Foxe's Book Of Martyrs
Part III.

THE SEVENTH BOOK
OF
THE ACTS AND MONUMENTS,
BEGINNING WITH THE REIGN OF KING HENRY THE EIGHTH.

137. INTRODUCTION TO THE REIGN OF HENRY VIII.

Illustration:  Frontispiece - Portrait of Henry VIII. 
Illustration:  Title Page – The Execution of Dudley Earl of Leicester 
Illustration:  Henry VIII. Trampling the Pope Underfoot

  AS touching the civil state and administration of
the commonwealth, and likewise of the state of the church, under the
reign of King Henry the Seventh, how he entered first in possession
of the crown; how the two houses of York and Lancaster were in him
conjoined, through marriage with Elizabeth the eldest daughter to
King Edward the Fourth, by the prudent counsel of John Morton, then
bishop of Ely, after archbishop of Canterbury, and cardinal; how long
the said king reigned, and what persecution was in his time for lack
of search and knowledge of God's word, both in the diocese of Lincoln
under Bishop Smith, (who was erecter of the house of Brazen-nose in
Oxford,) as also in the diocese of Coventry, and other places more;
and further, what punishment and alteration God commonly sendeth upon
cities and realms public for neglecting the safety of his flock;
sufficiently in the former book hath been already specified; wherein
many things more amply might have been added, incident in the reign
of this prince, which we have for brevity pretermitted. For he that
studieth to comprehend in story all things, which the common course
and use of life may offer to the writer, may sooner find matter to
occupy himself, than to profit other. Otherwise I might have inferred
mention of the seditious tumult of Perkin Warbeck, with his retinue,
A.D. 1494. Also of Blackheath field by the blacksmith, A.D. 1496. I
might also have recited the glorious commendation of George Lily in
his Latin Chronicle, testifying of King Henry the Seventh, how he
sent three solemn orators to Pope Julius the Second to yield his
obedience to the see of Rome, A.D. 1506. And likewise how Pope
Alexander the Ninth, Pius the Third, and Julius the Second, sent to
the said King Henry the Seventh, three sundry famous ambassadors with
three swords, and three caps of maintenance, electing and admitting
him to be the chief defender of the faith. The commendation of which
fact, how glorious it is in the eyes of George Lily and Fabian, that
I leave to them. This I suppose, that when King Henry sent to Pope
Julius three orators with obedience, if he had sent him three
thousand arquebusiers to furnish his field against the French king
fighting at Ravenna, be had pleased Pope Julius much better. If
George Lily had been disposed to illustrate his story with notes,
this had been more worthy the noting, how Louis the Twelfth, French
king, calling his parliament, moved this question against Pope
Julius; Whether a pope might invade any prince by warlike force,
without cause; and whether the prince might withdraw his obedience
from that pope, or not? And it was concluded in the same parliament
with the king, against the pope. Also it was concluded the same time,
(which was in the reign of this King Henry the Seventh,) that the
Pragmatical Sanction should be received in full force and effect,
through all the realm of France.

     And forasmuch as we are fallen into the mention of George Lily,
this in him is to be found not unworthy noting, how, after the
burning of Thomas Norice, above mentioned, at the city of Norwich,
the same year followed such a fire in Norwich, that the whole city,
well near, was therewith consumed. Like as also after the burning of
the aforesaid good father in Smithfield, the same year (which was
1500) we read in the chronicle of Fabian, a great plague to fall upon
the city of London, to the great destruction of the inhabitants
thereof. Where again is to be noted, (as is aforesaid,) that
according to the state of the church, the disposition of the
commonwealth commonly is guided, either to be with adversity
afflicted, or else in prosperity to flourish. But after these notes
of King Henry the Seventh, now to the story of King Henry the Eighth.

     This King Henry the Seventh finishing his course in the year
abovesaid, which was 1509, had by Elizabeth his wife abovenamed, four
men children, and of women children as many. Of whom three only
survived; to wit, Prince Henry, Lady Margaret, and Lady Mary. Of whom
King Henry the Eighth after his father succeeded. Lady Margaret was
married to James the Fourth, king of Scots. Lady Mary was affianced
to Charles, king of Castile.

