Persecutor:  The earl of Lalaine.
Gillot Viver, James Faber his father-in-law, Michael Faber, son of
James; also Anna, wife of Gillot, and daughter of James Faber,
martyred at Valence.

     These, in the cause of the gospel, suffered at Valence.

     James Faber, being an old man, said, that although he could not
answer or satisfy them in reasoning, yet he would constantly abide in
the truth of the gospel.

     Anna his daughter, being with child, was respited. After she
was delivered, she followed her husband and father in the like
martyrdom!

Michella Caignoucle, martyred at Valence, A.D. 1550.

Godfride Hamelle, martyred at Dornick, A.D. 1552.

     Besides these Germans above specified, a great number there
was, both in the higher and lower countries of Germany, which were
secretly drowned, or buried, or otherwise in prison made away; whose
names, although they be not known to us, yet they are registered in
the book of life. Furthermore, in the Dutch book of Adrian, divers
other be numbered in the catalogue of these German martyrs, which
likewise suffered in divers places of the lower country. The names of
certain whereof be these.

     At Bergis, or Berg, in Hennegow, were burnt, A.D. 1555, John
Malo, Damian Witrock, Weldrew Calier; buried quick, John Porceau. At
Aste suffered also one Julian, A.D. 1541, and Adrian Lopphen, A.D.
1555:  at Brussels, A.D. 1559, one Bawdwine beheaded:  another called
Gilleken Tielman burnt, A.D. 1551.

     Add moreover to the same catalogue of Dutch martyrs, burnt and
consumed in the lower countries under the emperor's dominion, the
names of these following. W. Swolle, burnt at Mechelen, A.D. 1529;
Nicholas Paul, beheaded at Gaunt; Robert Orgvier, and Joan his wife,
with. Baudicon and Martin Orgvier, their children, who suffered at
Lisle, A.D. 1556; M. Nicholas, burnt at Mons; John Fosseau at Mons;
Cornelius Volcart at Bruges, A.D. 1553; Hubert the printer, and
Philip Joyner, at Bruges, A.D. 1553; a woman buried with thorns under
her; Peter le Roux at Bruges, A.D. 1552. At Mechlen suffered Francis
and Nicholas Thiis, two brethren, A.D. 1555. At Antwerp were burnt
Adrian a painter, and Henry a tailor, A.D. 1555; also Cornelius
Halewine, locksmith, and Herman Janson, the same year. Master John
Champ, schoolmaster, A.D. 1557; with a number of other besides, who
in the said book are to be seen and read.

     A.D. 1525, we read also in the French history, of a certain
monk, who, because he forsook his abominable order, and was married,
was burned at Prague.

     A preacher poisoned at Erfurt, by the priests of that place.



157. MARTYRS IN FRANCE – I.

     And here ceasing with these persecutions in Germany, we will
now, Christ willing, proceed further to the French martyrs,
comprehending in a like table the names and causes of such as in that
kingdom suffered for the word of God, and cause of righteousness, as
in this brief summary consequently hereunder ensueth.

Another table, of those who suffered in France, for the like witness
of the gospel.

The French martyrs.

James Pavane, schoolmaster, at Paris, A.D. 1525.
Persecuted by Dr. Martial of Paris.

     This James, first being taken by the bishop of Melden, or
Meaux, was compelled to recant by Dr. Martial. Afterwards returning
again to his confession, he was burned at Paris, A.D. 1525.

Denis de Rieux, at Melden, or Meaux, A.D. 1528.

     This Denis was one of them who were first burned at Melden, for
saying, that the mass is a plain denial of the death and passion of
Christ. He was always wont to have in his mouth the words of Christ;
He that denieth me before men, him will I deny before my Father; and
to muse upon the same earnestly. He was burnt with a slow fire, and
did abide much torment.

Johannes Cadurcus, bachelor of the civil law, A.D. 1533.

     This John, first for making a sermon or exhortation to his
countrymen of Limosin, in France, upon Allhallow's-day, and
afterwards, sitting at a feast where it was propounded that every one
should bring forth some sentence; for that he brought forth this,
Christ reign in our hearts; and did prosecute the same by the
Scriptures in much length of words; was thereupon accused, taken, and
degraded, and after burned. At his degradation, one of the Black
Friars of Paris preached, taking for his theme the words of St. Paul,
1 Tim. iv., The Spirit speaketh, that in the latter days, men shall
depart from the faith, giving heed to lying spirits and doctrine of
error, &c.; and in handling that place, either he could not or would
not proceed further in the text, Cadurcus cried out to him to
proceed, and read further. The friar stood dumb, and.could not speak
a word. Then Cadurcus, taking the text, did prosecute the same as
followeth:  Teaching false doctrine in hypocrisy, having their
conscience marked with a hot iron, forbidding to marry, and to eat
meats, created of God to be eaten with thanksgiving, &c.

Bartholomew Myler, a lame cripple; John Burges, merchant, the
receiver of Nantz; Henry Poille of Couberon; Cantella, a
schoolmistress; and Steven de la Forge, merchant, A.D. 1533.
Persecuted by the promoters of Paris.

     These five here specified, for certain bills cast abroad and
set up, sounding against the abomination of the mass, and other
superstitious absurdities of the pope, were, condemned and burned in 
the city of Paris. Henry of Couberon had his tongue bored through,
and with an iron wire tied fast to one of his cheeks; who likewise
with the others was burned as is aforesaid.

Alexander Canus, priest; otherwise called Laurence Cruces, at Paris, 
A.D. 1534.

     For the sincere doctrine and confession of Christ's true
religion, he was burned at Paris, having but a small fire, and did
abide much torment.

John Pointer, a surgeon, at Paris, A.D. 1533. Persecuted by the Grey
Friars in Paris, and by Dr. Clerke, a Sorbonist.

Peter Gaudet, knight sometime of Rhodes, A.D. 1533. Persecuted by a
certain knight of Rhodes, uncle to this Peter.

Quoquillard, martyr, A.D. 1534.

     At Bezancon, in the country of Burgundy, this Quoquillard was
burned for the confession and testimony of Christ's gospel.

Nicholas, a scrivener, John de Poix, and Stephen Burlet, martyrs,
A.D. 1534.

Mary Becandella, at Fontaine, A.D. 1534. Persecuted by a Grey Friar
in the city of Rochelle.

     This Mary, being virtuously instructed of her master, where she
lived; and being afterwards at a sermon where a friar preached, after
the sermon found fault with his doctrine, and refuted the same by the
Scriptures; whereat he disdaining, procured her to be burned at
Fontaine.

John Cornon, a martyr, A.D. 1535.

Martin Gonin, in Dauphine, A.D. 1536. Persecuted by George Borel, a
tailor; by the procurator of the city of Grenoble in France, and by
the inquisitor.

     This Martin, being taken for a spy, in the borders of France
towards the Alps, was committed to prison. In his going out, his
jailer espied about him letters of Farellus, and of Peter Viret: 
wherefore, being examined by the king's procurator, and by the
inquisitor, touching his faith, after he had rendered a sufficient
reason thereof, he was cast into the river and drowned.

Claudius Painter, a goldsmith, martyr, at Paris, 1540. Persecuted by
his kinsfolks and friends, and by Morinus, an officer.

     Claudius, going about to convert his friends and kinsfolks to
his doctrine, was by them committed to Morinus, a chief captain, who
condemned him to be burned:  but the high parliament of Paris,
correcting that sentence, added moreover, that he should have his
tongue cut out before, and so be burned.

Stephen Brune, a husbandman, at Rutiers, A.D. 1540. Persecuted by
Gasper Augerius, the bishop's renter; and by Domicellus, Franciscan
and inquisitor.

     Stephen Brune, after his confession given of his faith, was
adjudged to be burned; which punishment he took so constantly, that
it was to them a wonder. His adversaries commanded after his death to
be cried, that none should make any more mention of him, under pain
of heresy.

     Pantaleon addeth moreover, that at the place of his burning,
called Planuoll, the wind rose and blew the fire so from him, as he
stood exhorting the people, that he there continued the space of an
hour, in a manner not harmed, or scarcely touched with any flame; so
that, all the wood being wasted away, they were compelled to begin
the fire again with new faggots, and vessels of oil, and such other
matter; and yet neither could he with all this be burned, but stood
safe. Then the hangman took a staff, and let drive at his head:  to
whom the holy martyr, being yet alive, said, "When I am judged to the
fire, do ye beat me with staves like a dog?" With that the hangman
with his pike thrust him through the belly and the entrails, and so
threw him down into the fire, and burned his body to ashes, throwing
away his ashes afterward with the wind.

Constantinus, a citizen of Rouen, martyred with three others, A.D.
1542.

     These four, for defence of the gospel being condemned to be
burned, were put in a dung-cart; who, thereat rejoicing, said, that
they were reputed here as excrements of this world, but yet their
death was a sweet odour unto God.

John du Becke, priest, martyred, A.D. 1543.

Aymond de Lavoy, at Bourdeaux, A.D. 1543, persecuted by the parish
priest of the town of St. Faith in Anjou, and by other priests of the
same country; also by Master Riveracus and his servant.

     This Aymond preached the gospel at St. Faith's in Anjou, where
he was accused by the parish priest there, and by other priests more,
to have taught false doctrine, to the great decay of their gains.
Whereupon, when the magistrates of Bourdeaux had given commandment,
and had sent out their apparitor to apprehend him, he, having
intelligence thereof, was willed by his friends to fly and shift for
himself; but he would not, saying, that he had rather never have been
born, than so to do. It was the office of a good shepherd (he said)
not to fly in time of peril, but rather to abide the danger, lest the
flock be scattered:  or else lest peradventure, in so doing, he should
leave some scruple upon their minds, thus to think, that he had fed
them with dreams and fables, contrary to the word of God. Wherefore,
beseeching them to move him no more therein, he told them, that he
feared not to yield up both body and soul in the quarrel of that
truth which he had taught; saying, with St. Paul, that he was ready
not only to be bound for the testimony of Christ, in the city of
Bourdeaux, but also to die, Acts xxvi.

     To contract the long story hereof to a brief narration, the
sumner came, and was in the city three days, during which time Aymond
preached three sermons. The people, in defence of their preacher,
flew upon the sumner, to deliver him out of his hands; but Aymond
desired them not to stop his martyrdom:  seeing it was the will of God
that he should suffer for him, he would not (he said) resist. Then
the consuls suffered the sumner, and so Aymond was carried to
Bourdeaux, where many witnesses, the most part being priests, came in
against him, with M. Riverack also, and his servant; which Riverack
had said oftentime before, that it should cost him a thousand crowns,
but he would burn him. Many exceptions he made against his false
witnesses, but that would not be taken. All their accusation was only
for denying purgatory.

     About nine months he remained in prison with great misery,
bewailing exceedingly his former life, albeit there was no man that
could charge him outwardly with any crime. Then came down letters, 
whereupon the judges began to proceed to his condemnation, and he had
greater fetters put upon him; which he took for a token of his death
shortly to follow. After that, he was examined with torments. One of
the head presidents came to him, and shaking him by the beard, bade
him tell what fellows he had of his religion. To whom he answered,
saying, that he had no other fellows but such as knew and did the
will of God his Father, whether they were nobles, merchants, or
husbandmen, or of what degree soever they were. In these torments he
endured two or three hours, being but of a weak body, with these
words comforting himself:  "This body," said he, "once must die, but
the spirit shall live:  the kingdom of God abideth for ever." In the
time of his tormenting, he swooned. Afterwards, coming to himself
again, he said, "O Lord! Lord! why hast thou forsaken me?" To whom
the president, "Nay, wicked Lutheran," said he, "thou hast forsaken
God." Then said Aymond, "Alas, good masters! why do you thus
miserably torment me? O Lord! I beseech thee, forgive them; they know
not what they do." "See," said the president, "this caitiff, how he
prayeth for us." Nevertheless so constant was he in his pains, that
they could not force him to utter one man's name:  saying unto them,
that he thought to have found more mercy with men; wherefore he
prayed God that he might find mercy with him.

     On the next Saturday following, sentence of condemnation was
given against him. Then certain friars were appointed to hear his
confession, whom he refused, choosing to him one of his own order,
the parish priest of St. Christopher's, bidding the friars depart
from him, for he would confess his sins to the Lord. "Do you not
see," said he, "how I am troubled enough with men; will ye yet
trouble me more? Others have had my body, will ye also take from me
my soul? Away from me, I pray you!" At last, when he could not be
suffered to have the parish priest, he then took a certain Carmelite,
bidding the rest to depart; with whom he, having long talk, at last
did convert him to the truth. Shortly after that came unto him the
judges, Cassegnes and Longa, with other counsellors more; unto whom
the said Aymond began to preach and declare his mind touching the
Lord's supper. But Longa, interrupting him, demanded of him thus: 

     A judge. "First declare unto us your mind, what you think of
purgatory?"

     The martyr. "In Scripture all these are one:  to purge, to
cleanse, and to wash:  whereof we read in Isaiah, in the Epistles of
St. Paul, Heb. ix., and St. Peter, 1 Pet. i.; He hath washed you in
his blood. Ye are redeemed, not with gold, but with the blood of
Christ, &c. And how often do we read, in the Epistles of St. Paul,
that we are cleansed by the blood of Christ from our sins," &c.

     Judge. "These epistles are known to every child."

     The martyr. "To every child? Nay, I fear you have scarcely read
them yourself."

     A friar. "Master Aymond, with one word you may satisfy them, if
you will say that there is a place where the souls are purged after
this life."

     The martyr. "That I leave for you to say, if you please. What!
would ye have me damn mine own soul, and to say that which I know
not?"

     Judge. "Dost not thou think, that when thou art dead, thou
shalt go to purgatory? and he that dieth in venial sin, that he shall
pass straight into paradise?"

     The martyr. "Such trust I have in my God, that the same day
when I shall die, I shall enter into paradise."

     Another judge. "Where is paradise?"

     The martyr. "There, where the majesty and glory of God is."

     Judge. "The canons do make mention of purgatory; and you, in
your sermons, have used always much to pray for the poor."

     The martyr. "I have preached the word of God, and not the
canons."

     Judge. "Dost thou believe in the church?"

     The martyr. "I believe, as the church regenerated by the blood
of Christ, and founded in his word, hath appointed."

     Judge. "What church is that?"

     The martyr. "The church is a Greek word, signifying as much as
a congregation or assembly:  and so I say, that whensoever the
faithful do congregate together, to the honour of God, and the
amplifying of Christian religion, the Holy Ghost is verily with
them."

     Judge. "By this it should follow, that there be many churches;
and where any rustical clowns do assemble together, there must be a
church."

     The martyr. "It is no absurd thing to say that there be many
churches or congregations amongst the Christians:  and so speaketh St.
Paul, To all the churches which are in Galatia, &c. And yet all these
congregations make but one church."

     Judge. "The church wherein thou believest, is it not the same
church which our creed doth call the holy church?"

     The martyr. "I believe the same."

     Judge. "And who should be the head of that church?"

     The martyr. "Jesus Christ."

     Judge. "And not the pope?"

     The martyr. "No."

     Judge. "And what is he then?"

     The martyr. "A minister, if he be a good man, as other bishops
be of whom St. Paul thus writeth, 1 Cor. iv., Let a man so esteem of
us, as ministers and dispensers of the secrets of God," &c.

     Judge. "What then, dost thou not believe the pope?"

     The martyr. "I know not what he is."

     Judge. "Dost thou not believe that he is the successor of
Peter?"

     The martyr. "If he be like to Peter, and be grounded with Peter
upon the true rock of Christ Jesus, so I believe his works and
ordinances to be good."

     Then the judges, leaving him with the friars, departed from
him, counting him as a damned creature. Notwithstanding, Aymond,
putting his trust in God, was full of comfort, saying with St. Paul,
Who shall separate me from the love of God? shall the sword, hunger,
or nakedness? No, nothing shall pluck me from him:  but rather have I
pity of you, said he, and so they departed. Not long after he was
brought to the place of execution, singing by the way Psalm cxiv., In
exitu Israel de Ĉgypto, &c.; and as he passed by the place where he
before had been imprisoned, he called to his prison-fellows,
exhorting them to put their confidence in the Lord, and told them
that he had spoken for them, and declared their miseries unto the
president. He thanked moreover the keeper, and desired him to be good
to his poor prisoners. And so, taking his leave of them, and desiring
them to pray for him; also giving thanks to the mistress-keeper for
her gentleness showed to him, he proceeded forward toward his
execution. As he came against the church of St. Andrew, they willed
him to ask mercy of God, and of blessed St. Mary, and of St. Justice.
"I ask mercy," said he, "of God and his justice, but the Virgin,
blessed St. Mary, I never offended, nor did that thing for which I
should ask her mercy." From thence he passed forward to the church of
St. Legia, preaching still as he went. Then spake one of the soldiers
to the driver or carter, willing him to drive apace, "for here is
preaching," said he, "enough." To whom said Aymond, "He that is of
God, heareth the words of God," &c. In passing by a certain image of
our Lady, great offence was taken against him, because he always
called upon Christ Jesus only, and made no mention of her:  whereupon
he lifted up his voice to God, praying that he would never suffer him
to invocate any other, saving him alone. Coming to the place where he
should suffer, he was tumbled out of the cart upon the ground,
testifying to the magistrates and to the people standing by, that he
died for the gospel of Jesus Christ, and for his word. More he would
have spoken, but he could not be suffered, by the tumultuous vexing
of the officers, crying, "Despatch him, despatch him, let him not
speak." Then he, speaking a few words softly in the ear of a little
Carmelite whom he had converted, was bid to step up to the stage;
where the people beginning to give a little audience, thus he said,
"O Lord, make haste to help me! tarry not! do not despise the work of
thy hands! And you, my brethren! that be students and scholars, I
exhort you to study and learn the gospel:  for the word of God abideth
for ever. Labour to know the will of God; and fear not them that kill
the body, but have no power upon your souls." And after that, "My
flesh," said he, "repugneth marvellously against the Spirit; but
shortly I shall cast it away. My good masters! I beseech ye pray for
me. O Lord my God! into thy hands I commend my soul." As he was oft
repeating the same, the hangman took and haled him upon the steps in
such sort, that he strangled him. And thus that blessed saint gave up
his life; whose body afterward was with fire consumed.

Francis Bribard, martyred A.D. 1544.

     Francis Bribard was said to be the secretary of the cardinal of
Ballaie; who being also for the gospel condemned, after his tongue
was cut off, did with like constancy sustain the sharpness of
burning.

William Husson, an apothecary at Rouen, was persecuted by the high
court of Rouen, by a widow, keeping a victualling-house in the
suburbs of Rouen, and by a Carmelite Friar, A.D. 1544.
Illustration:  Rouen

     William Husson, apothecary, coming from Blois to Rouen, was
lodged with a certain widow in the suburbs of the city, who asking
her, at what time the council or parliament did rise; she said, at
ten o'clock. About which time and hour he went to the palace, and
there scattered certain hooks concerning Christian doctrine, and the
abuse of men's traditions; whereat the council was so moved, that
they commanded all the gates of the city to be locked, and diligent
search to be made in all inns and hostelries, to find out the author.
Then the widow told of the party who was there, and asked of the
rising of the council; and shortly upon the same he took his horse
and rode away. Then were posts set out through all quarters, so that
the said William was taken by the way riding to Dieppe, and brought
again to Rouen; who, being there examined, declared his faith boldly,
and how he came of purpose to disperse those books in Rouen, and went
to do the like at Dieppe.

     The week ensuing he was condemned to be burnt alive. After the
sentence given he was brought in a cart, accompanied with a doctor, a
Carmelite Friar, before the great church, who, putting a torch into
his hand, required him to do homage to the image of our Lady, which
because he refused to do, his tongue was cut out. The friar then
making a sermon, when he spake any thing of the mercies of God, the
said William hearkened to him; but when he spake of the merits of
saints, and other dreams, he turned away his head. The friar looking
upon the countenance of Husson, lift up his hand to heaven, saying
with great exclamation, that he was damned, and was possessed with a
devil. When the friar had ceased his sermon, this godly Husson had
his hands and feet bound behind his back, andwith a pulley was lifted
up into the air; and when the fire was kindled, he was let down into
the flame, where the blessed martyr with a smiling and cheerful
countenance looked up to heaven, never moving nor stirring till he
let down his head, and gave up his spirit. All the people there
present were not a little astonied thereat, and were in divers
opinions; some saying that he had a devil, others maintained the
contrary, saying, If he had a devil, he should have fallen into
despair.

     This Carmelite Friar aboveb said, was called Delanda, who
afterwards was converted, and preached the gospel.

James Cobard, a schoolmaster, and many others taken at the same time,
A.D. 1545. Their persecutors were three popish priests, and the duke
of Lorraine.

     This James, schoolmaster, in the city of St. Michael in the
dukedom of Barens in Lorraine, disputed, with three priests, that the
sacrament of baptism and of the supper did not avail, unless they
were received with faith:  which was as much as to say, as that the
mass did profit neither the quick nor dead. For the which, and also
for his confession, which he, being in prison, sent of his own accord
by his mother unto the judge, he was burned, and most quietly
suffered.

Peter Clerk, brother to John Clerk, burnt before.
Fourteen blessed martyrs burnt at Meaux, A.D. 1546. Their persecutors
were the Franciscan Friars, the doctors of Sorbon, and others.

Stephen Mangine, James Bouchbeck, John Brisebar, Henry Hutinote,
Thomas Honorate, John Boudovine, John Flesch, Peter and John
Picquere, John Mathestone, Philip Little, Michael Caillow, Francis
Clerk, and Couberon, a weaver.

     These fourteen dwelt at Meaux, a city in France, ten miles from
Paris, where William Briconete, being bishop there, did much good,
brought to them the light of the gospel, and reformed the church. Who
straitly being examined for the same, relented; but yet these with
many others remained constant, who, after the burning of James Pavane
before-mentioned, and seeing superstition to grow more and more,
began to congregate in Mangine's house, and to set up a church to
themselves, after the example of the French church in Strasburg. For
their minister they chose Peter Clerk. First they, beginning with
twenty or thirty, did grow in short time to three or four hundred: 
whereupon the matter being known to the senate of Paris, the chamber
was beset where they were, and they taken; of whom sixty-two men and
women were bound and brought to Paris, singing psalms; especially the
seventy-ninth Psalm. To these it was chiefly objected, that they,
being laymen, would minister the sacrament of the body and blood of
the Lord. Of these sixty-two, fourteen chiefly did stand fast, which
were condemned, and racked to confess more of their fellows:  but they
uttered none. The rest were scourged and banished the country. These
fourteen were sent to sundry monasteries to be converted; but that
would not be. Then they, being sent in a cart to Meaux to be burned,
by the way, three miles from Paris, a certain weaver called Couberon
by chance meeting them, cried to them aloud, bidding them to be of
good cheer, and to cleave fast unto the Lord; who also was taken, and
bound with them in the cart. Coming to the place of execution, which
was before Mangine's house, it was told them, that they which would
be confessed should not have their tongues cut out; the others
should:  of whom seven there were, who, to save their tongues,
confessed; the other seven would not. Of the first was Stephen
Mangine, who, having his tongue first cut, notwithstanding spake so
that he might be understood, saying thrice, "The Lord's name be
blessed!" As they were burning, the people sung psalms. The priests
seeing that, would also sing their songs:  O salutaris hostia, and
Salve Regina, till the sacrifice of these holy martyrs was finished.
Theirwives being compelled to see their husbands in torments, were
afterwards put in prison; from whence they being promised to he let
go, if they would say that their husbands were damned, they refused
so to say.

     Peter Chapot, at Paris, A.D. 1546, apprehended by John Andre,
bookseller, promoter; and examined by three Sorbonist doctors, M.
Nicholas Clerici, doctor of divinity, John Picard, and Nicholas
Maillard.

     Peter Chapot first was a corrector to a printer in Paris. After
he had been at Geneva, to do good to the church of Christ, like a
good man he came with books of Holy Scripture into France, and
dispersed them abroad unto the faithful. Which great zeal of his
caused him to be apprehended by John Andre, which was the common
promoter to Liset the president, and to the Sorbonists.

     This good Chapot being taken and brought before the
commissaries, rendered promptly an account of his faith; unto whom he
exhibited a supplication, or writing, wherein he learnedly informed
the judges to do their office uprightly. Then were three doctors of
Sorbon assigned, Nicholas. Clerici, John Picard, and Nicholas
Maillard, to dispute with him; who when they could find no advantage,
but rather shame at his hands, they waxed angry with the judges for
letting them dispute with heretics.

     This done, the judges consulting together upon his
condemnation, could not agree; so that Chapot, as it seemed, might
have escaped, had not a wicked person, the reporter of the process,
sought and wrought his condemnation; which condemnation was at length
concluded thus:  that he should be burned quick, only the cutting off
of his tongue was pardoned. The doctor appointed to be at his
execution was Maillard, with whom he was greatly encumbered; for this
friar called upon him still not to speak to the people; but he
desired him that he might pray. Then he bade him pray to our Lady,
and confess her to be his advocate. He confessed that she was a
blessed virgin, and recited the Lord's prayer and the creed, and was
about to speak of the mass, but Maillard would not let him, making
haste to his execution, and said, unless he would say Ave Maria, he
should be burnt quick. Then Chapot prayed, "O Jesus, Son of David!
have mercy upon me." Maillard then bade him say, "Jesus Maria!" and
so he should be strangled. Chapot again excused, that he was so weak
that he could not speak. "Say," said Maillard, "Jesus Maria! or else
thou shalt be burned quick." As Chapot was thus striving with the
friar, suddenly, as it happened, Jesus Maria! escaped out of his
mouth, but he, by and by, repressing himself, "O God!" said he, "what
have I done? pardon me, O Lord! to thee only have I sinned." Then
Maillard commanded the cord to be plucked about his neck to strangle
him; notwithstanding yet he felt something the fire. After all things
done, Mallard, all full of anger, went to the council house, called
La Chambre Ardente, declaring what an uproar there had almost
happened amongst the people; saying that he would complain upon the
judges for suffering those heretics to have their tongues. Whereupon
immediately a decree was made, that all who were to be burned, unless
they recanted at the fire, should have their tongues cut off. Which
law diligently afterwards was observed.

Saintinus Nivet, at Paris, A.D. 1546. Persecuted by M. Peter Liset,
president of the council of Paris.

     After the burning of those fourteen, whose names are described
before, this Saintinus (who was a lame cripple) with his wife removed
out of Meaux to Montbelliard, where when he had continued a while in
safe liberty of religion, and saw himself there to do no good, but to
be a burden to the church, cast in his mind to return home to Meaux
again, and so did. Where at last, as he was selling certain small
wares in the fair, he was there known and apprehended:  whereof when
information was given, he, being examined, at once confessed all, and
more than they were willing to hear. In the time of this inquisition,
as they were examining him of certain points of religion, and asked
him whether he would stand to what he said, or not? he gave this
answer, worthy to be registered in all men's hearts, saying, "And I
ask you again, lord judges! dare you be so bold as to deny, what is
so plain and manifest by the open words of the Scripture?" So little
regard had he to save his own life, that he desired the judges both
at Meaux, and at Paris, for God's sake, that they would rather take
care of their own lives and souls, and to consider how much innocent
blood they spilled daily, in fighting against Christ Jesus and his
gospel.

     At last, being brought to Paris, through the means of M. Peter
Liset, a great persecutor, for that they of Meaux should take by him
no encouragement, there he was detained, and suffered his martyrdom;
where no kind of cruelty was lacking, which the innocent martyrs of
Christ Jesus were wont to be put unto.

Stephen Polliot, martyred at Paris, A.D. 1546.

     Stephen Polliot, coming out of Normandy (where he was born)
unto Meaux, tarried not there long, but was compelled to fly, and
went to a town called La Fere, where he was apprehended and brought
to Paris, and there cast into a foul and dark prison, in which he was
kept in bands and fetters a long space, where he saw almost no light.
At length, being called for before the senate, and his sentence given
to have his tongue cut out, and to be burned alive, his satchel of
books hanging about his neck:  "O Lord," said he, "is the world in
blindness and darkness still?" for he thought, being in prison so
long, that the world had been altered from its old darkness to better
knowledge. At last the worthy martyr of Jesus Christ, having his
books about his neck, was put into the fire, where he, with much
patience, ended this transitory life.

John English. A.D. 1547.

     He was executed and burned at Sens in Burgundy, being condemned
by the high court of Paris for confessing the true word of God.

Michael Michelote, a tailor. A.D. 1547.

     This tailor, being apprehended for the gospel's sake, was
judged first, if he would turn, to be beheaded; and if he would not
turn, then to be burned alive. Who being asked, whether of these two
he would choose? he answered, that he trusted that He who had given
him grace not to deny the truth, would also give him patience to
abide the fire. He was burned at Warden by Tournay.

Leonard de Prato. A.D. 1547.

     This Leonard, going from Dijon to Bar, a town in Burgundy, with
two false brethren, and talking with them about religion, was
betrayed of them, and afterwards burned.

Seven martyrs burned at Langres:  John Taffington, and Joan his wife;
Simon Mareschal, and Joan his wife; William Michaut; James Boulerau;
James Bretany. A.D. 1547.

     All these seven, being of the city of Langres, for the word and
truth of Jesus Christ were committed to the fire, wherein they died
with much strength and comfort but especially Joan, which was Simon's
wife, being reserved to the last place, because she was the youngest,
confirmed her husband and all the others with words of singular
consolation; declaring to her husband, that they should the same day
be married to the Lord Jesus, to live with him for ever.

Four martyrs burned at Paris:  Michael Mareschal, John Camus, Great
John Camus, and John Serarphin. A.D. 1547.

     These also, the same year, and about the same time, for the
like confession of Christ's gospel were condemned by the senate of
Paris, and in the same city also with the like cruelty were burned.

Octovian Blondel, a merchant of precious stones at Paris, A.D. 1548,
betrayed by his host, at Lyons; and by Gabriel of Saconnex,
presenteur.

     This Octovian, as he was a great occupier in all fairs and
countries of France, and well known both in court and elsewhere, so
was he a singular honest man of great integrity, and also a favourer
of God's word; who, being at his host's house at Lyons, rebuked the
filthy talk, and superstitious behaviour, which there he heard and
saw. Wherefore the host, bearing to him a grudge, chanced to have
certain talk with Gabriel of Saconnex, presenteur, concerning the
riches, and a sumptuous collar set with rich jewels, of this
Octovian.

     Thus these two, consulting together, did suborn a certain
person to borrow of him a certain sum of crowns, which because
Octovian refused to lend, the other caused him to be apprehended for
heresy, thinking thereby to make attachment of his goods:  but such
order was taken by Blondel's friends, that they were frustrated of
their purpose. Then Blondel, being examined of his faith, gave a
plain and full confession of that doctrine, which he had learned; for
the which he was committed to prison, where he did much good to the
prisoners there. For some that were in debt, he paid their creditors
and loosed them out. To some he gave meat, to others, raiment. At
length, through the importune persuasions of his parents and friends,
he gave over and changed his confession. Notwithstanding the
presenteur, not leaving him so, appealed him up to the high court of
Paris. There Octovian being asked again touching his faith, which of
his two confessions he would stick to, he, being before admonished of
his fall, and of the offence given thereby to the faithful, said he
would live and die in his first confession, which he defended to be
consonant to the verity of God's word. Which done, he was condemned
to be burned, and so haste was made to his execution, lest his
friends in the court might come between, and save his life.

Hubert Cheriet, alias Burre, a young man, a tailor, at Dijon, A.D.
1549.

     Hubert, being a young man of the age of nineteen years, was
burned for the gospel at Dijon; who, neither by any terrors of death, 
nor allurements of his parents, could be otherwise persuaded, but
constantly to remain in the truth unto death.

Master Florent Venote, priest, martyred at Paris, A.D. 1549.
Persecuted by Peter Liset, president of the council of Paris, and
other Sorbonists.

     This Florent remained in prison in Paris four years and nine
hours. During which time there was no torment which he did not abide
and overcome. Among all other kinds of torments, he was put in a
narrow prison or break, so strait, that he could neither stand nor
lie, which they call the hose or boot, ad Nectar Hippocratis; because
it is strait beneath, and wider above, like to the instrument
wherewith apothecaries are wont to make their hypocras. In this he
remained seven weeks, where, the tormentors affirm, that no thief or
murderer could ever endure fifteen days, but was in danger of life or
madness.

     At last, when there was a great show in Paris at the king's
coming into the city, and divers other martyrs in sundry places of
the city were put to death, he, having his tongue cut off, was
brought to see the execution of them all; and last of all, in the
Place of Maulbert, was put into the fire, and burned, the 9th of July
at afternoon.

Ann Audebert, an apothecary's wife and widow, martyred at Orleans,
A.D. 1549.

     She, going to Geneva, was taken and brought to Paris, and by
the council there adjudged to be burned at Orleans. When the rope was
put about her, she called it her wedding-girdle wherewith she should
be married to Christ; and as she should be burned upon a Saturday,
upon Michaelmas-even; "Upon a Saturday," said she, "I was first
married, and upon a Saturday I shall be married again." And seeing
the dung-cart brought, wherein she should be carried, she rejoiced
thereat, showing such constancy in her martyrdom as made all the
beholders to marvel.

A poor godly tailor of Paris, dwelling in the street of St. Anthony
at Paris, A.D. 1549. Persecuted by Henry the Second, the French king;
apprehended by an officer of the king's house; examined by Peter
Castellane, bishop of Macon.

     Amongst many other godly martyrs that suffered in France, the
story of this poor tailor is not the least nor worst to be
remembered. His name is not yet sought out in the French stories for
lack of diligence in those writers; more is the pity. The story is
this:  Not long after the coronation of Henry the Second, the French
king, at whose coming into Paris divers good martyrs were there
brought out, and burned for a spectacle, as is abovesaid, a certain
poor tailor, who then dwelt not far from the king's palace, in the
street bearing the name of St. Anthony, was apprehended by a certain
officer in the king's house, for that upon a certain holy day he
followed his occupation, and did work for his living. Before he was
had to prison, the officer asked him, why he did labour and work,
giving no observation to the holy day?

     To whom he answered, that he was a poor man, living only upon
his labour; and as for the day, he knew no other but only the Sunday,
wherein he might not lawfully work for the necessity of his living.
Then the officer began to ask of him many questions; whereunto the
poor tailor did so answer, that eftsoons he was clapped in prison.
After that, the officer, coming into the court to show what good
service he had done for the holy church, declared to certain estates,
how he had taken a Lutheran working upon a holy day; showing that he
had such answers of him, that he commanded him to prison. When the
rumour hereof was noised in the king's chamber, through the motion of
those who were about the king, the poor man was sent for to appear,
that the king might have the hearing of him.

     Hereupon the king's chamber being voided, save only a few of
the chiefest peers remaining about the king, the simple tailor was
brought. The king, sitting in his chair, commanded Peter Castellane,
bishop of Macon, (a man very fit for such inquisitions,) to question
with him. The tailor, being entered, and nothing appalled at the
king's majesty, after his reverence done unto the prince, gave thanks
to God, that he had so greatly dignified him being such a wretch, as
to bring him where he might testify his truth before such a mighty
prince. Then Castellane, entering talk, began to reason with him
touching the greatest and chiefest matter of religion; whereunto the
tailor without fear, or any halting in his speech, with present
audacity, wit, and memory, so answered for the sincere doctrine and
simple truth of God's gospel, as was both convenient to the purpose,
and also to his questions aptly and fitly correspondent.

     Notwithstanding, the nobles there present, with cruel taunts
and rebukes, did what they could to dash him out of countenance. Yet
all this terrified not him, but with boldness of heart, and free
liberty of speech, he defended his cause, or rather the cause of
Christ the Lord, neither flattering with their persons, nor fearing
their threats; which was to them all a singular admiration, to behold
that simple poor artificer to stand so firm and bold, answering
before a king, to those questions propounded against him. Whereat
when the king seemed to muse with himself, as one somewhat amazed,
and which might soon have been induced, at that present, to further
knowledge, the egregious bishop and other courtiers, seeing the king
in such a muse, said, he was an obstinate and stubborn person,
confirmed in his own opinion, and therefore was not to be marvelled
at, but to be sent to the judges, and to be punished. And therefore,
lest he should trouble the ears of the said Henry the king, he was
commanded again to the hands of the officer, that his cause might be
informed:  and so, within few days after, he was condemned, by the
high steward of the king's house, to be burned alive. And lest any
deep consideration of that excellent fortitude of the poor man might
further, peradventure, pierce the king's mind, the cardinals and
bishops were ever in the king's ear, telling him, that these
Lutherans were nothing else but such as carry vain smoke in their
mouths, which being put to the fire, would soon vanish. Wherefore the
king was appointed himself to be present at his execution, which was
sharp and cruel, before the church of Mary the Virgin; where it
pleased God to give such strength and courage to his servant, in
suffering his martyrdom, that the beholding thereof did more astonish
the king than all the other did before.

Claudius Thierry, at Orleans, A.D. 1549.

     The same year, and for the same doctrine of the gospel, one
Claudius also was burned at the said town of Orleans, being
apprehended by the way coming from Geneva to his country.

Leonard Galimard, at Paris, A.D. 1549.

     This Leonard, for the confession likewise of Christ and his
gospel, was taken and brought to Paris, and there, by the sentence of
the council, was judged to be burnt the same time that Florent
Venote, above-mentioned, did suffer at Paris.

Macĉus Moreou, martyred at Troyes, A.D. 1549.

     He was burned at Troyes in Champagne, (a town in France,)
remaining constant to the end in the gospel, for the which he was
apprehended.

Johan Godeau, and Gabriel Berandine, A.D. 1550.

     These two were of the church of Geneva. Afterward, for their
friendly admonishing a certain priest, which in his sermon had abused
the name of God, they were taken at Chambery. Godeau standing to his
confession, was burned. Gabriel, though he began a little to shrink
for fear of the torments, yet being confirmed by the constant death
of Godeau, recovered again, and standing likewise to his confession,
first had his tongue cut out; who, notwithstanding, through God's
might, did speak so as he might be understood. Whereupon the hangman,
being accused for not cutting off his tongue rightly, said that he
could not stop him of his speech. And so these two, after they had
confirmed many in God's truth, gave their life for Christ's gospel.

Thomas Sanpaulinus, at Paris, A.D. 1551. His persecutors were John
Andreas, promoter; Peter Liset, president of the council of Paris;
Maillard and others, Sorbonists; also one Aubertus, a councillor.

     This Thomas, a young man of the age of eighteen years, coming
from Geneva to Paris, rebuked there a man for swearing; for the which
cause he, being suspected for a Lutheran, was followed and watched
whither he went, and was taken and brought before the council of
Paris, and put in prison, where he was racked and miserably
tormented; to the intent he should either change his opinion, or
confess other of his profession. His torments and rackings were so
sore, through the setting on of Maillard and other Sorbonists, that
the sight thereof made Aubert, one of the council, a cruel and
vehement enemy against the gospel, to turn his back and weep. The
young man, when he had made the tormentors weary with racking, and
yet would utter none, at last was had to Maulbert Place in Paris to
be burned; where he, being in the fire, was plucked up again upon the
gibbet, and asked whether he would turn? to whom he said, that he was
in his way towards God, and therefore desired them to let him go.
Thus this glorious martyr, remaining inexpugnable, glorified the Lord
with constant confession of his truth.

Maurice Secenate, in Provence, A.D. 1551.