     Not long before the death of King Henry, Prince Arthur, his
eldest son, had espoused Lady Katharine, daughter to Ferdinand, being
of the age of fifteen years, and she about the age of seventeen; and
shortly after his marriage, within five months, departed at Ludlow,
and was buried at Worcester. After whose decease the succession of
the crown fell next to King Henry the Eighth, being of the age of
eighteen years, entered his reign the year of our Lord 1509, and
shortly after married with the aforesaid Katharine, his late brother
Prince Arthur's wife, to the end that her dowry, being great, should
not be transported out of the land. In the which his marriage, being
more politic than Scripture-like, he was dispensed with by Pope
Julius, at the request of Ferdinand her father. The reign of this
king continued with great nobleness and fame the space of thirty-
eight years. During whose time and reign, great alteration of things,
as well to the civil state of the realm, as especially to the state
ecclesiastical, and matters of the church appertaining. For by him
was exiled and abolished out of the realm, the usurped power of the
bishop of Rome, idolatry and superstition somewhat repressed, images
and pilgrimages defaced, abbeys and monasteries pulled down, sects of
religion rooted out, Scriptures reduced to the knowledge of the
vulgar tongue, and the state of the church and religion redressed.
Concerning all which things, in the process of these volumes here
following, we will endeavour (Christ willing) particularly and in
order to discourse; after that first we shall comprehend a few
matters, which within the beginning of his reign are to he noted and
collected. Where, leaving off to write of Empson and Dudley, who in
the time of King Henry the Seventh, being great doers in executing
the penal laws over the people at that time, and purchasing thereby
more malice than lands, with that which they had gotten, were shortly
after the entering of this king beheaded, the one a knight, the other
an esquire; leaving also to intermeddle with his wars, triumphs, and
other temporal affairs, we mean in these volumes principally to
bestow our travail in declaration of matters concerning most chiefly
the state of the church and of religion, as well in this Church of
England, as also of the whole Church of Rome.



138. DISPUTE ABOUT THE IMMACULATE CONCEPTION

     Wherein first cometh to our hands a turbulent tragedy, and a
fierce contention, which long before had troubled the church, and now
this present year, 1509, was renewed afresh between two certain
orders of Begging Friars, to wit, the Dominic Friars and the
Franciscans, about the conception of the Virgin Mary, the mother of
Christ.

     The Franciscans were they which did hold of St. Francis, and
followed the rule of his testament, commonly called Grey Friars, or
Minorites. Their opinion was this; that the Virgin Mary, prevented by
the grace of the Holy Ghost, was so sanctified, that she was never
subject one moment in her conception to original sin. The Dominic
Friars were they which, holding of Dominic, were commonly called
Black Friars, or Preaching Friars. Their opinion was, that the Virgin
Mary was conceived as all other children of Adam be; so that this
privilege only belongeth to Christ, to be conceived without original
sin:  notwithstanding, the said blessed Virgin was sanctified in her
mother's womb, and purged from her original sin, so as was John
Baptist, Jeremiah, or any other privileged person. This frivolous
question kindling and gendering between these two sects of friars,
burst out in such a flame of parts and sides-taking, that it occupied
the heads and wits, schools and universities, almost through the
whole church, some holding one part with Scotus, some the other part
with Thomas Aquinas. The Minorites, holding with Scotus their master,
disputed and concluded, that she was conceived without all spot or
note of original sin, and thereupon caused the feast and service of
the Conception of St. Mary the Virgin to be celebrated and solemnized
in the church. Contrary, the Dominic Friars, taking side with
Aquinas, preached that it was heresy to affirm that the blessed
Virgin was conceived without the guilt of original sin; and that they
which did celebrate the feast of her Conception, or said any masses
thereof, did sin grievously and mortally.

     In the mean time, as this fantasy waxed hot in the church, the
one side preaching against the other, came Pope Sixtus the Fourth,
A.D. 1476, who, joining side with the Minorites, or Franciscans,
first sent forth his decree by authority apostolic, willing,
ordaining, and commanding all men to solemnize this new-found feast
of the Conception in holy church for evermore; offering to all men
and women, which, devoutly frequenting the church, would hear mass
and service from the first even-song of the said feast, to the
octaves of the same, as many days of pardon, as Pope Urban the
Fourth, and Pope Martin the Fifth, did grant for hearing the service
of Corpus Christi day, &c. And this decree was given and dated at
Rome, A.D. 1476.

     Moreover, the same pope, to the intent that the devotion of the
people might be the more encouraged to the celebration of this
conception, added a clause more to the Ave Maria, granting great
indulgence and release of sins to all such as would invocate the
blessed Virgin with the same addition, saying thus; "Hail Mary! full
of grace, the Lord is with thee; blessed art thou among women, and
blessed is the fruit of thy womb, Jesus Christ; and blessed is Anna
thy mother, of whom thy virgin's flesh hath proceeded without blot of
original sin. Amen."

     Wherein thou mayest note, gentle reader, for thy learning three
things:  First, how the pope turneth that improperly into a prayer,
which properly was sent of God for a message or tidings. Secondly,
how the pope addeth to the words of the Scripture, contrary to the
express precept of the Lord. Thirdly, how the pope exempteth Mary,
the blessed Virgin, not only from the seed of Abraham and Adam, but
also from the condition of a mortal creature. For if there be in her
no original sin, then she beareth not the image of Adam, neither doth
she descend of that seed, of whose seed evil proceedeth upon all men
and women to condemnation, as St. Paul doth teach, Rom. v. Wherefore,
if she descend of that seed, then the infection of original evil must
necessarily proceed unto her. If she descend not thereof, then cometh
she not of the seed of Abraham, nor of the seed of David, &c. Again,
seeing that death is the effect and stipend of sin, by the doctrine
of St. Paul, Rom. vi., then had her flesh injury by the law (as
Christ himself had) to suffer the malediction and punishment of
death, and so should never have died, if original sin had no place in
her, &c. But to return unto our story:  This constitution of the pope
being set forth for the conception of the blessed Virgin, which was
A.D. 1476, it was not long after, but the said Pope Sixtus,
perceiving that the Dominic Friars with their accomplices would not
conform themselves hereunto, directed forth by the authority
apostolic a bull in effect as followeth: 

     "Whereas the holy Church of Rome hath ordained a special and
proper service for the public solemnizing of the feast of the
Conception of the blessed Virgin Mary; certain orders of the Black
Friars in their public sermons to the people in divers places, have
not ceased hitherto to preach, and yet daily do, that all they which
hold or affirm the said glorious Virgin to have been conceived
without original sin, be heretics; and they which celebrate the
service of the said her conception, or do hear the sermons of them
which do so affirm, do sin grievously; also not contented herewith,
do write and set forth books moreover, maintaining their assertions,
to the great offence and ruin of godly minds. We, therefore, to
prevent and withstand such presumptuous and perverse assertions,
which have risen, and more hereafter may arise, by such opinions and
preachings aforesaid, in the minds of the faithful; by the authority
apostolical, do condemn and reprove the same, and by the motion,
knowledge, and authority aforesaid, decree and ordain, that the
preachers of God's word, and all other persons, of what state,
degree, order, or condition soever they be, which shall presume to
dare affirm or preach to the people these aforesaid opinions and
assertions to be true, or shall read, hold, or maintain any such
books for true, having before intelligence hereof, shall incur
thereby the sentence of excommunication; from which they shall not be
absolved otherwise than by the bishop of Rome, except only in the
time of death."

     This bull, being dated A.D. 1483, gave no little heart and
encouragement to the Grey Friars Franciscans, which defended the pure
conception of the holy Virgin against the Black Dominic Friars, with
their confederates, holding the contrary side. By the vigour of which
bull, the Grey order had got such a conquest of the black guard of
the Dominics, that the said Dominics were compelled at length, for a
perpetual memorial of the triumph, both to give to the glorious
Virgin, every night, an anthem in praise of her conception, and also
to subscribe unto their doctrine; in which doctrine these, with
divers other points, be contained: 

     "1. That blessed Mary the Virgin suffered the griefs and
adversities in this life, not for any necessity inflicted for
punishment of original sin, but only because she would conform
herself to the imitation of Christ.

     "2. That the said Virgin, as she was not obliged to any
punishment due for sin, as neither was Christ her Son, so she had no
need of remission of sins; but instead thereof, had the Divine
preservation of God's help, keeping her from all sin; which grace
only she needed, and also had it.

     "3. Item, That where the body of the Virgin Mary was subject to
death, and died; this is to be understood to come, not for any
penalty due for sin, but either for imitation and conformity unto
Christ, or else for the natural constitution of her body being 
elemental, as were the bodies of our first parents; who, if they had
not tasted of the forbidden fruit, should have been preserved from
death, not by nature, but by grace and strength of other fruits and
meats in Paradise; which meats, because Mary had not, but did eat our
common meats, therefore she died, and not for any necessity of
original sin.

     "4. The universal proposition of St. Paul, which saith, that
the Scripture hath concluded all men under sin, is to be understood
thus, as speaking of all them which be not exempted by the special
privilege of God, as is the blessed Virgin Mary.

     "5. If justification be taken for reconciliation of him that
was unrighteous before, and now is made righteous; then the blessed
Virgin is to be taken, not for justified by Christ, but just from her
beginning, by preservation.