     He, first having interrogations put to him by the lieutenant of
that place, made his answers thereunto, so as no great advantage
could be taken thereof. But he being greatly compuncted and troubled
in his conscience for dissembling with the truth, and called
afterward before the lord chief judge, he answered so directly, that
he was condemned for the same, and burned in Provence.

John Putte, or de Puteo, surnamed Medicus, at Uzez, in Provence, A.D.
1551.
Accused by a citizen of Uzez.

     This Medicus, being a carpenter and unlettered, had a
controversy about a certain pit with a citizen of the town of Uzez,
where he dwelt. He, to cast this Medicus, in the law, from the pit,
accused him of heresy, bringing for his witnesses those labourers
whom Medicus had hired to work in his vineyard; wherefore he, being
examined of the sacrament of the Lord's supper, was condemned and
burned at Uzez, in Provence.

Claudius Monerius, at Lyons, A.D. 1551.
His persecutors were, the governor of Lyons, and the official of the
archdeacon of Lyons.

     This man, being well instructed in the knowledge of God's word,
for the which he was also driven from Avernia, came to Lyons, and
there taught children. Hearing of the lord president's coming to the
city, went to give warning to a certain familiar friend of his, and
so conducted him out of the town. In returning again to comfort the
man's wife and children, he was taken in his house; and so he,
confessing that which he knew to be true, and standing to that which
he confessed, after much affliction in prisons and dungeons, was
condemned and burned at Lyons. He was noted to be so gentle and mild
of conditions, and constant withal, and also learned, that certain of
the judges could not forbear weeping at his death.

     The said Monerius, being in prison, wrote certain letters, but
one especially very comfortable to all the faithful, which, the Lord
willing, in the end of these histories shall be inserted. He wrote
also the questions and interrogatories of the official, with his
answers likewise to the same; which summarily we have contracted, as
followeth

     The official. "What believe you of the sacrament? is the body
of Christ in the bread, or no?" The martyr. "I worship Jesus Christ
in heaven, sitting at the right hand of God the Father." Official.
"What say you by purgatory?"

     The martyr. "Forasmuch as there is no place of mercy after this
life, therefore no need there is of any purgation; but necessary it
is that we be purged before we pass hence."

     Official. "Of the pope what think you?"

     The martyr. "I say he is a bishop as other bishops are, if he
be a true follower of St. Peter."

     Official. "What say you of vows?"

     The martyr. "No man can vow to God so much, but the law
requireth much more than he can vow."

     Official. "Are not saints to be invocated?"

     The martyr. "They cannot pray without faith, and therefore it
is in vain to call upon them. And again, God hath appointed his
angels about us, to minister in our necessities."

     Official. "Is it not good to salute the blessed Virgin with Ave
Maria?"

     The martyr. "When she was on this earth she had then need of
the angel's greeting; for then she had need of salvation, as well as
others:  but now she is so blessed, that no more blessing can be
wished unto her."

     Official. "Are not images to be had?"

     The martyr. "For that the nature of man is so prone to
idolatry, ever occupied and fixed in those things which lie before
his eyes, rather than upon those which are not seen; images therefore
are not to be set before Christians. You know nothing is to be
adored, but that which is not seen with eyes, that is, God alone,
which is a Spirit, and him we must worship only in spirit and truth."

     Official. "What say you by the canonical or ordinary hours for
prayer?"

     The martyr. "To hours and times, prayer ought not to be tied: 
but whensoever God's Spirit doth move us, or when any necessity
driveth us, then ought we to pray."

     Then the official asked, what he thought of holy oil, salt,
with such other like? to whom the martyr answered, that all these
things were a mere Maranismus, that is, savoured of the law of
Maranorum, and of the superstition of the Jews.

Renate Poyet, at Saumur, in France, A.D. 1552.

     Renate Poyet, the son of William Poyet, which was chancellor of
France, for the true and sincere profession of the word of God,
constantly suffered martyrdom, and was burned in the city of Saumur,
A.D. 1552.

John Joyer, and his servant, a young man, at Toulouse, A.D. 1552.

     These two coming from Geneva to the country with certain books,
were apprehended by the way, and at length had to Toulouse, where the
master was first condemned. The servant being young, was not so
prompt to answer them, but sent them to his master, saying that he
should answer them. When they were brought to the stake, the young
man, first going up, began to weep. The master, fearing lest he would
give over, ran to him, and he was comforted, and they began to sing.
As they were in the fire, the master, standing upright to the stake,
shifted the fire from him to his servant, being more careful for him
than for himself; and when he saw him dead, he bowed down into the
flame, and so expired.

Hugh Gravier, a schoolmaster and minister, of Cortillon, in the
country of Neufchatel, at Berg, A.D. 1552.

     At Berg, in Bresse, a day's journey from Lyons, this Gravier
was burned. He coming from Geneva to Neufchatel, there was elected to
be minister. But first, he going to see his wife's friends at Macon,
there, as he was coming away out of the town, was taken upon the
bridge, with all his company; and in the end, he, willing for the
women and therest of the company to lay the fault on him for bringing
them out, was sentenced to be burned, notwithstanding that the lords
of Bern sent their heralds to save his life, and also that the
official declared him to be an honest man, and to hold nothing but
agreeing to the Scriptures.

Martial Alba, Peter Scribe, Bernard Seguine, Charles Faber, Peter
Navihere, at Lyons, A.D. 1553.

     Their persecutors were:  Tignatius, the governor or deputy of
Lyons; Buatherius, official to the archbishop of Lyons; Clepierius,
chamberlain; three Orders of Friars; Judge Melierus; Dr. Cunuban, a
Grey Friar; Judge Vilard; Primatius, the official; Cortrerius, a
judge.

     These five students, after they had remained in the university
of Lausanne a certain time, consulted amongst themselves, being all
Frenchmen, to return home every one to his country, to the intent
they might instruct their parents and other their friends in such
knowledge as the Lord had given them. So, taking their journey from
Lausanne, first they came to Geneva, where they remained awhile. From
thence they went to Lyons, where they, sitting at the table of one
that met them by the way, and desired them home to his house, were
apprehended and led to prison, where they continued a whole year;
that is, from the first of May to the sixteenth of the same month
again. As they were learned and well exercised in the Scriptures, so
every one of them exhibited severally a learned confession of his
faith; and with great dexterity, through the power of the Lord's
Spirit, they confounded the friars with whom they disputed;
especially Peter Scribe or Scrivener, and Seguine.

     They were examined sundrily of the sacrament of the Lord's
body, of purgatory, of confession and invocation, of free-will, and
of the supremacy, &c. Although they proved their cause by good
Scripture, and refuted their adversaries in reasoning, yet right
being overcome by might, sentence was given, and they burned in the
said town of Lyons. Being set upon the cart, they began to sing
psalms. As they passed by the market-place, one of them with a loud
voice saluted the people with the words of the last chapter to the
Hebrews:  The God of peace, which brought again from death the great
Pastor of the sheep in the blood of the eternal testament, &c. Coming
to the place, first the two youngest, one after another, went up upon
the heap of wood to the stake, and there were fastened, and so after
them the rest. Martial Alba, being the eldest, was the last; who
likewise being stripped of his clothes, and brought to the stake,
desired this petition of the governor, which was that he might go
about his fellows tied at the stake, and kiss them:  which being
granted, he went and kissed every one, saying, "Farewell, my
brother." Likewise the other four, following the same example, bade
each one, "Farewell, my brother." With that, fire was commanded to be
put unto them. The hangman had tied a rope about all their necks,
thinking first to strangle them; but their faces being smeared with
fat and brimstone, the rope was burnt before they were strangled. So
the blessed martyrs, in the midst of the fire, spake one to another
to be of good cheer, and so departed.

Their examinations briefly touched.

     The friar. "Thou sayest, friend! in thy confession, that the
pope is not supreme head of the church; I will prove contrary. The
pope is successor of St. Peter:  ergo, he is supreme head of the
church."

     The martyr. "I deny first your antecedent."

     Friar. "The pope sitteth in the place of St. Peter:  ergo, he is
the successor of St. Peter."

     The martyr. "I will grant neither of both:  first, because that
he which succeedeth in the room of Peter, ought to preach and teach
as Peter did; which thing the pope doth not. Secondly, although he
did so preach as Peter did, he might well follow the example of
Peter, yet should he not therefore be the head of the church, but a
member only of the same. The head of men and angels, whom God hath
appointed, is Christ alone, saith St. Paul, Eph. i."

     Friar. "Although Christ be the head of the whole church
militant and triumphant, yet his vicar here on earth is left to
supply his room."

     The martyr. "Not so, for the power of his Divinity being so
great, to fill all things, he needeth no vicar or deputy to supply
his absence."

     Friar. "I will prove, that although Christ be King both of
heaven and earth, yet he hath here on earth many vicars under him, to
govern his people."

     The martyr. "It is one thing to rule in the civil state,
another thing to rule spiritually. For in civil regiment we have
kings and princes ordained of God by the Scriptures, for the
observation of public society:  in the spiritual regiment and kingdom
of the church it is not so."

     Another friar. "Thou sayest St. Peter is not the head of the
church; I will prove he is. Our Lord said to Peter, Thou shalt be
called Cephas; which Cephas is as much as to say in Latin, caput: 
ergo, Peter is head of the church."

     The martyr. "Where find you that interpretation? St. John, in
his first chapter, doth expound it otherwise:  Thou shalt be called
Cephas, that is as much (saith he) as petrus, or stone."

     Then the judge Vilard, calling for a New Testament, turned to
the place, and found it to be so; whereupon the friar was utterly
dashed, and stood mute.

     Friar. "Thou sayest in thy confession, that a man hath no free-
will; I will prove it. It is written in the Gospel, Luke x., how a
man going from Jerusalem to Jericho fell among thieves, and was
spoiled, maimed, and left half dead, &c. Thomas Aquinas expoundeth
this parable to mean free-will, which, he saith, is maimed; yet not
so, but that some power remaineth in man to work."

     The martyr. "This interpretation I do refuse and deny."

     Friar. "What! thinkest thou thyself better learned than St.
Thomas?"

     The martyr. "I do arrogate no such learning unto myself. But
this I say, this parable is not so to be expounded, but is set forth
for example of the Lord, to commend to us charity towards our
neighbour, how one should help another."

     Friar. "Thou sayest in thy confession, that we are justified
only by faith, I will prove that we are justified by works. By our
works we do merit:  ergo, by works we are justified."

     The martyr. "I deny the antecedent."

     Friar. "St. Paul, in the last chapter of Hebrews, saith, Forget
not to do good, and to distribute unto others:  for by such oblations
God is merited. We merit God by our works:  ergo, we are justified by
our works."

     The martyr. "The words of St:  Paul in that place be otherwise,
and are thus to be translated:  With such sacrifices God is delighted,
or is well pleased."

     Vilard, the judge, turned to the book, and found the place even
to be so as the prisoner said. Here the friars were marvellously
appalled and troubled in their minds:  of whom one asked then, What he
thought of confession? To whom the martyr answered, that confession
only is to be made to God, and that those places which they allege
for auricular confession, out of St. James and other, are to be
expounded of brotherly reconciliation between one another, and not of
confession in the priest's ear. And here again the friars stood,
having nothing to say against it.

     A Black Friar. "Dost thou not believe the body of Christ to be
locally and corporally in the sacrament? I will prove the same. Jesus
Christ taking bread, said, This is my body:  ergo, it is truly his
body."

     The martyr. "The verb est is not to be taken here substantively
in its own proper signification, as showing the nature of a thing in
substance, as in philosophy it is wont to be taken; but as noting the
property of a thing signified, after the manner and phrase of the
Scripture; where one thing is wont to be called by the name of
another, so as the sign is called by the name of the thing signified,
&c. So is circumcision called by the name of the covenant, and yet is
not the covenant; so the lamb hath the name of the passover, yet is
not the same; in which two sacraments of the old law, ye see the verb
est to be taken, not as showing the substance of being, but the
property of being in the thing that is spoken of. And so likewise in
the sacrament of the new law."

     Friar. "The sacraments of the old law and of the new do differ
greatly; for these give grace, so did not the other."

     The martyr. "Neither the sacraments of the old, nor of the new
law, do give grace, but show Him unto us, which giveth grace indeed.
The minister giveth the sacraments, but Jesus Christ giveth grace by
the operation of the Holy Ghost:  of whom it is said, This is he which
baptizeth with the Holy Ghost," &c.

     Friar. "The fathers of the Old Testament, were they not
partakers of the same grace and promises with us?" John ii.

     The martyr. "Yes, for St. Paul saith, that the fathers of the
Old Testament did eat the same spiritual meat, and did drink of the
same spiritual drink with us."

     Friar. "Jesus Christ saith, John vi., Your fathers did eat
manna in the desert, and are dead:  ergo, they were not partakers of
the same grace with us in the New Testament."

     The martyr. "Christ here speaketh of them which did not eat
that manna with faith, which was a type and figure of that Bread of
Life that came from heaven; and not of them which did eat the same
with faith, as Moses, Aaron, Joshua, Caleb, and such others; who,
under the shadows of the Old Testament, did look for Christ to come.
For so it is written of Abraham, that he saw the day of Christ, and
rejoiced; -- not seeing it with his bodily eyes, but with the eyes of
his faith."

     Here the doltish doctor was at a stay, having nothing to say,
but "Hear, friend; be not so hot, nor so hasty, tarry a while, tarry
a while." At length, after his tarrying, this came out.

     Friar. "I will prove that they of the Old Testament were not
partakers of the same grace with us. The law (saith St. Paul) worketh 
anger; and they that are under the law, are under malediction:  ergo,
they of the old law and testament were not partakers of the same
grace with us."

     The martyr. "St. Paul here proveth, that no man by the law can
be justified, but that all men are under the anger and curse of God
thereby, forasmuch as no man performeth that which in the law is
comprehended; and therefore, we have need every man to run to Christ,
to be saved by faith, seeing no man can be saved by the law. For
whosoever trusteth to the law, hoping to find justification thereby,
and not by Christ only, the same remaineth still under malediction: 
not because the law is cursed, or the times thereof under curse, but
because of the weakness of our nature, which is not able to perform
the law."

     Friar. "St. Paul, Rom. vii., declareth in the Old Testament to
be nothing but anger and threatenings, and in the New Testament to be
grace and mercy, in these words where he saith, Wretched man that I
am, who shall deliver me from the body of this death? The grace of
God, by Jesus Christ."

     The martyr. "St. Paul in this place neither meaneth nor
speaketh of the difference of times between the Old and the New
Testament, but of the conflict between the flesh and the spirit; so
that whereas the flesh is ever rebelling against the spirit, yet the
spiritual man notwithstanding, through the faith of Christ, hath the
victory. Furthermore, the true translation of that place hath not
gratis Dei, but gratias ago Deo, per Jesum Christum," &c.

     Primacius, the official, seeing the friar almost here at a
point, set in, and said, "Thou lewd heretic, dost thou deny the
blessed sacrament?"

     The martyr. "No, sir, but I embrace and reverence the
sacrament, so as it was instituted by the Lord, and left by his
apostles."

     Official. "Thou deniest the body of Christ to be in the
sacrament, and thou tallest the sacrament bread."

     The martyr. "The Scripture teacheth us to seek the body of
Christ in heaven, and not on earth; where we read, Col. iii., If ye
be risen with Christ, seek not for the things which are upon the
earth; but for the things which are in heaven, where Christ is
sitting at the right hand of God, &c. And whereas I affirm the
sacrament not to be the body, but bread, speaking of bread remaining
in its own substance, herein I do no other but as St. Paul doth,
which doth call it bread likewise, four or five times together," 1
Cor. xi.

     Friar. "Jesus Christ said, that he was the bread of life."

     Official. "Thou naughty heretic! Jesus Christ said that he was
a vine, and a door, &c., where he is to be expounded to speak
figuratively; but the words of the sacrament are not so to be
expounded."

     The martyr. "Those testimonies which you allege, make more for
me than for you."

     Official. "What sayest thou, lewd heretic! is the bread of the
Lord's supper, and the bread that we eat at home, all one, and is
there no difference between them?"

     The martyr. "In nature and substance there is no difference:  in
quality and in use there is much difference. For the bread of the
Lord's table, though it be of the same nature and substance with the
bread that we eat at home, yet when it is applied to be a sacrament,
it taketh another quality, and is set before us to seal the promise
of our spiritual and eternal life."

     And this was the effect of their examinations.

Petrus Bergerius, at Lyons, A.D. 1553.

     About the same time when these five students above specified
were apprehended, this Bergerius also was taken at Lyons, and with
them examined, and made also the like confession with them together,
and shortly after them suffered the same martyrdom. He had been
before an occupier or merchant of wines. He had wife and children at
Geneva, to whom he wrote sweet and comfortable letters. In the
dungeon with him was a certain thief and malefactor, which had lain
there the space of seven or eight months. This thief, for pain and
torment cried out of God, and cursed his parents that begat him,
being almost eaten up with lice, miserably handled, and fed with such
bread as dogs and horses had refused to eat:  so it pleased the
goodness of Almighty God, that through the teaching and prayers of
this Bergerius, he was brought to repentance of himself, and
knowledge of God; learning much comfort and patience by the word of
the gospel preached unto him. Touching his conversion, he wrote a
sweet letter to those five students above mentioned, wherein he
praiseth God for them, and specially for this Bergerius; declaring
also in the same letter, that the next day after that he had taken
hold of the gospel, and framed himself to patience, according to the
same, his lice, which he could pluck out before no less than twenty
at once, betwixt his fingers, now were so gone from him that he had
not one. Furthermore, so the alms of good men were extended towards
him, that he was fed with white bread, and that which was very good: 
such is the goodness of the Lord toward them that love and seek his
truth. The name of this convert was John Chambone.

Stephen and Dionysius Peloquine, brethren, at Ville Franche, near
Lyons, A.D. 1553.

     Stephen Peloquine, brother to this Dionysius, was taken about
two or three years before, with Ann Audebert above mentioned, and
also martyred for the testimony of the gospel at the same time, with
a small fire. After whom followed Dionysius Peloquine, in the same
steps of martyrdom, who was his brother. This Dionysius had been
sometime a monk, and changing his weed, took a wife, with whom he
lived a certain space at Geneva in godly order and modesty of life.
Coming afterward to Ville Franche, six miles from Lyons, from thence
he was had to Lyons, where he remained in prison ten months. From
thence he was reversed to Ville Franche, where he was condemned,
degraded, and burned. The articles whereupon he was condemned, were
for the mass, the sacrament, auricular confession, purgatory, the
Virgin Mary, and the pope's supremacy. He suffered on the eleventh of
September, A.D. 1553. In his martyrdom, such patience and fortitude
God gave, that when he was half burned, yet he never ceased holding
up his hands to heaven, and calling upon the Lord; to the great
admiration of them that looked on.

Ludovicus Marsace, and Michael Gerard, his cousin; also Stephen
Gravot, carpenter:  at Lyons, A.D. 1553. Their persecutors were, the
king's lieutenant at Lyons; the official; and the friars.

     At Lyons the same year these three also were apprehended and
sacrificed. Ludovicus had been of the order of the Demi-lances, which
served the king in his wars:  afterwards coming to Geneva, he was
trained up in the knowledge and doctrine of the Lord. Upon divers
articles he was examined, as the invocation of saints, and of the
Virgin Mary; free-will, merits and good works, auricular confession,
fasting, and the Lord's supper. In his second examination, they
inquired of him, and also of the other two, touching vows, the
sacraments, the mass, and the vicar of Christ; in all which articles,
because his and their judgment dissented from the doctrine of the
pope's church, they were condemned. The answers of Marsace to the
articles, are to be seen at large in the Book of the French Martyrs,
set out by John Crispine.

     The lieutenant, among other blasphemies, had these words:  "Of
the four evangelists, but two were pure, Matthew and John; the other
two, Mark and Luke, were but gatherers out of the others. The
Epistles of St. Paul, but that the doctors of the church had
authorized them, he would otherwise esteem them no better than the
fables of Ĉsop."

     Item, The said lieutenant said to M. Cope's maid, speaking
somewhat of the law, "Cursed be the God of that law."

     When the sentence of condemnation was given against these
three, they were so glad thereof, that they went out praising God,
and singing psalms. This troubled the judges sore, to see them so
little to esteem their death:  insomuch that the lieutenant caused 
them to be made to hold their peace; saying, "Shall these vile
abjects so vaunt themselves against the whole state of the realm?"
Then as Marsace was going into a corner by, to pray, one of the
soldiers would not suffer him:  to whom he said, "That little time
which we have, will you not give us to pray?" With that the soldier,
being astonished, went his way.

     As they should be brought out of prison to the stake, the
hangman tied a rope about the necks of the other two. Marsace seeing
himself to be spared because of his order and degree, called by the
way to the lieutenant, that he might also have one of the precious
chains about his neck, in honour of his Lord; which being granted, so
were these three blessed martyrs committed to the fire, where they,
with meek patience, yielded up their lives to the hands of the Lord,
in testimony of his gospel.

Mattheus Dimonetus, merchant, at Lyons, A.D. 1553. The persecutors
were the lieutenant of Lyons, Primacius and Buatherius, officials,
and Orus, an inquisitor.

     This merchant first lived a vicious and detestable life, full
of much corruption and filthiness. He was also a secret enemy and
searcher-out of good men, when and where they convented together;
who, being called, notwithstanding, by the grace of God, to the
knowledge and favour of his word, shortly after was taken by the
lieutenant, and Buatherius the official, in his own house at Lyons;
and so, after a little examination, was sent to prison. Being
examined by the inquisitor and the officials, he refused to yield any
answer to them, knowing no authority they had upon him, but only to
the lieutenant. His answers were, that he believed all that the holy
universal church of Christ did truly believe, and all the articles of
the creed. To the article of the holy catholic church, being bid to
add also "Romanam," that is, the Church of Rome, that he refused.
Advocates he knew none, but Christ alone. Purgatory he knew none, but
the cross and passion of the Lamb, which purgeth the sins of all the
world. True confession, he said, ought to be made not to the priest
once a year, but every day to God and to such whom we have offended.
The eating of the flesh and blood of Christ he took to be spiritual: 
and the sacrament of the flesh and blood of Christ to be eaten with
the mouth, and that sacrament to be bread and wine under the name and
signification of the body and blood of Christ; the mass not to
beinstituted of Christ, being a thing contrary to his word and will.
For the head of the church, he knew none, but only Christ. Being in
prison, be had great conflicts with the infirmity of his own flesh,
but especially with the temptation of his parents, brethren, and
kinsfolks, and the sorrow of his mother:  nevertheless the Lord so
assisted him, that be endured to the end. At his burning he spake
much to the people, and was heard with great attention. He suffered
on the fifteenth of July, A.D. 1553.

William Neel, an Austin Friar, at Evreux in France, A.D. 1553. His
persecutors were Legoux, the Dean Ilieriensis; and M. Simon Vigor,
the penitentiary of Evreux.

     Henry Pantaleon, and likewise Crispine and Adrian, make mention
also of one William Neel, a friar Augustine, who suffered in much
like sort the same year, and was burned at Evreux in France. The
occasion of his trouble rose first, for the rebuking of the vicious
demeanour of the priests there, and of the dean, named Legoux:  for
the which the dean caused him to be sent to Evreux, to the prison of
the bishop. The story of this William Neel, with his answers to their
articles objected, is to be read more at large in the ninth book of
Pantaleon, and others.

Simon Laloe, at Dijon, A.D. 1553. His persecutor was the bailiff or
steward of the city of Dijon.

     Simon Laloe, a spectacle-maker, coming from Geneva into France
for certain business, was laid hand of by the bailiff of Dijon. Three
things were demanded of him:  first, where he dwelt? secondly, what
was his faith? thirdly, what fellows he knew of his religion? His
dwelling (he said) was at Geneva. His religion was such as was then
used at Geneva. As for his fellows (he said) he knew none, but only
them of the same city of Geneva, where his dwelling was. When they
could get of him no other answer but this with all their racking and
torments, they proceeded to his sentence, and pursued the execution
of the same, which was on the twenty-first of November, A.D. 1553.
The executioner, who was named James Silvester, seeing the great
faith and constancy of that heavenly martyr, was so compuncted with
repentance, and fell in such despair of himself, that they had much
ado, with all the promises of the gospel, to recover any comfort in
him. At last, through the mercy of Christ, he was comforted, and
converted; and so he, with all his family, removed to the church at
Geneva.

Nicholas Nayle, at Paris, A.D. 1553.

     This Nicholas, a shoemaker, coming to Paris with certain
fardels of books, was there apprehended; who, stoutly persisting in
confessing the truth, was tried with sundry torments, to utter what
fellows he had besides of his profession, so cruelly, that his body
was dissolved almost one joint from another; but so constant he was
in his silence, that he would express none. As they brought him to
the stake, first they put a gag or piece of wood in his mouth, which
they bound with cords to the hinder part of his head so hard, that
his mouth on both sides gushed out with blood, and disfigured his
face monstrously. By the way they passed by an hospital, where they
willed him to worship the picture of St. Mary standing at the gate: 
but he turned his back as well as he could, and would not. For this
the blind people were so grieved, that they would have fallen upon
him. After he was brought to the fire, they so smeared his body with
fat and brimstone, that at the first taking of the fire, all his skin
was parched, and the inward parts not touched. With that the cords
burst which were about his mouth, whereby his voice was heard in the
midst of the flame, praising the Lord; and so the blessed martyr
departed.

Peter Serre, near Toulouse, A.D. 1553. His persecutors were a woman
of Toulouse; the official of the bishop of Toulouse; and the
inquisitor and chancellor of the bishop of Cozeran.

     Peter Serre was first a priest; then changing his religion, he
went to Geneva, and learned the shoemakers' craft, and so lived.
Afterwards, upon a singular love, he came to his brother at Toulouse,
to the intent to do him good. His brother had a wife, which was not
well pleased with his religion and coming. She, in secret counsel,
told another woman, one of her neighbours, of this. What doth she,
but goeth to the official, and maketh him privy to all. The official
thinking to foreslack no time, taking counsel with his fellows, laid
hands upon this Peter, and brought him before the inquisitor; to whom
he made such a declaration of his faith, that he seemed to reduce the
inquisitor to some feeling of conscience, and began to instruct him
in the principles of true religion. Notwithstanding, all this helped
not, but that he was condemned by the said chancellor to be degraded,
and committed to the secular judge. The judge inquiring of what
occupation he was, he said, that of late he was a shoemaker:  whereby
the judge, understanding that he had been of some other faculty
before, required what it was. He said he had been of another faculty
before, but he was ashamed to utter it, or to remember it, being the
worst and vilest science of all others in the whole world besides.
The judge and the people, supposing that he had been some thief or
cutpurse, inquired to know what it was; but he for shame and sorrow
stopped his mouth, and would not declare it. At last, through their
importunate clamour, he was constrained to declare the truth, and
said, that he had been a priest! The judge thereupon was so moved,
that he condemned him; first, enjoining him in his condemnation, to
ask the king forgiveness, he then judged him to have his tongue cut
out, and so to be burned. From this sentence, he appealed to the
parliament of Toulouse:  not for that he thought thereby to save his
life, but because he was enjoined to ask the king's forgiveness, whom
he had never offended; also because he was judged to have his tongue
cut off, wherewith he would praise his God. Notwithstanding, by the
sentence of that parliament, he was likewise condemned to be burned;
only he was pardoned for asking forgiveness of the king, and the
cutting off of his tongue, so that he would say nothing against their
religion.

     As he went to burning, he passed by the college of St. Martial,
where he was bid to honour the picture of the Virgin standing at the
gate; which because he refused, the judge commanded his tongue to be
cut off:  and so being put to the fire, he stood so quiet, looking up
to heaven all the time of his burning, as though he had felt nothing;
bringing such admiration to the people, that one of the parliament
said, that way was not the best, to bring the Lutherans to the fire,
for that would do more hurt than good.

Stephen King, and Petrus Denocheus, at Chartres, A.D. 1553.
Persecuted by the governor of Marches.

     Stephen King, after he had been at Strasburg a while, returned
again into his country, dwelling in a town bearing the name of St.
George, not far from Chaustors; where he served in the place of a
notary, and had under him a clerk named Peter Denoche, who also had
been at Geneva, and was there zealous in instructing the ignorant,
and rebuking blasphemous swearers, and other offenders. These two
were not long together but they were both suspected of Lutheranism,
and so apprehended by the governor of the Marches, or the marshal,
and so were carried to Chartres, where, after their constant
confession, upon their examination made, they were enclosed in
prison, and there sustained long and tedious endurance; during which
mean time, Stephen King made many worthy songs and sonnets in the
praise of the Lord, whereby to recreate his spirit in that doleful
captivity. At length, when, after long persuasions and fair promises
of the bishop and of others, they could not be revoked from the
doctrine of their confession, they were condemned. From that
condemnation they appealed to the court of Paris, but the council
there, confirming their former sentence, returned them again to
Chartres, from whence they came, where they were both executed with
cruel punishment of fire.

Antonius Magnus, or Magnĉus, at Paris, A.D. 1554. Persecuted by the
priests of Bruges.

     Antonius Magnus was sent by the five who were in prison at
Lyons, above-mentioned, and by others also that were in captivity at
Paris, to Geneva, to commend them to their prayers unto God for them;
who, after certain business there despatched, returned again into
France, and there, within three hours of his coming, was betrayed and
taken by certain priests at Bruges, and there delivered by the said
priests unto the official. After a few days the king's justices took
him from the official, and sent him to Paris, where, after great
rebukes and torments he suffered in the prison, and firmly persisting
in the profession of the truth, by their capital sentence was
adjudged to have his tongue cut out, and so was burned at Maulbert
Place in Paris.

William Alençon, bookseller; also a certain shear-man, at
Montpelliers, A.D. 1454. Betrayed by false brethren.

     This Alençon did much good in the provinces of France by
carrying books. Coming to Montpelliers, he was there circumvented by
false brethren, detected and laid in prison. In his faith he was firm
and constant to the end of his martyrdom, being burned the seventh of
January, 1554.

     Thege was the same time at Montpelliers a certain shearman or
clothworker, who had been long in durance for religion, but at
length, for fear and infirmity, he revolted; to whom it was enjoined 
by the judges to make public recantation, and to be present also at
the burning of Alençon aforesaid:  at the beholding of whose death and
constancy, it pleased God to strike into this man such boldness, that
be desired the judges, that he might burn with this Alençon, or else
be brought again into prison, saying, that he would make no other
recantation, but so. Wherefore, within three days after he was
likewise condemned to the fire, and burned in the town aforesaid.

Paris Panier, a lawyer, at Dol, A.D. 1554.

     At Dol was beheaded a good and godly lawyer, Lamed Paris
Panier, for constant standing to the gospel of Christ, A.D. 1554.

Peter du Val, shoemaker, at Nismes, A.D. 1554.

     At Nismes in Dauphine, Peter du Val sustained sore and grievous
rackings and torments; wherewith his body being broken, dissolved,
and maimed, yet he, notwithstanding, manfully abiding all their
extremity, would name and utter none. Then was he had to the fire,
and there consumed, A.D. 1554.

Johannes Filieul, or Filiolus, carpenter; and Julianus le Ville,
point-maker, at Sanserre, A.D. 1554. Their persecutors were Giles le
Hers, lieutenant for the marshal of St. Andrew, and inquisitor for
the province of Bourbon; and also John Bergeronius, another
inquisitor or counsellor.

     These two blessed and constant martyrs, as they were going
toward Geneva, with one of their sons and a daughter, were
apprehended by Giles le Pers; who, in the way overtaking them, and
most wickedly and Judasly pretending great favour to them, and to
their religion, which he (as he said) supposed them to be of, with
these and many other fair words circumvented and allured them to
confess, what was their faith? whither they went with their children?
and also that their wives were at Geneva? When they had declared
this, the wretched traitor gave a sign to his horsemen, and so were
these simple saints of Christ entrapped and brought to the castle of
Nivern. Being in prison, they were examined of many things, whereunto
they answered uprightly, according to their faith.

     First, touching the sacrament, they affirmed the
transubstantiation of the bishop of Rome to be against the article of
the Creed, which saith that Christ is gone up to heaven, and there
sitteth at the right hand of God:  and therefore the bread and the
wine must needs remain in their properties; bearing, notwithstanding,
a sacrament, or a holy sign, of the body and blood of the Lord. For
like as by bread and wine the heart of man is comforted, so the body
of Christ crucified, and his blood shed, spiritually hath the like
operation in the souls of the believers.

     For the mass, they said it was a thing most superstitious, and
mere idolatry; and if we put any part of salvation therein, (they
said,) it was utterly a robbing of the passion of Christ the Son of
God, and that it was not once to be named out of a Christian mouth.
Also, that those who say that Peter either was pope, or author of the
said mass, are far deceived. And as for turning bread into the body
of Christ by the words of consecration, it was an error (they said)
more of madmen, than any of sadmen:  forasmuch as God is neither
subject to men, nor to the tongues or exorcisms of men. Purgatory
they denied to be any, save only the blood of Jesus Christ.

     Furthermore, as they would not bereave the saints of God of
their due honour, so neither the saints themselves (said they) will
be contented to rob God of his honour only due to him.

     As touching confession, their opinion was, that the wounds and
causes of conscience belong to no man, but only to God.

     After these answers given and written, they were sent to the
monastery of St. Peter, there to be disputed with. That done, the
matter came to be debated among the judges, what was to be done with
them. Some would their goods to be taken by inventory, and them to be
banished. But Bergeronius at last caused to be determined, that they
should be burned, and first to hear mass. From that court they
appealed to the court of Paris; but the matter there was nothing
amended, where behold the judgment of God. In the mean time, while
they were at Paris, the wretched persecutor, Giles le Pers, was
suddenly struck mad and died in a frenzy; which made many men to
wonder, and especially the martyrs to be more constant.

     At last, the decree of the sentence was read against them.

     I. For speaking against the sacrament:  which they denied.

     II. For speaking against baptism:  which also they denied.

     III. For speaking contumely against the saints:  which they in
like manner denied.

     After this, the officer, to cause them to recant, threatened
them with torments, which they sustained very extreme, the space from
after dinner till three of the clock. When all that would not turn
them, he sent to them a friar Dominic, a man captious and
sophistical, to press them in disputation:  but as he could do no hurt
unto them, so could they do no good upon him. When the time of their
execution did approach, the officer aforesaid put into their hands,
being tied, a wooden cross, which they took with their teeth, and
flung away:  for which, the officer commanded both their tongues to be
cut off. Herein appeared another marvellous work of the Lord:  for
nevertheless that their tongues were taken from them, to the intent
they should not speak, yet God gave them utterance, their tongues
being cut out, to speak at their death, saying, "We bid sin, the
flesh, the world, and the devil, farewell for ever, with whom we
shall never have to do hereafter." Divers other words they spake
besides, which the people did hear and note. At last, when the
tormentor came to smear them with brimstone and gunpowder, "Go to,"
said Filiolus, "salt on, salt on the stinking and rotten flesh."
Finally, as the flame came bursting up to their faces, they,
persisting constant in the fire, gave up their lives, and finished
their martyrdoms.

Dionysius Vayre, at Rouen, A.D. 1554. Persecuted by William Langlois,
under-sheriff, and John Langlois, the king's procurator.

     In the same year suffered, at Rouen, Denis Vayre, who, first
leaving his popish priesthood, went to Geneva, where he learned the
art of bookbinding, and brought many times books into France. After
that, in the reign of King Edward the Sixth, he came to Jersey, and
there was minister, and preached. After the death of King Edward, the
time not serving him to tarry, thinking to return again to Geneva, he
came into Normandy with his books, into a town called Feueillet;
where he, going out to hire a cart, William Langlois, with John
Langlois his brother, came in and stayed his books, and him also who
had the custody of them. Denis, albeit he might have escaped, yet
hearing the keeper of his books to be in trouble, came, and
presenting himself, was committed; the other was delivered. First,
after two months and a half imprisonment, he was charged to be a spy,
because he came out of England. Then from that prison he was removed
to the bishop's prison, and then to Rouen; where sentence was given,
that he should be burned alive, and thrice lifted up and let down
again into the fire. After the sentence given, they threatened him
with many terrible torments, unless he would disclose such as he knew
of that side. To whom he answered, that the sounder part of all
France, and of the senate, was of that religion:  notwithstanding, he
would utter no man's name unto them. And as for their torments, he
said, he cared not; for if he were killed with racking, then he
should not feel the burning of the fire. When they saw him so little
to care for their torments, they left that, and proceeded to his
burning:  and first, they put a cross in his hands, which he would not
hold. Then because he, coming by the image of the Virgin Mary, would
not adore the same, they cried, "Cut out his tongue: " and so they
cast him into the fire, where he should be thrice taken up; but the
flame went so high, that the hangman, being not able to come near
him, cried to the people standing by to help, and so did the officers
with their staves lay upon the people, to help their tormentors, but
never a man would stir. And this was the end and martyrdom of that
blessed Denis.



158. MARTYRS IN FRANCE – II.


     There was a rich merchant of Paris, who said in jest to the
friars of St. Francis, "You wear a rope about your bodies, because
St. Francis once should have been hanged, and the pope redeemed him
upon this condition, that all his life after he should wear a rope."
Upon this the Franciscan Friars of Paris caused him to be apprehended
and laid in prison, and so judgment passed upon him that he should be
hanged:  but he, to save his life, was contented to recant; and so
did. The friars, hearing of his recantation, commended him, saying,
if he continued so, he should be saved; and so calling upon the
officers, caused them to make haste to the gallows, to hang him up
while he was yet in a good way, said they, lest he fall again. And so
was this merchant, notwithstanding his recantation, hanged for
jesting against the friars.

     To this merchant may also be adjoined the brother of Tamer,
who, when he had before professed the truth of the gospel, and
afterwards by the counsel and instruction of his brother was removed
from the same, fell in desperation and such sorrow of mind, that he
hanged himself.

Thomas Galbergne, a coverlet-maker, at Tournay, A.D. 1554.

     This Thomas had copied out certain spiritual songs out of a
book in Geneva, which he brought with him to Tournay, and lent the
same to one of his fellows. This book being espied, he was called for
by the justice, and examined of the book, which, he said, contained
nothing but that was agreeing to the Scripture; and that he would
stand by.

     Then he was had to the castle, and after nineteen days was
brought to the town-house, and there adjudged to the fire; whereunto
he went cheerfully, singing psalms. As he was in the flame, the
warden of the friars stood crying, "Turn, Thomas! Thomas! yet it is
time, remember him that came at the last hour." To whom he cried out
of the flame with a loud voice, "And I trust to be one of that sort;"
and so calling upon the name of the Lord, gave up his spirit.

     Add also to this, one Nicholas Paul, beheaded at Gaunt. These
two should have been placed among the Dutch martyrs in the table
before.

     Richard Feurus, a goldsmith, at Lyons, A.D. 1554. Persecuted by
the latrunculator, or under-marshal or examiner of Dauphine; also by
the lieutenant, and his attorney, and a scribe, with divers others.

     Feurus, a goldsmith, born at Rouen, first being in England, and
in London, there received the taste and knowledge of God's word, as
in his own epistle he recordeth. Then he went to Geneva, where he
remained nine or ten years; and from thence returning to Lyons, there
he was apprehended and condemned. Upon this he appealed to the high
court of Paris, through the motion of his friends; where, in the way,
as he was led to Paris, he was met by certain whom he knew not, and
by them taken from his keepers, and so set at liberty; which was A.D.
1551.

     After that, continuing at Geneva about the space of three
years, he came upon business to the province of Dauphine, and there,
as he found fault with the grace said in Latin, he was detected, and
taken in his inn at night, by the under-marshal, or him which had the
examination of malefactors. The next day he was sent to the justice,
from him to the bishop; who ridding their hands of him, then was he
brought to the lieutenant, who sent his advocate with a notary to him
in the prison, to examine him of his faith. The whole process of his
examinations, with his adversaries and the friars, in his story
described, is long; the principal contents come to this effect: 

     Inquisitor. "Dost thou believe the Church of Rome?"

     The martyr. "No, I do believe the catholic and universal
church."

     Inquisitor. "What catholic church is that?"

     The martyr. "The congregation or communion of Christians."

     Inquisitor. "What congregation is that, or of whom doth it
consist?"

     The martyr. "It consisteth in the number of God's elect, whom
God hath chosen to be the members of his Son Jesus Christ, of whom he
is also the head."

     Inquisitor. "Where is the congregation, or how is it known?"

     The martyr. "It is dispersed through the universal world, in
divers regions, and is known by the spiritual direction wherewith it
is governed, that is to say, both by the word of God, and by the
right institution of Christ's sacraments."

     Inquisitor. "Do you think the church that is at Geneva,
Lausanne, Berne, and such other places, to be a more true church than
the holy Church of Rome?"

     The martyr. "Yea, verily, for these have the notes of the true
church."

     Inquisitor. "What difference then make you between those
churches and the Church of Rome?"

     The martyr. "Much; for the Church of Rome is governed only with
traditions of men, but those are ruled only by the word of God."

     Inquisitor. "Where learned you this doctrine first?"

     The martyr. "In England; at London."

     Inquisitor. "How long have you been at Geneva?"

     The martyr. "About nine or ten years."

     Inquisitor. "Dost thou not believe the Virgin Mary to be a
mediatrix and advocate to God for sinners?"

     The martyr. "I believe, as in the word of God is testified,
that Jesus Christ is the only mediator and advocate for all sinners: 
albeit the Virgin Mary be a blessed woman, yet the office of an
advocate belongeth not unto her."

     Inquisitor. "The saints that be in paradise, have they no power
to pray for us?"

     The martyr. "No; but I judge them to be blessed, and to be
contented with the grace and glory which they have; that is, that
they be counted the members of the Son of God."

     Inquisitor. "And what then judge you of them who follow the
religion of the Church of Rome? think you them to be Christians?"

     The martyr. "No, for that Church is not governed with the
Spirit of God, but rather fighteth against the same."

     Inquisitor. "Do you then esteem all them who separate
themselves from the Church of Rome to be Christians?"

     The martyr. "I have not to answer for others, but only for
myself. Every man, saith St. Paul, shall bear his own burden."

     And thus the advocate, when he had asked him whether he would
put his hand to that he had said, and had obtained the same, departed
to dinner.

     At the next examination was brought unto him a Franciscan
Friar, who, first entering with him touching the words that he spake
in his inn, asked him, why grace might not be said in Latin?"
Because," said he, "by the word of God, Christians are commanded to
pray with heart and with spirit, and with that tongue which is most
understood, and serveth best to the edification of the hearers."

     Then the friar, bringeth forth his Benedicite, Agimus tibi
gratias, &c., Laus Deo, Pax, vivis, Requies defunctis, &c., began
thus to reason: 

     Friar. "God understandeth all tongues, and the Church of Rome
hath prescribed this form of praying, receiving the same from the
ancient church and the fathers, who used then to pray in Latin. And
if any tongue be to be observed in prayer, one more than another, why
is it not as good to pray in the Latin tongue, as to pray in the
French?"

     The martyr. "My meaning is not to exclude any kind of language
from prayer, whether it be Latin, Greek, Hebrew, or any other, so
that the same be understood, and may edify the hearers."

     Friar. "When Christ entered the city of Jerusalem, the people
cried, lauding him with Hosanna filio David; and yet understood they
not what they said, as Jerome writeth."

     The martyr. "It may be that Jerome so writeth, how they
understood not the prophetical meaning, or the accomplishment of
these words upon Christ's coming:  but that they understood the phrase
of that speech or language which they spake, speaking in their own
language, Jerome doth not deny."

     Then the friar, declaring that he was no fit person to expound
the Scriptures being in the Latin tongue, inferred the authorities of
councils and doctors, and testimonies of men; which seemed to move
the officer not a little, who, then charging him with many things, as
with words spoken in contempt of the Virgin Mary and of the saints,
also with rebellion against princes and kings, came at last to the
matter of the sacrament, and demanded thus: 

     Inquisitor. "Dost thou believe the holy host which the priest
doth consecrate at the mass or no?"

     The martyr. "I believe neither the host, nor any such
consecration."

     Inquisitor. "Why? dost thou not believe the holy sacrament of
the altar, ordained of Christ Jesus himself?"

     The martyr. "Touching the sacrament of the Lord's supper, I
believe that whensoever we use the same according to the
representation of St. Paul, we are refreshed spiritually with the
body and blood of our Lord Jesus Christ, who is the true spiritual
meat and drink of our souls."

     The friar then inferred the words of St. John's Gospel, saying,
My flesh is meat indeed, &c., and said, that the doctors of the
church had decided that matter already, and had approved the mass to
be a holy memorial of the death and passion of our Lord Jesus Christ.

     The martyr. "The sacrament of the supper I believe to be
ordained of the Lord for a memorial of his death, and for a stirring
up of our thanksgiving to him; in which sacrament we have nothing to
offer up to him, but do receive with all thanksgiving the benefits
offered of God to us most abundantly in Christ Jesus his Son."

     And thus the advocate with the friar, bidding the notary to
write the words that he had spoken, departed; who after eight days,
being accompanied by the said Franciscan, and other friars more of
the Dominics, sent for the said Richard Feurus again to his house,
and thus began to inquire: 

     Inquisitor. "Dost thou believe any purgatory?"

     The martyr. "I believe that Christ with his precious blood hath
made an end of all purgatory, and purgation of our sins."

     Inquisitor. "And dost thou think then that there is no place
after this life, where souls of men departed remain till they have
made satisfaction for their sins?"

     The martyr. "No; but I acknowledge one satisfaction once made
for the sins of all men, by the blood and sacrifice of Jesus Christ
our Lord, which is the propitiation and purgation for the sins of the
whole world."

     Friar. "In Matthew xviii., Christ, speaking, by way of a
parable or similitude, of a certain cruel servant, who, because he
would not forgive his fellow servant, was cast into prison, saith,
That he shall not come out from thence till he hath paid the
uttermost farthing:  by which similitude is signified unto us a
certain middle place, which is left for satisfaction to be made after
this life for sins."

     The martyr. "First, the satisfaction for our sins by the death
of Christ is plain and evident in the Scriptures; as in these places: 
Come to me, all you that labour and be burdened, and I will refresh
you. I am the door, he that entereth by me, shall be saved. I am the
way, verity, and life. Blessed he they that die in the Lord, for they
rest from their labours. Also to the thief who hanged with the Lord,
it was said, This day thou shalt be with me in paradise, &c.
Secondly, as touching this similitude, it hath no other demonstration
but to admonish us of our duty, in showing charity, and forgiving one
another; which unless we do, there is no mercy to be looked for at 
the hands of God."

     Friar. "If this be true that you say, then it should follow
that there is neither purgatory nor any limbus, which were against
our Christian faith and our Creed, which saith, He descended into
hell," &c.

     Deputy. "Dost thou not believe there is a Limbus?"

     The martyr. "Neither do I believe there is any such place, nor
doth the Scripture make any mention thereof."

     Friar. "Where were the old fathers then, before the death of
Christ?"

     The martyr. "In life, I say, eternal, which they looked for,
being promised before to Adam, Abraham, and the patriarchs, in the
seed to come."

     Deputy. "What, dost thou believe that the pope hath any power?"

     The martyr. "Yea verily."

     Deputy. "Dost thou believe that the pope, as the vicar of Jesus
Christ, can here bind and loose?"

     The martyr. "That I do not believe."

     Deputy. "How then dost thou understand the power of the pope?"

     The martyr. "I understand the power of the pope so as St. Paul
declareth, 2 Thess., saying, that because the world refused to
receive the love of the truth unto salvation, therefore God hath
given to Satan, and to his ministers, power of illusions and errors,
that men should believe lies, and set up to themselves pastors and
teachers such as they deserve."

     Friar. "Christ gave to St. Peter power to bind and loose, whose
successor, and vicar of Christ, is the pope, for the government of
the church, that it might have one head in the world, as it hath in
heaven. And though the pastors do not live according to the word
which they preach, yet their doctrine is not therefore to be refused,
as Christ teacheth in the twenty-third of Matthew."

     The martyr. "If the pope and his adherents would preach the
word purely and sincerely, admixing no other inventions of their own,
nor obtruding laws of their own devising, I would then embrace their
doctrine, howsoever their lives were to the contrary:  according as
Christ doth tell us of the scribes and Pharisees, admonishing us to
follow their doctrine, and not their lives. But there is great
difference, whether they that take the governance of the church do
sit in Moses's chair, which is the seat of truth, or else do sit in
the chair of abomination, spoken of by Daniel, and also by St. Paul,
where he saith, that the man of perdition shall sit in the temple of
God, vaunting himself insolently above all that is called God.

     "And as touching the keys of binding and loosing, given to
Peter, Christ therein assigned to Peter and other apostles the office
of preaching the word of the gospel, which they did also well
observe, in preaching nothing else but only the word; in the which
word is all the power contained of binding and loosing. Neither is it
to be granted, the church to have two heads, one in heaven, another
in earth; the head whereof is but one, which is Jesus Christ, whom
the Father hath appointed to be head alone both in heaven and earth,
as St. Paul in many places of his Epistles doth teach."

     Friar. "You have no understanding how to expound the
Scriptures, but the old doctors have expounded the Scriptures, and
holy councils, whose judgments are to be followed. But what say you
to auricular confession?"

     The martyr. "I know no other confession but that which is to be
made to God, and reconciliation towards our neighbour, which Christ
and his apostles have commended to us."

     Friar. "Have you not read in the gospel, how Christ doth bid us
to confess to the priest, where he commanded the leper, being made
whole, to show himself to the priest?"

     The martyr. "The true church of the Lord Jesus Christ never
observed this strange kind of confession, to carry our sins to the
priest's ear. And though the Church of Rome hath intruded this manner
of confessing, it followeth not thereby that it is to be received.
And as touching the leper whom the Lord sent to the priest, he was
not sent therefore to whisper his sins in the priest's ear, but only
for a testimony of his health received according to the law.

     "Of the other confession which is to be made to God, we have
both the examples and testimonies of the prophet David full in the
Psalms, where he saith, that he confessed his sins unto the Lord, and
received forgiveness of the same."

     After this, the friar, proceeding further to make comparison
between the Church of Rome and the Church of Geneva, would prove that
the pope hath power to set laws in the church without any express
word of God:  for so it is written, said he, that there were many
other things besides, which are not written in this book. Also, where
Christ promiseth to his disciples, to send unto them the Holy Ghost,
which should induce them into all truth. Moreover, such decrees and
ordinances as are in the church, were decided, said he, and appointed
by the doctors of the church and by all the councils, directed, no
doubt, by the Holy Ghost. Furthermore he inferred, that the Church
also of Geneva had their ordinances and constitutions made without
any word of God. And for example, he brought forth the order of the
Psalms and service publicly observed and appointed upon Wednesday, in
the Church of Geneva, as though that day were holier than another.

     To this the martyr answered again, declaring that the ordinance
of those public prayers and psalms on Wednesday in the Church of
Geneva, was not to bind conscience, or for any superstitious
observation, or for any necessity which either should bind the
conscience, or could not be altered at their arbitrement; but only
for an order or commodity for public resort, to hear the word of God,
according as ancient kings and temporal magistrates have used in old
time to do, in congregating the people together; not to put any
holiness in the day, or to bind the conscience to any observation,
(as the pope maketh his laws,) but only for order's sake, serving
unto commodity.

     And as touching that any thing should be left for doctors and
councils to be decided, without the express word of God, that is not
so; for that all thingsbe expressed and prescribed by the word,
whatsoever is necessary either for government of the church, or for
the salvation of men; so that there is no need for doctors of the
church, or councils, to decide any thing more than is decided
already.

     Paul saith, that he durst utter nothing but what the Lord had
wrought by him. St. John, speaking of the doctrine of Christ Jesus,
willeth us to receive no man, unless he bring with him the same
doctrine. St. Paul warneth the Galatians, not to believe an angel
from heaven, bringing another doctrine than that which they had
already received. Christ, calling himself the good shepherd, noteth
them to be his sheep which hear his voice, and not the voice of
others. And St. Peter admonishing the pastors of the church,
forewarns them to teach only the word of God, without any seeking of
lordship or dominion over the flock. From this moderation how far the
form of the pope's church doth differ, the tyranny which they use
doth well declare.

     Friar. "In the old church priests and ministers of the church
were wont to assemble together for deciding of such things as
pertained to the government and direction of the church; whereas in
Geneva no such thing is used, as I can prove by this your own
testament here in my hands, that you the better may understand what
was then the true use and manner of the church."

     The martyr. "What was the true order and manner that the
apostles did institute in the church of Christ, I would gladly hear,
and also would desire you to consider the same; and when you have
well considered it, yet shall you find the institution and regiment
of the Church of Geneva, not to be without the public counsel and
advisement of the magistrates, elders and ministers of that church,
with such care and diligence as Paul and Silas took in ordering the
church of Thessalonica, Berea, &c., wherein nothing was done without
the authority of God's word, as appeareth in the 17th chapter of the
Acts. As likewise also in stablishing the church of Antioch, when the
apostles were together in council for the same, there was no other
law nor doctrine followed, but only the word of God, as may appear by
the words of the council, Quid tentatis Deum, jugum imponere? &c. And
albeit the ministers of the Church of Rome, and the pope, were not
called to the institution of the aforesaid Church of Geneva, yet it
followeth not therefore, that there was no lawful order observed,
either in establishing that church or any other."

     Friar. "You were first baptized in the church of the pope, were
ye not?"

     The martyr. "I grant I was, but yet that nothing hindereth the
grace of God; but he may renovate and call to further knowledge whom
he pleaseth."

     A councillor. "I would wish you not to stick to your own wisdom
and opinion. You see the churches in Germany, how they dissent one
from another; so that if you should not submit your judgment to the
authority of the general councils, every day you shall have a new
Christianity."

     The martyr. "To mine own wisdom I do not stick, nor ever will,
but only to that wisdom which is in Christ Jesus, although the world
doth account it foolishness. And where ye say, that the churches of
Germany dissent among themselves one from another; that is not so,
for they accord in one agreement altogether, touching the foundation
and principal grounds of Christian faith. Neither is there any such
fear that every day should rise up a new Christianity, unless the
church be balanced with authority of the councils, as you pretend.
For so we read in the prophet David, in Psalm xxxiii., and in other
places of Scripture more, that the councils of the nations and people
shall be overthrown and subverted by the Lord, &c. Wherefore the best
is, that we follow the counsel of God and his word, and prefer the
authority thereof before all other counsels and judgments of men. And
thus doing, I for my part had rather dwell and settle myself in this
little Christianity, be it ever so small, than in that populous
papality, be it ever so great in multitude."

     And thus was this godly Feurus commanded again by the deputy to
the bishop's prison, and from thence shortly after removed to Lyons,
not by the open and beaten way, but by secret and privy journeys,
lest perhaps he should be taken from them again, as he was before.

     After he was come to Lyons, he was brought before Tignatius the
judge, and a doctor of Sorbonne, called Furnosus, who questioned with
him touching sundry articles of religion. But in conclusion, when
they neither with arguments could convict him, nor with promises
allure him, nor with threatening terrors stir him, either to betray
the truth which he knew, or to bewray those whom he knew not, which
took him away before from his keepers, they proceeded at last to the
sentence, condemning him first to have his tongue cut out, and then
to be burned. All which he received willingly and quietly for
righteousness' sake, thus finishing his martyrdom, on the seventh of
July, A.D. 1554.

Nicholas du Chense, at Gry, near Besancon, A.D. 1554. Persecuted by
an inquisitor monk.

     The cause and occasion why this Nicholas came in trouble was,
for that he, going from Lausanne, (where he abode for his
conscience,) to fetch his sister, and her husband, and certain other
of his friends; as he went from Besancon, toward the town of Gry, did
not do homage to a certain cross in the way; where a certain monk,
who was an inquisitor, overtook him, and thereby suspected him. He
was guided by the same monk, craftily dissembling his religion, to a
lodging in Gry; where the justice of the place coming in incontinent
took him. Nicholas seeing how he was by the monk, his conductor,
betrayed; "O false traitor!" said he, "Hast thou thus betrayed me?"
Then after examination he was condemned. Being carried to the place
of martyrdom, by the way he was promised, that if he would kneel down
and hear a mass, he should be let go as a passenger. But Nicholas,
armed with perseverance, said, he would rather die than commit such
an act; who calling upon the name of the Lord, took his death
patiently.

John Bertrand, a forester, or keeper of the forest of Marchenoir, at
Blois, A.D. 1556. Persecutors:  The seigniors or lords of Estnay and
Ciguongnes, dwelling by the town of Marchenoir; and Denis Barbes,
councillor of Blois.

     For the religion and gospel of Christ this John was apprehended
by these persecutors here specified, and led bound to Blois, where he
was examined by Denis the councillor, of divers points:  as, whether
he had spoken at any time against God, against the church, and the
he-saints and the she-saints of paradise? whereunto he said, No.
Item, Whether at any time he had called the mass abominable? which he
granted, for that he, finding no mass in all the Scripture, was
commanded by St. Paul, that if an angel from heaven would bring any
other gospel besides that which was already received, he should
account it accursed. After his condemnation they would have him to be
confessed, and presented to him a cross to kiss:  but he bade the
friars with their cross depart; "That is not the cross," said he,
"that I must carry." Entering into the cart before the multitude, he
gave thanks to God, that he was not there for murder, theft, or
blasphemy, but only for the quarrel of our Saviour. Being tied to the
post, he sang Psalm xxv. Of age he was young, his countenance was
exceeding cheerful and amiable, his eyes looked up to heaven. "O the
happy journey," said he, seeing the place where he should suffer,
"and the fair place that is prepared for me! "When the fire was
kindled about him, "O Lord," cried he, "give thy hand to thy servant;
I commend my soul unto thee; "and so meekly yielded up his spirit: 
whose patient and joyful constancy so astonied the people, that of
long time before nothing did seem to them so admirable.

Peter Rousseau, A.D. 1556. Persecuted by his own brother-in-law.

     Peter Rousseau, coming from Geneva and Lausanne to his country,
partly to communicate with certain of his acquaintance in the word of
God, partly for other certain affairs, because he required his
inheritance of his brother-in-law, was by him betrayed. Then, being
constant in his confession which he offered up, he was put to the
rack three times, which he suffered constantly with great torments.
Afterward he had his tongue cut off, and a ball of iron put in his
mouth. He was drawn upon a hurdle, all broken and maimed, to the
fire, where he was lifted up into the air and let down three times;
and when he was half burned, the ball fell from his mouth, and he
with a loud voice called on the name of God, saying, "Jesus Christ,
assist me." And so this blessed martyr gave up his life to God.

Arnold Moniere, and John de Cazes, at Bourdeaux, A.D. 1556. The name
of his persecutor was Anthony de Lescure, the king's attorney.

     After that Arnold Moniere was taken and examined of the
justice, and so was laid in prison, John de Cazes, resorting to the
same town of Bourdeaux, and hearing of him, and being admonished
moreover, that if he went to him he should be impeached of heresy,
notwithstanding went to comfort him, and so was also imprisoned.
After many examinations, sentence was given upon them to be burned.
When the time came of their martyrdom, they were drawn through the
dirt upon a hurdle to the place, accompanied by a number of bills,
glaves, gunners, and trumpeters. Moreover, albeit there was no such
cause, (they being two simple poor men,) yet the magistrates
commanded (upon what occasion I know not) all the gates of the city
to be shut, and guarded with keepers. When the blessed martyrs were
brought and bound to the post, which was before the palace, they,
much rejoicing that they were made worthy to suffer for Christ, made
confession of their faith, and many earnest exhortations unto the
people. But, to stop the hearing of these saints, the trumpeters were
commanded to sound, who, during all the time of their suffering,
never ceased. The hangman, preparing himself first to strangle Cazes,
chanced to fall down from the top of the post to the pavement, and
brake his head in such sort as the blood followed in great quantity.
Notwithstanding, recovering himself, he went to Moniere, and him he
strangled, who patiently rendered up his life. Cazes, who was the
stronger of them both, being set on fire before the hangman came,
suffered the extremity of the fire with great pains, but greater
patience; for as his legs were almost half burnt, yet he endured,
crying, "My God! my Father! "and so gave up his life.

     And further, to note the work of God that followed when these
two mild and martyred saints were almost consumed in the fire to
ashes, suddenly, without matter or cause, such a fear fell upon them
at the execution, that the justices and the people, notwithstanding
that they had the gates locked to them, and were defended with all
manner of weapons about them, not knowing wherefore, took them to
their legs, in such haste fleeing away, that they overran one
another. The prior of St. Anthony's fell down, so that a great number
went over him. The judge Pontacke on his mule, with his red robe,
fleeing as the other did, was overthrown with the press in the street
called Poteuin, in such sort that he was fain to be carried to
Pichon's house, a widow, and there cried within, "Hide me; save my
life; I am dead! I see even the like matter as at the last commotion!
My friends! hide my mule, that no man see her nor know her." Briefly,
such was the fear which cane upon them, that every man shut up their
houses. After the fear was past, every man asked what the matter was,
but none could tell, neither could the enemies of God's truth
perceive, who was he that put them so to flight and fear, without any
semblance of any adversary about them. This story is testified, and
to be found both in the volume of the French martyrs, printed by John
Crispine, lib. vi., also in the book of Dutch martyrs, written by
Adrian.

Bartholomew Hector, at Turin, A.D. 1556. Persecuted by a gentleman
called Perriere; by M. Bartholomew Eme, president; and by M.
Augustine d'Eglise, councillor.

     First, this Hector was a traveller about the country, and a
seller of books, having his wife and children at Geneva. As he came
into the vale of Angrogne, in Piedmont, to get his living with
selling of books, he was taken by a certain gentleman, and there
arrested and sent to Turin, then examined, and at last condemned.
Being condemned, he was threatened, that if he spake any thing to the
people, his tongue should be cut off; nevertheless he ceased nothing
to speak. After his prayers made, wherein he prayed for the judges,
that God would forgive them, and open their eyes, he was offered his
pardon at the stake, if he would convert; which he refused. Then he
prepared himself to his death, which he took patiently:  whereat many
of the people wept, saying, "Why doth this man die, who speaketh of
nothing but God?"
Illustration:  Martyrs Burned at the Stake

Philip Cene, and James his fellow, at Dijon, A.D. 1557.

     This Philip Cene was an apothecary at Geneva. He was taken at
Dijon, and there imprisoned, and in the same town of Dijon he, with
one James his companion, was burned. As this Philip went to his death
singing psalms, the friar, standing by, stopped his mouth with his
hand. The most part of the people wept bitterly, saying, "Be of good
courage, brethren! be not afraid of this death;" which when one of
the adversary part heard, he said to one of the magistrates, "Do you
not see how almost the half part of the people is of their side, and
doth comfort them?"

Archambant Seraphon, and M. Nicholas du Rousseau, at Dijon, A.D.
1557.

     These two were in prison together with Philip and James above-
mentioned, at Dijon. Archambant, going about with a packet of pedlary
ware to get his living, and coming towards his wife, heard of certain
prisoners at Dijon, to whom he wrote, to comfort them with his
letters. The next day after, he was searched at Aussone, and letters
of certain scholars of Paris found about him. Then he was brought to
Dijon, where he, with the other, called M. Nicholas du Rousseau,
constantly suffered.

     The same Archambant had been also condemned three years before
at Toul, and as he was led to Bourdeaux, he escaped.

Philbert Hamlin, at Bourdeaux, A.D. 1557. Persecuted by the king's
attorney of Sainctes Ville.

     Philbert Hamlin first was a priest:  he then went to Geneva,
where he exercised printing, and sent books abroad. After that he was
made minister at the town of Allenart, in Saintonge, in which and in
other places more he did much good in edifying the people. At last he
was apprehended at Sainctes Ville, and with him his host, a priest,
whom he had instructed in the gospel; and after confession made of
his faith, he, with the said priest, was carried to Bourdeaux before
the president. As he was in prison on a Sunday, a priest came in with
all his furniture to say mass in the prison; whom Philbert, seeing to
be revested, came and plucked his garments from his back with such
zeal and vehemency, that the mass garments, with the chalice and
candlesticks, fell down and were broken; saying, "Is it not enough
for you to blaspheme God in churches, but you must also pollute the
prison with your idolatry?" The jailer, hearing of this, in his fury
laid upon him with his staff, and also complained of him; whereby he
was removed to the common prison, and laid in a low pit, laden with
great irons, so that his legs were swollen withal; and there
continued eight days. A little before, perceiving the priest his host
to decline from the truth, he did what he could to confirm him in the
same:  but when he knew he had flatly renounced Christ and his word,
he said unto him, "O unhappy and more than miserable! is it possible
for you to he so foolish, as for saving of a few days which you have
to live by the course of nature, so to start away, and to deny the
truth? Know you therefore, that although you have, by your
foolishness, avoided the corporal fire, yet your life shall be never
the longer; for you shall die before me, and God shall not give you
the grace that it shall be for his cause, and you shall be an example
to all apostates." He had no sooner ended his talk, but the priest,
going out of prison, was slain by two gentlemen which had a quarrel
to him:  whereof when Master Philbert had heard, he affirmed that he
knew of no such thing before, but spake as it pleased God to guide
his tongue. Whereupon immediately he made an exhortation of the
providence of God, which by the occasion hereof moved the hearts of
many, and converted them unto God.

     At last the aforesaid Philbert, after his condemnation, was had
to the place of his martyrdom before the palace; and as he was
exhorting the people, to the intent his words should not be heard,
the trumpets blew without ceasing. And so, being fastened to the
post, this holy martyr, praying and exhorting the people, was
strangled, and his body with fire consumed on Palm-Sunday eve.

Nicholas Sartorius, at Aost, by Piedmont, A.D. 1557. His persecutors
were Ripet, a secretary; Anthony Eschaux, bailiff; and the king's
procurator.

     Nicholas Sartorius, of the age of six and twenty years, born in
Piedmont, came to the parts of Chambery in Lent, where a certain
warden of the friars in the town of Aost had preached on Good Friday,
upon the passion. The report of which sermon being recited to this
Sartorius, by one that heard him, Sartorius reprehended the error and
blasphemies thereof, which were against the Holy Scriptures. Shortly
after, the party that told him went to a secretary, named Ripet, who
covertly came to entrap Nicholas, demanding him of the friar's
sermon:  "And did not our preacher," said he, "preach well?" "No,"
said Nicholas, "but he lied falsely." Ripet, entering further with
him, demanded, "And do you not believe the body of the Lord to be in
the host?" to whom Nicholas then answered again, "That is against our
Creed, which saith, that he ascended up and sitteth," &c.
Incontinently Ripet went to the friar and his companions, to cause
him to be apprehended. The friends of Nicholas, perceiving the
danger, willed him to avoid and save himself, and also accompanied
him out of the town about the space of three leagues. Then was great
pursuit made after him to all quarters, who at length was taken at
the town of St. Remy, at the foot of the mountain of Great St.
Bernard, where he was examined before Anthony Eschaux, bailiff of the
town, and other justices, before whom he answered with great boldness
for his faith. Then they brought him to the rack, and when the
serjeant refused to draw the cord, the bailiff himself, and the
receiver, with a canon, did rack him with their own hands.
Notwithstanding that the lords of Berne wrote for him to the town of
Aost, requiring to have their own subject delivered unto them, they
hastened the execution, and pronounced sentence that he should be
burned; which sentence he received with such constancy, that neither
the king's receiver, nor all the other enemies, could divert him from
the truth of the gospel, which he manfully maintained while any
spirit remained in his body.

George Tardif, with one of Tours, an embroiderer; also Nicholas, a
shoemaker, of Jenvile, at Tours, A.D. 1558.

     The printer of the story of the French martyrs, named Crispine,
among others maketh also memorial of George Tardif, an embroiderer of
Tours, and of Nicholas of Jenvile, declaring that all these three
were together in prison, and afterwards were dissevered, to suffer in
sundry places one from the other; of whom, first, George Tardif was
executed in Sens.

     The embroiderer of Tours, as he was coming with five or six
others out of a wood, being at prayer, was taken, and thereupon
examined. Before he should be examined, he desired the judges that he
might pray; which being granted, after his prayer made, wherein he
prayed for the judges, for the king, and all estates, and for the
necessity of all Christ's saints, he answered for himself with such
grace and modesty, that the hearts of many were broken, unto the
shedding of tears; seeking (as it seemed) nothing else but his
deliverance. Notwithstanding he at last was sent unto Tours, and
there was crowned with martyrdom.

     The third, who was Nicholas, being but young of years, and
newly come from Geneva to his country, for certain money, by means of
a lady there dwelling, was caused to be apprehended. When he was
condemned and set in a cart, his father, coming with a staff, would
have beaten him, but the officers not suffering it, would have struck
the old man. The son, crying to the officers, desired them to let his
father alone, saying, that his father had power over him to do with
him what he would. And going to the place where he should suffer,
having a ball of iron put in his mouth, he was brought at length to
the fire, in the town of Jenvile, where he patiently took his death
and martyrdom, A.D. 1558.

The Congregation of Paris persecuted, to the number of three or four
hundred, A.D. 1558; by the priests of the college of Plessis; the
doctors of Sorbonne; Dr. Demochares; Cenalis, bishop of Auranches;
Martin, the king's attorney; the cardinal of Lorraine; Maillard; and
lastly, Henry the Second, the French king.

     In 1558, the fourth of September, a company of the faithful, to
the number of three or four hundred, were together convented at
Paris, in a certain house having before it the college of Plessis, in
the street of St. James, and behind it the college of Sorbonne, who
there assembled in the beginning of the night, to the intent to
communicate together the Lord's supper:  but incontinently that was
discovered by certain priests of Plessis, who, gathering together
such as were of that faction, came to beset the house, and made an
outcry, that the watch might come and take them; so that in short
time almost all the city of Paris was up in armour, thinking some
conspiracy to have been in the city; who then following the noise,
and perceiving that they were Lutherans, a great part of them were in
extreme rage, furiously seeking to have their blood, and therefore
stopped the streets and lanes with carts, and made fires to see that
none should escape. The faithful, albeit God had given them leisure
to finish their administration and prayers with such quietness as
they never had better, seeing the suddenness of the thing, were
struck with great fear; who then, being exhorted by the governors of
the congregation, fell to prayer. That done, through the counsel of
some who knew the cowardly hearts of the multitude, this order was
taken, that the men who had weapons should adventure through the
press. Only the women and children remained in the house, and a few
men with them who were less bold than the others, to the number of
six or seven score. Where appeared the admirable power of God in them
that went out with weapons, who, notwithstanding that the lanes and
passages were stopped, and the fires made, did all escape save only
one, who was beaten down with stones, and so destroyed. Certain that
remained in the house with the women, afterwards leaped into gardens,
where they were stayed till the magistrates came. The women, who were
all gentlewomen, or of great wealth, only six or seven excepted,
seeing no other hope, and perceiving the fury of the people, went up
to the windows, crying, "Mercy!" and showing their innocent intent,
required ordinary justice. Thus as they were enclosed about six or
seven hours, at last came Martin the king's attorney, with force of
commissaries and serjeants, who, with much ado appeasing the outrage
of the people, entered into the house; where he, viewing the women
and children, and the other furniture there being prepared for that
congregation, perceived testimonies sufficient of their innocency,
insomuch that in considering thereof, for pity of heart his eyes
could not refrain from tears. Notwithstanding, proceeding in his
office, he had them all to prison within the little castle. I omit
here the furious usage of the people by the way, how despitefully
they plucked and haled the women, tore their garments, thrust off
their hoods from their heads, and disfigured their faces with dust
and dirt. Neither were they better treated in prison than they were
in the streets; for all the villains and thieves there were let out
of their holes and stinking caves, and the poor Christians placed in
their room.

     Besides these manifold wrongs and oppressions done to these
poor innocents, followed then (which was worst of all) the cruel and
slanderous reports of the friars and priests, who, in their railing-
sermons, and other talk, cried out on the Lutherans, persuading the
people most falsely, that they assembled together to make a banquet
in the night, and there, putting out the candles, they intended to
commit most filthy abominations:  adding moreover, (to make the lie
more likely,) that certain nuns also and monks were with them. Also
that they should conspire against the king, and other like heinous
crimes, whatsoever their malice could invent for defacing of the
gospel. With such-like malicious misreports and slanders, Satan went
about to extinguish the ancient church of Christ in the primitive
time, accusing the innocent Christians then of incest, conspiracy,
killing of infants, putting out of candles, and filthy whoredom, &c.
These sinister rumours and cursed defamations were no sooner given
out, but they were as soon received, and spread far, not only to them
of the vulgar sort, but also among the estates of the court, and even
to the king's ears. The cardinal of Lorraine the same time bare a
great sway in the court, who then procured a certain judge of the
castle to come in, declaring to the king, that he found there lying
on the floor of the aforesaid house divers couches and pallets, which
they intended to use for evil purposes; also much other furniture and
preparation appointed for a sumptuous feast or banquet:  wherewith the
king was mightily inflamed against them, neither was there any one
person that durst contrary it.

     Here the enemies began highly to triumph, thinking verily that
the gospel, with all the friends thereof, was overthrown for ever. On
the other side, no less perplexity and lamentation were among the
brethren, sorrowing not so much for themselves, as for the
imprisonment of their fellows. Albeit they lost not their courage so
altogether, but, as well as they could, they exhorted one another,
considering the great favour and providence of God, in delivering
them so wonderfully out of the danger. Some comfort they took unto
them, consulting together in this order, that first they should
humble themselves to God in their own private families:  secondly, to
stop the running bruits of their holy assemblies, they should write
apologies, one to the king, another to the people:  thirdly, that
letters of consolation should be written and sent to their brethren
in prison.

     The first apology was written to the king, and conveyed so
secretly into his chamber, that it was found and read openly in the
hearing of the king and all his nobles:  wherein the Christians
learnedly and discreetly both cleared themselves of those reports,
and showed the malice of their enemies, especially of Satan, who
ever, from the beginning of the church, hath gone, and still doth go,
about to overrun the right way of the Lord. Declaring further, by
manifold examples and continual experience, even from the primitive
time, how the nature of the church hath ever been to suffer
vexations, and slanderous reports and infamation by the malignant
adversaries, &c. And lastly, coming to the king, they craved that
their cause might not be condemned, before it had had indifferent
hearing, &c.

     Nevertheless, this apology to the king served to little
purpose; forasmuch as the adversaries incontinently denied all that
was written to the king, making him to believe, that all were but
excuses pretended; neither was there any person that durst reply
again. But the other apology, to the people, did inestimable good, in
satisfying the rumours, and defending the true cause of the gospel.
Whereupon certain doctors of Sorbonne began to write both against the
apology and the persons, of whom one was called Demochares, who,
taking for his foundation, without any proof, that they were all
heretics, cried out for justice, with bills, glaves, fire, and sword.

     Another Sorbonist, more bloody than the first, not only
exclaimed against them for putting out the candles in their
detestable concourses and assemblies, but also accused them as men
who maintained that there was no God, and denied the Divinity and
humanity of Christ, the immortality of the soul, the resurrection of
the flesh; and briefly, all the articles of true religion. And thus
he charged them without any proof, moving both the king and people,
without any form of law, to destroy and cut them in pieces, &c.

     The third that wrote against them was Cenalis, bishop of
Avranches, who debated the same matter, but with less vehemency than
the others, defending impudently, that their assemblies were to
maintain whoredom; complaining of the judges because they were no
sharper with them, saying, that their softness was the cause why the
number of them so much increased. Among other points of his book this
one thing he disputeth marvellous pleasantly, touching the signs and
marks of the true church; first, presupposing this one thing, which
is true, that the true church hath its signs, by the which it may be
known from the false church:  and thereupon (making no mention at all
either of preaching, or ministration of sacraments) thus he
inferreth:  that their church, which was the catholic church, had
bells by which their assemblies be ordinarily called together; and
the other church, which is of the Lutherans, hath claps of
harquebusses and pistolets for signs, whereby they (as it is commonly
bruited) are wont to congregate together. Upon this supposal, as upon
a sure foundation, he grounding his matter, he vaunted and triumphed
as one having gotten a great conquest, and made a long antithesis or
comparison, by which he would prove that bells were the mark of the
true church. "The bells," said he, "do sound; the harquebusses do
crack or thunder. The bells do give a sweet tune and melodious; the
signs of the Lutherans make a foul noise and terrible. The bells do
open heaven; the others do open hell. Bells chase away clouds and
thunder; the others engender clouds, and counterfeit thunder;" with
many other properties more, which he brought out to prove that the
Church of Rome is the true church, because it hath those bells.

     Mark, good reader! the profound reasons and arguments which
these great doctors had, either to defend their own church, or to
impugn the apologies of the Christians.

     Briefly, to finish the residue of this story:  as the faithful
Christians were thus occupied in writing their apologies, and in
comforting their brethren in prison with their letters, the
adversaries again with their faction were not idle, but sought all
means possible to hasten forward the execution, giving diligent
attendance about the prison and other open places, to satisfy their
uncharitable desire with the death of those whose religion they
hated.

     Finally, the seventeenth day of September, commission was
directed out by the king, and certain presidents and councillors
appointed to oversee the expedition of the matter. Whereupon divers
of the poor afflicted gospellers were brought forth to their judgment
and martyrdom, as anon, Christ willing, you shall hear.

     Henry Pantaleon, partly touching this persecution of the
Parisians, referreth the time thereof to A.D. 1557, which the French
chronicles do assign to the year 1558; and addeth moreover, that the
Germans being at the same time in a certain colloquy at Worms, divers
learned men resorted thither from Geneva and other quarters, desiring
of the princes and protestants there, that they, by their ambassadors
sent to the French king, would become suitors unto him for the
innocent prisoners, who, for the cause abovesaid, were detained in
bands at Paris. By the means of their intercession, (saith he,) and
especially for that the French king was then at war, as God provided,
with Philip king of Spain, a great part of the captives were rescued
and delivered; albeit certain of the said number were executed before
the coming of the German ambassadors, the names and martyrdom of whom
hereunder do ensue.

Nicholas Clinet, at Paris, A.D. 1558. Persecuted by certain priests
of the college of Plessis; and by Dr. Maillard, Sorbonist.

     Of this godly company thus brought to judgment and to
martyrdom, the first was Nicholas Clinet, of the age of sixty years,
who first being a schoolmaster to youth at Saintonge, where he was
born, was there pursued, and had his image burned. From thence he
came to Paris, where, for his godly conversation, he was made one of
the elders or governors of the church. For his age he was suspected
of the judges to be a minister, and therefore was set to dispute
against the chiefest of the Sorbonists, and especially Maillard, whom
he did so confute both in the Scriptures, and also in their own
Sorbonical divinity, (wherein he had been well exercised and expert,)
in the presence of the lieutenant-civil, that the said lieutenant
confessed that he never heard a man better learned, and of more
intelligence.

Taurin Gravelle, a lawyer, at Paris, A.D. 1558.

     Persecuted by Dr. Maillard, a Sorbonist.