     "6. If a Saviour be taken for him which saveth men fallen into
perdition and condemnation, so is not Christ the Saviour of Mary, but
is her Saviour only in this respect, for sustaining her from not
falling into condemnation, &c.

     "7. Neither did the Virgin Mary give thanks to God, nor ought
so to do, for expiation of her sins, but for her conservation from
case of sinning.

     "8. Neither did she pray to God at any time for remission of
her sins, but only for remission of other men's sins she prayed many
times, and counted their sins for hers.

     "9. If the blessed Virgin had deceased before the passion of
her Son, God would have reposed her soul not in the place among the
patriarchs, or among the just, but in the same most pleasant place of
Paradise, where Adam and Eve were before they transgressed."

     These were the doting dreams and fantasies of the Franciscans,
and of other papists, commonly then holden in the schools, written in
their books, preached in their sermons, taught in churches, and set
forth in pictures. So that the people were taught nothing else almost
in the pulpits all this while, but how the Virgin Mary was conceived
immaculate and holy, without original sin, and how they ought to call
to her for help, whom they with special terms do call, "the way of
mercy, the mother of grace, the lover of piety, the comforter of
mankind, the continual intercessor for the salvation of the faithful,
and an advocate to the King, her Son, which never ceaseth," &c. And
although the greatest number of the school doctors were of the
contrary faction, as Peter Lombard, Thomas Aquinas, Bernard,
Bonaventure, and other, yet these new papists shifted off their
objections with frivolous distinctions and blind evasions, as thus: 
"Peter Lombard," they said, "is not received nor holden in the
schools, as touching this article, but is rejected."

     Bernard, although he seemeth to deny the conception of the
blessed Virgin to be void of original sin, saying that she could not
be holy when she was not, and lived not; to this they answer, "That
albeit she was not yet in essence, yet she was holy in her
conception, and before conception in the Divine prescience of God,
which had chosen and pre-elected her before the worlds, to be the
mother of the Lord."

     Again, where Bernard doth argue, that she was not without
original sin conceived, because she was not conceived by the Holy
Ghost, to this they answer, "That the Holy Ghost may work two ways in
conception; either without company of man, and so was Christ only
conceived; or else with company and help of man, and thus was the
blessed Virgin conceived."

     "Bonaventure," say they, "was a holy father, but he spake then
after the custom and manner of his time, when the solemnity and
purity of this conception was not yet decreed nor received by the
public consent and authority of the church; now seeing the authority
of the Church of Rome hath established the same, it ought not to be
contraried, nor can, without dangerous disobedience. In all men's
actions, diligent respect of time must be had. That which bindeth not
at one time, afterward the same by law being ratified, may bind at
another."

     Finally, for the number and multitude on the contrary side,
thus they answer for themselves, as we now in these our days likewise
in defence of the truth may well answer against the pope, and all his
popish friars, turning their own weapons against themselves: 
"Multitude," say they, "ought not to move us. Victory consisteth not
in number and heaps, but in fortitude and hearts of soldiers; yea,
rather fortitude and stomach cometh from heaven, and not of man.
Judas Maccabeus with a little handful overthrew the great army of
Antioch. Strong Samson with a poor ass's bone slew a thousand
Philistines. David had no more but a silly sling, and a few stones,
and with these struck down terrible Goliath the giant," &c.

     With these and such other like reasons the Grey Franciscans
avoided their adversaries, defending the conception of the Virgin
Mary to be unblemished, and pure from all contagion of original sin.
Contrariwise, the black guard of the Dominic Friars, for their parts
were not all mute, but laid lustily from them again, having great
authorities, and also the Scripture on their side. But yet the other
having the see apostolical with them, had the better hand, and in
fine, gat the victory triumphantly over the other, to the high
exaltation of their order. For Pope Sixtus, (as I said,) by the
authority apostolical, after he had decreed the conception day of the
Virgin perpetually to be sanctified, and also with his terrible bull
had condemned for heretics all them which withstood the same; the
Dominic Friars, with authority oppressed, were driven to two
inconveniences; the one was, to keep silence; the other was, to give
place to their adversaries the Franciscans. Albeit, where the mouth
durst not speak, yet the heart would work; and though the tongue were
tied, yet their good will was ready by all means possible to maintain
their quarrel and their estimation.

     Whereupon it happened the same year of our Lord, 1509, after
this dissension between the Dominic Friars and the Franciscans, that
certain of the Dominics thinking by subtle sleight to work in the
people's heads that which they durst not achieve with open preaching,
devised a certain image of the Virgin, so artificially wrought, that
the friars by privy gins made it to stir, and to make gestures, to
lament, to complain, to weep, to groan, and to give answers to them
that asked; insomuch that the people therewith were brought in a
marvellous persuasion, till at length the fraud being espied, the
friars were taken, condemned, and burned at Berne, the year above
mentioned.

     In the story of John Stumsius, this story aforesaid doth partly
appear; but in the registers and records of the city of Berne, the
order and circumstance thereof is more fully expressed and set forth
both in metre and prose, and is thus declared: 

     In the city of Berne there were certain Dominic Friars, to the
number chiefly of four principal doers and chieftains of that order,
who had inveigled a certain simple, poor friar, who had newly planted
himself in the cloister:  whom the aforesaid friars had so infatuated
with sundry superstitions, and feigned apparitions of St. Mary, St.
Barbara, and St. Katharine, and with their enchantments, and
imprinting moreover in him the wounds of St. Francis, that he
believed plainly, that the Virgin Mary had appeared to him, and had
offered to him a red host consecrated, with the blood also of Christ
miraculous; which blessed Virgin also had sent him to the senators of
Berne, with instructions, declaring unto them, from the mouth of the
Virgin, that she was conceived in sin, and that the Franciscan Friars
were not to be credited nor suffered in the city, which were not yet
reformed from that erroneous opinion of her conception. He added
moreover, that they should resort to a certain image there of the
Virgin Mary, (which image the friars by engines had made to sweat,)
and should do their worship, and make their oblations to the same,
&c.

     This feigned device was not so soon forged by the friars, but
it was as soon believed of the people; so that a great while the red-
coloured host was taken undoubtedly for the true body and blood of
Christ, and certain coloured drops thereof sent abroad to divers
noble personages and states for a great relic, and that not without
great recompence. Thus the deceived people in great number came
flocking to the image, and to the red host, and coloured blood, with
manifold gifts and oblations. In brief, the Dominic Friars so had
wrought the matter, and had so swept all the fat to their own beards,
from the order of the Franciscans, that all the alms came to their
box. The Franciscans seeing their estimation to decay, and their
kitchen to wax cold, and their paunches to be pinched, not able to
abide that contumely, and being not ignorant or unacquainted with
such counterfeited doings, for as the proverb saith, "It is ill
halting before a cripple," eftsoons espied their crafty juggling, and
detected their fraudulent miracles. Whereupon the four chief captains
abovenamed were apprehended, and put to the fire, of whom the
provincial of that order was one.

     And thus much touching the beginning and end of this tumultuous
and popish tragedy; wherein evidently it may appear to the reader,
how neither these turbulent friars could agree among themselves, and
yet in what frivolous trifles they wrangled together. But to let
these ridiculous friars pass, with their trifling fantasies, most
worthy to be derided of all wise men; in the mean time this is to be
lamented, to behold the miserable times of the church, in which the
devil kept the minds of Christ's people so attentive and occupied in
such friarly toys, that nothing else almost was taught or heard in
the church, but only the commendation and exaltation of the Virgin
Mary. But of our justification by faith, of grace and the promises of
God in Christ, of the strength of the law, of the horror of sin, of
difference between the law and the gospel, of the true liberty of
conscience, &c., no mention or very little was heard. Wherefore in
this so blind time of darkness, it was much needful and requisite,
that the Lord of his mercy should look upon his church, and send down
his gracious reformation; which also he did. For shortly upon the
same, through the gracious excitation of God, came Martin Luther; of
whom the order of story now requireth that we should and will treat,
(Christ willing,) after the story of Richard Hunne, and a few other
things premised, for the better opening of the story to follow.



139. LONDONERS FORCED TO RECANT, 1510-1527

     Mention was made sufficiently before of the doings of Pope
Julius, and of his warlike affairs, for the which he was condemned,
and not unjustly, in the council of Tours in France, A.D. 1510, and
yet all this could not assuage the furious affection of this pope,
but the same year he invaded the city of Modena and Mirandola in
Italy, and took them by force of war. Which Pope Julius not long
after, in the year of our Lord 1512, refusing peace offered by
Maximilian the emperor, was encountered by Louis the French king,
about Ravenna, upon Easter day; where he was vanquished, and had of
his army slain to the number of sixteen thousand. And the year next
following, A.D. 1513, this apostolical warrior, which had resigned
his keys unto the river of Tiber before, made an end together both of
his fighting and living, after he had reigned and fought ten years.
After whom succeeded next in the see of Rome Pope Leo the Tenth,
about the compass of which time great mutations and stirs began to
work, as well in states temporal, as especially in the state of the
church.