     Taurin Gravelle first was a student of the law at Toulouse: 
after that he was made an advocate in the court of Paris:  lastly, for
his godliness, he was ordained an elder to the said congregation,
with Clinet above mentioned. This Taurin, having in his hands the
keeping of a certain house of one M. Barthomier, his kinsman, and
seeing the congregation destitute of a room, received them into the
said house. And when he perceived the house to be compassed with
enemies, albeit he might have escaped with the rest, yet he would
not, but did abide the adventure, to the intent he would answer for
the fact, in receiving the said assembly into the house. The
constancy of this man was invincible, in sustaining his conflicts
with the Sorbonists. With Dr. Maillard, especially, he was of old
acquaintance, whom he did know so well, even from his youth upwards,
that whensoever the said doctor would open his mouth to speak against
the saints for their nightly assemblies, he again did reproach him
with such filthy acts, &c., that neither they who heard could abide
it, neither yet could he deny it, being so notorious that almost all
the children in the streets did know it; and yet that Sorbonical
doctor shamed not to impeach good men of immorality, for their godly
assemblies in the night; whose life was as far from all chastity, as
were their holy assemblies clear from all impurity. In fine, these
two godly elders, in cruel pains of the fire, finished their
martyrdom.

Philippe de Luns, a gentlewoman, at Paris, A.D. 1558. Persecuted by
the lieutenant-civil; Dr. Maillard, Sorbonist; Mosnier, lieutenant;
evil neighbours; Bertrand, lord-keeper of the seal, and cardinal of
Sens; and the marquis of Trane.

     Next unto these abovesaid, was brought out Mme. Philippe,
gentlewoman, of the age of twenty-three years. She came first from
the parts of Gascony with her husband, who was lord of Graveron, unto
Paris, there to join herself to the church of God, where her husband
also had been a senior or elder; who, in the month of May before, was
taken with an ague, and deceased, leaving this Philippe a widow, who
nevertheless ceased not to serve the Lord in his church, and also in
the house was taken with the said company. Many conflicts she had
with the judges and the Sorbonists, especially Maillard; but she
always sent him away with the same reproach as the others did before,
and bade him, "Avaunt wretch!" saying she would not answer one word
to such a villain. To the judges her answer was this:  that she had
learned the faith which she confessed in the word of God, and in the
same would live and die. And being demanded whether the body of
Christ was in the sacrament:  "How is that possible," said she, "to be
the body of Christ, to whom all power is given, and which is exalted
above all heavens, when we see the mice and rats, apes and monkeys,
play with it, and tear it in pieces?" Her petition to them was, that
seeing they had taken her sister from her, yet they would let her
have a Bible or Testament to comfort herself. Her wicked neighbours,
although they could touch her conversation with no part of
dishonesty, yet many things they laid to her charge, as that there
was much singing of psalms in her house, and that twice or thrice an
infinite number of persons were seen to come out of her house. Also
when her husband was dying, no priest was called for; neither was it
known where he was buried; neither did they ever hear any word of
their infant to be baptized, for it was baptized in the church of the
Lord. Among her other neighbours that came against her, two there
were dwelling at St. Germain in the suburbs; between whom,
incontinent, arose a strife, wherein one of them struck the other
with a knife. The death of this gentlewoman was the more hastened of
the lord-keeper of the seal, Bertrand, cardinal of Sens, and his son-
in-law, the marquis of Trane, for to have the confiscation of her
goods.

     These three holy martyrs above recited, were condemned on the
twenty-seventh of September, by the process of the commissioners and
the lieutenant-civil:  and then being put in a chapel together,
certain doctors were sent to them, but their valiant constancy
remained unmovable. After that they were had out of their prison, and
sent every one in a dung-cart to the place of punishment. Clinet ever
cried by the way, protesting, that he said or maintained nothing but
the verity of God. And being asked of a doctor, whether he would
believe St. Austin, touching certain matters? he said, "Yea;" and
that he had said nothing but what he would prove by his authority.

     The gentlewoman, seeing a priest come to confess her, said,
that she had confessed unto God, and had received of him remission: 
other absolution she found none in Scripture. And when certain
councillors did urge her to take in her hands the wooden cross,
according to the custom of them that go to their death, alleging how
Christ commanded every one to bear his cross, she answered, "My
lords!" said she, "you make me in very deed to bear my cross,
condemning me unjustly, and putting me to death in the quarrel of my
Lord Jesus Christ, who willeth us to bear our cross, but no such
cross as you speak of."

     Gravelle looked with a smiling countenance, and showed a
cheerful colour, declaring how little he passed for his condemnation;
and being asked of his friends to what death he was condemned, "I see
well," said he, "that I am condemned to death, but to what death or
torment I regard not." And coming from the chapel, when he perceived
they went about to cut out his tongue, unless he would return, he
said, that was not so contained in the arrest, and therefore he was
unwilling to grant unto it; but afterward, perceiving the same so to
be agreed by the court, he offered his tongue willingly to be cut,
and incontinent spake plainly these words:  "I pray you pray to God
for me."

     The gentlewoman also, being required to give her tongue, did
likewise, with these words:  "Seeing I do not stick to give my body,
shall I stick to give my tongue? No, no." And so these three, having
their tongues cut out, were brought to Maulbert Place. The constancy
of Gravelle was admirable, casting up his sighs and groanings to
heaven, declaring thereby his ardent affection by praying to God.
Clinet was somewhat more sad than the other, by reason of the
feebleness of nature and his age. But the gentlewoman yet surmounted
all the rest in constancy, which neither changed countenance nor
colour, being of an excellent beauty.

     After the death of her husband, she used to go in mourning
weed, after the manner of the country; but the same day, going to her
burning, she put on her French hood, and decked herself in her best
array, as going to a new marriage, the same day to be joined to her
spouse Jesus Christ. And thus these three, with singular constancy,
were burned:  Gravelle and Clinet were burned alive; Philippe, the
gentlewoman, was strangled, after she had a little tasted the flame
with her feet and visage; and so she ended her martyrdom.

Nicholas Cene and Peter Gabart, at Paris, A.D. 1558. Their
persecutors:  the lieutenant, Dr. Maillard, councillors, and friars.

     Of the same company was also Nicholas Cene, a physician,
brother to Philip Cene above mentioned, and martyred at Dijon, and
Peter Gabart; which two, about five or six days after the other three
before, were brought forth to their death, on the second of October.

     Nicholas Cene was but newly come to Paris the same day, when he
was advertised of the assembly which then was congregated in the
street of St. James; and (as he desired nothing more than to hear the
word of God) came thither even as he was, booted, and was also with
them apprehended, sustaining the cause of God's holy gospel unto
death.

     The other was Peter Gabart, a solicitor of processes, about the
age of thirty years, whose constancy did much comfort the prisoners.
He was put among a great number of scholars in the little castle,
whom when he heard to pass the time in talking of philosophy, "No,
no," said he, "let us forget these worldly matters, and learn how to
sustain the heavenly cause of our God, which lies here in defence of
the kingdom of Jesus Christ our Saviour." And so he began to instruct
them how to answer to every point of Christian doctrine, as well as
if he had done no other thing in all his life, but only studied
divinity; and yet was he but very simply learned. Then was he sent
from them apart to another prison, full of filthy stench and vermin;
where, notwithstanding, he ceased not to sing psalms, that the others
might well hear him. He had a nephew in prison by, being but a child,
of whom he asked what he had said to the judges? He said, that he was
constrained to do reverence to a crucifix, painted. "O thou naughty
boy!" said he, "have not I taught thee the commandments of God?
Knowest thou not how it is written, Thou shalt not make to thyself
any graven image," &c. And so began to expound to him the
commandments; whereunto he gave good attention.

     In their examinations, many questions were propounded by the
doctors and friars, touching matters both of religion, and also to
know of them what gentlemen and gentlewomen were there present at the
ministration of the sacrament:  whereunto they answered in such sort,
as was both sufficient for defence of their own cause, and also to
save their other brethren from blame, saying that they would live and
die in what they had said and maintained.

     When the time of their execution was come, they perceived that
the judges had intended, that if they would relent, they should be
strangled; if not, they should burn alive, and their tongues be cut
from them:  which torments being content to suffer for our Saviour
Jesus Christ, offered their tongues willingly to the hangman to be
cut. Gabart began a little to sigh, for that he might no more praise
the Lord with his tongue; whom then Cene did comfort. Then were they
drawn out of prison in the dung-cart to the suburbs of St. Germain;
whom the people in rage and madness followed with cruel injuries and
blasphemies, as though they would have done the execution themselves
upon them, maugre the hangmen. The cruelty of their death was such as
hath not lightly, been seen; for they were holden long in the air
over a small fire, and their lower parts burnt off, before the higher
parts were much harmed with the fire. Nevertheless these blessed
saints ceased not in all these torments to turn up their eyes to
heaven, and to show forth infinite testimonies of their faith and
constancy.

     In the same fire many Testaments and Bibles at the same time
also were burnt.

     Upon the sight of this cruelty, the friends of the other
prisoners who remained behind, fearing the tyranny of these judges,
presented certain causes of refusal against the said judges,
requiring other commissioners to be placed. But the king, being
hereof advertised by his solicitor, sent out his letters patent,
commanding the said causes of refusal to be frustrated, and willed
the former judges to proceed, all other lets and obstacles to the
contrary notwithstanding:  and that the presidents should have power
to choose to them other councillors, according to their own
arbitrement, to supply the place of such as were absent; amongst whom
also the said solicitor was received, instead of the king's
procurator, to pursue the process. By these letters patent it was
decreed, that these stubborn Sacramentaries (as they were called)
should be judged accordingly, save only that they should not proceed
to the execution, before the king were advertised. These letters
aforesaid stirred up the fire of this persecution not a little, for
that the judges at this refusal took great indignation, and were
mightily offended for that reproach. Notwithstanding so it pleased
God, that a young man, a German, called Albert Hartung, born in the
country of Brandenburg, and godson to Albert, marquis of Brandenburg,
by the king's commandment was delivered, through the importunate suit
of the said marquis.

Frederic Danville, and Francis Rebezies, at Paris, A.D. 1558.
Persecutors:  two presidents, twenty-five councillors, the lieutenant-
civil, doctors, friars, Sorbonists, Benedict, Jacobin, Demochares,
and Maillard.

     Mention was made above of certain young scholars and students
who were in the little castle with Peter Gabart. Of the which number
of scholars were these two, Frederic Danville and Francis Rebezies,
neither of them being past twenty years of age. How valiantly they
behaved themselves in those tender years, sustaining the quarrel of
our Lord Jesus Christ, what confession they made, what conflicts they
had, disputing with the doctors of Sorbonne, their own letters left
in writing do make record; the effect whereof briefly to touch is
this:  and first touching Frederic Danville.

     The lieutenant-civil, who before was half suspected, but now,
thinking to prove himself a right catholic, and to recover his
estimation again, came to him, beginning with these words of
Scripture, "Whosoever denieth me before men, him will I deny before
my Father," &c.:  that done, he asked him what he thought of the
sacrament. To whom Frederic answered, that if he should think Christ
Jesus to be between the priest's hands after the sacramental words,
(as they call them,) then should he believe a thing contrary to the
Holy Scripture, and to the Creed, which saith that he sitteth on the
right hand of the Father:  also to the testimony of the angels, who
spake both of the ascending of Christ, and of his coming down again.
After this he questioned with him touching invocation of saints,
purgatory, &c., whereunto he answered so that he rather did astonish
the enemies, than satisfy them.

     Furthermore, on the twelfth of September, the said Frederic
again was brought before Benedict Jacobin, and his companion, a
Sorbonist, called Nos-ter Magister; who thus began to argue with him.

     The doctor. "What think you to be the true church, the church
of the protestants, or the church of Paris?"

     The martyr. "I recognise that to be the true church where the
gospel is truly preached, and the sacraments rightly administered, so
as they be left by Jesus Christ and his apostles."

     Doctor. "And is the church, think you, of Geneva such a one as
you speak of?"

     The martyr. "I so judge it to be."

     Doctor. "And what if I do prove the contrary, will you believe
me?"

     The martyr. "Yea, if you will prove it by the Scripture."

     Doctor. "Or will you believe St. Austin and other holy doctors
innumerable?"

     The martyr. "Yea, so they dissent not from the Scripture and
the word of God."

     Doctor. "By the authority of St. Austin the church is there
where is the succession of bishops; whereunto I frame this argument: 
There is the church, where is the perpetual succession of bishops:  in
the church of Paris is such succession of bishops:  ergo, the church
of Paris is the true church."

     The martyr. "To your major I answer, that if St. Austin mean
the succession of such as are true bishops indeed, who truly preach
the gospel, and rightly administer the sacraments, such bishops I
suppose to be at Geneva, where the gospel is truly preached, and the
sacraments duly administered, and not in the church of Paris. But
otherwise, if St. Austin mean the succession of false bishops, such
as neither preach nor minister according to God's word, so is the
same in no wise to be granted."

     Doctor. "Calvin is there by his own thrusting in, and only by
the choosing of the people."

     The martyr. "And that soundeth more for him to be of God's
divine election, forasmuch as by him the gospel of God is preached
truly, and from this no man shall bring me."

     After this disceptation, the ninth of the same month came
against him another doctor with two Sorbonists, who bringing forth a
scroll out of his bosom, pretended that a certain scholar, coming
from Geneva, made his confession, wherein was contained, that in
receiving of the bread and wine, the body and blood of Christ is
received really. Whereupon they demanded of him, whether he would
receive the same confession.

     The martyr. "Whatsoever I have said unto you, that will I hold.
And as touching this word really, I know right well, that they of
Geneva do not take it for any carnal presence, as you do; but their
meaning is, to exclude thereby only a vain imagination."

     Doctor. "I marvel much that you so refuse the word really, and
use only spiritually, seeing that Calvin himself doth use the same
word really."

     The martyr. "Calvin meaneth thereby no other thing but as we
do."

     Doctor. "What say you of confession auricular?"

     The martyr. "The same that I said before to Monsieur
Lieutenant, that is, that I take it for a plantation, not planted by
God in his word."

     Doctor. "The Almains, in their confession which they sent to
our king to be approved, have these words:  We do not reject auricular
confession; for it is a gospel secret and privy. And also Melancthon,
in his Book of Common Places, doth call it Evangelium Secretum."

     Another time the said Frederic was called again before the
lords, the twentieth of the said month, where they did nothing but
demand of him certain questions, as where he was born, and whether he
had heard in his country at Oleron, that M. Gerard, the bishop there,
did sing mass. "Yea," said he. "And why do not you also," said they,
"receive the same?" He answered, "Because he did it, to retain and
keep his bishopric." The martyr, for lack of paper, could proceed
herein no further.

The examinations of the aforesaid Francis Rebezies.

     Rebezies had three sundry examinations:  the first with the
lieutenant-civil; the second with the presidents and the councillors;
the third with the friars. First, the lieutenant, inquiring of his
name, country, and parents, asked whether he was at the communion,
whether he received with them the bread and wine, and whether he was
a servitor to M. Nicholas Cene, senior of the congregation? Whereunto
he said, "Yea." Also whether he was a distributor of the tokens,
whereby they were let in that came? That he denied.

     Then he was brought into the council chamber, before two
presidents, and twenty-five councillors; who, after other questions
about his country and parents, demanded whether he was taken with
them in the house? He answered, Yea. What he had to do there? To hear
the word of God, and to receive with them. Who brought him thither?
Himself. Whom there he knew? No man. How he durst, or would enter,
knowing no person there? Truth it was, (said he,) that he knew there
two or three. Who were they? M. Gravelle, Clinet, and John Sansot,
feigning that name of himself. Whether he knew the preacher? That he
denied. Whether he allowed the act there done to be good? Yea.
Whether he did not better like to resort unto their beautified
temples, to hear mass, or whether he did not take the mass to be a
holy thing, and ordained of God? He answered again contrary,
believing that it was a great blasphemy against God, and a service 
set up of the devil. Whether he did not acknowledge purgatory? Yea,
that purgatory, which is the death and passion of Christ, which
taketh away the sins of the whole world. The death of Christ is the
principal thing, (said they,) but thou must also believe another.
Alas, (said he,) can we never content ourselves with the simplicity
of the gospel, but man always will be putting to something of his own
brain:  in so many places of the Scripture we see the blood of Jesus
Christ to be sufficient, as John i., Apocalypse v., Hebrews ix.,
Isaiah xliii., where the Lord himself saith, that it is he, who, for
his own sake, putteth away our iniquities, &c. As St. Paul also
saith, that God was in Christ, reconciling the world unto himself,
&c. And on the contrary, when they objected the words of the parable,
Thou shalt not come out till thou hast paid the last farthing:  to
this he answered, that the words of that parable had no such
relation, but to matters civil; and this word "until" meaneth there,
as much as never.

     After that he was charged there by one, for reading the books
of Calvin, Bucer, and Bullinger. The president asked, if he were not
afraid to be burned as were the others before, and to bring his
parents into such dishonour? He answered, that he knew well, that all
who would live godly in Christ Jesus should suffer persecution; and
that to him either to live or to die were advantage in the Lord. And
as touching his parents, Christ himself (said he) doth premonish,
that whosoever loveth father or mother more than him, is not worthy
to be his, &c. "Jesus Maria!" said the president, "what youth are
these now-a-days, who cast themselves so headlong into the fire! "And
so was he commanded away.

     Thirdly, He was brought before Benet, master of the doctors of
Sorbonne, and another called Jacobin, on the fourteenth of October;
where he chancing to speak of the Lord, the doctor began thus to
object as followeth: 

     The doctor. "See how you, and all such as are of your company,
simply name the Lord, without putting to the pronoun, our. So may the
devils well call the Lord, and tremble before his face."

     The martyr. "The devils call the Lord in such sort as the
Pharisees did, when they brought the adulteress before him, and
called him master; yet neither attended they to his doctrine, nor
intended to be his disciples:  whose case I trust is nothing like to
ours, which know, and confess (as we speak) him to be the true Lord
with all our heart, so as true Christians ought to do."

     Doctor. "I know well you hold the church to be, where the word
is truly preached, and the sacraments are sincerely administered,
according as they are left by Christ and his apostles."

     The martyr. "That do I believe, and in that will I live and
die."

     Doctor. "Do you not believe that whosoever is without that
church, cannot obtain remission of his sins?"

     The martyr. "Whosoever doth separate himself from that church,
to make either sect, part, or division, cannot obtain, as you say."

     Doctor. "Now let us consider two churches, the one wherein the
word is rightly preached, and the two sacraments are administered
accordingly as they be left unto us:  the other, wherein the word and
sacraments be used contrarily. Which of these two ought we to
believe?"

     The martyr. "The first."

     Doctor. "Well said. Next is now to speak of the gifts given to
the said church:  as the power of the keys, and confession for
remission of sins after we be confessed to a priest. Also we must
believe the seven sacraments in the same church truly administered,
as they be here in the churches of Paris, where the sacrament of the
altar is ministered, and the gospel is truly preached."

     The martyr. "Sir, now you begin to halt. As for my part, I do
not receive in the church more than two sacraments, which be
instituted in the same for the whole commonalty of Christians. And as
concerning the power of the keys, and your confession, I believe,
that for the remission of our sins, we ought to go to none other but
only to God, as we read in 1 John i., If we confess our sins, God is
faithful and just to pardon our offences, and he will purge us from
all our iniquities, &c. Also in the prophet David, in the nineteenth
and thirty-second Psalms:  I have opened my sin unto thee," &c.

     Doctor. "Should I not believe that Christ, in the time of his
apostles, gave to them power to remit sins?"

     The martyr. "The power that Christ gave to his apostles, if it
be well considered, is nothing disagreeing to my saying:  and
therefore I began to say (which I here confess) that the Lord gave to
his apostles to preach the word, and so to remit sins by the same
word."

     Doctor. "Do you then deny auricular confession?"

     The martyr. "Yea, verily I do."

     Doctor. "Ought we to pray to saints?"

     The martyr. "I believe no."

     Doctor. "Tell me what I shall ask, Jesus Christ being here upon
the earth? Was he not then as well sufficient to hear the whole
world, and to be intercessor for all, as he is now?"

     The martyr. "Yes."

     Doctor. "But we find that when he was here on earth, his
apostles made intercession for the people:  and why may they not do
the same as well now also?"

     The martyr. "So long as they were in the world, they exercised
their ministry, and prayed one for another, as needing human succours
together; but now, they being in paradise, all the prayer that they
make, is this:  that they wish that they who be yet on earth, may
attain to their felicity; but to obtain any thing at the Father's
hand, we must have recourse only to his Son."

     Doctor. "If one man have such charge to pray for another, may
not he then be called an intercessor?"

     The martyr. "I grant."

     Doctor. "Well then, you say there is but one intercessor: 
whereupon I infer, that I, being bound to pray for another, need not
now to go to Jesus Christ to have him an intercessor, but to God
alone, setting Jesus Christ apart; and so ought we verily to
believe."

     The martyr. "You understand not, sir, that if God do not behold
us in the face of his own well-beloved Son, then shall we never be
able to stand in his sight:  for if he shall look upon us, he can see
nothing but sin; and if the heavens be not pure in his eyes, what
shall be thought then of man, so abominable and unprofitable, who
drinketh iniquity like water, as Job doth say?"

     Then the other friar, seeing his fellow to have nothing to
answer to this, inferred as followeth.

     Doctor. "Nay, my friend! as touching the great mercy of God,
let that stand; and now to speak of ourselves, this we know, that God
is not displeased with them which have their recourse unto his
saints."

     The martyr. "Sir, we must not do after our own wills, but
according to that which God willeth and commandeth:  For this is the
trust that we have in him, that if we demand any thing after his
will, he will hear us.

     Doctor. "As no man cometh to the presence of an earthly king,
or prince, without means made by some about him; so, or rather much
more, to the heavenly King above," &c.

     The martyr. "To this earthly example, I will answer with
another heavenly example of the prodigal son, who sought no other
means to obtain his Father's grace, but came to the Father himself."

     Then they came to speak of adoration, which the said Rebezies
disproved by the Scripture, Acts x. xiii. xiv.; Apocalypse xix. xxii: 
Hebrews x. xii.:  where is to be noted, that where the martyr alleged
the twelfth chapter to the Hebrews; the doctors answered, that it was
in the eleventh chapter, when the place indeed is neither in the
eleventh, nor in the twelfth, but in the fourteenth chapter of the
Acts. So well seen were these doctors in their divinity.

     Doctor. "Touching the mass, what say you? believe you not that
when the priest hath consecrated the host, our Lord is there as well,
and in as ample sort, as he was, hanging upon the cross?"

     The martyr. "No, verily; but I believe that Jesus Christ is
sitting at the right hand of his Father; as appeareth by Hebrews x.,
1 Cor. xv., Colossians iii. And therefore (to make short with you) I
hold your mass for none other, but for a false and counterfeited
service, set up by Satan, and retained by his ministers, by the which
you do annihilate the precious blood of Christ, and his oblation once
made of his own body; and you know right well that the same is
sufficient, and ought not to be reiterated."

     Doctor. "You deceive yourselves in the word reiteration, for we
do not reiterate it so as you think; as by example I will show. You
see me now in this religious garment; but if I should put upon me a
soldier's weed, then should I be disguised, and yet for all that I
should remain the same still within my doublet, that I was before in
my friar's weed. So is it with the sacrifice:  we confess and grant,
that naturaliter, that is, naturally, be was once offered in
sacrifice; and also in sitting, naturaliter, that is, naturally, at
the right hand of his Father; but supernaturaliter, et subscriptive,
that is, supernaturally, we sacrifice the same without reiteration.
Supernaturaliter we sacrifice him; but that sacrifice is only
disguised, to understand that he is contained under that curtain and
whiteness which you see."

     The martyr. "Sir, this I say, that such a disguised sacrifice
is a diabolical sacrifice; and this you may take for a resolution."

     Doctor. "And how is your belief touching the holy supper?"

     The martyr. "That if it be ministered unto me by the minister,
in such usage as it hath been left of Christ and his apostles;
preaching also the word purely withal; I believe that, in receiving
the material bread and wine, I receive with lively faith the body and
blood of Jesus Christ spiritually."

     Doctor. "Say corporally."

     The martyr. "No, sir, for his words be spirit and life; and let
this content you."

     Doctor. "What say you, Is it lawful for a priest to marry?"

     The martyr. "I believe it to be lawful for him, in such sort as
the apostle saith, Whosoever hath not the gift of continency, let him
marry; for it is better to marry than to burn. And if this do not
content you, further you may read what he writeth of bishops and
elders, 1 Tim. iii. and Tit. i."

     And thus these doctors, affirming that he denied priesthood,
gave him leave to depart, saying, "God have mercy on you!" "So be
it," said he.

     After this, about the twenty-second of October, the said
Rebezies and Frederic Danville, were brought up to a chamber in the
castle, to be racked, to the intent they should utter the rest of the
congregation; in which chamber they found three councillors, who thus
began with them:  "Lift up thy hand. Thou shalt swear by the passion
of Jesus Christ, whose image here thou seest" (showing him a great
marmoset there painted on paper); whereunto Rebezies answered,
"Monsieur, I swear to you by the passion of Christ, which is written
in my heart." "Why dost not thou swear to us," said the councilors,
"as we say unto thee?" " Because," said he, "it is a great blasphemy
against the Lord." Then the councillors read their depositions, and,
first beginning with Rebezies, said:  "Wilt thou not tell us the
truth, what companions thou knowest to be of this assembly?" Rebezies
named, as he did before, Gravel, Clinet, (which were already burnt,)
and John Sansot. To whom they said, that the court had ordained, that
if he would give no other answer but so, he should be put to the
torture or rack; and so he was commanded to be stripped to his shirt,
having a cross put in his hand, and being bid to commend himself to
God and the Virgin Mary. But he neither would receive the cross, nor
commend himself to the Virgin Mary, saying, that God was able enough
to guard him, and to save him out of the lion's mouth:  and so, being
drawn and stretched in the air, he began to cry, "Come, Lord! and
show thy strength, that man do not prevail," &c. But they cried,
"Tell truth, Francis! and thou shalt be let down."

     Nevertheless he continued still in his invocation and prayer to
the Lord, so that they could have no other word but that. And after
they had thus long tormented him, the councillors said, "Wilt thou
say nothing else?" "I have nothing else," said he, "to say." And so
they commanded him to be loosed, and be put by the fire-side. Who,
being loosed, said to them, "Do you handle thus the poor servants of
God?" And the like was done to Frederic Danville also, his companion,
(who at the same time was also very sick,) of whom they could have no
other answer but as of the other. So mightily did God assist and
strengthen his servants, as ever he did any else, as by their own
letters and confession it doth appear.

     These constant and true martyrs of Christ, after they had
returned from the torture unto their fellow prisoners, ceased not to
thank and praise the Lord for his assistance. Frederic did sigh
oftentimes, and being asked of his fellows, why he so did? he said,
it was not for the evil that he had suffered, but for the evils that
he knew they should suffer afterward. "Notwithstanding," said he, "be
strong, brethren! and be not afraid, assuring yourselves of the aid
of God, who hath succoured us, and also will comfort you." Rebezies
with the rack was so drawn and stretched, that one of his shoulders
was higher than the other, and his neck drawn on the one side, so
that he could not move himself:  and therefore desiring his brethren
to lay him upon his bed, there he wrote his confession, which
hitherto we have followed. When the night came they rejoiced
together, and comforted themselves with meditation of the life to
come, and contempt of this world, singing psalms together till it was
day. Rebezies cried twice or thrice together, "Away from me, Satan!"
Frederic, being in bed with him, asked why he cried, and whether
Satan would stop him of his course? Rebezies said, that Satan set
before him his parents; "but by the grace of God," said he, "he shall
do nothing against me."

     The day next following they were brought once or twice before
the councillors, and required to show what fellows they had more of
the said assembly:  which when they would not declare, the sentence
was read against them, that they should be brought in a dung-cart to
Maulbert Place, and there, having a ball in their mouths, be tied
each one to his post, and afterwards be strangled; and so be turned
into ashes.

     Afterwards came the friars and doctors, Demochares, Maillard,
and others, to confess them, and offering to them a cross to kiss,
which they refused. Then Demochares by force made Rebezies to kiss it
whether be would or no, crying to them moreover, that they should
believe in the sacrament. "What," said Frederic, "will ye have us to
pluck Christ Jesus out from the right hand of the Father?" Demochares
said, that so many of their opinion had suffered death before, and
yet none of them all ever did any miracles, as the apostles and other
holy martyrs did. Frederic asked them, if they required any miracle?"
No," said they; and so stood mute, save only that Demochares prayed
them to consider well what they had said unto them. Maillard also
added, that he would gage his soul to be damned, but it was true.
Frederic answered, that he knew it was contrary.

     At last, being brought to the place of execution, a cross again
was offered them, which they refused. Then a priest standing by, bade
them believe in the Virgin Mary. "Let God," saith they, "reign
alone." The people standing by, "Ali mischievous Lutheran!" said
they. "Nay, a true Christian I am," said he. When they were tied to
their stakes, after their prayers made, when they were bid to be
despatched, one of them comforting the other, said, "Be strong, my
brother! be strong Satan, away from us!" As they were thus exhorting,
one standing by said, "These Lutherans do call upon Satan." One John
Morel, (who afterwards died a martyr,) then standing by at liberty,
answered, "I pray you let us hear," said he, "what they say, and we
shall hear them invocate the name of God." Whereupon the people
listened better unto them, to hearken, as well as they could, what
they said:  they crying still as much as their mouths being stopped
could utter, "Assist us, O Lord." And so they, rendering up their
spirits to the hands of the Lord, did consummate their valiant
martyrdom.

     After the martyrdom of these two abovesaid, the intention of
the judges was to despatch the rest one after another in like sort,
and had procured already process against twelve or thirteen ready to
be judged. But a certain gentlewoman, then prisoner amongst them, had
presented causes of exceptions or refusals against them, whereby the
cruel rage of the enemies was stayed to the month of July following.
In the mean time, as this persecution was spread into other
countries, first the faithful cantons of the Switzers perceiving
these good men to be afflicted for the same doctrine which they
preached in their churches, sent their ambassadors to the king to
make supplication for them. The same time also came letters from the
county palatine, elector, tending to the same end, to solicit the
king for them. The king, standing the same time in great need of the
Germans for his wars, was contented at least that they should proceed
more gently with them; and so the fire for that time ceased. Most of
them were sent to abbeys, where they were kept at the charge of the
priors, to be constrained to be present at the service of idolatry,
especially the young scholars; of whom some shrunk back; others,
being more loosely kept, escaped away. The most part were brought
before the official to make their confession, and to receive
absolution ordinary. Divers made their confession ambiguous and
doubtful, &c.

Rena Seau and John Almarick, at Paris. A.D. 1558.

     These two young men were also of the company above specified,
and were in prison, where they sustained such cruelty, being almost
racked to death, that Almarick could not go when he was called to the
court to be judged. And being upon the rack, he rebuked their
cruelty, and spake so freely, as though he had felt no grief; and as
they said, who came to visit him, he testified unto them, that he
felt no dolour so long as he was upon it. Both these died in prison,
continuing still firm and constant in the pure confession of Christ's
church.

John Bordel, Matthew Vermeil, Peter Bourdon, Andrew de Fou, in the
country of Brasil, A.D. 1558. Persecuted by Villegaignon, a French
captain.

     Mention is made in the French story of one Villegaignon,
lieutenant for the French king, who made a voyage into the land of
Brasil with certain French ships, and took an island nearly to the
same adjoining, and made therein a fortress. After they had been
there a while, Villegaignon (for lack of victuals, as he pretended)
sent certain of them away in a ship to the river Plata, towards the
pole antarctic, a thousand miles off. In this ship were these four
here mentioned; who, forsaking their ship by occasion of tempest,
were carried back again, and so came to the land of Brasil, and
afterwards to their own countrymen. Villegaignon, being much grieved
thereat, first charged them with departing without his leave.
Moreover, being terrified in his mind with false suspicion and vain
dreams, fearing and dreaming lest they had been sent as privy spies
by the Brasilians, because they came from them, and had been friendly
entertained of them; he began to devise how he might put them to
death under some colour of treason:  but the cause was religion. For
albeit sometime he had been a professor of the gospel, yet
afterwards, growing to some dignity, he fell to be an apostate, and
cruel persecutor of his fellows. But when no proof or conjecture
probable could be found to serve his cruel purpose, he, knowing them
to be earnest protestants, drew out certain articles of religion for
them to answer, and so entrapping them upon their confession, he laid
them in irons and in prison, and secretly with one executioner and
his page, he took one after another, beginning with John Bordel, and
first brought him to the top of a rock, and there being half
strangled, without any judgment threw him into the sea; and after the
like manner, ordered also the rest. Of whom three were thus cruelly
murdered and drowned; to wit, John Bordel, Matthew Vermeil, and Peter
Bourdon. The fourth, who was Andrew de Fou, he caused by manifold
allurements somewhat to incline to his sayings, and so he escaped the
danger; not without great offence taken of a great part of the
Frenchmen in that country.
Illustration:  Geneva
Geffery Varagle, at Turin, in Piedmont, A.D. 1558. Persecuted by the
king's lieutenant.

     In the same year, 1558, suffered also Geffery Varagle, preacher
in the valley of Angrogne, at the town of Turin, in Piedmont, who
first was a monk, and said mass the space of seven and twenty years.
Afterwards, returning from Buske toward Angrogne to preach, as he had
used before to do, sent by the ministers of Geneva, and other
faithful brethren, was apprehended in the town of Bruges, and brought
before the king's lieutenant; where he was questioned with, touching
divers articles of religion:  as of justification, works of
supererogation, free-will, predestination, confession, satisfaction,
indulgences, images, purgatory, the pope, &c. Whereunto he answered
again in writing, with such learning and reason, alleging against the
pope's own distinctions, that, as the story reporteth, the court of
Turin, marvelling at his learning, condemned him more for reproach of
shame, than upon true opinion grounded on judgment. When he was
brought to the place of execution, the people which stood by and
heard him speak, declared openly, that they saw no cause why he
should die. A certain old companion of his, a priest, calling him by
his name, "Master Geffery," desired him to convert from his opinions: 
to whom he patiently answered again, desiring him, that he would
convert from his condition. And thus after he had made his prayer
unto God, and had forgiven his executioner, and all his enemies, he
was first strangled, and then burned. In the aforesaid story,
relation is made moreover, concerning the said Geffery, that at the
time of his burning a dove was seen, as was credibly reported of
many, flying and fluttering divers times about the fire; testifying,
as was thought, the innocency of this holy martyr of the Lord. But
the story addeth, that upon such things we must not stay:  and so
concludeth he the martyrdom of this blessed man.

Benet Romaine, a mercer or haberdasher, at Draguignan in Provence,
A.D. 1558. Persecuted by Lanteaume Blanc; De Lauris, councillor and
son-in-law to Miniers, lord of Opede, the cruel persecutor; Anthony
Revest, the lieutenant; Barbosi, judge-ordinary of Draguignan;
Joachim Partavier, the king's advocate; Caval and Cavalieri, consuls;
the official; Gasper Siguiere, officer in Draguignan; and also a
friar observant.

     The lamentable story of Benet Romaine is described at large
among other French martyrs, by John Crispine, printer:  the brief
recital whereof here followeth. This Benet, having wife and children
at Geneva, to get his living used to go about the country with
certain mercenary ware, having cunning also, amongst other things,
how to dress corals. As he was coming toward Marseilles, and passed
by the town of Draguignan, he happened upon one of the like faculty,
named Lanteaume Blanc, who, being desirous to have of his corals, and
could not agree for the price, also knowing that he was one of
Geneva, went to a councillor of the court of Aix; being then at
Draguignan, whose name was De Lauris, son-in-law to Miniers, lord of
Opede, the great persecutor against Merindol, &c. This De Lauris,
consulting together with the aforesaid Blanc, and pretending to buy
certain of his coral which he saw to be very fair, and knowing also
that he had to the worth of three hundred crowns, incontinent after
his departing from him, he sent to the officer of the town to attach
the said Benet, as one being the greatest Lutheran in the world. Thus
when he was arrested for the king's prisoner, Blanc and his fellows,
which, sought nothing but only the prey, were ready to seize on his
goods; and likewise of the other two men whom he hired to bear his
merchandise. Then were these three poor men separated asunder, and
Romaine examined before the consuls, and the king's advocate, and
other councillors, where he kept his Easter? whether he received at
the same Easter? whether he was confessed before, and fasted the
Lent. Also he was bid to say his Pater Noster, the Creed, and Ave
Maria; which two first he did, but refused to say Ave Maria. Then was
he asked for worshipping of saints, women-saints and men-saints, and
when he heard mass? He said, he would worship none but God alone: 
mass he heard none these four years, nor ever would. Whereupon he was
committed to a stinking and loathsome place, with iron chains upon
his legs. De Lauris thus having his will upon the poor man, sent for
the lieutenant, named Anthony Revest, told him what he had done, and
willed him to see the prisoner. The lieutenant, being angry, that he
did so usurp upon his office, denied to go with him to the prisoner,
excusing the filthy savour of the place. Notwithstanding, the same
day the lieutenant with another went to the prison, and caused the
said Romaine to come before him, of whom he inquired many things, of
his dwelling, of his name and age, his wife and children, of his
faculty, and the cause of his coming; also of his religion, and all
such points thereto belonging. Unto whom he answered again simply and
truly in all respects, as lay in his conscience; and thereunto, being
required, (because he could not write,) he put to his mark. After
this confession being thrice made, and his answer taken, certain
faithful brethen of that place found means to come to him, and
counselled him, that seeing he had sufficiently already made
confession of his faith, he would seek means to escape out from his
enemies, which sought nothing but his death; and showed unto him what
he should say unto the lieutenant. But he refused so to do, being
willing there to render account of his faith, and contented to die
for the same.

     The fame of his constancy being known in the town, judge
Barbosi, a man blind and ignorant, and no less deformed, came to see
him, and asked, "What, do they believe," said he, "in any God in
Geneva?" Romaine looking upon him, "What art thou," said he, "that so
wretchedly dost blaspheme?" "I am," said he, "the judge-ordinary of
this place." "And who hath put thee," said Romaine, "such a gross and
deformed person, in such an office? Thinkest thou that we be
infidels, and no Christians? And if the devils themselves do confess
a God, suppose you that they of Geneva do deny their God? No! no! we
believe in God, we invocate his name, and repose all our trust in
him," &c. Barbosi took such grief with this, departing from Romaine,
that he ceased not to pursue him to death.

     The lieutenant then being urged, and much called upon, and also
threatened by this Barbosi and other, prepared to proceed in judgment
against him, taking to him such judges and advocates as the order
there required. There was at the same time an Observant Friar, who
had there preached all the Lent. He, being very eager and diligent to
have the poor Christian burned, and seeing the judges intentive about
the business, to set the matter forward, said, that he would go and
say mass of the Holy Ghost, to illuminate their intents to have the
said Romaine condemned and burned alive at a little fire. Moreover,
he procured Caval and Cavalieri, the consuls, to threaten the
lieutenant, that they would complain of him to the high court of
parliament, if he would not after that sort condemn him to be burnt.
In the mean time the faithful Christians of the said town, fearing
lest by his racking danger might happen to the brethren, sent to
Romaine again in the prison certain instructions and means how he
might be aided, such as should not be against God:  but when the
lieutenant came, the poor man forgot his instructions; so simple he
was, and ignorant of the subtleties of this world.