     Pope Leo the Tenth, in Rome, A.D. 1513, reigned nine years.

     Charles the Fifth, emperor in Germany, A.D. 1519, reigned
thirty-nine years.

     Francis, king of France, A.D. 1515, reigned thirty-two years.

     Henry the Eighth, king of England, A.D. 1509, reigned thirty-
eight years.

     James the Fifth, king of Scotland, A.D. 1514, reigned twenty-
nine years.

     In the time of which pope, emperor, and kings of England and of
France, great alterations, troubles, and turns of religion were
wrought in the church, by the mighty operation of God's hand, in
Italy, France, Germany, England, and all Europe, such as have not
been seen, although much groaned for, many hundred years before; as
in further discourse of this history (Christ willing) shall more
manifestly appear.

     But before we come to these alterations, taking the time as it
lieth before us, we will first speak of Richard Hun, and certain
other godly-minded persons here in England, afflicted for the word of
Christ's gospel in great multitude, as they be found and taken out of
the registers of Fitzjames, bishop of London, by the faithful help
and industry of R. Carket, citizen of London.

The history of divers good men and women, persecuted for religion in
the city and diocese of the bishop of London, briefly extracted out
of the registers of Richard Fitzjames.

     Amongst and beside the great number of the faithful martyrs and
professors of Christ, that constantly in the strength of the Holy
Ghost gave their lives for the testimony of his truth, I find
recorded in the register of London, between the years of our Lord
1509 and 1527, the names of divers other persons both men and women;
who, in the fulness of that dark and misty time of ignorance, had
also some portion of God's good Spirit, which induced them to the
knowledge of his truth and gospel, and were diversly troubled,
persecuted, and imprisoned for the same; notwithstanding, by the
proud, cruel, and bloody rage of the catholic seat, and through the
weakness and frailty of their own nature, (not then fully
strengthened in God,) it was again in them, for the time, suppressed
and kept under, as appeareth by their several abjurations made before
Richard Fitzjames, then bishop of London, (in his time a most cruel
persecutor of Christ's church,) or else before his vicar-general
deputed for the same. And forasmuch as many of the adversaries of
God's truth have of late days disdainfully and braggingly cried out,
and made demands in their public assemblies, and yet do, asking where
this our church and religion was within these fifty or sixty years, I
have thought it not altogether vain, somewhat to stop such lying
crakers, both by mentioning their names, and likewise opening some of
the chief and principal matters, for which they were so unmercifully
afflicted and molested, thereby to give to understand, as well the
continuance and consent of the true church of Christ in that age,
touching the chief points of our faith, though not in like perfection
of knowledge and constancy in all; as also by the way, something to
touch what fond and frivolous matters the ignorant prelates shamed
not in that time of blindness to object against the poor and simple
people, accounting them as heinous andgreat offences, yea, such as
deserved death of both body and soul. But lest I should seem too
prolix and tedious herein, I will now briefly proceed with the story,
and first begin with their names, which are these: 

A.D. 1510.
Joan Baker.
William Pottier.
John Forge.
Thomas Goodred
Thomas Walker, alias Talbot
Thomas Forge.
Alice Forge.
John Forge, their son.
William Couper.
John Calverton.
John Woodrofe.

A.D. 1511.
Richard Woolman.
Roger Hilliar.
Alice Couper.
Thomas Austy.
Joan Austy.
Thomas Graunt.
John Garter.
Christopher Ravins.
Dionyse Ravins
Thomas Vincent
Lewis John.
Joan John.

A.D. 1512.
John Webb, alias Baker.

A.D. 1517.
John Houshold.
Robert Rascal.

A.D. 1518.
Elizabeth Stanford.
George Browne.
John Wikes.
John Southake.
Richard Butler.
John Samme.

A.D. 1521.
William King.
Robert Durdant.
Henry Woolman.
Edmund Spilman.

A.D. 1523.
John Higges, alias Noke, alias Johnson.

A.D. 1526.
Henry Chambers.
John Higgins.
A.D. 1527.
Thomas Egleston..

     The particular examination of all these here abovenamed, here
followeth.

     To these were divers and sundry particular articles, (besides
the common and general sort accustomably used in such cases,)
privately objected, even such as they were then accused of, either by
their curate, or other their neighbours. And because I think it
somewhat superfluous to make any large recital of all and every part
of their several process, I mind, therefore, briefly only to touch so
many of their articles as may be sufficient to induce the Christian
reader to judge the sooner of the rest, being (I assure you) of no
greater importance than these that follow:  except that sometime they
were charged most slanderously with horrible and blasphemous lies
against the majesty and truth of God, which, as they utterly denied,
so do I now for this present keep secret in silence, as well for
brevity's sake, as also somewhat to colour and hide the shameless
practices of that lying generation. But to our purpose.

     The chiefest objection against Joan Baker was, that she would
not only herself not reverence the crucifix, but had also persuaded a
friend of hers lying at the point of death, not to put any trust or
confidence in the crucifix, but in God which is in heaven, who only
worketh all the miracles that be done, and not the dead images, that
be but stocks and stones:  and therefore she was sorry that ever she
had gone so often on pilgrimage to St. Saviour and other idols. Also,
that she did hold opinion, that the pope had no power to give
pardons, and that the Lady Young (who was not long before that time
burned) died a true martyr of God; and therefore she wished of God,
that she herself might do no worse than the said Lady Young had done.

     Unto William Pottier, besides divers other false and slanderous
articles, (as that he should deny the benefit and effect of Christ's
passion,) it was also alleged that he should affirm, that there were
six Gods. The first three was the holy Trinity, the Father, the Son,
and the Holy Ghost. The fourth was a priest's concubine being kept in
his chamber. The fifth was the devil. And the sixth, that thing that
a man setteth his mind most upon.

     "The first part of this article he utterly denied, confessing
most firmly and truly the blessed Trinity to be only one God in one
unity of Deity:  as to the other three be answered, that a priest
delighting in his concubine, made her as his god. Likewise a wicked
person persisting in his sin without repentance, made the devil his
god. And lastly he granted, that he once hearing of certain men,
which by the singing and chattering of birds would seek to know what
things were to come, either to themselves or others, said that those
men esteemed their birds as gods:  and otherwise he spake not."

     Amongst the manifold and several articles objected against
Thomas Goodred, Thomas Walker, Thomas Forge, Alice Forge his wife,
John Forge their son, John Calverton, John Woodrofe, Richard Woolman,
and Roger Hilliar, (as that they should speak against pilgrimages,
praying unto saints, and such like,) this principally was propounded,
that they all denied the carnal and corporal presence of Christ's
body and blood in the sacrament of the altar; and further, had
concealed and consented unto their teachers and instructors of that
doctrine, and had not, according unto the laws of the church, accused
and presented them unto the bishop or his ordinary. Also great and
heinous displeasure was conceived against Richard Woolman, for that
he termed the church of Paul's, a house of thieves; affirming that
the priests and other ecclesiastical persons there, were not liberal
givers unto the poor, (as they ought,) but rather takers away from
them, what they could get.

     Likewise as Thomas Austy, Joan Austy his wife, Thomas Graunt,
John Garters, Christopher Ravins, Dionyse Ravins his sister, Thomas
Vincent, Lewis John, Joan John his wife, and John Webb, were of one
fellowship and profession of faith with divers of the last before
recited; so were they also almost apprehended about one time, and
chiefly burdened with one opinion of the sacrament. Which declareth
evidently, that notwithstanding the dark ignorance of those corrupted
times, yet God did ever in mercy open the eyes of some, to behold the
manifest truth, even in those things whereof the papists make now
greatest vaunt and brag of longest continuance. Furthermore, many of
them were charged to have spoken against pilgrimages, and to have
read and used certain English books, impugning the faith of the
Romish Church; as the Four Evangelists, Wickliff's Wicket, a book of
the Ten Commandments of Almighty God, the Revelation of St. John, the
Epistles of Paul and James, with other like, which those holy ones
could never abide; and good cause why:  for as darkness could never
agree with light, no more can ignorance, the maintainer of that
kingdom, with the true knowledge of Christ and his gospel.