     When the time came that the judges were set, and the process
should be read, Barbosi, with other whom the friar had procured, had
agreed before, that he should be fired alive, and put to the rack, to
disclose his fellows, and also gagged, that he might not speak and
infect the residue. On the other part, one there was of the
advocates, (albeit a man wholly superstitious,) seeing the rage of
the others, gave contrary advice, saying, that he should be sent home
again, for that he was a town-dweller of Geneva, neither had taught
there any kind of doctrine, nor brought any books, or had they any
informations against him; and that which he had spoken, was a thing
constrained by his oath, forced by the justice. And as touching his
opinion, it was no other but as other young men did follow, which
were either of the one part, or of the other; and therefore that here
remained no more, but only the lieutenant to give his verdict, &c.
Thus much being spoken, and also because the lieutenant was before
suspected, and the time of dinner drew near, they arose for that
time, deferring the matter to another season. The Friar Observant in
this mean while was not idle, inciting still the consuls and the
people, who, at the ringing of a bell being assembled together with
the official and the priests in a great rout, came crying to the
lieutenant to burn the heretic, or else they would fire him, and all
his family; and in semblable wise did the same to the other judges
and advocates:  the official moreover added, that if it were not
better seen unto than so, the Lutherans would take such courage, and
so shut up their church doors, that no man should enter in. Then,
because the lieutenant would not take to him other judges after their
minds, in all post-haste the people contributed together, that at
their own charge the matter should be pursued at the parliament of
Aix, and so compelled the lieutenant to bring the process unto
judgment, every man crying, "To the fire, to the fire, that he may be
burned!!"

     The lieutenant, being not able otherwise to appease the people,
promised to bring the matter to the high court of Aix, and so he did.
They, hearing the information of the cause, commanded the lieutenant
and the other judges to deal no further therein, but to send up the
process and the prisoner unto them. This went greatly against the
minds of them of Draguignan, which would fain have had him condemned
there. Whereupon Barbosi was sent out to the parliament of Aix, where
he so practised and laboured the matter, that the cause was sent down
again to the lieutenant, and he enjoined to take unto him such
ancient advocates, as their old order required, and to certify them
again within eight days. And so Romaine, by the sentence of those old
judges, was condemned to be burned alive, if he turned not; if he
did, then to be strangled, and before the execution, to be put upon
the rack, to the intent he should disclose the rest of his company;
from the which sentence Romaine then appealed, saying that he was no
heretic. Whereupon he was carried unto Aix, singing the Commandments
as he passed by the town of Draguignan:  which when the king's
advocate did see, looking out of his window, he said unto him, that
he was one of them that concluded his death, but desired God to
forgive him; Romaine answered again, and said, "God will judge us all
in the last day of judgment." After he was come to Aix, he was
brought before the councillors, before whom he remained no less
constant and firm than before. Then was a fumish friar sent, who,
being three hours with him, and could not remove him, came out to the
lords, and said that he was damned:  by reason whereof, the sentence
given before his condemnation was confirmed, and he sent back again
from whence he came.

     At this return again from Aix, the consuls of Draguignan sent
abroad by parishes unto the curates, that they should signify unto
their parishioners the day of his death, to the end that they should
come; also caused to be cried through the town by the sound of a
trumpet, that all good Christians should bring wood to the great
market-place, to burn the Lutheran. The day being come, which was
Saturday, the sixteenth of May, the poor servant of God was first
brought to the rack or torture, where, at his first entry, were
brought before him the cords, irons, and weights, to terrify him.
Then, said they, he must utter his complices, and renounce his
religion, or else he should be burned alive. He answered with a
constant heart, that he had no other accomplices nor companions,
neither would he hold any other faith but that which Jesus Christ did
preach by his apostles. Then was he demanded of his fellows taken
with him, whether they did hold the faith of Rome, or whether he did
ever communicate with them, or did know them in the town, or in the
province to be of his faith? He said, No. Item, What he had to do in
that town? He said, To sell his coral. Item, Who gave him counsel to
appeal? God, he said, by his Spirit.

     Upon this he was put upon the gin or rack, where he, being torn
most outrageously, ceased not still to cry unto God, that he would
have pity on him for the love of Jesus Christ his Son. Then was he
commanded to call to the Virgin Mary, but that he would not.
Whereupon his torture was renewed afresh, in such cruel sort, that
they thought they had left him for dead; for which they sent him to
the barbers, and finding that he could endure no longer, were afraid
lest he had been past, and hastened to bring him to the fire. So,
after they had essayed him by priests and friars as much as they
could, to make him revolt, they helped the hangman to bear him, all
broken and dismembered as he was, unto the heap of wood, where they
tied him to a chain of iron which was let down upon the faggots.
Romaine, seeing himself to be alone lying upon the wood, began to
pray to God; whereat the friars being moved, ran to him again to
cause him to say Ave Maria:  which when he would not do, they were so
furious, that they plucked and tore his beard. In all these anguishes
the meek saint of God had recourse still to God in his prayers,
beseeching him to give him patience. Then left they him lying as
dead; but so soon as they descended down from the wood, he began to
pray to God again in such sort as one would have thought that he had
felt no hurt. Then another great friar, supposing to do more with him
than the rest, came up to the wood unto him, to admonish him. Romaine
thought at first that he had been a faithful Christian, by his gentle
speech; but afterwards when he urged him to pray to the Virgin Mary,
he desired him to depart, and let him alone in peace. As soon as he
was departed, Romaine lifted up his head and his eyes on high,
praying God to assist him in his great temptation. Then a certain
father, a warden, to bring the people in more hatred, cried out and
said, "He blasphemeth! he blasphemeth! he speaketh against the
blessed Virgin Mary!" Whereat Barbosi cried, "Stop his mouth, let him
be gagged!" The people cried, "To the fire! let him be burned! "Then
the hangman set fire to the straw and little sticks that were about,
which incontinent were set on fire. Romaine still remained hanging in
the air till he died. When all his nether parts were burnt well near,
he was seen to lift up his head to heaven, moving his lips, without
any cry:  and so this blessed saint rendered his spirit to God!

     Of this assembly there were divers judgments and sundry bruits.
Some said, that if good men had been about him, it had gone better
with him; and that those priests and monks which were about him, were
whoremasters and infamous.

     Others said, that he had wrong, and that a hundred of that
company there were, who more deserved death than he, especially among
those who condemned him. Other went away marvelling, and disputing of
his death and doctrine. And thus was the course finished of this
valiant and thrice blessed martyr-and servant of the Lord Jesus the
Son of God.

Francis Civaux, at Dijon, A.D. 1558. Persecuted by the convent of the
Jacobin Friars at Dijon, and a priest of that place.

     This Francis Civaux was secretary to the French ambassador here
in England in Queen Mary's time, who afterwards, being desirous to
hear the word of God, went to Geneva. Also he was placed to be
secretary to the senate or council of Geneva; where he continued
about the space of a year. Having then certain business, he came to
Dijon.

     There was the same time a priest that preached at Dijon such
doctrine, that the said Francis, being worthily offended thereat,
came friendly unto the priest, and reasoned with him touching his
doctrine, showing by the Scriptures how and where he had erred. The
priest excused himself, that he was not so well instructed to
dispute, but he would bring him the next day to a certain learned
man, whom he knew there in the town, and desired the said Francis to
go with him to breakfast, where he would be glad to hear them two in
conference together. Whereunto when Francis had consented, the priest
incontinent went to the Jacobin Friars, where the matter was thus
contrived, that at the breakfast time Francis there unawares should
be apprehended.

     When the next day came, the priest brought Francis, according
to his appointment, to a Jacobin Friar, who, pretending much fair
friendship unto him, as one glad and desirous of his company,
besought him to take a breakfast with him the next morrow, and there
they would enter conference together. With this also Francis was
content, and to prepare himself the better to that conflict, sat up
almost all the night writing with his fellow. The next morrow, as
Francis with his fellow were preparing themselves toward the
breakfast, the Jacobin in the mean time went to the justice of the
town, to admonish him to be ready at the time and place appointed.
Thus, as the Jacobin was standing at the justice's door, the
companion of Francis, seeing the friar there stand, began to mistrust
with himself, and told Francis, willing him to beware of the friar.
Moreover, the same night Francis had in his dream, that the said
friar should commit him to the justice. But he, either not caring for
his dreams, or else not much caring for the danger, committed himself
to the hands of God, and went. As they were together disputing in the
convent of the Jacobins, Francis, thus betrayed of the priest, was
apprehended by the officers, carried to prison, and within seven days
after, being Saturday before the nativity of our Lord, was brought to
the place of execution, where first he was strangled, and then
burned. And as touching the fellow and companion of this Francis
above mentioned, he was also apprehended with him, and put in prison;
but because he was but a young novice, and yet not fully confirmed,
he recanted, and was delivered.

Peter Arondeau, at Paris, A.D. 1559. His persecutors were the priests
of Rochelle, Manroy a priest, the lieutenant of Rochelle, the
cardinal of Lorraine, and two presidents, to wit, Magister and St.
Andre.

     The town of Rochelle, as it is a place of great commodity
because of the sea, so was it not inferior to other good towns in
France, for nourishing and supporting the holy assemblies of the
Lord. Unto the which town, about A.D. 1559, resorted one Peter
Arondeau, a man of base condition, with a little packet of mercery
ware there to sell:  who there, being known to join himself to the
church and congregation of the faithful, was demanded of certain
ministers of antichrist, whether he would go to hear mass or no? He
said, that he had been there too oft to his great grief; and that
since the time that the Lord had taken the veil from his eyes, he
knew the mass to be abominable, forged in the shop of the enemy of
all mankind. They to whom he thus answered were priests; amongst whom
was one named Manroy, who, taking the others there present for
witnesses, brought him straight to the lieutenant. The deposition
being taken, and information made, it was decreed incontinent, that
his body should be attached. And although by one of his friends he
was admonished to save himself, and to avoid the danger, yet he
ceased not to put himself into his enemy's hands; and so was led
prisoner. As he was in prison, many of the faithful came to comfort
him, but rather he was able to comfort not only them which came to
comfort him, but also the others who were there prisoners with him.
The priests left no diligence unsought to stir up the lieutenant,
which was of himself too much inflamed in such matters.

     Arondeau, after many interrogations, and threatening words, and
also fair promises of his pardon, still continued one man. Then the
lieutenant seeing his constancy, condemned him to death. Arondeau,
praising God for his grace given, did not a little rejoice that he
might suffer in that quarrel, and in token of rejoicing, did sing a
psalm, being fully resolved to accept the said condemnation, without
any appeal. But his friends, not pleased with his resolution, came to
him; and so persuaded with him not to give his life so good cheaply
over to his enemies' hands, that he was turned from that, and made
his appeal. The appeal being entered, the lieutenant, seeking to
gratify the adversaries of the gospel, and especially the cardinal of
Lorraine, secretly, by the backside of the town, and out of the
highway, conveyed the poor prisoner unto Paris; who, being brought
unto Paris by privy journeys, as is said, was put into prison,
committed to the custody of two presidents, to wit, Magister, and St.
Andre; by the means of whom the sentence of the lieutenant was
confirmed, and also put in execution the fifteenth day of November,
in the year abovesaid; on the which day the said Arondeau was burned
quick at the place called St. John, in Greve, at Paris. The constancy
heroical which God gave him, and wherein he endured victorious unto
death, was a mirror or glass of patience unto M. Anne du Bourge,
councillor in the parliament of Paris, and to divers others then
prisoners; and was to them a preparation toward the like death, which
shortly after they suffered.

     Not long after the happy end of this blessed martyr, the
aforenamed Manroy, which was the principal accuser and party against
him, was struck with a disease called apoplexia, and thereupon
suddenly died.

     By this, and many other such-like examples, the mighty judgment
of God most evidently may appear; who, albeit commonly he doth use to
begin his judgment with his own household in this world, yet neither
do his adversaries themselves always escape the terrible hand of his
justice.

     Also the lord lieutenant which was his condemner tarried not
long after the priest, but he was arrested personally to appear
before the king's council, through the procurement of a certain
gentleman of Poland, called Anthony de l'Eglise, against whom the
said lieutenant had given false and wrong judgment before; by reason
whereof the aforesaid gentleman so instantly did pursue him before
the lords of the council, that all the extortions and pollings of the
lieutenant were there openly discovered, and so he condemned to pay
to the gentleman a thousand French crowns of the sum, within fourteen
days, upon pain of double as much. Also he was deposed of his office,
and there declared unworthy to exercise any royal office hereafter
for ever, with infamy and shame perpetual.

Thomas Moutard, at Valenciennes, A.D. 1559.
Persecuted by a priest of that town.

     In the town of Valenciennes, not far from France, in the same
year, which was 1559, in the month of October, suffered Thomas
Moutard; who, first being converted from a disordered life to the
knowledge of the gospel, is to us a spectacle of God's great gracious
mercy toward his elected Christians. This Moutard was attached for
certain words spoken to a priest, saying thus:  That his god of the
host was nothing but an abomination, which abused the people of God.
These words were taken first as spoken in drunkenness; but the next
day after, when the same words were repeated to him again, to know
whether he would abide by the words there uttered, or no, he said,
"Yea; for it is an abuse," said he, "to seek Jesus Christ any
otherwhere than in heaven, sitting at the glory and right hand of God
his Father:  and in this he was ready to live and die." His process
being made, he was condemned to be burned quick. But, as he was
carried from the town-house to the place of punishment, it was never
seen a man with such constancy to be so assured in heart, and so to
rejoice at that great honour which God had called him unto. The
hangman hasted as much as was possible, to bind him, and despatch
him. The martyr, in the midst of the flaming fire, lifting up his
eyes unto heaven, cried to the Lord that he would have mercy on his
soul; and so in great integrity of faith and perseverance, he gave up
his life to God.

     This Dutch story should have gone before with the Dutch
martyrs; but seeing Valenciennes is not far distant from France, it
is not much out of order to adjoin the same with the French martyrs;
who, at length, shall be joined altogether in the kingdom of Christ: 
which day the Lord send shortly. Amen!

     Thus have we (through the assistance of the Lord) deduced the
table of the French, and also of the Dutch martyrs, unto the time and
reign of Queen Elizabeth, that is, to the year 1560. Since the which
time divers also have suffered both in France and in the lower
country of Germany; whose story shall be declared (the Lord willing)
more at large, when we come to the time of Queen Elizabeth. In the
mean season, it shall suffice for this present to insert their names
only, which here do follow.

The residue of the French martyrs.

     Anne du Bourge, councillor of Paris; Andrew Coffier, John
Isabeau, John Indet, martyrs, of Paris; Geffery Guerien, John Morel,
John Barbeville, Peter Chevet, Malin Marie, Margarite Rich, Adrian
Daussi, Giles le Court, Philip Parmentier, Marin Rosseau, Peter
Milot, John Berfoy:  besides the tumult of Amboise, and the
persecution of Vassy; also Austin Marlorat, and Master Mutonis.

The residue of the Dutch martyrs.

     James de Lo, of the isle of Flanders; John de Buissons, at
Antwerp; Peter Petit, John Denys, Guymon Guilmein, Simeon Herme, of
the Isle of Flanders:  John de Lannoy, at Tournay; Andrew Michel, a
Mind man, at Tournay; Francis Varlut, at Tournay; Alexander Dayken,
of Bramcastle; William Cornu, in Hainault; Anthony Caron, of Cambray;
Renaudine de Francville. Certain suffered at Tournay:  Michel
Robilert, of Arras; Nicaise de le Totnbe; Roger du Mont.

     To the catalogue of French martyrs above rehearsed, the story
of Merindol and Cabriers, withthe lamentable handling of them, is
also to be annexed. But because the tractation thereof is prolix, and
cannot well be contracted into a short discourse, therefore we have
deferred the same to a more convenient room, after the table here
following next of the Spanish and Italian martyrs, where better
opportunity shall be given to prosecute more at full that tragical
persecution, the Lord so permitting.



159. MARTYRS IN SPAIN

A table of such martyrs, as, for the cause of religion, suffered in
Spain

Franciscus San Romanus, at Burgos, in Spain. Persecuted by certain
Spanish merchants in Antwerp, and also by the friars of that city.
Illustration:  A Martyr Hung over a Fire

     In the year 1540 this Francis was sent by certain Spanish
merchants of Antwerp, to Bremen, to take up money due, to be paid by
certain merchants there; where he, being at a sermon, hearing Master
Jacobus (prior some time of the Austin Friars of Antwerp) preach, was
so touched and drawn, through the marvellous working of God's Spirit,
at the hearing thereof, albeit having no perfect understanding of the
Dutch tongue, that not only he understood all that was there said,
but also coming to the preacher, and accompanying him home, (all his
other worldly business set apart,) there recited the whole contents
of his sermon, every thing (as they said, which heard the said
minister of Bremen preach) in perfect form and order as he had
preached. After this little taste, and happy beginning, he proceeded
further, searching and conferring with learned men, that in short
space he was grown in great towardness and ripe knowledge in the word
of life. The minister, marvelling at the sudden mutation of the man,
and also seeing the vehemency of his zeal joined withal, began to
exhort him how to temper himself with circumspection and discretion,
still more and more instructing him in the word and knowledge of the
gospel, which he so greedily did receive, as one that could never be
satisfied; and so remained he with the minister three days together,
committing his worldly business, and the message that he was sent
for, unto his fellow which came with him. Thus being inflamed with
another desire, he ceased to seek for temporal trifles, seeking
rather for such French or Dutch books as he could get to read; and
again, read the same so diligently, that partly by the reading
thereof, partly by Master Jacobus, and also by Master Maccabeus,
(which was there the same time,) he was able in a short time to judge
in the chief articles of our religion; insomuch that he took upon him
to write letters unto his countrymen the merchants of Antwerp. In the
which letters first he gave thanks to God for the knowledge of his
holy word which he had received:  secondly, he bewailed the great
cruelty and gross blindness of his countrymen; desiring God to open
their eyes and ears, to see and understand the word of their
salvation:  thirdly, he promised shortly to come to them at Antwerp,
to confer with them touching the grace of God, which he had received: 
fourthly, declareth to them his purpose in going also to Spain,
intending there likewise to impart to his parents, and other friends
at Burgos, the wholesome doctrine which the Lord had bestowed upon
him.

     Beside this, he addressed other letters also to Charles the
emperor, opening to him the calamities and miserable state of
Christ's church; desiring him to tender the quietness thereof: 
especially that he would reform the miserable corruption of the
church of Spain, &c. Over and besides all this, he wrote there a
catechism, and divers other treatises, in the Spanish tongue. And
allthis he did in one month's space.

     In the mean time the Spanish merchants of Antwerp,
understanding by his letters, both his change of religion, and also
his purpose of coming to Antwerp, sent him letters again, pretending
outwardly a fair countenance of much good will, but secretly
practising his destruction; for at the day appointed of his coming,
certain friars were set ready to receive him, who took him coming
down from his horse, rifled his books, and had him into a merchant's
house near hand, where they examined him; with whom he again disputed
mightily:  and when they found him not agreeing to their faith, they
bound him hand and foot, crying out upon him, and calling him
Lutheran; and burnt his books before his face, threatening to burn
him also. At this disputation within the house, divers Spaniards were
present, which made the friars more bold. Being demanded to show of
what faith and religion he was; "My faith," said he, "is to confess
and preach Christ Jesus only, and him crucified, which is the
truefaith of the universal church of Christ through the whole world;
but this faith and doctrine you have corrupted, taking another
abominable kind of life, and by your impiety have brought the most
part of the world into blindness most miserable." And to explain his
faith to them more expressly, he recited all the articles of the
Creed.

     This done, then the friars asked, whether he believed the
bishop of Rome to be Christ's vicar, and head of the church, having
all the treasures of the church in his own power, and being able to
bind and loose? also to make new articles, and abolish the old, at
his own will and arbitrement? Hereunto Francis answered again, that
he believed none of all this, but contrary did affirms that the pope
was antichrist, born of the devil, being the enemy of Jesus Christ,
transferring to himself God's honour; and who, moreover, being
incited by the devil, turned all things upside down, and corrupted
the sincerity of Christ's religion, partly by his false pretences
beguiling, partly by his extreme cruelty destroying, the poor flock
of Christ, &c. With the like boldness he uttered his mind likewise
against the mass and purgatory. The friars could suffer him meanly
well to speak, till he came to the pope, and began to speak against
his dignity, and their profit; then could they abide no longer, but
thundered against him words full of cruelty and terror. As they were
burning his books, and began also to cast the New Testament into the
fire, Francis, seeing that, began to thunder out against them again.
The Spaniards then, supposing him not to be in his right senses,
conveyed him into a tower six miles distant from Antwerp, where he
was detained in a deep cave or dungeon, with much misery, the space
of eight months; in which time of his imprisonment many grave and
discreet persons came to visit him, exhorting him that he would
change his opinion, and speak more modestly. Francis answered again,
that he maintained no opinion erroneous or heretical; and if he
seemed to be somewhat vehement with the friars, that was not to be
ascribed to him, so much as to their own importunity; hereafter he
would frame himself more temperately. Hereupon the Spaniards,
thinking him better come to himself, discharged him out of prison,
which was about the time when the emperor was in his council at
Ratisbon, A.D. 1541.

     San Romanus, being thus freed out of prison, came to Antwerp,
where he remained about twenty days. From thence he went to Louvain,
unto a certain friend of his, named Francis Dryander, (who also
afterwards died a martyr,) with whom he had much conference about
divers matters of religion; who gave him counsel not to alter the
state of his vocation, being called to be a merchant, which state he
might exercise with a good conscience, and do much good. And as
touching religion, his counsel was, that he should say or do nothing
for favour of men, whereby the glory of God should be diminished; but
so that he required notwithstanding in the same, a sound and right
judgment, conformed to the rule of God's word, lest it might chance
to him as it doth to many, who, being carried with an inconsiderate
zeal, leave their vocations, and while they think to do good, and to
edify, destroy and do harm, and cast themselves needlessly into
danger.

     "It is God," said he, "that hath the care of his church, and
will stir up faithful ministers for the same; neither doth he care
for such which rashly intrude themselves into that function without
any calling."

     This advertisement of Dryander Francis did willingly accept,
promising hereafter to moderate himself more considerately. But this
promise was shortly broken, as you shall hear; for, passing from
Dryander he went to Ratisbon, and there, having time and opportunity
convenient to speak to the emperor, he stepped boldly unto him,
beseeching him to deliver his country and subjects of Spain from
false religion, and to restore again the sincerity of Christ's
doctrine, declaring and protesting, that the princes and protestants
of Germany were in the truer part, and that the religion of Spain,
being drowned in ignorance and blindness, was greatly dissonant from
the true and perfect word of God; with many other words pertaining to
the same effect. The emperor all this while gave him gentle hearing,
signifying that he would consider upon the matter, and so do therein
as he trusted should be for the best. This quiet answer of the
emperor ministered to him no little encouragement of better hope; and
albeit he might perceive there in the city many examples to the
contrary, yet all that discouraged not him, but he went the second,
and also the third, time unto the emperor, who quietly again so
answered him as before. And yet this our Francis, not satisfied in
his mind, sought with a greater ardency the fourth time to speak to
the emperor; but he was repulsed by certain of the Spaniards about
the emperor, who, incontinent, without all further hearing or
advising in the cause, would have thrown him headlong into the river
Danube, had not the emperor staid them, and willed him to be judged
by the laws of the empire. By this commandment of the emperor he was
reserved and detained with other malefactors in bonds, till the
emperor took his voyage into Africa. Then Francis, with other
captives following the court, after the emperor was come into Spain,
was there delivered to the inquisitors; by whom he was laid in a dark
prison under the ground. Oft and many times he was called for to
examination, where he suffered great injuries and contumelies, but
ever remained in his conscience firm and unmovable. The articles
whereupon he stood, and for which he was condemned were these: 

     That life and salvation in the sight of God, come to no man by
his own strength, works, or merits, but only by the free mercy of
God, in the blood and sacrifice of his Son our Mediator.

     That the sacrifice of the mass, which the papists do account
available, ex opere operato, for the remission of sin both to the
quick and the dead, is horrible blasphemy.

     That auricular confession with the numbering up of sins, also
that satisfaction, purgatory, pardons, invocation of saints, and
worshipping of images, be mere blasphemy against the living God.

     Item, That the blood of Christ is profaned and injured in the
same aforesaid.

     After the inquisitors perceived that by no means he could be
reclaimed from his assertions, they proceeded at last to the
sentence, condemning him to be burned for a heretic. Many other
malefactors were brought also with him to the place of execution, but
all they were pardoned and dismissed:  he only for the gospel, being
odious to the whole world, was taken and burned. As he was led to the
place of suffering, they put upon him a mitre of paper, painted full
of devils, after the Spanish guise.

     Furthermore, as he was brought out of the city gate to be
burned, there stood a wooden cross by the way, whereunto Francis was
required to do homage; which he refused, answering, that the manner
of Christians is not to worship wood, and he was, said he, a
Christian. Hereupon arose great clamour among the vulgar people, for
that he denied to worship the wooden cross. But this was turned
incontinent into a miracle. Such was the blind rudeness of that
people, that they did impute this to the divine virtue, as given to
the cross from heaven, for that it would not suffer itself to be
worshipped of a heretic:  and immediately, for the opinion of that
great miracle, the multitude with their swords did hew it in pieces,
every man thinking himself happy who might carry away some chip or
fragment of the said cross.

     When he was come to the place where he should suffer, the
friars were busy about him to have him recant, but he continued ever
firm. As he was laid upon the heap of wood, and the fire kindled
about him, he began a little, at the feeling of the fire, to lift up
his head toward heaven; which when the inquisitors perceived, hoping
that he would recant his doctrine, they caused him to be taken from
the fire. But when they perceived nothing less in him, the
adversaries, being frustrate of their expectation, willed him to be
thrown in again; and so was he immediately despatched.

     After that the martyrdom of this blessed man was thus
consummate, the inquisitors proclaimed openly, that he was damned in
hell, and that none should pray for him; yea, and that all were
heretics, whosoever doubted of his damnation. Nevertheless certain of
the emperor's soldiers gathered of his ashes; also the English
ambassador procured a portion of his bones to be brought unto him,
knowing right well that he died a martyr. Yet this could not be so
secretly done, but it came to the ears of the inquisitors, and of the
emperor; wherefore the soldiers, going in great danger of life, were
committed to prison. Neither did the ambassador himself escape clear
from the danger of the pope's scourge; for he was upon the same
sequestered from the court, and commanded to be absent for a space.
And thus much concerning the notable martyrdom of this blessed San
Romanus.

Rochus, at St. Lucar in Spain, A.D. 1545. Persecuted by an
inquisitor.

     Rochus was born in Brabant, his father dwelling in Antwerp. By
his science he was a carver or graver of images; who, as soon as he
began first to taste the gospel, fell from making such images as use
to serve for idolatry in temples, and occupied himself in making
seals, save only that he kept standing on his stall an image of the
Virgin Mary artificially graven, for a sign of his occupation. It
happened unhappily, that a certain inquisitor passing by in the
street, and beholding the carved image, asked of Rochus what was the
price thereof? which when Rochus had set, (not willing belike to sell
it,) the inquisitor bade him scarce half the money. The other
answered again, that he could not so live of that bargain. But still
the inquisitor urged him to take his offer; to whom Rochus again:  "It
shall be yours," said he, "if you give me that which my labour and
charges stand me in, but of that price I cannot afford it:  yea, I had
rather break it in pieces." "Yea," said the inquisitor, "break it?
let me see thee." Rochus with that took up a chisel, and dashed it
upon the face of the image, wherewith the nose, or some other part of
the face, was blemished. The inquisitor, seeing that, cried out that
he was mad, and commanded Rochus forthwith to prison:  to whom Rochus
cried again, that he might do in his own works what he listed; and if
the workmanship of the image were not after his fantasy, what was
that to them? But all this could not help Rochus, but within three
days after, sentence was given upon him, that he should be burned,
and so was he committed to the executioners. As Rochus was entering
the place there to be burned, he cried with a loud voice, asking
among the multitude which there stood by, if any man of Flanders were
there? It was answered, Yea; and also that there were two ships
already fraught, and appointed to sail to Flanders. Then said he, "I
would desire some of them to signify to my father dwelling in
Antwerp, that I was burned here in this city, and for this cause
which you all have heard." And thus, after his prayers made to God,
this good man, being wrongfully condemned, after his godly life made
this blessed end, A.D. 1545.

     And lest this so rare and strange example of cruelty should
seem to lack credit, in the fifth book of the History of Pantaleon
there is recorded, that a certain Spaniard, coming to Antwerp, made
diligent inquisition there amongst the image-makers, to find out the
parents of this Rochus, and signified to them what had happened
toward their son, as hath been by his said parents and friends
declared; insomuch that it is also testified, that his father, at the
hearing of the said message, for sorrow thereof, died shortly after.

     Furthermore, besides these above-recited, and also before their
time, I hear and understand by faithful relation, that divers other
have been in the said country of Spain, whose hearts God had
marvellously illuminated, and stirred up, both before, and also
since, the coming in of the inquisition, to stand in defence of his
gospel, and who were also persecuted for the same, and are said to
have died in prison; albeit their names as yet are unknown, for the
stories of that country be not yet come to light, but, I trust,
shortly shall, as partly some intelligence I have thereof. In the
mean time we will come now to the inquisition of Spain, speaking
something of the ceremonial pomp and also of the barbarous abuse and
cruelty of the same.

The execrable inquisition of Spain.
Illustration:  Martyrs Tortured by the Inquisition

     The cruel and barbarous inquisition of Spain first began by
King Ferdinand and Isabella his wife, and was instituted against the
Jews, which after their baptism, maintained again their own
ceremonies:  but now it is practised against them that be never so
little suspected to favour the verity of the Lord. The Spaniards, and
especially the great divines there, do hold that this holy and sacred
inquisition cannot err, and that the holy fathers, the inquisitors,
cannot be deceived.

     Three sorts of men most principally be in danger of these
inquisitors:  they that they be greatly rich, for the spoil of their
goods:  they that be learned, because they will not have their
misdealings and secret abuses to be spied and detected:  they that
begin to increase in honour and dignity, lest they, being in
authority, should work them some shame or dishonour.

     The abuse of this inquisition is most execrable. If any word
shall pass out of the mouth of any, which may be taken in evil part;
yea, though no word be spoken, yet if they bear any grudge or evil
will against the party, incontinent they command him to be taken, and
put in a horrible prison, and then find out crimes against him at
leisure, and in the mean time no man living is so hardy as once to
open his mouth for him. If the father speak one word for his child,
he is also taken and cast into prison as a favourer of heretics: 
neither is it permitted to any person to go in to the prisoner; but
there he is alone, in such a place where be cannot see so much as the
ground where he is; and is not suffered either to read or write, but
there endureth in darkness palpable, in horrors infinite, in fear
miserable, wrestling with the assaults of death.

     By this it may be esteemed what trouble and sorrow, what
pensive sighs and cogitations they sustain, which are not thoroughly
instructed in holy doctrine. Add, moreover, to these distresses and
horrors of the prison, the injuries, threats, whippings, and
scourgings, irons, tortures, and racks which they endure. Sometimes
also they are brought out, and showed forth in some higher place to
the people, as a spectacle of rebuke and infamy. And thus are they
detained there, some many years, and murdered by long torments, and
whole days together treated much more cruelly, out of all comparison,
than if they were in the hangman's hands to be slain at once. During
all this time, what is done in the process no person knoweth, but
only the holy fathers and the tormentors, which are sworn to execute
the torments. All is done in secret, and (as great mysteries) pass
not the hands of these holy ones. And after all these torments so
many years endured in the prison, if any man shall be saved, it must
be by guessing; for all the proceedings of the court of that
execrable inquisition are open to no man, but all is done in hugger-
mugger and in close corners, by ambages, by covert ways, and secret
counsels. The accuser is secret, the crime secret, the witness
secret, whatsoever is done is secret, neither is the poor prisoner
ever advertised of any thing. If he can guess who accused him,
whereof and wherefore, he may be pardoned peradventure of his life: 
but this is very seldom, and yet he shall not incontinent be set at
liberty before he hath long time endured infinite torments; and this
is called their penitence, and so is he let go:  and yet not so but
that he is enjoined before he pass the inquisitor's hands, that he
shall wear a garment of yellow colours for a note of public infamy to
him and his whole race. And if he cannot guess right, showing to the
inquisitors by whom he was accused, whereof and wherefore, (as is
before touched,) incontinent the horrible sentence of condemnation is
pronounced against him, that he shall be burned for an obstinate
heretic. And so yet the sentence is not executed by and by, but after
that he hath endured imprisonment in some heinous prison.

     And thus have ye heard the form of the Spanish inquisition. By
the vigour and rigour of this inquisition many good true servants of
Jesus Christ have been brought to death, especially in these latter
years, since the royal and peaceable reign of this our Queen
Elizabeth; the names and stories of whom partly we will here recite,
according as we have faithful records of such as have come to our
hands by writing. The others which be not yet come to our knowledge,
we will defer till further intelligence and opportunity, by the
Lord's aid and leave, shall serve hereafter.
Illustration:  Martyrs Paraded at Valladolid

     IN the year 1559, May. 21, in the town of Valladolid, where
commonly the council of the inquisition is wont to be kept, the
inquisitors had brought together many prisoners both of high and low
estate, to the number of thirty; also the coffin of a certain noble
woman, with her picture lying upon it, which had been dead long 
before, there to receive judgment and sentence. To the hearing of
this sentence, they had ordained in the said town three mighty
theatres or stages. Upon the first was placed Dame Jane, sister to
King Philip, and chief regent of his realms; also Prince Charles,
King Philip's son, with other princes and states of Spain. Upon the
other scaffold mounted the archbishop of Seville, prince of the
synagogue of the inquisitors, with the council of the inquisition;
also other bishops of the land, and the king's council with them.

     After that the princes and other spiritual judges and
councillors were thus set in their places, with a great guard of
archers and halberdiers, and harnessed soldiers, with four heralds-
at-arms also giving their attendance to the same, and the earl of
Buendia bearing the naked sword, all the market-place where the
stages were being environed with an infinite multitude of all sorts
of the world there standing, and gazing out of windows and houses to
hear and see the sentences and judgments of this inquisition:  then,
after all, were brought forth, as a spectacle and triumph, the poor
servants and witnesses of Jesus Christ, to the number, as is
aforesaid, of thirty, clothed with their Sanbenito, as the Spaniards
do call it, which is a manner of vesture of yellow cloth, coming both
before them and behind them, spangled with red crosses, and having
burning cierges in their hands; also before them was borne a crucifix
covered with black linen cloth, in token of mourning. Moreover they
which were to receive the sentence of death, had mitres of paper upon
their heads, which the Spaniards call coracas. Thus they being
produced, were placed in their order, one under another, according as
they were esteemed culpable; so that first of all stood up Doctor
Cacalla, an Austin Friar, a man notable and singular in knowledge of
divinity, preacher sometime to Charles the Fifth, emperor both in
higher and lower Germany.

     These things thus disposed, then followed a sermon made by a
Dominic friar, which endured about an hour. After the sermon
finished, the procurator-general, with the archbishop, went to the
stage where the princes and nobles stood, to minister a solemn oath
unto them upon the crucifix painted in the mass-book; the tenor of
which oath was this: 

     "Your Majesties shall swear, that you will favour the holy
inquisition, and also give your consent unto the same; and not only
that you shall by no manner of way hinder and impeach the same, but
also you shall employ the uttermost of your help and endeavour,
hereafter, to see all them to be executed, which shall swerve from
the Church of Rome, and adjoin themselves to the sect of the Lutheran
heretics, without all respect of any person or persons, of what
estate, degree, quality, or condition soever they be."

     And thus much for the first article of the oath; the second was
this that followeth

     Item, "Your Majesties shall swear, that you shall constrain all
your subjects to submit themselves to the Church of Rome, and to have
in reverence all the laws and commandments of the same; and also to
give your aid against all them, whosoever shall hold of the heresy of
the Lutherans, or take any part with them."

     In this sort and manner, when all the princes and states, every
one in their degree, had received their oath, then the archbishop,
lifting up his hand, gave them his benediction, saying, "God bless
your Highnesses, and give you long life! "This solemn pageant thus
finished, at last the poor captives and prisoners were called out,
the procurator-fiscal, or the pope's great collector, first beginning
with Dr. Cacalla, and so proceeding to the others in order, as
hereafter, in the table which followeth, with their names and their
judgments, is described: 

1. Dr. Cacalla, a Friar Augustine. The persecutors of Dr. Cacalla and
the twenty-seven that follow, were these:  The pope's great collector,
or procurator-fiscal; the archbishop of Seville, the bishop of
Valencia, the bishop of Orense, and lastly, the inquisitors of Spain.

     Before the pope's great proctor, or collector-fiscal, first was
called forth Doctor Austin Cacalla. This doctor was a friar of
Austin's order, and priest of the town of Valladolid, and preacher
sometime to the Emperor Charles the Fifth, a man well accounted of
for his learning; who for that he was thought to be as the standard-
bearer of the gospellers, (whom they call Lutherans,) and preacher
and doctor unto them; therefore, he being first called for, was
brought from his stage nearer to the procurator-fiscal, there to hear
the sentence of his condemnation; which was, that he should be
degraded, and presently burned, and all his goods confiscated to the
profit and advancement of justice.

2. Francis de Bivero, priest of Valladolid, and brother to the
aforesaid Cacalla.

     The second prisoner, and next to Doctor Cacalla that was
called, was Francis de Bivero his brother, priest also of Valladolid,
who received likewise the same sentence of condemnation. And to the
intent he should not speak any thing to the prejudice, or against the
abuse, of the sacred inquisition, as he before had done both within
and without the prison with much boldness; and also because he was
much favoured of the people; to the end therefore that no commotion
should come by his speaking, his mouth was so stopped and shut up,
that he could not speak one word.

3. Dame Blanche de Bivero.

     The third was Dame Blanche, sister to the other two aforesaid,
against whom also was pronounced the like sentence, as upon her
brethren before.

4. John de Bivero.

     The fourth was John de Bivero, brother to the same kindred, who
was also judged a heretic, and condemned to perpetual prison, and to
bear his Sanbenito all his life long; which is an habiliment of
dishonour.

5. Dame Constance de Bivero, sister to the same aforesaid.

     Dame Constance de Bivero, was the fifth sister to the others
before specified, and widow of Ferdinando Ortis, dwelling sometime at
Valladolid, who was also condemned, with the like sentence with her
brethren, to be burned.

6. The coffin with the dead corpse of Dame Leonore de Bivero, the
mother of these aforesaid.

     The sixth thunderbolt of condemnation was thundered out against
a poor coffin, with the dead corpse of Dame Leonore de Bivero, mother
to these above-named, being herself the sixth, and being already dead
long before at Valladolid. Above her coffin was her picture laid,
which was also condemned with her dead corpse to be burned for a
heretic; and yet I never heard of any opinion that this picture did
hold, either with or against the Church of Rome. This good mother,
while she lived, was a worthy maintainer of Christ's gospel, with
great integrity of life; and retained divers assemblies of the saints
in her house for the preaching of the word of God. In fine, her
corpse and image also, being brought before the fiscal, was condemned
likewise (as the mother with her seven children in the Bock of
Maccabees) to be burned for a Lutheran heretic, and all her goods to
be seized to the behoof of the superior powers, and also her house
utterly to be razed and cast down to the ground; and for a memorial
of the same, a marble stone was appointed there to be set up in the
house, whereon the said cause of her burning should be engraved.

7. Master Aflonse Perez, priest of Valencia.

     In the seventh place was condemned Master Aflonse Perez; priest
of Valencia, first to be degraded, and afterwards to be burned as a
heretic, and all his goods likewise confiscated, and seized, to the
behoof of the superiority.

     When these seven aforesaid had received their sentence, then
the bishop of Valencia, in his pontificalibus, caused Doctor Cacalla,
Francis his brother, and Aflonse Perez, to be apparelled and re-
vested in priestly vesture. Which done, he took from them first the
chalice out of their hands, and so all their other trinkets in order,
according to their accustomed solemnity. And thus they, being
degraded, and all their priestly unctions taken from their fingers,
also their lips and their crowns rased, so were their yellow habits
of Sanbenito put over their shoulders again, with their mitres also
of paper upon their heads. This done, Doctor Cacalla began to speak,
praying the princes and the lords to give him audience:  but that not
being granted to him, he was rudely repulsed, and returned again to
his standing. Only thus much he protested clearly and openly, that
his faith, for which he was so handled, was not heretical, but
consonant to the pure word of God; for the which also he was pressed
and ready to suffer death as a true Christian, and not as a heretic: 
besides many other worthy sentences of great consolation, which he
there uttered in the mean space, while the judges were busy in their
sentences against the residue of the martyrs.

8. Don Peter Sarmiento, knight of the order of Alcanta.

9. Dame Mencia, wife of the said Don Peter.

10. Don Lovis de Roxas, son and heir of the marquis de Poza.

11. Dame Anne Henriques.

12. Christopher Dell Campo.

13. Christopher de Padilla.

14. Anthony de Huezuello.

15. Katharine Romain.

16. Frances Errem.

17. Katharine Ortega.

18. Isabell Strada.

19. Jane Valesques.

20. A smith.

21. A Jew.

22. Dame Jane de Silva.

23. Leonore de Lisueros, wife of Huezuello.

24. Marina de Sajavedra.

25. Daniel Quadra.

26. Dame Mary de Royas.

27. Anthony Dominick.

28. Anthony Basor, an Englishman.

     After these sentences had been thus pronounced, they which were
condemned to be burned, with the coffin of the dead lady and her
picture upon the same, were committed to the secular magistrate and
to their executioners, which were commanded to do their endeavour.
Then were they all incontinent taken, and every one set upon an ass,
their faces turned backward, and led with a great garrison of armed
soldiers unto the place of punishment, which was without the gate of
the town, called Del Campo.

     When they were come to the place, there were fourteen stakes
set up of equal distance one from another, whereunto every one
severally being fastened according to the fashion of Spain, they were
all first strangled, and then burned and turned to ashes, save only
Anthony Huezuello, who, forasmuch as he had, both within and without
the prison, vehemently detested the pope's spiritually, therefore he
was burned alive, and his mouth stopped from speaking. And thus these
faithful Christians, for the verity and pure word of God, were led to
death as sheep to the shambles; who not only most Christianly did
comfort one another, but also did so exhort all them there present,
that all men marvelled greatly, both to hear their singular
constancy, and to see their quiet and peaceable end.

     It is reported that, besides these aforesaid, there remained
yet behind thirty-seven other prisoners, at the said town of
Valladolid, reserved to another tragedy and spectacle of that bloody
inquisition.

     Furthermore, whereas the story of the said inquisition, being
set out in the French tongue, doth reckon the number of the martyrs
above-mentioned to be thirty, and yet, in particular declaration of
them, doth name no more but eight and twenty; here is therefore to be
noted, that either this number lacked two of thirty, or else that two
of the said company were returned back without judgment into the
prison again.

     And thus much for this present, touching the proceeding of the
church of Spain in their inquisition against the Lutherans; that is,
against the true and faithful servants of Jesus Christ. Albeit there
be other countries also, besides Spain, subject unto the same
inquisition, as Naples and Sicily; in which kingdom of Sicily, I hear
it credibly reported, that every third year are brought forth to
judgment and execution a certain number, after the like sort, of
Christian martyrs; sometimes twelve, sometimes six; sometimes more, 
and sometimes less. Among whom there was one, much about the same
year above-mentioned, A.D. 1559, who, coming from Geneva to Sicily,
upon zeal to do good, was at last laid hands on and being condemned
the same time to the fire, as he should take his death, was offered
there of the hangman to be strangled, having the cord ready about his
neck; but he, notwithstanding, refused the same, and said that he
would feel the fire. And so endured he, singing with all his might
unto the Lord, till he was bereaved both of speechand life, in the
midst of the flame:  such was the admirable constancy and fortitude of
that valiant soldier of Christ, as is witnessed to me by him, which,
being there present the same time, did both then see that which he 
doth testify, and also doth now testify what he then saw.



160. MARTYRS IN ITALY

     Now it remaineth further, according to my promise, in like
order of a compendious table, to comprehend also such martyrs as
suffered for the verity and true testimony of the gospel, in the
places and countries of Italy; which table consequently here next
ensueth.

A table of such martyrs as suffered for the testimony of the gospel
in Italy.

     N. Encenas, otherwise called Dryander, martyred at Rome, A.D.
1546. Persecuted by certain popish Spaniards at Rome.

     This Encenas, or Dryander, a Spaniard, born at Burgos, was
brother to Franciscus Encenas, the learned man so oft before
mentioned; and was also the teacher or instructor in knowledge of
religion to Diazius, the godly martyr above recorded. He was sent of
his superstitious parents, being young, unto Rome; who there, after
long continuance, growing up in age and knowledge, but especially
being instructed by the Lord in the truth of his word, after he was
known to dislike the pope's doctrine, and the impure doings at Rome,
was apprehended and taken of certain of his own countrymen, and some
of his own household friends at Rome, at the same time when he was
preparing to take his journey to his brother Francis Encenas, in
Germany. Thus he, being betrayed and taken by his own countrymen, was
brought before the cardinals, and there committed straight to prison.
Afterwards he was brought forth to give testimony of his doctrine,
which, in the presence of the cardinals, and in the face of all the
pope's retinue, he boldly and constantly defended; so that not only
the cardinals, but especially the Spaniards, being therewith
offended, cried out upon him that he should be burned. The cardinals
first, before the sentence of death should be given, came to him,
offering, if he would take it, (after the manner of the Spaniards,)
the badge of reconciliation, which hath the name of Sanbenit's cloth,
made in form of a mantle, going both before him and behind him, with
signs of the red cross. But Encenas, still constant in the profession
of truth, denied to receive any other condition or badge, but only
the badge of the Lord, which was to seal the doctrine of his religion
with the testimony of his blood. At last the matter was brought to
that issue, that the faithful servant and witness of Christ was
judged and condemned to the fire; where he, in the sight of the
cardinals, and in the face of the apostolic see pretended, gave up
his life for the testimony of the gospel.

     And forasmuch as mention hath been made both in this story, and
many others before, of Franciscus Encenas, his brother, here is not
to be pretermitted, how the said Franciscus, being a man of notable 
learning as ever was any in Spain, being in the emperor's court at
Brussels, offered unto the emperor Charles the Fifth the New
Testament of Christ, translated into Spanish. For the which he was
cast into prison, where he remained in sorrowful captivity and
calamity the space of fifteen months, looking for nothing more than
present death. At last, through the marvellous providence of Almighty
God, on the first of February, A.D. 1545, at eight o'clock after
supper, he found the doors of the prison standing open, and he
secretly was moved in his mind to take the occasion offered, and to
shift for himself; and so, issuing out of the prison, without any
hasty pace, but going as leisurely as he could, he escaped from
thence, and went straight to Germany.

Faninus, at Ferrara, A.D. 1550. Persecuted by Pope Julius the Third.

     Faninus, born in Faventia, a town in Italy, through the reading
of godly books translated into the Italian tongue, (having no perfect
skill in the Latin,) was converted from great blindness, to the
wholesome knowledge of Christ and of his word; wherein he took such a
sweetness, and so grew up in the meditation of the same, that he was
able in short time to instruct others. Neither was there any
diligence Lacking in him to communicate that abroad which he had
received of the Lord:  being so in his mind persuaded, that a man,
receiving by the Spirit of God the knowledge and illumination of his
verity, ought in no case to hide the same in silence, as a candle
under a bushel. And therefore, being occupied diligently in that
behalf, albeit he used not publicly to preach, but by private
conference to teach, he was at length by the pope's clients espied,
apprehended, and committed to prison. Albeit he remained not long in
prison, for by the earnest persuasions and prayers of his wife, his
children and other friends, he was so overcome, that he gave over,
and so was dismissed shortly out of prison. After this, it was not
long but he fell into horrible perturbation of mind; insomuch that
unless the great mercy of God had kept him up, he had fallen into
utter desperation, for slipping from the truth, and preferring the
love of his friends and kindred before the service of Jesus Christ,
whom he so earnestly before had professed. This wound went so deep
into his heart, that he could in no case be quieted, before he had
fully fixed and determined in his mind, to adventure his life more
faithfully in the service of the Lord.

     Whereupon, he being thus inflamed with zeal of spirit, he went
about all the country of Romania, publicly preaching the pure
doctrine of the gospel, not without great fruit and effect in places
as he went. As he was thus labouring, it so fell out that he was
apprehended again, A.D. 1547, in a place called Bagnacavallo, where
also he was condemned to be burned; but he said his hour was not yet
come, and the same to be but the beginning of his doctrine. And so it
was; for shortly after he was removed unto Ferrara, where he was
detained two years. At last the inquisitors of the pope's heresies
condemned him to death, A.D. 1549; and yet his time being not come,
he remained after that to the month of September, A.D. 1550. In the
mean time many faithful and good men came to visit him, for which the
pope commanded him to be enclosed in straiter custody; wherein he
suffered great torments the space of eighteen months, and yet had
suffered greater, if the Dominic Friars might have got him into their
house, as they went about. Thus Faninus, removed from prison to
prison, many times changed his place, but never altered his
constancy.

     At length he was brought into a prison, where were divers great
lords, captains, and noble personages there committed, for stirring
up commotions and factions, (as the country of Italy is full of
such,) who at first, hearing him speak, began to set him at nought,
and to deride him, supposing that it was but a melancholy humour that
troubled his brain. Whereupon, such as seemed more sage amongst them,
began to exhort him to leave his opinion, and to live with men as
other men do, and not to vex his mind, but to suspend his judgment
till the matter were decided in the general council. To whom Faninus
again, first giving them thanks for their friendly good wills
wherewith they seemed to respect his well-doing, modestly and quietly
declared unto them, how the doctrine which he professed was no humour
or opinion of man's brain, but the pure verity of God, founded in his
word, and revealed to men in the gospel of Jesus Christ, and
especially now in these days restored; which verity he had fully
determined in his mind never to deny, to believe the lying fantasies
of men. And as in his soul, which was redeemed by the blood of the
Son of God, he was free from all bondage; so likewise as touching
councils, he looked for no other sentence or authority, he said, but
that only which he knew to be declared to us by Christ Jesus in his,
gospel, which he both preached with his word, and confirmed with his
blood, &c. With these and such other words, he so moved their minds,
that they were clean altered unto a new kind of life, having him now
in admiration, whom they had before in derision, and accounted him
for a holy person:  to whom he proceeded still to preach the word of
grace, declaring and confessing himself to be a miserable sinner; but
by the faith of the Lord Jesus, and through the grace only of him, he
was fully persuaded and well assured his sins were forgiven:  like as
all their sins also should be remitted to them through their faith in
Christ only, they believing his gospel.

     There were others also besides these, who, having used before a
more delicate kind of life, could not well away with the sharpness
and the hardness of the prison. These also received such comfort by
the said Faninus, that not only they were quietly contented, but also
rejoiced in this their captivity, by the occasion whereof they had
received and learned a better liberty than ever they knew before.

     When the imprisonment of this Faninus was known to his parents
and kinsfolk, his wife and sister came to him with weeping
persuasions, to move him to consider and care for his poor family; to
whom he answered again, that his Lord and Master had commanded him,
not to deny Him for looking to his family; and that it was enough for
them that he had once, for their sakes, fallen into that cowardliness
which they knew. Wherefore he desired them to depart in peace, and
solicit him no more therein, for his end, he said, he knew to draw
near:  and so he commended them unto the Lord.

     About the same time died Pope Paul the Third, and after him
succeeded Julius the Third, which then sent letters and commandment
that Faninus should be executed; whereof when one of the magistrates'
officers brought him word the next day, he rejoiced thereat, and gave
the messenger thanks, and began to preach a long sermon to them that
were about him, of the felicity and beatitude of the life to come.
Then the messenger exhorted him that, in case he would change his
opinion, he should save both this life, and enjoy that to come.
Another asked him in what case he should leave his little children
and his wife, or what stay should they be at, he so leaving them: 
wherefore he desired him to have respect both to himself and to them.
Faninus answered, that he had left them with an overseer, which would
see unto them sufficiently:  and being asked who he was? "The Lord
Jesus Christ," said he, "a faithful keeper, and a conserver of all
that is committed to him." After that the messenger was thus departed
from Faninus, all full of tears and sorrow, the next day following he
was removed into the common prison, and delivered to the secular
magistrate. Who in all ways, his words, his gestures, and his
countenance, declared such constancy of faith, such modesty of
manners and tranquillity of mind, that they that before were extreme
against him, thinking him rather to have a devil, began now
favourably to hearken to him, and to commend him. With such grace and
sweetness he talked, ever speaking of the word of God, that divers of
the magistrates' wives, in hearing him, could not abstain from 
weeping. The executioner also wept himself. One of the public scribes
then came to him, and said, that if he would relent from his opinion,
the pope's pleasure was, that he should be saved:  but that he
refused. This was marvellous, that he, having but small skill in the
Latin, yet recited so many and sundry places of the Scripture without
book, and that so truly and promptly, as though he had studied
nothing else. One, seeing him so jocund and merry going to his death,
asked, why he was so merry at his death, seeing Christ himself sweat
blood and water before his passion? "Christ," said he, "sustained in
his body all the sorrows, and conflicts with hell and death, due unto
us; by whose suffering we are delivered from sorrow and fear of them
all." Finally, early in the morning he was brought forth where he
should suffer, who, after his prayers most earnestly made unto the
Lord, meekly and patiently gave himself to the stake, where, with a
cord drawn about his neck, he was secretly strangled of the hangman,
in the city of Ferrara, three hours before day, to the intent the
people should not see him, nor hear him speak:  and after, about
dinner-time, his body in the same place was burned. At the burning
thereof such a fragrant and odoriferous scent came to all them there
present, and so struck their senses, that the sweetness thereof
seemed to refresh them no less than his words would have done, if
they had heard him speak.

     The custom is of that city, that the bones and ashes which be
left, should be carried out of the city; but neither the magistrate,
nor the bishop, nor his great vicar or chancellor, nor any divine
else, would take any charge thereof, every man transferring that
burden from themselves, to him which was the cause of his death.
Whereby it may appear, what secret judgment and estimation all they
had of that good and blessed man. At last, the people took his burned
bones, with the cinders, and carried them out of the street of the
city.

Dominicus de Basana, at Placentia, A.D. 1550.

     The same year that the aforesaid Faninus suffered in Ferrara,
Dominicus also suffered in the city of Placentia. This Dominicus was
a citizen in Basana, and followed the wars of Charles the emperor in
Germany, where he received the first taste of Christ's gospel,
wherein he increased more and more by conferring and reasoning with
learned men, so that in a short time he was able to instruct many;
and so did, working and travelling in the church, till at length, in
the year 1550, he, coming to the city of Naples, there preached the
word, and from thence proceeding to Placentia, preached there
likewise unto the people, of true confession, of purgatory, and of
pardons. Furthermore, the next day he treated of true faith and of
good works, how far they are necessary to salvation, promising
moreover the next day to speak of antichrist, and to paint him out in
his colours. When the hour came that he should begin his sermon, the
magistrate of the city commanded him to come down from the chair in
the market-place, and deliver himself to the officers. Dominicus was
willing and ready to obey the commandment, saying, that he did much
marvel that the devil could suffer him so long in that kind of
exercise. From thence he was led to the bishop's chancellor, and
asked whether he was a priest, and how he was placed in that
function? He answered, that he was no priest of the pope, but of
Jesus Christ, by whom he was lawfully called to that office. Then was
he demanded, whether he would renounce his doctrine? He answered,
that he maintained no doctrine of his own, but only the doctrine of
Christ, which also he was ready to seal with his blood, and also gave
hearty thanks to God, which so accepted him, as worthy to glorify his
name with his martyrdom. Upon this he was committed to a filthy and
stinking prison, where after he had remained a few months, he was
exhorted divers times to revoke, otherwise he should suffer; but
still he remained constant in his doctrine:  whereupon when the time
came assigned for his punishment, he was brought to the market-place,
where he preached, and there was hanged; who, most heartily praying
for his enemies, so finished his days in this miserable, wretched
world.

Galeazius Trecius, at the city called Laus Pompeia, in Italy, A.D.
1551. Accused by the bishop of St. Angelo and his priests.

     St. Angelo is a certain fortress or castle in Italy, within
Lombardy, not far from the city called Laus Pompeia, belonging also
to the same diocese. In this fort of St. Angelo was a house of
Augustine Friars, unto whom used much to resort a certain friar of
the same order, dwelling at Pavia, named Mainard, a man well expert
in the study of Scripture, and of a godly conversation. By this
Mainard, divers not only of the friars, but also of other townsmen,
were reduced to the love and knowledge of God's word, and to the
detestation of the pope's abuses. Among whom was also this Galeazius,
a gentleman of good calling, and wealthy in worldly substance, and
very beneficial to the poor, who, first by conference with the
friars, and also with his brother-in-law, began to conceive some
light in God's truth, and afterwards was confirmed more thoroughly by
Cœlius Secundus Curio, who, then being driven by persecution, came
from Pavia to the said place of St. Angelo. In process of time, as
this Galeazius increased in judgment and zeal, in setting forward the
wholesome word of God's grace, as a light shining in darkness, could
not so lie hid, but at last, A.D. 1551, certain were sent from the
forenamed city of Laus Pompeia to lay hands upon him, who brought him
to the bishop's palace; where he was kept in bands, having under him
only a pad of straw. Although his wife sent unto him a good
featherbed with sheets to lie in, yet the bishop's chaplains and
officers kept it from him, dividing the prey among themselves.

     When the time came that he should be examined, he was thrice
brought before the commissioners, where he rendered reasons and
causes of his faith, answering to their interrogatories with such
evidence of Scripture, and constancy of mind, that he was an
admiration to them that heard him. Albeit not long after, through the
importunate persuasions of his kinsfolk and friends, the other cold
gospellers, laying many considerations before his eyes, he was
brought at length to assent to certain points of the pope's doctrine.
But yet the mercy of God, which began with him, so left him not, but
brought him again to such repentance, and bewailing of his fact, that
he became afterwards (according to the example of Peter, and St.
Cyprian, and others) double-wise more valiant in defence of Christ's
quarrel; neither did he ever desire anything more than occasion to be
offered to recover again by confession, that he had lost before by
denial; affirming, that he never felt more joy of heart than at the
time of his examinations, where he stood thrice to the constant
confession of the truth; and contrary, that he never tasted more
sorrow in all his life, than when he slipped afterwards from the same
by dissimulation:  declaring, moreover, to his brethren, that death
was much more sweet unto him, with testimony of the verity, than life
with the least denial of truth, and loss of a good conscience. Thus
Galeazius, mourning for his fall in prison, after he heard of his
friends that nothing was yet so far past, but that he might recover
himself again, and that his infirmity was not prejudicial, but rather
a furtherance, to God's glory, and admonition to himself to stand
more strongly hereafter, took thereby exceeding comfort; and when
they would have left with him a book of the New Testament for his
comfort, he refused it, saying, that he had in his heart whatsoever
Christ there spake to his disciples:  also what happened both to
Christ and himself, and to his apostles, for confessing the word of
truth.

     Furthermore, so comfortable was he after that, that they who
talked with him continued all the day without meat or drink, and
would also have tarried all the night following, if they might have
been suffered.

     As Galeazius thus continued in the prison, looking for some
occasion to recover himself again from his fall, it followed in short
time that the inquisitors and priests repaired to him again in the
prison, supposing that he would confirm now that which before he had
granted to them; and required him so to do. Galeazius, denying all
that he had granted to them before, returned again to the defence of
his former doctrine with much more boldness of spirit, confessing
Christ, as he did before, and detesting images, affirming and proving
that God only is to be worshipped, and that in spirit and verity: 
also to be no more mediators but Christ alone, and that he only and
sufficiently, by his suffering, hath taken away the sins of the whole
world; and that all they which depart hence in this faith, are
ascertained of everlasting life; they which do not, are under
everlasting damnation; with such other like matter, which was
repugnant utterly to the pope's proceedings. With this confession
made, as his mind was greatly refreshed, so the adversaries went away
as much appalled; who, at last, perceiving that he in no case could
be revoked, caused him to be committed to the secular judge to be
burned.

     Thus Galeazius, early in the morning being brought out of
prison to the market-place, there was left standing bound to the
stake till noon, as a gazing-stock for all men to look upon. In the
which mean time many came about him, exhorting him to recant, and not
so to cast away his life, whereas with ten words speaking he might
save it. And if he cared not for his life, nor for his country where
he should live, nor for his goods and possessions, which should be
confiscated, yet he should somewhat respect his wife whom he loved so
well, and his young children; at least he should consider his own
soul. This counsel gave they, which more esteemed the commodities of
this present life, than any true soul's health in the life to come.
But to conclude, nothing could stir the settled mind of this valiant
martyr; wherefore fire was commanded at last to be put to the dry
wood about him, wherewith he was shortly consumed, without any noise
or crying, saving only these words heard in the middle of the flame,
"Lord Jesu! "This was A.D. 1551, November 24.

     Touching the story of this blessed martyr, this by the way is
to be given for a memorandum, that a little before this Galeazius
should be burned, there was a controversy between the mayor of the
city, and the bishop's clergy, for the expenses of the wood that
should go to his burning. He, hearing thereof, sent word to both the
parties to agree, for he himself, of his own goods, would see the
cost of that matter discharged.

     Another note, moreover, here is to be added, that while
Galeazius was in captivity, certain of the papists, perceiving that
Galeazius had great goods and possessions, practised with his wife,
under colour to release her husband, that she should lay out a sum of
money to be sent to the wife of the chief lord of Milan, called
Ferrarus Gonzaga, to the end that she should treat both with her
husband, and with the senate, for Galeazius's life; which money when
they had thus juggled unto their hands, Galeazius notwithstanding was
burned; and so was the silly woman robbed and defeated, both of her
husband, and also of her money.

D. Johannes Mollius, a Grey Friar; also a certain weaver of Perugia;
at Rome, A.D. 1553. Persecuted by the following parties:  Cornelius, a
professor of Bologna; Cardinal Campeius, and Cardinal del Campo:  also
by Bonaventure, a general; six cardinals, and Pope Julius the Third.

     Johannes Mollius Montilcinus, being but twelve years old, with
his brother Augustine, was set of his parents in the house of the
Grey Friars, where he in short time, having a fresh wit, far excelled
his fellows in all tongues and liberal sciences. So growing up to the
age of eighteen, he was ordained priest, and sang his first mass.
After that he was sent to Ferrara to study, where he so profited in
the space of six years, that he was assigned, by Vigerius, general of
that order, to be doctor, and then reader in divinity; who then, with
his sophistry, opposed himself as an utter enemy against the gospel.
From thence he went to Breschia, and the next year following to
Milan, where he read or professed openly. Again, from thence he was
taken by Franciscus Sfortia, and brought to the university of Pavia,
there openly to profess philosophy, where he remained four years.
After that he was called to the university of Bologna, by Laurentius 
Spatha, general of that order, where he was occupied in reading the
books of Aristotle De Anima. In the mean time God wrought in his soul
such light of his word, and of true religion, that he, waxing weary
of professing philosophy, began secretly to expound the Epistle of
St. Paul to the Romans to a few; which being known, his auditors
increased so fast, that he was compelled to read openly in the
temple. Where, as the number of his audience daily augmented, so the
eager fervency of their minds so mightily increased withal, that
every man almost came with his pen and ink to write, and great
diligence was bestowed how to come betimes to take up the first
places, where they might best hear; which was about A.D. 1538. There
was the same time, at Bologna, one Cornelius, an arrogant babbler,
who, envying the doings of Johannes, took upon him, at the request of
Cardinal Campeius, to expound the said Epistle of St. Paul, confuting
and disproving the explanation of the said Johannes, and extolling
the pope with all his traditions. Contrary, Johannes extolled and
commended only Christ and his merits to the people. But the purpose
of Cornelius came to small effect. For the auditors which first came
unto him, began by little to fall from him; and the concourse of the
other man's auditors more and more increased.

     Which when Cornelius perceived, he persuaded Campeius, that
unless he provided that man to be despatched, the estimation of the
Church of Rome would thereby greatly decay. But when they could not
openly bring their purpose about, secretly this way was devised, that
Cornelius and Johannes should come to open disputation; which
disputation endured till three o'clock after midnight. At length,
when neither party could agree, Johannes was bid to return home to
his house, who, as he was come down the lower steps where the place
was straitest, so that his friends could not come to rescue him,
(although by drawing their swords they declared their good wills,)
was there taken and laid fast in prison. When the day came, such
tumult and stir was in the whole city, that Cornelius was driven to
hide himself; also Campeius the cardinal, and the bishop there, were
both contemned of the students. The next day the bishop of Bologna
sent his chancellor to Johannes in the prison, to signify unto him,
that either he must recant, or else burn. But he, being of a bold and
cheerful spirit, would in no wise be brought to recant. This one
thing grieved him, that he should be condemned, his cause being not
heard.

     In the mean season, Laurentius Spatha, above-mentioned, being
general of that order, in most speedy wise posted up to Rome, and
there so practised with the cardinal St. Crucis, the proctor in the
court of Rome for the Grey Friars, that the pope wrote down his
letters to Campeius, that he should deliver the said John out of
prison; so that he, notwithstanding, within three months after,
should personally appear at Rome. Thus, the thirtieth day of his
imprisonment, he was delivered:  who, but for the coming of the pope's
letters, had been burned within three days after. Moreover, with the
said Mollius, Cornelius also was cited to make his appearance
likewise at Rome, and there was detained in prison by the cardinal
St. Crucis, till his cause should be decided. The friends of Mollius
gave him counsel not to go to Rome, and offered him money to go to
Germany; but he would not, saying, that the gospel must also be
preached at Rome. After he was come to Rome, and appeared before Pope
Paul the Third, humbly he desired, that the cause, being so weighty,
might come in public hearing; but that could not be obtained. Then
was he commanded to write his mind in articles, and to bring his
proofs; which he diligently performed, treating of original sin,
justification by faith, freewill, purgatory, and other such like;
proving the said articles by the authority of the Scripture, and of
ancient fathers; and so exhibited the same to the bishop of Rome.
Upon this, certain cardinals and bishops were assigned to have the
cause in hearing; who disputed with him three days, and could not
refel what he had proved. At last answer was made unto him thus:  That
it was truth which he affirmed, nevertheless the same was not meet
for this present time; for that it could not be taught or published
without the detriment of the apostolic see; wherefore he should
abstain hereafter from the Epistles of St. Paul, and so return again
safe to Bologna, and there profess philosophy. Thus as he was
returned to Bologna, and all men there were desirous to know of his
case, how he sped at Rome, openly in the pulpit he declared all
things in order as they were done, and gave God thanks.

     Herewith Campeius, being more offended than before, obtained of
the pope, that the general of the order should remove the said John
Mollius from Bologna, and place him some other where. So Mollius from
thence was sent to Naples, and there was appointed reader and
preacher in the monastery of St. Laurence. But Peter, the viceroy
there, not abiding his doctrine, so nearly sought his death, that he
had much ado to escape with life; and so, departing from thence, he
went wandering into Italy, from place to place, preaching Christ
wheresoever he came. Not long after this, when Cardinal Campeius was
dead, he was called again unto Bologna, by a good abbot named De
Grassis, A.D. 1543, where he renewed again the reading of St. Paul's
Epistles after a secret sort, as he did before; but that could not be
long undiscovered. Whereupon, by means of Cardinal de Capo, and by
Bonaventure the general, he was apprehended the second time, and
brought to Faventia, and laid there in a filthy and stinking prison,
where he continued four years, no man having leave once to come to
him. During which time of his endurance, he wrote a commentary upon
the books of Moses; but that labour, by the malignity of the
adversaries, was suppressed. At length, through the intercession of
the Earl Petilianus, and of the aforesaid good abbot De Grassis, he
was again delivered, and sent to Ravenna, where he made his abode a
few months with the abbot of St. Vitalem, and there again taught the
gospel of Christ as before; and whensoever he spake of the name of
Jesus, his eyes dropped tears, for he was fraught with a mighty
fervency of God's Holy Spirit.

     In process of time, when this abbot was dead, his sureties
began to be weary of their bond, and so was he again now the third
time reduced into prison by the pope's legates. There were then four
men of great authority, who, being stirred up of God, had pity upon
him, and bailed him out of prison; of whom, one of the said sureties
took the said Mollius home, to instruct his children in the doctrine
of religion and good letters. Furthermore, at the fame of this man,
such a concourse of people came to see him, that the adversaries
began to consult with themselves to kill him, lest his doctrine
should disperse further abroad, to the detriment of the Church of
Rome:  whereupon commandment was sent to the pope's legate to lay
hands upon him, and to send him up fast bound to Rome, where again,
now the fourth time, he was imprisoned in the castle of Rome, and
there continued eighteen months, being greatly assaulted, sometimes
with flattering promises, sometimes with terrible threats, to give
over his opinion:  but his building could not be shaken, for it was
grounded upon a sure rock. Thus Dr. Mollius, being constant in the
defence of Christ's gospel, was brought, with certain other men,
(which were also apprehended for religion,) into the temple of St.
Mary, called De Minerva, on the fifth day of September, A.D. 1553;
either there to revoke, or to be burned. There sat upon them six
cardinals in high seats, besides the judge, before whom preached a
Dominic Friar, which, cruelly inveighing against the poor prisoners,
incensed the cardinals, with all the vehemency he might, to their
condemnation. The poor men stood holding a burning taper in their
hands, of whom some for fear of death revolted:  but this Doctor
Mollius, with a weaver of Perugia, remained constant. Then Mollius
began an earnest sermon in the Italian tongue, wherein he confirmed
the articles of the faith by the sacred Scriptures, declaring also
that the pope was not the successor of Peter, but antichrist, and
that his sectaries do figure the whore of Babylon. Moreover, he cited
them up to the tribunal seat of Christ, and threw away the burning
taper from him:  whereupon they, being replenished with anger,
condemned him with the weaver to the fire, and commanded them to be
had away. So were they carried incontinent to the camp or field,
called Florianum, where they remained cheerful and constant. First,
the weaver was hanged. Mollius then, willing the hangman to execute
his office likewise upon him, began to exhort the people to beware of
idolatry, and to have no other saviours but Christ alone; for he only
is the mediator between God and man. And so was he also hanged,
commending his soul to God, and afterwards laid in the fire and
burned. The people having divers judgments upon him, some said he
died a heretic, some said he was a good man.

Two monks of the house of St. Austin in Rome, A.D. 1554; having being
impeached by the senate of Milan.

     Furthermore, in the same city of Rome, and about the same time,
in the monastery of St. Austin, were found two monks in their cells,
with their tongues and their heads cut off, only for rebuking the
immoderate and outrageous excess of the cardinals, as witnesseth
Manlius. Such was the cruelty then of the malignant adversaries.

Francis Gamba, at Como. Persecuted in the diocese, and by the senate
of Milan, A.D. 1554.

     Francis Gamba, born in the city of Breschia, in Lombardy, after
he had received the knowledge of the gospel, went to Geneva, to
confer about certain necessary affairs with them that were wise and
learned in that church, which was about the time when the Lord's
supper there was administered at Pentecost; who there also at the
same time did communicate with them. Afterwards, on his return home,
as he was passing over the lake of Como, he was taken and brought to
Como, and there committed to ward. During the time of which
imprisonment, divers and sundry, as well nobles as others, with
doctors also, especially priests and monks, resorted unto him,
labouring by all manner of means, and most fair promises, to reduce
him from his opinions, which seemed to some but fantasies coming of
some humour. To some they seemed uncatholic or heretical. But he,
constantly disputing with them by the manifest Scriptures, declared
the opinions which he defended, not to be any vain speculations or
imaginary fantasies of man's doting brain, but the pure verity of
God, and the evident doctrine of Jesus Christ, expressed in his word,
necessary for all men to believe, and also to maintain unto death: 
and therefore for his part, rather than he would be found false to
Christ and his word, he was there ready, not to deny, but to stand
to, Christ's gospel, to the effusion of his blood.

     Thus when he could in no wise be reclaimed from the doctrine of
truth, letters came from the senate of Milan, that he should be
executed with death; which execution, as they of Como were about to
prepare, in the mean while came other letters from Geneva, written by
the emperor's ambassador, and other nobles of Milan, by the which his
death was delayed for a time, till at length other letters were sent
again from the senate of Milan, requiring execution of the sentence.
Nevertheless, through intercession of his friends, one week's respite
more was granted him, to prove whether he might be won again to the
pope's church; that is to say, lost from God. Thus he, being mightily
and long assailed both by friends, and by enemies terrified, yet by
no persuasions would be expugned, but gave thanks to God, that he was
made worthy to suffer the rebukes of this world, and cruel death, for
the testimony of his Son; and so went he cheerfully unto his death.
Then came certain Franciscan Friars to him to hear his confession,
which he refused. Also they brought in their hands a cross for him to
behold, to keep him from desperation at the feeling of the fire; but
his mind, he said, was so replenished with joy and comfort in Christ,
that he needed neither their cross nor them. After this, as he was
declaring many comfortable things to the people, of the fruition of
those heavenly joys above which God hath prepared for his, because he
should speak no more to the people, his tongue was bored through; and
so immediately being tied to the stake, there he was strangled till
he was dead; every man there giving testimony, who saw his constancy,
that he died a good man.

Pomponius Algerius, at Rome. Persecuted by Pope Paul the Fourth, and
the magistrates of Venice, A.D. 1555.

     Pomponius Algerius, born in Capua, a young man of great
learning, was student in the university of Padua, where he, not being
able to conceal and keep close the verity of Christ's gospel, which
he learned by the heavenly teaching of God's grace, ceased not, both
by doctrine and example of life, to inform as many as he could in the
same doctrine, and to bring them to Christ. For the which he was
accused of heresy to Pope Paul the Fourth, who, sending immediately
to the magistrates of Venice, caused him to be apprehended at Padua,
and carried to Venice, where he was long detained in prison and
bonds, till at last the pope commanded the magistrates there to send
him up bound unto Rome, which the Venetians eftsoons accomplished.
After he was brought to Rome, manifold persuasions and allurements
were essayed to remove the virtuous and blessed young man from his
sentence:  but when no worldly persuasions could prevail against the
operation of God's Spirit in him, then was he adjudged to be burned
alive; which death most constantly he sustained, to the great
admiration of all that beheld him.

     Being in prison at Venice, he wrote an epistle to the afflicted
saints; which for the notable sweetness and most wonderful
consolation contained in the same, in showing forth the mighty
operation of God's holy power working in his afflicted saints that
suffer for his sake, I have thought good and expedient to
communicate, as a principal monument amongst all other martyrs'
letters, not only with the other letters which shall be inserted
hereafter (the Lord willing) in the end of the book, but also in this
present place to be read, to the intent that both they which be, or
shall be hereafter, in affliction, may take consolation; and also
they that yet follow the trade of this present world, in comparing
the joys and commodities thereof with these joys here expressed, may
learn and consider with themselves, what difference there is between
them both, and thereby may learn to dispose themselves in such sort,
as may be to their edification, and perpetual felicity of their
souls. The copy of the letter, first written in Latin, we have
translated into English, the tenor whereof here ensueth: 

A comfortable letter of Pomponius Algerius an Italian.

     "To his most dearly beloved brethren and fellow servants in
Christ, which are departed out of Babylon into Mount Sion; grace,
peace, and health, from God our Father, by Jesus Christ our Lord and
Saviour!

     "To mitigate your sorrow which you take for me, I cannot but
impart unto you some portion of my delectations and joys, which I
feel and find, to the intent you with me may rejoice and sing before
the Lord, giving thanks unto him. I shall utter that which no man
will believe when I shall declare it. I have found a nest of honey
and honey-comb in the entrails of a lion. Who will ever believe that
I shall say? or what man will ever think in the deep dark dungeon to
find a paradise of pleasure? in the place of sorrow and death, to
dwell in tranquillity and hope of life? in a cave infernal, to be
found joy of soul? and where other men do weep, there to be
rejoicing? where others do shake and tremble, there strength and
boldness to be plenty? Who will ever think, or who will believe this?
in such a woeful state, such delectation? in a place so desolate,
such society of good men? in strait bands and cold irons, such rest
to be had? All these things the sweet hand of the Lord, my sweet
brethren! doth minister unto me. Behold, he that that was once far
from me, now is present with me; whom once scarce I could feel, now I
see more apparently; whom once I saw afar off, now I behold near at
hand; whom once I hungered for, the same now approacheth and reacheth
his hand unto me. He doth comfort me, and heapeth me up with
gladness; he driveth away all bitterness; he ministereth strength and
courage; he healeth me, refresheth, advanceth, and comforteth me. Oh
how good is the Lord, who suffereth not his servants to be tempted
above their strength! Oh how easy and sweet is his yoke! Is there any
like unto the Highest, who receiveth the afflicted, healeth the
wounded, and nourisheth them? Is there any like unto him? Learn, ye
well-beloved! how amiable the Lord is, how meek and merciful he is,
which visiteth his servants in temptations, neither disdaineth he to
keep company with us in such vile and stinking caves. Will the blind
and incredulous world, think you, believe this? or rather will it not
say thus:  No, thou wilt never be able to abide long the burning heat,
the cold snow, and the pinching hardness of that place, the manifold
miseries, and other grievances innumerable. The rebukes and frowning
faces of men, how wilt thou suffer? Post thou not consider and
revolve in thy mind thy pleasant country, the riches of the world,
thy kinsfolk, the delicate pleasures and honours of this life? dost
thou forget the solace of thy sciences, and the fruit of all thy
labours? Wilt thou thus lose all thy labours which thou hast hitherto
sustained? so many nights watched? thy painful travails, and all thy
laudable enterprises, wherein thou hast been exercised continually
even from thy childhood? Finally, fearest thou not death, which
hangeth over thee, and that for no crime committed? Oh what a fool
art thou, which for one word speaking mayst salve all this, and wilt
not! What a rude and unmannerly thing is this, not to be entreated at
the instant petitions and desires of such, so many and so mighty, so
just, so virtuous, so prudent and gracious senators, and such noble
personages, &c.

     "But now to answer:  Let this blind world hearken to this again,
What heat can there be more burning, than that fire which is prepared
for thee hereafter? and likewise what snow can be more cold than thy
heart which is in darkness, and hath no light? What thing is more
hard, and sharp, or crooked, than this present life which here we
lead? what thing more odious and hateful than this world here
present? And let these worldly men here answer me, What country can
we have more sweet than the heavenly country above? what treasures
more rich or precious than everlasting life? And who be our kinsmen,
but they which hear the word of God? Where be greater riches, or
dignities more honourable, than in heaven? And as touching the
sciences, let this foolish world consider, be they not ordained to
learn to know God, whom unless we do know, all our labours, our night
watchings, our studies, and all our enterprises serve to no use or
purpose; all is but lost labour.

     "Furthermore, let the miserable worldly man answer me, What
remedy or safe refuge can there be unto him, if he lack God, who is
the life and medicine of all men? and how can he be said to fly from
death, when he himself is already dead in sin? If Christ be the way,
verity, and life, how can there be any life then without Christ? The
sultry heat of the prison to me is coldness; the cold winter to me is
a fresh spring-time in the Lord. He that feareth not to be burned in
the fire, how will he fear the heat of weather? or what careth be for
the pinching frost, who burneth with the love of the Lord? The place
is sharp and tedious to them that be guilty, but to the innocent and
guiltless it is mellifluous. Here droppeth the delectable dew; here
floweth the pleasant nectar; here runneth the sweet milk; here is
plenty of all good things. And although the place itself be desert
and barren, yet to me it seemeth a large walk, and a valley of
pleasure; here to me is the better and more noble part of the world.
Let the miserable worldling say and confess, if there be any plot,
pasture, or meadow so delightful to the mind of man, as here. Here I
see kings, princes, cities, and people; here I see wars, where some
be overthrown, some be victors, some thrust down, some lifted up.
Here is the Mount Sion; here I am already in heaven itself; here
standeth first Christ Jesus in the front. About him stand the old
fathers, prophets, and evangelists, and apostles, and all the
servants of God:  of whom some do embrace and cherish me, some exhort
me, some open the sacraments unto me, some comfort me, other some
singing about me. And how then shall I be thought to be alone, among
so many, and such as these be? the beholding of whom to me is both
solace and example:  for here I see some crucified, some slain, some
stoned, some cut asunder and some quartered, some roasted, some
broiled, some put in hot cauldrons, some having their eyes bored
through, some their tongues cut out, some their skin plucked over
their heads, some their hands and feet chopped off, some put in kilns
and furnaces, some cast down headlong and given to the beasts and
fowls of the air to feed upon:  it would ask a long time if I should
recite all.

     "To be short, divers I see with divers and sundry torments
excruciate; yet, notwithstanding, all living, and all safe. One
plaster, one salve, cureth all their wounds:  which also gives to them
strength and life, so that I sustain all these transitory anguishes
and small afflictions with a quiet mind, having a greater hope laid
up in heaven. Neither do I fear mine adversaries which here persecute
me and oppress me; for He that dwelleth in the heaven shall laugh
them to scorn, and the Lord shall deride them. I fear not thousands
of people which compass me about. The Lord my God shall deliver me,
my hope, my supporter, my comforter, who exalteth my head. He shall
smite all them that stand up against me without cause, and shall dash
the teeth and jaws of sinners asunder; for he only is all blessedness
and majesty. The rebukes for Christ's cause make us jocund; for so it
is written, If ye be rebuked and scorned for the name of Christ,
happy be you; for the glory and Spirit of God resteth upon you, 1
Pet. iv. Be you therefore certified, that our rebukes which are laid
upon us, redound to the shame and harm of the rebukers. In this world
there is no mansion firm to me; and therefore I travel up to the New
Jerusalem which is in heaven, and which offereth itself unto me
without paying any fine or income. Behold, I have entered already on
my journey, where my house standeth for me prepared, and where I
shall have riches, kinsfolks, delights, honours never failing. As for
these earthly things here present, they are transitory shadows,
vanishing vapours, and ruinous walls. Briefly, all is but very vanity
of vanities, where hope and the substance of eternity to come are
wanting; which the merciful goodness of the Lord hath given as
companions to accompany me, and to comfort me:  and now do the same
begin to work and to bring forth fruits in me. I have travailed
hitherto, laboured and sweat early and late, watching day and night,
and now my travails begin to come to effect. Days and hours have I
bestowed upon my studies. Behold, the true countenance of God is
sealed upon me; the Lord hath given mirth in my heart; and therefore
in the same will I lay me down in peace and rest, Psal. iv. And who
then shall dare to blame this our age consumed, or say that our years
be cut off? What man can now cavil that these our labours are lost,
which have followed and found out the Lord and Maker of this world,
and which have changed death for life? My portion is the Lord, saith
my soul, and therefore I will seek and wait for him. Now then, if to
die in the Lord be not to die, but to live most joyfully, where is
this wretched worldly rebel, which blameth us of folly, for giving
away our lives to death? Oh how delectable is this death to me, to
taste the Lord's cup, which is an assured pledge of true salvation!
for so hath the Lord himself forewarned us, saying, The same that
they have done to me, they will also do unto you. Wherefore let the
doltish world, with its blind worldlings, (who in the bright sunshine
yet go stumbling in darkness, being as blind as beetles,) cease thus
unwisely to carp against us for our rash suffering, as they count it: 
to whom thus we answer again with the holy apostle, Neither
tribulation, nor anguish, nor hunger, nor nakedness, nor jeopardy,
nor persecution, nor sword, shall be able ever to separate us from
the love of Christ. We are slain all the day long; we are made like
sheep ordained to the shambles, Rom. viii. Thus do we resemble Christ
our Head, who said, that the disciple cannot be above his master, nor
the servant above his lord. The same Lord hath also commanded that
every one shall take up his cross and follow him, Luke ix. Rejoice,
rejoice, my dear brethren and fellow servants! and be of good
comfort, when ye fall into sundry temptations. Let your patience be
perfect on all parts; for so is it foreshowed us before, and is
written, that they that shall kill you, shall think to do God good
service. Therefore afflictions and death be as tokens and sacraments
of our election and life to come. Let us then be glad and sing to the
Lord, when we, being clear from all just accusation, are persecuted
and given to death:  for better it is, that we in doing well do
suffer, if it so be the will of the Lord, than doing evil, 1 Pet.
iii. We have for our example Christ and the prophets, who spake in
the name of the Lord, whom the children of iniquity did quell and 
murder; and now we bless and magnify them that then suffered. Let us
be glad and joyous in our innocency and uprightness. The Lord shall
reward them that persecute us; let us refer all revengement to him.

     "I am accused of foolishness, for that I do not shrink from the
true doctrine and knowledge of God, and do not rid myself out of
these troubles, when with one word I may. Oh the blindness of man!
who seeth not the sun shining, neither remembereth the Lord's words.
Consider therefore what he saith, You are the light of the world. A
city builded on the hill cannot be hid; neither do men light a
candle, and put it under a bushel, but upon a candlestick, that it
may shine, and give light to them in the house. And in another place
he saith, You shall be led before kings and rulers; fear ye not them
that kill the body, but him which killeth both body and soul.
Whosoever shall confess me before men, him will I also confess before
my Father which is in heaven; and he that denieth me before men, him
will I also deny before my heavenly Father. Wherefore seeing the
words of the Lord be so plain, how, or by what authority, will this
wise counsellor then approve this his counsel which he doth give? God
forbid that I should relinquish the commandments of God, and follow
the counsels of men; for it is written, Blessed is the man that hath
not gone in the ways of sinners, and hath not stood in the counsel of
the ungodly, and hath not set in the chair of pestilence, Psalm i.
God forbid that I should deny Christ, where I ought to confess him. I
will not set more by my life, than by my soul; neither will I
exchange the life to come for this world here present. Oh how
foolishly speaketh he which argueth me of foolishness!

     "Neither do I take it to be a thing so uncomely, or unseeming
for me, not to obey in this matter the requests of those so
honourable, just, prudent, virtuous, and noble senators, whose
desires (he saith) were enough to command me:  for so are we taught of 
the apostles, that we ought to obey God before men. After that we
have served and done our duty first unto God, then are we bound next
to obey the potentates of this world; whom I wish to be perfect
before the Lord. They are honourable; but yet are they to be made
more perfect in the Lord:  they are just; but yet Christ, the seat of
justice, is lacking in them:  they are wise; but where is in them the
beginning of wisdom, that is, the fear of the Lord? they are called
virtuous; but yet I wish them more absolute in Christian charity: 
they are good and gracious; but yet I miss in them the foundation of
goodness, which is the Lord God, in whom dwelleth all goodness and
grace:  they are honourable; yet have they not received the Lord of
glory, which is our Saviour, most honourable and glorious.
Understand, ye kings, and learn, you that judge the earth. Serve the
Lord in fear, and rejoice in him with trembling. Hearken to doctrine,
and get knowledge, lest you fall into God's displeasure, and so
perish out of the way of righteousness. What fret you, what fume you,
O Gentiles? O you people! why cast you in your brains the cogitations
of vanity? You kings of the earth, and you princes, why conspire you
so together against Christ, and against his Holy One? Psalm ii. How
long will you seek after lies, and hate the truth? Turn you to the
Lord, and harden not your hearts:  for this you must needs confess,
that they that persecute the Lord's servants, do persecute the Lord
himself:  for so he saith himself, Whatsoever men shall do to you, I
will count it to be done not as unto you, but to myself.

     "And now let this carnal, politic counsellor and disputer of
this world tell, wherein have they to blame me, if in my examinations
I have not answered so after their mind and affection as they
required of me? seeing it is not ourselves that speak, but the Lord
that speaketh in us, as he himself doth forewitness, saying, When ye
shall be brought before rulers and magistrates, it is not you
yourselves that speak, but the Spirit of my Father that shall be in
you, Matt. x. Wherefore if the Lord be true and faithful of his word,
as it is most certain, then is there no blame in me:  for he gave the
words that I did speak; and who was I, that could resist his will? If
any shall reprehend the things that I said, let him then quarrel with
the Lord, whom it pleased to work so in me. And if the Lord be not to
be blamed, neither am I herein to be accused, who did that I purposed
not, and that I forethought not of. The things which there I did
utter and express, if they were otherwise than well, let them show
it, and then will I say, that they were my words, and not the Lord's.
But if they were good and approved, and such as cannot justly be
accused, then must it needs be granted, spite of their teeth, that
they proceeded of the Lord; and then who be they that shall accuse
me? a people of prudence? or who shall condemn me? just judges? And
though they so do, yet, nevertheless, the word shall not be
frustrated, neither shall the gospel be foolish, or therefore decay;
but rather the kingdom of God shall the more prosper and flourish
unto the Israelites, and shall pass the sooner unto the elect of
Christ Jesus:  and they who shall so do, shall prove the grievous
judgment of God; neither shall they escape without punishment, that
be persecutors and murderers of the just. My well-beloved! lift up
your eyes, and consider the counsels of God. He showed unto us of 
late an image of his plague, which was to our correction:  and if we
shall not receive him, he will draw out his sword, and strike with
sword, pestilence, and famine, the nation that shall rise against
Christ.

     "These have I written to your comfort. Dear brethren! pray for
me. I kiss in my heart, with a holy kiss, my good masters, Sylvius,
Pergula, Justus; also Fidel Rocke, and him that beareth the name of
Lelia, whom I know, although being absent. Item, the governor of the
university, Syndicus, and all others whose names be written in the
hook of life. Farewell, all my fellow servants of God! fare ye well
in the Lord, and pray for me continually.

     "From the delectable orchard of Leonine prison, the twelfth of
the calends of August, A.D. 1555."

     It is written of one Thebrotus, that when he had read the book
of Plato, De Immortalitate Animĉ, he was so moved and persuaded
therewith, that he cast himself down headlong from a high wall, to be
rid out of this present life. If those heathen philosophers, having
no word of God, nor promise of any resurrection and life to come,
could so soon be persuaded, by reading the works of Plato, to contemn
this world and life here present; how much more is it to be required
in Christians, instructed with so many evidences and promises of
God's most perfect word, that they should learn to cast off the
carnal desires and affections of this miserable peregrination; and
that for a double respect, not only in seeing, reading, and
understanding so many examples of the miseries of this wicked world;
but also much more in considering and pondering the heavenly joys and
consolations of the other world, remaining for us hereafter to come;
for a more full evidence whereof, I thought good to give out this
present letter of Algerius above prefixed, for a taste of the same,
and a lively testimony for all true Christians to read and consider.
Now let us proceed further (the Lord willing) in our table of Italian
martyrs.

Johannes Aloysius, at Rome, and Jacobus Bovellus at Messina.
Persecuted by Pope Pius the Fourth, A.D. 1559.

     Of Johannes Aloysius we find mention made in a letter of Simon
Florellus; which Aloysius was sent down from Geneva to the parts of
Calabria, there to be their minister; who afterwards was sent for up
to Rome, and there suffered.

     Jacobus Bovellus was likewise sent from Geneva to the said
parts of Calabria, with Aloysius; who also, being sent for up to
Rome, was sent down to the city of Messina, and there was martyred,
A.D. 1559.

Divers that suffered in the kingdom of Naples, A.D. 1560.
Illustration:  Naples

     After Pope Julius the Third, came Marcellus the Second. After
him succeeded Pope Paul the Fourth. This Paul being dead, followed
Pope Pius the Fourth, who, being advanced to that room, began hot
persecution in all the territories of the Church of Rome, against
them which were suspected for Lutherans; whereupon ensued great
troubleand persecution in the kingdom of Naples, in such cruel sort,
that many noble men, with their wives and others, are reported there
to be slain.

Eighty-eight martyrs in one day, with one butcherly knife, slain like
sheep.

Sixteen hundred others also, condemned at Calabria, A.D. 1560.
Illustration:  Martyrs Slain with a Knife

     In Calabria, likewise, the same time, suffered a blessed number
of Christ's well-beloved saints, both old and young, put together in
one house, to the number of eighty-eight persons; all which, one
after another, were taken out of the house, and so being laid upon
the butcher's stall, like the sheep in the shambles, with one bloody
knife were all killed in order:  a spectacle most tragical for all
posterity to remember, and almost incredible to believe. Wherefore,
for the more credit of the matter, lest we should seem either light
of credit, to believe that is not true, or rashly to commit to pen
things without due proof and authority, we have here annexed a piece
of an epistle written by Master Simon Florellus, preacher of God's
word at the city of Clavenna, among the Rhetians, unto a certain
friend of his named Gulielmus Gratalorus, an Italian, and doctor of
physic in the university of Basil. Which Gratalorus translated the
same into the Latin tongue, and it is to be found in the 11th book of
Pantaleon, p. 337, the English whereof is this as followeth: 

The end of a certain letter of Simon Florellus, written in Italian,
concerning a lamentable slaughter of eighty-eight Christian saints in
the parts of Calabria.

     "As concerning news I have nothing to write, but only that I
send you a copy of certain letters, imprinted either at Rome or at
Venice, concerning the martyrdom or persecution in two several towns
of Calabria, eight Italian miles from the borders of Cosenza, the one
called St. Sixtus, within two miles of Montalto, under the seigniory
of the duke of Montalto; the other called Guardia, situate upon the
sea-coast, and twelve miles from St. Sixtus:  which two towns are
utterly destroyed, and eight hundred of the inhabitants there, or, as
some write from the city of Rome, no less than a full thousand. He
that wrote the letter, was servant to Ascanius Carracciolus. The
country and people there, I well know to have taken the first
original of their good doctrine and honest life from the Waldenses;
for before my departure from Geneva, at their re. quest, I sent them
two schoolmasters, and two preachers. The last year the two preachers
were martyred; the one at Rome, named Johannes Aloysius Pascalis, a
citizen of Cunio; the other at Messina, named James Bovell; both of
Piedmont. This year the residue of that godly fellowship were
martyred in the same place. I trust this good seed sown in Italy,
will bring forth good and plentiful fruit."

     Now followeth the copy of the letter sent from Montalto, a town
in Calabria, eight miles distant from Cosenza, bearing date the
eleventh of June, 1560. The writer of this letter, as ye may
perceive, was one of them that call themselves catholics, and
followers of the pope. The words of the letter be these, as here
follow.

Here followeth the copy of a letter sent from Montalto in Calabria,
by a Romanist, to a certain friend of his in Rome, containing news of
the persecution of Christ's people in Calabria, by the new pope, Pius
the Fourth, A.D. 1550.

     "Hitherto, most noble lord! have I certified you, what here
daily hath been done about these heretics. Now cometh next to signify
unto your Lordship the horrible judgment begun this present day,
being the eleventh of June, to be executed very early in the morning
against the Lutherans; which when I think upon, I verily quake and
tremble. And truly the manner of their putting to death was to be
compared to the slaughter of calves and sheep; for they, being all
thrust up in one house together, as in a sheep-fold, the executioner
cometh in, and amongst them taketh one, and blindfoldeth him with a
muffler about his eyes, and so leadeth him forth to a larger place
near adjoining, where he commandeth him to kneel down; which being so
done, he cutteth his throat, and leaving him half dead, and taking
his butcher's knife and muffler all of gore-blood, (which the
Italians call benda,) cometh again to the rest, and so leading one
after another, he despatched them all, which were to the number of
eighty-eight. This spectacle to behold how doleful and horrible it
was, I leave to your Lordship's judgment; for to write of it, I
myself cannot but weep:  neither was there any of the beholders there
present, which seeing one to die, could abide to behold the death of
another. But certes so humbly and patiently they went to death, as is
almost incredible to believe. Some of them, as they were in dying,
affirmed, that they believed even as we do:  notwithstanding the most
part of them died in the same their obstinate opinions. All the aged
persons went to death more cheerfully; the younger were more
timorous. I tremble and shake even to remember how the executioner
held his bloody knife between his teeth, with the bloody muffler in
his hand, and his arms all in gore-blood up to the elbows, going to
the fold, and taking every one of them, one after another, by the
hand, and so despatching them all no otherwise than doth a butcher
kill his calves and sheep.

     "It is moreover appointed (and the carts be come already) that
all those so put to death should be quartered, and so be conveyed in
the carts to the hithermost parts of Calabria, where they will be
hanged upon poles in the highways and other places, even to the
confines of the same country. Unless the pope's Holiness and the lord
viceroy of Naples shall give in commandment to the lord marquis of
Buccianus, governor of the said province, to stay his hand, and go no
further, he will proceed with the rack and torture, examining all
other, and so increase the number in such sort, that he will nigh
despatch them all.

     "This day it is also determined, that a hundred of the more
ancient women should appear to be examined and racked, and after to
be put to death, that the mixture may be perfect, for so many men so
many women:  and thus have you what I can say of this justice. Now is
it about two o'clock in the afternoon:  shortly we shall hear what
some of them said when they went to execution. There be certain of
them so obstinate, that they will not look upon the crucifix, nor be
confessed to the priest; and they shall be burned alive.

     "The heretics that be apprehended and condemned, are to the
number of sixteen hundred, but as yet no more but these aforesaid
eighty-eight are already executed. This people have their original of
the valley named Angrogne, near to Subaudia, and in Calabria are
called Ultramontani. In the kingdom of Naples there are four other
places of the same people, of whom whether they live well or no, as
yet we know not; for they are but simple people, ignorant, without
learning, wood-gatherers, and husbandmen:  but as I hear, much devout
and religious, giving themselves to die for religion's sake.

     "From Montalto, the eleventh of June."

     And thus much writeth this Romanist.

     Here moreover is to be noted, that the aforesaid Marquis
Buccianus above specified, had a son or brother, unto whom the said
new pope (Pius the Fourth, belike) is reported to have promised a
cardinalship at Rome, if all the Lutherans were extirpated and rooted
out in that province. And like enough that the same was the cause of
his butcherly persecution and effusion of Christian blood, in the
said country of Calabria, beyond Naples, in Italy.

     Besides these godly Italian martyrs in this table above
contained, many others also have suffered in the same country of
Italy, of whom some before have been specified, some peradventure
omitted. But many more there be, whose names we know not; whereof as
soon as knowledge may be given unto us, we purpose, God willing, to
impart the same, loving reader! unto thee.



161. THE WALDENSIAN MARTYRS IN PROVENCE

     Now in the mean time it followeth, (according to my promise
made before,) next after this lamentable slaughter of Calabria, here
to insert also the tragical persecution and horrible murder of the
faithful flock of Christ, inhabiting in Merindol in France, and in
the towns adjacent near unto the same, in the time of Francis the
First, the French king. The furious cruelty of this miserable
persecution, although it cannot be set forth too much at large, yet
because we will not weary too much the reader with the full length
thereof, we have so contracted the same, especially the principal
effect thereof we have comprehended in such sort, that as we on the
one part have avoided prolixity, so on the other, we have omitted
nothing which might seem unworthy to be forgotten. The story here
followeth.

A notable history of the persecution and destruction of the people of
Merindol and Cabriers, in the country of Provence: 

Where not a few persons, but whole villages and townships, with the
most part of all the aforesaid country, both men, women, and
children, were put to all kinds of cruelty, and suffered martyrdom
for the profession of the gospel.

     They that write of the beginning of this people, say, that
about two hundred years ago, A.D. 1360, they came out of the country
of Piedmont to inhabit in Provence, in certain villages destroyed by
wars, and other desert places:  wherein they used such labour and
diligence, that they had abundance of corn, wine, oils, honey,
almonds, with other fruits and commodities of the earth, and much
cattle. Before they came thither, Merindol was a barren desert, and
not inhabited:  but these good people, (in whom God always had
reserved some little seed of piety,) being dispersed and separated
from the society of men, were compelled to dwell with beasts in that
waste and wild desert, which, notwithstanding, through the blessing
of God, and their great labour and travail, became exceeding
fruitful. Notwithstanding, the world in the mean time so detested and
abhorred them, and with all shameful rebukes and contumelies railed
against them in such despiteful manner, that it seemed they were not
worthy that the earth should bear them:  for they of a long
continuance and custom had refused the bishop of Rome's authority,
and observed ever a more perfect kind of doctrine than others,
delivered unto them from the father to the son, ever since the year
of our Lord 1200.

     For this cause they were often accused and complained of to the
king, as contemners and despisers of the magistrates, and rebels: 
wherefore they were called by divers names, according to the
countries and places where they dwelt. For in the country about
Lyons, they were called the Poor People of Lyons; in the borders of
Sarmatia, and Livonia, and other countries towards the north, they
were called Lollards; in Flanders and Artois, Turrelupines, of a
desert where wolves did haunt. In Dauphine, with great despite, they
were called Chagnards, because they lived in places open to the sun,
and without house or harbour. But most commonly they were called
Waldois, of Waldo, who first instructed them in the word of God;
which name continued until the name of Lutherans came up, which above
all others was most hated and abhorred.

     Notwithstanding, in all these most spiteful contumelies and
slanders, the people dwelling at the foot of the Alps, and also in
Merindol and Cabriers, and the quarters thereabouts, always lived so
godly, so uprightly, and so justly, that in all their life and
conversation there appeared to be in them a great fear of God. That
little light of true knowledge which God had given them, they
laboured by all means to kindle and increase daily more and more,
sparing no charges, whether it were to procure books of the Holy
Scriptures, or to instruct such as were of the best and most towardly
wits in Iearning and godliness; or else to send them into other
countries, yea, even to the farthest parts of the earth, where they
had heard that any light of the gospel began to shine.

     For in the year 1530, understanding that the gospel was
preached in certain towns of Germany and Switzerland, they sent
thither two learned men, that is, Georgius Maurellus, born in
Dauphine, a godly preacher of their own, and whom they had of their
charges brought up in learning, and Petrus Latomus, a Burgundian, to
confer with the wise and learned ministers of the churches there in
the doctrine of the gospel, and to know the whole form and manner
which those churches used in the service and worshipping of God:  and
particularly to have their advice also upon certain points which they
were not resolved in. These two, after great conference had with the
chiefest in the church of God, namely with Œcolampadius at Basil; at
Strasburg, with Bucer and Capito; and at Berne, with Bartholdus
Hallerus, as they were returning through Burgundy homeward, Petrus
Latomus was taken at Dijon, and cast into prison; Maurellus escaped,
and returned alone to Merindol, with the books and letters which he
brought with him from the churches of Germany; and declared to his
brethren all the points of his commission, and opened unto them how
many and great errors they were in, into the which their old
ministers, whom they call Barbes, (that is to say, uncles,) had
brought them, leading them from the right way of true religion.

     When the people heard this, they were moved with such a zeal to
have their churches reformed, that they sent for the most ancient
brethren, and the chiefest in knowledge and experience of all
Calabria and Apulia, to consult with them touching the reformation of
the church. This matter was so handled, that it stirred up the
bishops, priests, and monks, in all Provence, with great rage against
them. Amongst others, there was one cruel wretch called John de Roma,
a monk, who, obtaining a commission to examine those that were
suspected to be of the Waldois or Lutheran profession, forthwith
ceased not to afflict the faithful with all kinds of cruelty that he
could devise or imagine. Amongst other most horrible torments, this
was one which he most delighted in, and most commonly practised; he
filled boots with boiling grease, and put them upon their legs, tying
them backward to a form, with their legs hanging down over a small
fire; and so he examined them. Thus he tormented very many, and in
the end most cruelly put them to death.

     The first whom he thus tormented, were Michelottus Serra and W.
Melius, with a number more. Wherefore Francis the French king, being
informed of the strange and outrageous cruelty of this hellish monk,
sent letters to the court of parliament of Provence, that forthwith
he should be apprehended, and by form of process, and order of law,
he should be condemned, and advertisement sent unto him with all
speed of his condemnation. The monk, being advertised hereof by his
friends, conveyed himself to Avignon, where he thought to enjoy the
spoilings, which he, like a notorious thief, had gotten by fraud and
extortion from the poor Christians:  but shortly after, he which had
so shamefully spoiled others, was spoiled of all together, by his own
household servants; whereupon shortly after he fell sick of a most
horrible disease, strange and unknown to any physician. So extreme
were the pains and torments wherewith he was continually vexed in all
his body, that no ointment, no fomentation, nor any thing else, could
ease him one minute of an hour:  neither was there any man that could
tarry near about him, nor yet would any one of his own friends come
near to him, so great was the stench that came from him. For the
which cause he was carried from the Jacobins to an hospital, there to
be kept; but the stench and infection so increased, that no man there
durst come near him:  no, nor he himself was able to abide the
horrible stench that issued from his body, full of ulcers and sores,
and swarming with vermin, and so rotten, that the flesh fell away
from the bones by piecemeal.

     While he was in these torments and anguish, he cried out
oftentimes in great rage, "Oh! who will deliver me? who will kill and
rid me out of these intolerable pains, which I know I suffer for the
evils and oppressions that I have done to the poor men?" And he
himself went about divers times to destroy himself, but he had not
the power. In these horrible torments and anguish, and fearful
despair, this blasphemer and most cruel homicide most miserably ended
his unhappy days and cursed life, as a spectacle to all persecutors,
receiving a just reward of his cruelty by the just judgment of God.
When he was dead, there was no man that would come near him to bury
him; but a young novice, newly come to his order, instead of a more
honourable sepulture, caught hold with a hook upon his stinking
carrion, and drew him into a hole hard by, which was made for him.

     After the death of this cruel monster, the bishop of Aix, by
his official Perionet, continued the persecution, and put a great
multitude of them in prison, of whom some by force of torments
revolted from the truth; the others which continued constant, after
he had condemned them of heresy, were put into the hands of the judge
ordinary, who at that time was one Meiranus, a notable cruel
persecutor, who, without any form of process or order of law, such as
the official had pronounced to be heretics, he put to death with most
cruel torments; but shortly after he received a just reward of his
cruelty in like manner.

     After the death of the good president Cusinetus, the lord of
Revest, being chief president of the parliament of Aix, put many of
the faithful to death; who afterwards, being put out of his office,
returned to his house of Revest, where he was stricken with such a
horrible sickness, that, for the fury and madness which he was in,
his wife, or any that were about him, durst not come near him; and so
he, dying in his fury and rage, was justly plagued for his unmerciful
and cruel dealing.

     After him succeeded Bartholomew Chassanee, likewise a pestilent
persecutor, whom God at length struck with a fearful and sudden
death. In the time of this tyrant, those of Merindol, in the persons
of ten, were cited personally to appear before the king's attorney.
But they, hearing that the court had determined to burn them without
any further process or order of law, durst not appear at the day
appointed. For which cause the court awarded a cruel sentence against
Merindol, and condemned all the inhabitants to be burned, both men
and women, sparing none, no, not the little children and infants; the
town to be razed, and their houses beaten down to the ground; also
the trees to be cut down, as well olive-trees as all others, and
nothing to be left, to the intent it should never be inhabited again,
but remain as a desert or wilderness.

     This bloody arrest or decree seemed so strange and wonderful,
that in every place throughout all Provence there was great reasoning
and disputation concerning the same, especially among the advocates,
and men of learning and understanding; insomuch that many durst
boldly and openly say, that they greatly marvelled how that court of
parliament could be so mad, or so bewitched, to give out such an
arrest, so manifestly injurious and unjust, and contrary to all right
and reason, yea, to all sense of humanity; also contrary to the
solemn oath which all such as are received to office in courts of
parliament, are accustomed to make; that is to say, to judge justly
and uprightly, according to the law of God, and the just ordinances
and laws of the realm, so that God thereby might be honoured, and
every man's right regarded, without respect of persons.

     Some of the advocates or lawyers, defending the said arrest to
be just and right, said, that in the case of Lutheranism, the judges
are not bound to observe either right or reason, law or ordinance;
and that the judges cannot fail or do amiss, whatsoever judgment they
do give, so that it tend to the ruin and extirpation of all such as
are suspected to be Lutherans.

     To this the other lawyers and learned men answered, that upon
their sayings it would ensue, that the judges should now altogether
follow the same manner and form, in proceeding against the Christians
accused to be Lutherans, which the gospel witnesseth that the
priests, scribes, and Pharisees, in pursuing and persecuting, and
finally condemning, our Lord Jesus Christ.

     By these and such other like talks, the said arrest was
published throughout the country, and there was no assembly or
banquet where it was not disputed or talked of:  and namely, within
twelve days after the arrest was given out, there was a great banquet
in the town of Aix; at which banquet were present M. Bartholomew
Chassanee, president, and many other councillors and other noble
personages and men of authority. There was also the archbishop of
Arles, and the bishop of Aix, with divers ladies and gentlewomen,
amongst whom was one which was commonly reported to be the bishop of
Aix's concubine. They were scarce well sat at the table, but she
began thus to talk:  "My lord president! will you not execute the
arrest which is given out of late against the Lutherans of Merindol?"
The president answered nothing, feigning that he heard her not. Then
a certain gentleman asked of her, what arrest that was? She recited
it in manner and form as it was given out, forgetting nothing, as if
she had a long time studied to commit the same to memory:  whereunto
they that were at the banquet gave diligent ear, without any word
speaking, until she had ended her tale.

     Then the lord of Alenc, a man fearing God, and of great
understanding, said unto her, "Gentlewoman! you have learned this
tale either of some that would have it so, or else it is given out by
some parliament of women." Then the lord of Senas, an ancient
councillor, said unto him; "No, no, my lord of Alenc! it is no tale
which you have heard this gentlewoman tell; for it is an arrest given
out by a whole senate:  and you ought not thus to speak, except you
would call the court of Provence a parliament of women." Then the
lord of Alenc began to excuse himself, with protestation that he
would not speak any thing to blemish the authority of that sovereign
court; notwithstanding, he could not believe all that which the said
gentlewoman had told, that is to say, that all the inhabitants of
Merindol were condemned to die by the arrest of the said court of
parliament of Provence, and especially the women, and little children
and infants; and the town to be razed for the fault of ten or twelve
persons, which did not appear before the said court at the day
appointed. And the Lord Beauvieu also answered, that he believed not
the said court to have given out any such arrest; for that (said he)
were a thing most unreasonable, and such as the very Turks, and the
most tyrants in the world, would judge to be a thing most detestable: 
and said further, that he had known a long time many of Merindol, who
seemed unto him to be men of great honesty:  and my lord president
(said he) can certify us well what is done in this matter, for we
ought not to give credit unto women's tales. Then the gentlewoman who
had rehearsed the arrest, stayed not to hear the president's answer,
but suddenly looking upon the bishop of Aix, said, "I should greatly
have marvelled, if there had been none in all this company who would
defend these wicked men." And lifting up her eyes to heaven, in a
great womanly chafe and fume, she said, "Would to God that all the
Lutherans who are in Provence, yea, and in all France, had horns
growing on their foreheads;then we should see a goodly many of
horns!" To whom the Lord Beauvieu suddenly answered, saying, "Would
to God all priests' harlots should chatter like pies!" Then said the
gentlewoman, "Ah, my Lord Beauvieu! you ought not so to speak against
our holy mother the church, for that there was never dog that barked
against the crucifix, but he waxed mad;" whereat the bishop of Aix
laughed, and clapping the gentlewoman on the shoulder, said, "By my
holy orders, my minion! well said; I con you thank. She hath talked 
well unto you, my Lord Beauvieu! remember well the lesson which she
hath given you." Here the Lord Beauvieu, being wholly moved with
anger, said, "I care neither for her school nor yours, for it would
be long before a man should learn of either of you either any honesty
or honour. For if I should say, that the most part of the bishops and
priests are abominable adulterers, blind idolaters, deceivers,
thieves, seducers, I should not speak against the holy church, but
against a heap and flock of wolves, dogs, and filthy swine. In
speaking these things I would think a man not to be mad at all,
except he be mad for speaking of the truth."

     Then the archbishop in a great fury answered, "My Lord
Beauvieu! you speak very evil, and you must give account, when time
and place serve, of this your talk, which you have here uttered
against the churchmen." "I would," said the Lord Beauvieu, "that it
were to do even this present day, and I would bind myself to prove
more abuses and naughtiness in priests than I have yet spoken." Then
said the president Chassanee, "My Lord Beauvieu! let us leave off
this talk, and live as our fathers have done, and maintain their
honour." Then said he in great anger, "I am no priest's son, to
maintain their wickedness and abuse: " and afterward he said, "I am
well content to honour all true pastors of the church, and will not
blame them that show good example in their doctrine and living; but I
demand of you, my Lord of Arles! and you, my Lord of Aix! when our
Lord Christ Jesus called the priests, deceiving hypocrites, blind
seducers, robbers, and thieves, did he them any outrage or wrong?"
And they answered, "No; for the most part of them were such men."
Then said the Lord Beauvieu, "Even so it is with the bishops and
priests whom I have spoken of, for they are such kind of men, or
rather worse:  and I so abhor their filthy and abominable life, that I
dare not speak the one half of that which I know; and therefore in
speaking the truth, to cool the babbling of a harlot, I do them no
injury."

     The Monsieur de Senas, an ancient councillor, said, "Let us
leave off this contentious talk, for we are here assembled and come
together to make good cheer." And afterwards he said, "M. de
Beauvieu! for the love and amity which I do bear unto you, I will
advertise you of three things, which, if you will do, you shall find
great ease therein. The first is, that you, neither by word nor deed,
aid or assist those which you hear to be Lutherans. Secondly, that
you do not intermeddle openly to reprove ladies and gentlewomen for
their pastime and pleasures. Thirdly, that you do never speak against
the life and living of priests, how wicked soever it be, according to
this saying, Do not touch mine anointed."

     To whom M. de Beauvieu answered, "As touching the first point,
I know no Lutherans, neither what is meant by this word Lutheranism,
except you do call them Lutherans, who profess the doctrine of the
gospel; neither yet will I ever allow any arrest which shall be given
out to death against men, whose cause hath not been heard, especially
against women and young infants:  and I am assured, that there is no
court of parliament in all France, which will approve or allow any 
such arrest. And whereas you say, that I should not meddle to reprove
ladies and gentlewomen, if I knew any kinswoman of mine, which would
abandon herself unto a priest or clerk, yea, albeit he were a
cardinal or bishop, I would not do her so much honour as to rebuke
her for it, but at least I would cut off her nose. And as touching
priests, as I am contented not to meddle with their business, so
likewise I will not that they meddle with mine hereafter, or come
from henceforth within mine house; for as many as I shall find or
take there, I will set their crowns so near their shoulders, that
they shall need no more to wear any hoods about their necks." The
like also said the president Chassanee.

     Then the bishop of Aix's sweetheart, which had begun the
quarrel, said, "I shall not be in quiet, except I speak yet one word
more unto M. de Beauvieu." "Do you think," said she unto him, "that
all the cardinals, bishops, abbots, priests, and all those holy
religious men, which go oftentimes to gentlemen's houses, and haunt
the castles and palaces of princes and noblemen, that they go thither
to commit wickedness? Also you must not think evil of all those
ladies and gentlewomen that go to bishops' houses of devotion, and to
reveal those whom they know to be Lutherans, as it was commanded in
the pulpit upon pain of excommunication. If so be you will maintain
those words, I will not cease to accuse you of crime, and also of
treason both to God and man; for here be those in this company, who
shall make you give an account thereof." She had not so soon ended
her talk, but M. Beauvieu said unto her, "Avaunt, O Herodias! thou
filthy and impudent harlot! is it thy part to open thy mouth to talk
in this company? Dost thou well understand and know what treason to
God and man meaneth? Is it not sufficient for thee to be as thou art,
but thou must solicit others to shed innocent blood?" With these
words the gentlewoman was somewhat amazed. All men thought that this
talk had been at an end, and every man began to invent some merry
communication, that the former matter should be no more talked of.

     At the last the gentlewoman, advising herself, and thinking
that she was too much injured, to be said that she went about to shed
the innocent blood, she brake off all their talk, and with a loud
voice said, "Monsieur Beauvieu! if I were a man, as I am a woman, I
would offer you the combat, to prove that I am no such manner of
woman as you say I am, that I desire to shed innocent blood. Do you
call the blood of these wicked men of Merindol, innocent blood? True
it is, that I desire and offer with my whole power, that these
naughty packs of Merindol, and such-like as they are, should be slain
and destroyed, from the greatest even unto the least. And for to see
the beginning of this work, I have employed all my credit, and all my
friends, and do not spare neither body nor goods to work the ruin and
destruction of these people, and to rase out and to deface their
memory from amongst men. Do you then, Monsieur Beauvieu! call the
slaughter of these Lutherans, the effusion of innocent blood? And say
you what you will, I will not refrain for no man living, to go either
by day or by night unto the houses of bishops, in all honesty and
honour, for the devotion which I bear unto our holy mother the
church, and also I will receive into my house all religious men, to
consult and devise the means how to put these Lutherans to death."
But as Monsieur Beauvieu took no more regard unto her talk, so
likewise all that were at the table dispraised her, and were weary of
her prating.

     Then there was a certain young gentleman, which, merrily
jesting, said unto her, "Gentlewoman! it must needs be that these
poor people, unto whom you do wish this cruel death, have done you
some great displeasure." Then said she, "I may well take an oath,
that I never knew one of these wretched people, neither (that I wot
of) ever saw any of them; and I had rather to meet ten devils than
one of those naughty knaves, for their opinions are so detestable,
that happy and blessed are they which never heard tell of them. And I
was not then well advised at what time by curiosity, I, seeing the
bishop of Aix so much troubled and angry that he could not eat nor
drink, did desire him and constrain him to tell me the cause thereof.
Then he, perceiving that I would not he well contented if he should
not tell me, declared unto me some part of the cause, that is to say,
that there were certain heretics, who spake against our holy mother
the church, and among other errors they maintained, yea, to death,
that all bishops, priests, and pastors, ought to be married, or else
they should be basely handled:  and hearing this I was marvellously
offended, and ever since I did hate them to the death. And also it
was enjoined unto me by penance, that I should endeavour with all my
power to put these heretics to death." After these frivolous talks,
there was great trouble and debate amongst them, and many
threatenings, which were too long here to describe.

     Then the president Chassanee and the councillors parted aside,
and the gentlemen went on the other part. The archbishop of Arles,
the bishop of Aix, and divers abbots, priors, and others, assembled
themselves together, to consult how this arrest might be executed
with all speed, intending to raise a new persecution, greater than
that of John, the Jacobin monk of Rome:  "for otherwise," said they,
"our state and honour is like to decay; we shall be reproved,
contemned, and derided of all men. And if none should thus vaunt and
set themselves against us but these peasants, and such like, it were
but a small matter; but many doctors of divinity and men of the
religious order, divers senators and advocates, many wise and well
learned men, also a great part of the nobility, (if we may so say,)
and that of great renown, yea, even of the chiefest peers in all
Europe, begin to contemn and despise us, counting us to be no true
pastors of the church; so that except we see to this mischief, and
provide for remedy betimes, it is greatly to be feared, lest not only
we shall be compelled to forsake our dignities, possessions, and
livings, which we now wealthily enjoy; but also the church, being
spoiled of her pastors and guides, shall hereafter come to miserable
ruin, and utter desolation. This matter therefore now requireth great
diligence and circumspection, and that with all celerity."

     Then the archbishop of Arles, not forgetting his Spanish
subtleties and policies, gave his advice as followeth: 

     "Against the nobility we must, said he, take heed that we
attempt nothing rashly, but rather we must seek all the means we can
how to please them; for they are our shield, our fortress, and
defence. And albeit we know that many of them do both speak and think
evil of us, and that they are of these new gospellers, yet may we not
reprove them, or exasperate them, in any case; but seeing they are
too much bent against us already, we must rather seek how to win
them, and to make them our friends again by gifts and presents:  and
by this policy we shall live in safety under their protection. But if
we enterprise any thing against them, sure we are to gain nothing
thereby, as we are by experience already sufficiently taught."

     The bishop of Aix then answered,--

     "It is well said, but I can show you a good remedy for this
disease; we must go about with all our endeavour, and power, and
policy, and all the friends we can make, sparing no charges, but
spending goods, wealth, and treasure, to make such a slaughter of the
Merindolians and rustical peasants, that none shall be so bold
hereafter, whatsoever they be, yea, although they be of the blood
royal, once to open their mouths against us, or the ecclesiastical
state. And to bring this matter to pass, we have no better way than
to withdraw ourselves to Avignon, in the which city we shall find
many bishops, abbots, and other famous men, which will with us employ
their whole endeavour to maintain and uphold the majesty of our holy
mother the church."

     This counsel was well liked of them all. Whereupon the said
archbishop of Arles, and the bishop of Aix, went with all speed to
Avignon, there to assemble out of hand the bishops and other men of
authority and credit, to treat of this matter. In this pestilent
conspiracy, the bishop of Aix, a stout champion, and a great defender
of the traditions of men, taking upon him to be the chief orator,
began in a manner as followeth: 

     "O ye fathers and brethren! ye are not ignorant that a great
tempest is raised up against the little bark of Christ Jesus, now in
great danger and ready to perish. The storm cometh from the north,
whereof all these troubles proceed. The seas rage, the waters rush in
on every side, the winds blow and beat upon our house, and we,
without speedy remedy, are like to sustain shipwreck and loss of all
together. For oblations cease, pilgrimage and devotion waxeth cold,
charity is clean gone, our estimation and authority is debased, our
jurisdiction decayed, and the ordinances of the church despised. And
wherefore are we set and ordained over nations and kingdoms, but to
root out and destroy, to subvert and overthrow, whatsoever is against
our holy mother the church? Wherefore let us now awake, let us stand
stoutly in the right of our own possession, that we may root out from
the memory of men for ever the whole rout of the wicked Lutherans: 
those foxes (I say) which destroy the vineyard of the Lord; those
great whales which go about to drown the little bark of the Son of
God. We have already well begun, and have procured a terrible arrest
against these cursed heretics of Merindol:  now then resteth no more,
but only the same to be put in execution. Let us therefore employ our
whole endeavour, that nothing happen which may let or hinder that we
have so happily begun; and let us take good heed that our gold and
silver do not witness against us at the day of judgment, if we refuse
to bestow the same, that we may make so good a sacrifice unto God.
And for my part I offer to wage and furnish of my own costs and
charges, a hundred men well horsed, with all other furniture to them
belonging; and that so long, until the utter destruction and
subversion of these wretched and cursed caitiffs be fully performed
and finished."

     This oration pleased the whole multitude, saving one doctor of
divinity, a friar Jacobin, named Bassinet, who then answered again
with this oration.

     "This is a weighty matter," said he, "and of great importance;
we must therefore proceed wisely, and in the fear of God, and beware
that we do nothing rashly. For if we seek the death and destruction
of these poor and miserable people wrongfully, when the king and the
nobility shall hear of such a horrible slaughter, we shall be in
great danger lest they do to us, as we read in the Scriptures was
done to the priests of Baal. For my part I must say, and unfeignedly
confess, that I have too rashly and lightly signed many processes
against those which have been accused of heretical doctrine:  but now
I do protest before God, which seeth and knoweth the hearts of men,
that seeing the lamentable end and effect of mine assignments, I have
had no quietness in my conscience, considering that the secular
judges, at the report of the judgment and sentence given by me and
other doctors my companions, have condemned all those unto most cruel
death, whom we have judged to be heretics. And the cause why in
conscience I am thus disquieted, is this; that now of late, since I
have given myself more diligently to the reading and contemplation of
the Holy Scriptures, I have perceived that the most part of those
articles, which they that are called Lutherans do maintain, are so
conformable and agreeing to the Scriptures, that for my part I can no
longer gainsay them, except I should even wilfully and maliciously
resist and strive against the holy ordinances of God. Albeit,
hitherto, to maintain the honour of our holy mother the church, and
of our holy father the pope, and of our order, I have consented to
the opinions and doings of other doctors, as well through ignorance,
as also because I would not seem to attempt any thing against the
will and pleasure of the prelates and vicars general:  but now it
seemeth unto me, that we ought not any more to proceed in this
matter, as we have done in time past. It shall besufficient to punish
them with fines, or to banish them which shall speak too
intemperately or rashly against the constitutions of the church, and
of the pope; and such as shall be manifestly convicted by the Holy
Scriptures to be blapshemous or obstinate heretics, to be condemned
to death according to the enormity of their crimes or errors, or else
to perpetual prison. And this my advice and counsel I desire you to
take in good part."

     With this counsel of Bassinet all the company were offended,
but especially the bishop of Aix, who, lifting up his voice above all
the rest, said thus unto him; "O thou man of little faith! whereof
art thou in doubt? dost thou repent thee of that thou hast well done?
Thou hast told here a tale, that smelleth of faggots and brimstone.
Is there any difference, thinkest thou, between heresies and
blasphemies spoken and maintained against the Holy Scriptures, and
opinions holden against our holy mother the church, and contrary to
our holy father the pope, a most undoubted and true god on earth? Art
thou a master in Israel, and knowest not these things?" Then said the
bishop of Arles, "Could any man treat better of the little bark of
Christ Jesus, than my lord of Aix hath done?"

     Then stood up Bassinet again, and made this oration: 

     "It is true that my lord, the bishop of Aix, hath very well set
out the manners and state of the clergy, and hath aptly reproved the
vices and heresies of this present time:  and therefore, so soon as
mention was made of the ship of Christ Jesus, it came into my mind
first of all, of the high bishop of Jerusalem, the priests, the
doctors of the law, the scribes and Pharisees, which sometime had the
governance of this ship, being ordained pastors in the church of God: 
but when they forsook the law of God, and served him with men's
inventions and traditions, he destroyed those hypocrites in his great
indignation; and having compassion and pity upon the people which
were like sheep without a shepherd, he sent diligent fishers to fish
for men, faithful workmen into his harvest, and labourers into his
vineyard, which shall all bring forth true fruits in their season.
Secondly, considering the purpose and intent of the reverend lord
bishop of Aix, I called to mind the saying of the apostle, 1 Tim.
iv., that in the latter day some shall fall away from the faith,
following after deceitful spirits, and the doctrine of devils. And
the apostle giveth a mark whereby a man shall know them. Likewise our
Lord Jesus Christ saith, Matt. vii., that the false prophets shall
come clothed in sheep-skins, but inwardly they are ravening wolves,
and by their fruits they shall be known. By these two, and divers
such other places, it is easy to understand, who are they that go
about to drown this little bark of Christ. Are they not those which
fill the same with filthy and unclean things, with mire and dirt,
with puddle and stinking water? are they not those which have
forsaken Jesus Christ, the fountain of living water, and have digged
unto themselves pits or cisterns which will hold no water? Truly even
those they are, who vaunt themselves to be the salt of earth, and yet
have no savour at all; which call themselves pastors, and yet are
much less than true pastors, for they minister not unto the sheep the
true pasture and feeding, neither divide and distribute the true
bread of the word of life. And (if I may be hold to speak it) would
it not be at this present as great a wonder to hear a bishop preach,
as to see an ass fly? Are not they accursed of God, who glory and
vaunt themselves to have the keys of the kingdom of heaven, and
neither enter in themselves, nor suffer them that would enter, to
come in? They may be known right well by their fruits; for they have
forsaken faith, judgment, and mercy; and there is no honest, clean,
or undefiled thing in them but their habit, their rochet, and their
surplice, and such other. Outwardly they are exceeding neat and trim,
but within they are full of all abomination, rapine, gluttony, filthy
lust, and all manner of uncleanness; they are like painted
sepulchres, which outwardly appear beautiful and fair, but within are
full of filth and corruption. A man shall know (I say) these ravening
wolves by their fruits, which devour the quick and the dead under
pretence of long prayer. And forasmuch as I am enforced to give place
to the truth, and that you call me a master in Israel, I will not be
afraid to prove by the Holy Scriptures, that your great pilot and
patron the pope, and the bishops the mariners, and such others, which
impudently forsake the ship of Christ Jesus, to embark themselves in
pinnaces and brigandines, are pirates and robbers of the sea, false
prophets, deceivers, and not true pastors of the church of Jesus
Christ."

     When Doctor Bassinet had thus freely and boldly uttered his
mind, the whole multitude began to gather about him, and spitefully
railed at him; but the bishop of Aix, above others, raging and crying
out as he had been mad, "Get thee out," said he, from amongst us,
thou wicked apostate! thou art not worthy to be in this company. We
have burned daily a great many which have not so well deserved it as
thou hast. We may now perceive, that there is none more stedfast and
fervent in the faith than the doctors of the canon law; and therefore
it were necessary to be decreed in the next general council, that
none should have to do in matters of religion but they alone:  for
these knaves, and beggarly monks and friars, will bring all to
nought." Then the other doctors of the same order boldly reproved the
bishop of Aix for the injury he had done unto them. After this there
arose a great dissension amongst them, insomuch that there was
nothing at that time determined. After dinner all these reverend
prelates assembled together again, but they suffered neither friar
nor monk to be amongst them, except he were an abbot. In this
assembly they made a general composition, confirmed with an oath,
that every man should endeavour himself that the said arrest of
Merindol should be executed with all expedition, every man offering
to furnish out men of war, according to his ability. The charge
thereof was given to the bishop of Aix, and to the president of the
canons, to solicit the matter, and to persuade by all means possible
the presidents and councillors of the said court of parliament,
without fear or doubt, to execute the said arrest with drums, ensigns
displayed, artillery, and all kind of furniture of war.

     This conspiracy being concluded and determined, the bishop of
Aix departed incontinent from Avignon, to go unto Aix, to perform the
charge which was given to him. Notwithstanding they desired him to
be, the next day after the council was holden, at a banquet which
should be made at the house of the bishop of Rieux. To this banquet
such as were known to be the fairest and most beautiful, women in all
Avignon, were called, to refresh and solace these good prelates,
after the great pains and travail which they had taken for our holy
mother the church. After they had dined, they fell to dancing,
playing at dice, and such other pastimes as are commonly wont to be
frequented at the banquets and feasts of these holy prelates. After
this they walked abroad to solace themselves, and to pass the time
till supper.

     As they passed through the streets, every one leading his
minion upon his arm, they saw a man which sold base images and
pictures, with filthy rhymes and ballads annexed to the same, to move
and stir up the people to whoredom and knavery. All these goodly
pictures were bought up by the bishops, which were as many as a mule
could well carry; and if there were any obscure sentence, or hard to
understand in those rhymes or ballads, the same these learned
prelates did readily expound, and laughed pleasantly thereat. In the
same place, as they walked along, there was a bookseller, which had
set out to sale certain Bibles in French and Latin, with divers other
books; which when the prelates beheld, they were greatly moved
thereat, and said unto him, "Darest thou be so hardy to set out such
merchandise to sell here in this town? dost thou not know that such
books are forbidden?" The bookseller answered, "Is not the Holy Bible
as good as these goodly pictures, which you have bought for these
gentlewomen?" He had scarce spoken these words, but the bishop of Aix
said, "I renounce my part of paradise, if this fellow be not a
Lutheran!" "Let him be taken," said he, "and examined what he is."
And incontinently the bookseller was taken and carried unto prison,
and spitefully handled; for a company of knaves and ruffians, which
waited upon the prelates, began to cry out, "A Lutheran! a Lutheran!
"" To the fire with him! to the fire with him! "And one gave him a
blow with his fist, another pulled him by the hair, and others by the
beard, in such sort that the poor man was all imbrued with blood
before he came to prison.

     The morrow after he was brought before the judges in the
presence of the bishops, where he was examined in this form as
followeth:  "Hast thou not set forth to sale the Bible and the New
Testament in French?" The prisoner answered that he had so done. And
being demanded, whether he understood or knew not, that it was
forbidden throughout all Christendom to print or sell the Bible in
any other language than in Latin? he answered, that he knew the
contrary, and that he had sold many Bibles in the French tongue, with
the emperor's privilege, and many others printed at Lyons; also New
Testaments imprinted by the king's privilege. Furthermore, he said,
that he knew no nation throughout all Christendom, which had not the
Holy Scriptures in their vulgar tongue:  and afterwards, with a bold
courage, thus he spake unto them: 

     "O you inhabitants of Avignon! are you alone in all Christendom
those men who despise and abhor the Testament of the heavenly Father?
Will ye forbid and hide that which Jesus Christ hath commanded to be
revealed and published? Do you not know that our Lord Jesus Christ
gave power unto his apostles to speak all manner of tongues, to this
end, that his holy gospel should be taught unto all creatures in 
every language? And why do you not forbid those books and pictures,
which are full of filthiness and abomination to move and stir up the
people to crimes and to uncleanness, and to provoke God's vengeance
and great indignation upon you all? What greater blasphemy can there
be, than to forbid God's most holy books, which he ordained to
instruct the ignorant, and to reduce and bring again into the way
such as are gone astray? What cruelty is this, to take away from the
poor silly souls their nourishment and sustenance? But, my lords! you
shall give a heavy account, which callsweet sour, and sour sweet, who
maintain abominable and detestable books and pictures, and reject
that which is holy."

     Then the bishop of Aix and the other bishops began to rage, and
gnash their teeth against this poor prisoner. "What need you," said
they, "any more examination? let him be sent straight unto the fire,
without any more words." But the judge Laberius and certain others
were not of that mind, neither found they sufficient cause why to put
him to death; but went about to have him put to his fine, and to make
him confess and acknowledge the bishop of Aix, and others his
companions, to be the true pastors of the church. But the bookseller
answered, that he could do it with a good conscience, forasmuch as he
did see before his eyes, that these bishops maintained filthy books,
and abominable pictures, rejecting and refusing the holy books of
God; and therefore he judged them rather to be the priests of Bacchus
and Venus, than the true pastors of the church of Christ. Whereupon
he was immediately condemned to be burned, and the sentence was
executed the very same day; and for a sign or token of the cause of
his condemnation, he carried two Bibles hanging about his neck, the
one before, and the other behind him:  but this poor man had also the
word of God in his heart, and in his mouth, and ceased not
continually by the way, until that he came to the place of execution,
to exhort and monish the people to read the Holy Scriptures; insomuch
that divers were thereby moved to seek after the truth. The prelates,
seeing a great dissension among the people of Avignon, and that many
murmured and grudged against them for the death of this good man, and
also for the dishonour which they had done unto the holy Testament of
God, minding to put the people in fear, they proceeded the next day
to make a proclamation by the sound of a trumpet throughout the whole
town and country of Venice, that all such as had any books in the
French tongue, treating upon the Holy Scriptures, should bring them
forth, and deliver them into the hands of the commissioners appointed
for that purpose:  contrariwise they which had any such books found
about them, should be put to death.

     Then, after these prelates had taken advice to raise great
persecution in Venice, the bishop of Aix returned to prosecute the
execution of the arrest against Merindol, travailing earnestly with
the president Chassanee to that effect; declaring unto him the good-
will of the prelates of Avignon and Provence, and the great affection
they bare both to him and his, with many fair promises if he would
put the arrest in execution. The president answered him, that it was
no small matter to put the arrest of Merindol in execution; also that
the said arrest was given out more to keep the Lutherans in fear,
which were in great numbers in Provence, than to execute it in
effect, as it was contained in the said arrest. Moreover, he said,
that the arrest of Merindol was not definitive, and that the laws and
statutes of the realm did not permit the execution thereof without
further process. Then said the bishop, "If there be either law or
statute which doth hinder or let you, we carry in our sleeves to
dispense therewithal." The president answered, "It were a great sin
to shed the innocent blood." Then said the bishop, "The blood of them
of Merindol be upon us, and upon our successors." Then said the
president, I am very well assured, that if the arrest of Merindol be
put in execution, the king will not be well pleased to have such
destruction made of his subjects." Then said the bishop, "Although
the king at first do think it evil done, we will so bring it to pass,
that within a short space he shall think it well done:  for we have
the cardinals on our side, and especially the most reverend cardinal
of Tournon, the which will take upon him the defence of our cause;
and we can do him no greater pleasure, than utterly to root out these
Lutherans:  so that if we have any need of his counsel or aid, we
shall be well assured of him. And is not he the principal, the most
excellent and prudent adversary of these Lutherans, that is in all
Christendom?"

     By this and such other like talk the bishop of Aix persuaded
the president and councillors of the court of parliament, to put the
said arrest in execution, and by this means, through the authority of
the said court, the drum was sounded through all Provence, the
captains were prepared with their ensigns displayed, and a great
number of footmen and horsemen began to set forward, and marched out
of the town of Aix in order of battle, well horsed and furnished,
against Merindol, to execute the arrest. The inhabitants of Merindol,
being advertised hereof, and seeing nothing but present death to he
at hand, with great lamentation commended themselves and their cause
unto God by prayer, making themselves ready to be murdered and slain,
as sheep led unto the butchery.

     Whilst they were in this grievous distress, piteously mourning
and lamenting together, the father with the son, the daughter with
the mother, the wife with the husband, suddenly there was news
brought unto them, that the army was retired, and no man knew at that
time how, or by what means; notwithstanding afterwards it was known,
that the lord of Alenc, a wise man, and learned in the Scriptures,
and in the civil law, being moved with great zeal and love of
justice, declared unto the president Chassanee, that he ought not so
to proceed against the inhabitants of Merindol by way of force of
arms, contrary to all form and order of justice, without judgment or
condemnation, or without making any difference between the guilty and
the not guilty. And furthermore he said: 

     "I desire you, my lord president! call to remembrance the
counsel which you have written in your book entitled Catalogus Gloriĉ
Mundi, in which book you have treated and brought forth the processes
which were holden against the rats, by the officers of the court and
jurisdiction of the bishop of Autun. For as it happened, there was
almost throughout all the bailiwick of Laussois such a great number
of rats, that they destroyed and devoured all the corn of the
country; whereupon they took counsel to send unto the bishop of
Autun's official, to have the rats excommunicated. Whereupon it was
ordained and decreed by the said official, after he had heard the
plaintiff of the procurator-fiscal, that before he would proceed to
excommunication, they should have admonition and warning according to
the order of justice. For this cause it was ordained, that by the
sound of a trumpet, and open proclamation made throughout all the
streets of the town of Autun, the rats should be cited to appear
within three days; and if they did not appear, then to proceed
against them. The three days were passed, and the procurator came
into the court against the rats, and for lack of appearance obtained
default, by virtue whereof he required that they would proceed to the
excommunication; whereupon it was judicially acknowledged that the
said rats, being absent, should have their advocate appointed them to
hear their defence, forasmuch as the question was for the whole
destruction and banishing of the said rats. And you, my lord
president! being at that time the king's advocate at Autun, were then
chosen to he the advocate to defend the rats; and having taken the
charge upon you in pleading the matter, it was by you there declared,
that the citation was of no effect, for certain causes and reasons by
you there alleged. Then was it decreed that the said rats should be
once again cited throughout the parishes where they were. Then after
the citations were duly served, the procurator came again into the
court as before; and there it was alleged by you, my lord president!
how that the term of appearance given unto the rats was too short,
and that there were so many cats in every town and village which they
should pass through, that they had just cause to be absent.

     "Wherefore, my lord president! you ought not so lightly to
proceed against these poor men, but you ought to look upon the Holy
Scriptures, and there you shall find how you ought to proceed in this
matter. And you, my lord! have alleged many places of the Scripture
concerning the same, as appeareth more at large in your said book;
and by this plea of a matter which seemeth to be but of small
importance, you have obtained great fame and honour, for the upright
declaration of the manner and form how judges ought gravely to
proceed in criminal causes. Then, my lord president! you which have
taught others, will you not also learn by your own books? the which
will manifestly condemn you, if you proceed any further to the
destruction of these poor men of Merindol:  for are they not Christian
men, and ought you not as well to minister right and justice unto
them, as you have done to the rats?"

     By these and such-like demonstrations, the president was
persuaded, and immediately called back his commission which he had
given out, and caused the army to retire, which was already come near
unto Merindol, even within a mile and a half.

     Then the Merindolians, understanding that the army was retired,
gave thanks unto God, comforting one another, with admonition and
exhortation always to have the fear of God before their eyes, to be
obedient unto his holy commandments, subject to his most holy will,
and every man to submit himself unto his providence; patiently
attending and looking for the hope of the blessed, that is to say,
the true life and the everlasting riches, having always before their
eyes, for example, our Lord Jesus Christ, the very Son of God, who
hath entered into his glory by many tribulations. Thus the
Merindolians prepared themselves to endure and abide all the
afflictions that it should please God to lay upon them; and such was
their answer to all those that either pitied, or else sought their
destruction:  whereupon the bruit and noise was so great, as well of
the arrest, as of the enterprise of the execution, and also of the
patience and constancy of the Merindolians, that it was not hidden or
kept secret from King Francis the First, a king of noble courage and
great judgment; who gave commandment unto the noble and virtuous
lord, M. de Langeay, which then was his lieutenant in Turin, a city
in Piedmont, that he should diligently inquire and search out the
truth of all this matter. Whereupon the said M. de Langeay sent unto
Provence two men of fame and estimation, giving them in charge to
bring unto him the copy of the arrest, and diligently to inquire out
all that followed and ensued thereupon; and likewise to make diligent
inquisition of the life and manners of the said Merindolians and
others, which were persecuted in the country of Provence.

     These deputies brought the copy of the arrest, and of all that
happened thereupon, unto the said M. de Langeay, declaring unto him
the great injuries, pollings, extortions, exactions, tyrannies, and
cruelties, which the judges, as well secular as ecclesiastical, used
against them of Merindol, and others. As touching the behaviour and
disposition of those which were persecuted, they reported, that the
most part of the men of Provence affirmed them to be men given to
great labour and travail; and that about two hundred years past (as
it is reported) they came out of the country of Piedmont to dwell in
Provence, and took to tillage, and to inhabit many hamlets and
villages destroyed by the wars, and other desert and waste places;
which they had so well occupied, that now there was great store of
wines, oils, honey, and cattle, wherewith strangers were greatly
relieved and holpen. Besides that, before they came into the country
to dwell, the place of Merindol was taxed but at four crowns, which
before the last destruction paid yearly unto the lord, for taxes and
tallages, above three hundred and fifty crowns, beside other charges.

     The like was also reported of Lormarin, and divers other places
of Provence; whereas there was nothing but robbery before they came
to inhabit there, so that none could pass that way but in great
danger. Moreover, they of the country of Provence affirmed, that the
inhabitants of Merindol, and the others that were persecuted, were
peaceable and quiet people, beloved of all their neighbours, men of
good behaviour, constant in keeping of their promise, and paying of
their debts without traversing or pleading of the law:  that they were
also charitable men, giving alms, relieving the poor, and suffered
none amongst them to lack, or be in necessity. Also they gave alms to
strangers, and to the poor passengers, harbouring, nourishing, and
helping them in all their necessities, according to their power.
Moreover, that they were known by this, throughout all the country of
Provence, that they would not swear, or name the devil, nor easily be
brought to take an oath, except it were in judgment, or making some
solemn covenant. They were also known by this, that they could never
be moved nor provoked to talk of any dishonest matters; but in what
company soever they came, where they heard any wanton talk, swearing,
or blasphemy, to the dishonour of God, they straightway departed out
of that company. Also they said, that they never saw them go unto
their business, but first they made their prayers. The said people of
Provence furthermore affirmed, that when they came to any fairs or
markets, or came to their cities by any occasion, they never in a
manner were seen in their churches; and if they were; when they
prayed they turned away their faces from the images, and neither
offered candles to them, nor kissed their feet; neither would they
worship the relics of saints, nor once look upon them. And moreover,
if they passed by any cross or image of the crucifix, or any other
saint by the way, as they went, they would do no reverence unto them.
Also the priests did testify, that they never caused them to say any
masses, neither dirges, neither yet De profundis, neither would they
take any holy water; and if it were carried home unto their houses,
they would not say once, "God a' mercy!" yea, they seemed utterly to
abhor it. To go on pilgrimage, to make vows to saints, to buy pardons
or remission of sins with money, yea, though it might be gotten for a
halfpenny, they thought it not lawful. Likewise when it thundered or
lightened, they would not cross themselves, but casting up their eyes
unto heaven, fetched deep sighs. Some of them would kneel down and
pray, without blessing themselves with the sign of the cross, or
taking of holy water. Also they were never seen to offer, or cast
into the bason, any thing for the maintenance of lights,
brotherhoods, churches, or to give any offering either for the quick
or the dead. But if any were in affliction or poverty, those they
relieved gladly, and thought nothing too much.

     This was the whole tenor of the report made unto Monsieur de
Langeay, touching the life and behaviour of the inhabitants of
Merindol, and the other who were persecuted; also as touching the
arrest, and that which ensued thereupon. Of all those things the said
Monsieur de Langeay, according to the charge that was given him,
advertised the king, who, understanding these things, as a good
prince, moved with mercy and pity, sent letters of grace and pardon,
not only for those which were condemned for lack of appearance, but
also for all the rest of the country of Provence, which were accused
and suspected in like case; expressly charging and commanding the
said parliament, that they should not hereafter proceed so rigorously
as they had done before, against this people; but if there were any
that could be found or proved, by sufficient information, to have
swerved from the Christian religion, that then he should have good
demonstration made unto him by the word of God, both out of the Old
and New Testament:  and so, as well by the gentleness, as by the
rigour of the same, he should be reduced again unto the church of
Christ. Declaring also, that the king's pleasure was, that all such
as should be convicted of heresy in manner aforesaid, should abjure;
forbidding also all manner of persons, of what estate or condition
soever they were, to attempt any thing against them of Merindol, or
others that were persecuted, by any other manner of means, or to
molest or trouble them in person or goods:  revoking and disannulling
all manner of sentences and condemnations of what judges soever they
were, and commanding to set at liberty all prisoners which either
were accused or suspected of Lutheranism.

     By virtue of these letters they were now permitted to declare
their cause, and to say what they could in defence thereof; whereupon
they made a Confession of their faith, the effect whereof you shall
see in the end of the story. This Confession was presented first to
the court of parliament; and afterwards being declared more at large,
with articles also annexed thereunto, it was delivered to the bishop
of Cavaillon, who required the same. Also to Cardinal Sadolet, bishop
of Carpentras, with the like articles, and also a supplication to
this effect: 

     That the inhabitants of Cabriers, in the country of Venice,
most humbly desired the cardinal, that he would vouchsafe to receive
and read the Confession and declaration of their faith and doctrine,
in the which they, and also their fathers before them, had been of a
long time instructed and taught, which they were persuaded to be
agreeable to the doctrine contained in the Old and New Testament. And
because he was learned in the Holy Scriptures, they desired him that
he would mark such articles as he thought to be against the
Scriptures; and if he should make it to appear unto them, that there
was any thing contrary to the same, they would not only submit
themselves to abjuration, but also to suffer such punishment as
should he adjudged unto them, even to the loss, not only of all that
they had, but also of their lives. And moreover, if there were any
judge in all the country of Venice, which, by good and sufficient
information, should be able to charge them that they had holden any
erroneous doctrine, or maintained any other religion than was
contained in the articles of their Confession, they desired him that
he would communicate the same unto them; and with all obedience they
offered themselves to whatsoever should be thought just and
reasonable.

     Upon this request Cardinal Sadolet answered by his letters
written by his secretary, and signed with his own hand, the tenor
whereof here ensueth: 

     "I have seen your request, and have read the articles of your
Confession, wherein there is much matter contained; and do not
understand that you are accused for any other doctrine, but for the
very same which you have confessed. It is most true, that many have
reported divers things of you worthy of reproof, which, after
diligent inquiry made, we have found to be nothing else but false
reports and slanders. As touching the rest of your articles, it
seemeth unto me, that there are many words therein which might well
be changed without prejudice unto your Confession:  and likewise it
seemeth to me, that it is not necessary that you should speak so
manifestly against the pastors of the church. For my part, I desire
your welfare, and would be sorry that you should be so spoiled or
destroyed, as they do pretend. And to the end you shall the better
understand my amity and friendship towards you, shortly I will be at
my house by Cabriers, whither ye may resort unto me either in greater
or smaller numbers, as you will, and return safely without any hurt
or damage; and there I will advertise you of all things that I think
meet for your profit and health."

     About this time, which was A.D. 1542, the vice-legate of
Avignon assembled a great number of men of war, at the suit of the
bishop of Cavaillon, to destroy Cabriers. When the army was come
within a mile of Cabriers, the Cardinal Sadolet went with speed unto
the vice-legate, and showed him the request of the inhabitants of
Cabriers, with the articles of their Confession, and the offers that
they made; so that for that present the army retired, without any
hurt or damage done unto the inhabitants of Cabriers. After this, the
Cardinal Sadolet went unto Rome; but before his departure he sent for
divers of Cabriers, and certain farmers of his own, whom he knew to
be of the number of those which were called Lutherans, and told them
that he would have them in remembrance as soon as he came unto Rome,
and communicate their articles and Confession unto the cardinals,
trusting to find a mean to have some good reformation, that God
should be thereby glorified, and all Christendom brought to unity and
concord; at least, nothing at all doubting but that the foulest
abuses should be corrected and amended:  advertising them in the mean
time to be wise and circumspect, to watch and pray, for that they had
many enemies. With this oration of Cardinal Sadolet, they of Cabriers
were greatly comforted, trusting that at the suit of Cardinal Sadolet
they should have answer of their Confession:  but at his return, they
understood that he found all things so corrupt at Rome, that there
was no hope of any reformation there to be had, but rather mortal war
against all such as would not live according to the ordinances of the
Church of Rome. Likewise said the treasurer of Carpentras, who albeit
he paid out money to furnish soldiers that were hired for the
destruction of Cabriers, notwithstanding he did aid them secretly all
that he might. Howbeit he could not do it so secretly, but that it
came to the knowledge of the legate; whereupon he was constrained to
withdraw himself.

     On the other part, the bishops of Aix and Cavaillon pursued
still the execution of the arrest of Merindol. Then it was ordained
by the court of parliament, that, according to the king's letters,
John Durand, councillor of the court of parliament, with a secretary,
and the bishop of Cavaillon, with a doctor of divinity, should go
unto Merindol, and there declare unto the inhabitants the errors and
heresies which they knew to be contained in their Confession, and
make them apparent by good and sufficient information; and having so
convicted them by the word of God, they should make them to renounce
and abjure the said heresies:  and if the Merindolians did refuse to
abjure, then they should make relation thereof, that the court might
appoint how they should further proceed. After this decree was made,
the bishop of Cavaillon would not tarry until the time which was
appointed by the court for the execution of this matter; but he
himself, with a doctor of divinity, came to Merindol, to make them to
abjure. Unto whom the Merindolians answered, that he enterprised
against the authority of parliament, and that it was against his
commission so to do. Notwithstanding he was very earnest with them
that they should abjure, and promised them, if they would so do, to
take them under his wings and protection, even as the hen doth her
chickens, and that they should be no more robbed or spoiled. Then
they required that he would declare unto them what they should
abjure. The bishop answered, that the matter needed no disputation,
and that he required but only a general abjuration of all errors,
which would be no damage or prejudice to them; for he himself would
not stick to make the like abjuration. The Merindolians answered him
again, that they would do nothing contrary to the decree and
ordinance of the court, or the king's letters, wherein he commanded
that first the errors should be declared unto them, whereof they were
accused:  wherefore they were resolved to understand what those errors
and heresies were, that being informed thereof by the word of God,
they might satisfy the king's letters; otherwise it were but
hypocrisy and dissimulation to do as he required them. And if he
could make it so appear unto them by good and sufficient information,
that they had holden any errors and heresies, or should be convicted
thereupon by the word of God, they would willingly abjure; or if in
their Confession there were any word contrary to the Scriptures, they
would revoke the same. Contrariwise, if it were not made manifest
unto them, that they had holden any heresies, but that they had
always lived according to the doctrine of the gospel, and that their
Confession was grounded upon the same, then they ought by no means to
move or constrain them to abjure any errors which they held not; and
that it were plainly against all equity and justice so to do.

     Then the bishop of Cavaillon was marvellously angry, and would
hear no word spoken of any demonstration to be made by the word of
God, but, in a fury, cursed, and gave him to the devil that first
invented that means. Then the doctor of divinity, whom the bishop
brought thither, demanded what articles they were that were presented
by the inhabitants of Merindol, for the bishop of Cavaillon had not
yet showed them unto him. Then the bishop of Cavaillon delivered the
doctor the Confession, which, after he had read, the bishop of
Cavaillon said, "What! will you any more witness or declaration? this
is full of heresy." Then they of Merindol demanded, "In what point?"
whereupon the bishop knew not what to answer. Then the doctor
demanded to have time to look upon the articles of the Confession,
and to consider whether they were against the Scriptures or no. Thus
the bishop departed, being very sore agrieved that he could not bring
his purpose to pass.

     After eight days the bishop sent for this doctor, to understand
how he might order himself to make their heresies appear which were
in the said Confession:  whereunto the doctor answered, that he was
never so much abashed; for when he had beholden the articles of the
Confession, and the authorities of the Scriptures that were there
alleged for the confirmation thereof, he had found that those
articles were wholly agreeable and according to the Holy Scriptures;
and that he had not learned so much in the Scriptures all the days of
his life, as he had in those eight days, in looking upon those
articles, and the authorities therein alleged.

     Shortly after the bishop of Cavaillon came unto Merindol, and
calling before him the children both great and small, gave them
money, and commanded them with fair words to learn the Pater-noster
and the Creed in Latin. The most part of them answered, that they
knew the Pater-noster and the Creed already in Latin, but they could
give no reason of that which they spake, but only in the vulgar
tongue. The bishop answered, that it was not necessary that they
should be so cunning, but that it was sufficient that they knew it in
Latin; and that it was not requisite for their salvation, to
understand or to expound the articles of their faith; for there were
many bishops, curates, yea, and doctors of divinity, whom it would
trouble to expound the Paternoster and the Creed. Here the bailiff of
Merindol, named Andrew Maynard, asked, to what purpose it would serve
to say the Pater-noster and the Creed, and not to understand the
same? for in so doing they should but mock and deride God. Then said
the bishop unto him, "Do you understand what is signified by these
words, I believe in God?" The bailiff answered, "I should think
myself very miserable, if I did not understand it:  "and then he began
orderly to give an account of his faith. Then said the bishop, "I
would not have thought there had been such great doctors in
Merindol." The bailiff answered, "The least of the inhabitants of
Merindol can do it yet more readily than I; but I pray you, question
with one or two of these young children, that you may understand
whether they be well taught or no." But the bishop either knew not
how to question with them, or at least he would not.

     Then one, named Pieron Roy, said, "Sir! one of these children
may question with another, if you think it so good; "and the bishop
was contented. Then one of the children began to question with his
fellows with such grace and gravity, as if he had been a
schoolmaster; and the children one after another answered so unto the
purpose, that it was marvellous to hear:  for it was done in the
presence of many, among whom there were four religious men, that came
lately out of Paris, of whom one said unto the bishop, "I must needs
confess that I have often been at the common schools of Sarbonne in
Paris, where I have heard the disputations of the divines; but yet I
never learned so much as I have done by hearing these young
children." Then said William Armant, "Did you never read that which
is written in Matthew xi., where it is said, O Father! Lord of heaven
and earth! I render thanks unto thee, that thou hast bidden these
things from the sage and wise men of the world, and hast revealed
them unto young infants:  but behold, O Father! such was thy good will
and pleasure." Then every man marvelled at the ready and witty
answers of the children of Merindol.

     When the bishop saw he could not thus prevail, he tried another
way, and went about, by fair and flattering words, to bring his
purpose to pass. Wherefore, causing the strangers to go apart, he
said that he now perceived they were not so evil as many thought them
to be:  notwithstanding, for the contentation of them which were their
persecutors, it was necessary that they should make some small
abjuration, which only the bailiff, with two officers, might make
generally in his presence, in the name of all the rest, without any
notary to record the same in writing; and in so doing they should be
loved and favoured of all men, and even of those who now persecuted
them:  and that they should sustain no infamy thereby, for there
should be no report thereof made, but only to the pope, and to the
high court of parliament of Provence:  and also if any man, in time to
come, would turn the same to their reproach, or allege it against
them to their hurt or damage, they might utterly deny it, and say
they made no abjuration at all, because there were no records made
thereof, or witnesses to prove the same. For this purpose he desired
them to talk together, to the end there might be an end made in this
matter without any further business.

     The bailiff, and the two officers, with divers other ancients
of the town, answered, that they were fully resolved not to consent
to any abjuration, howsoever it were to be done; except (that which
was always their exception) they could make it appear unto them by
the word of God, that they had holden or maintained any heresy;
marvelling much that he would go about to persuade them to lie to God
and to the world. And albeit that all men by nature are liars, yet
they had learned by the word of God, that they ought diligently to
take heed of lying in any matter, were it never so small. Also, that
they ought diligently to take heed that their children did not
accustom to use themselves to lie, and therefore punished them very 
sharply, when they took them with any lie, even as if they had
committed any robbery; for the devil is a liar, and the father of
lies. Here the bishop rose up in great anger and indignation, and so
departed.

     Within a while after, the bishop of Aix solicited Master John
Durand, councillor of the court of the parliament of Provence, to
execute the commission which was given him; that is, to go unto the
place of Merindol, together with the secretary of the said court, and
there, in the presence of the bishop of Cavaillon, accompanied with a
doctor of divinity, to declare the errors and heresies which the
bishops pretended the inhabitants of Merindol to be infected and
entangled withal; and, according to their duty, to make it appear by
the word of God; and so, being convicted, to make them abjure and
renounce the said heresies. Whereupon the said councillor Durand
certified the day that he would be present at Merindol, to the end
and purpose that none of the inhabitants should be absent.

     At the day appointed, the said councillor Durand, the bishop of
Cavaillon, a doctor of divinity, and a secretary, came unto Merindol,
where were also present divers gentlemen, and men of understanding of
all sorts, to see this commission executed. Then they of Merindol
were advertised that they should not appear all at once, but that
they should keep themselves apart, and appear as they should be
called, in such orderand number as should be appointed unto them.
After that Durand, the bishop of Cavaillon, the doctor