     It was further particularly objected against Joan John, the
wife of Lewis John, that (besides the premises) she learned and
maintained that God commanded no holy-days to be kept, but only the
sabbath day; and therefore she would keep none but it, nor no fasting
days; affirming, that to fast from sin was the true fast. Moreover,
that she had despised the pope, his pardons, and pilgrimages;
insomuch that when any poor body asked his alms of her in the worship
of the Lady of Walsingham, she would straight answer in contempt of
the pilgrimage, The Lady of Walsingham help thee. And if she gave any
thing unto him, she would then say, Take this in the worship of our
Lady in heaven, and let the other go. Which declareth for lack of
better instruction and knowledge, she yet ignorantly attributed too
much honour to the true saints of God departed; though otherwise she
did abhor the idolatrous worshipping of the dead images. By which
example, as also by many others, (for shortness sake, at this present
omitted,) I have just occasion to condemn the wilful subtlety of
those, that in this bright shining light of God's truth would yet,
under colour of godly remembrance, still maintain the having of
images in the church, craftily excusing their idolatrous kneeling and
praying unto them, by affirming, that they never worshipped the dead
images, but the things that the images did represent. But if that
were their only doctrine and cause of having of them, why then would
their predecessors so cruelly compel these poor simple people, thus
openly in their recantations, to abjure and revoke their speaking
against the gross adoration of the outward images only, and not
against the thing represented? Which many of them, (as appeareth
partly by this example,) in their ignorant simplicity, confessed
might be worshipped. Howbeit, God be thanked, (who ever in his mercy
continue it,) their colourable and hypocritical excuses cannot now
take such place in the hearts of the elect of God, as they have done
heretofore, especially seeing the word of God doth so manifestly
forbid as well the worshipping of them, as also the making or having
of them, for order of religion.

     It was alleged against William Cowper and Alice Cowper his
wife, that they had spoken against pilgrimages, and worshipping of
images; but chiefly the woman, who having her child on a time hurt by
falling into a pit or ditch, and earnestly persuaded by some of her
ignorant neighbours, to go on pilgrimage to St. Laurence for help for
her child, said, that neither St. Laurence nor any other saint could
help her child, and therefore none ought to go on pilgrimage to any
image made with man's hand, but only unto Almighty God; for
pilgrimages were nothing worth, saving to make the priests rich.

     Unto John Houshold, Robert Rascal, and Elizabeth Stamford, as
well the article against the sacrament of the altar was objected, as
also that they had spoken against praying to saints, and had despised
the authority of the bishop of Rome, and others of his clergy. But
especially John Houshold was charged to have called them antichrists
and fornicators, and the pope himself a strong strumpet, and a common
scandal unto the world, who with his pardons had drowned in blindness
all Christian realms, and that for money.

     Also among divers other ordinary articles propounded against
George Brown, these were counted very heinous and heretical:  First,
that he had said, that he knew no cause why the cross should be
worshipped, seeing that the same was a hurt and pain unto our Saviour
Christ in the time of his passion, and not any ease or pleasure;
alleging for example, that if he had had a friend hanged or drowned,
he would ever after have loved that gallows, or water, by the which
his friend died, rather worse for that than better. Another objection
was, that he had erroneously, obstinately, and maliciously said, for
so are their words, that the church was too rich. This matter, I may
tell you, touched somewhat the quick, and therefore no marvel though
they counted it erroneous and malicious; for take away their gain,
and farewell their religion. They also charged him to have refused
holy water to be cast about his chamber, and likewise to have spoken
against priests, with other vain matters.

     The greatest matter wherewith they burdened John Wikes, was,
that he had often and of long time kept company with divers persons
suspected of heresies, as they termed them, and had received them
into his house, and there did suffer and hear them, sundry times,
read erroneous and heretical books, contrary to the faith of the
Romish Church, and did also himself consent unto their doctrine; and
had many times secretly conveyed them from the taking of such as were
appointed to apprehend them.

     Like as the greatest number of those before mentioned, so were
also John Southake, Richard Butler, John Sam, William King; Robert
Durdant, and Henry Woolman, especially charged with speaking words
against the real presence of Christ's body in the sacrament of the
altar, and also against images, and the rest of the seven sacraments.
Howbeit, they burdened the last five persons with the reading of
certain English heretical books, accounting most blasphemously the
Gospel of Jesus Christ, written by the four evangelists, to be of
that number, as appeareth evidently by the eighth article objected by
Thomas Bennet, doctor of law, chancellor and vicar general, unto
Richard Fitzjames, then bishop of London, against the said Richard
Butler. The very words of which article, for a more declaration of
truth, I have thought good here to insert; which are these:  "Also we
object to you, that divers times, and especially upon a certain 
night, about the space of three years last past, in Robert Durdant's
house of Iver Court near unto Stanes, you erroneously and damnably
read in a great book of heresy of the said Robert Durdant's, all that
same night, certain chapters of the evangelists in English,
containing in them divers erroneous and damnable opinions and
conclusions of heresy, in the presence of the said Robert Durdant,
John Butler, Robert Carder, Jenkin Butler, William King, and divers
other suspect persons of heresy then being present, and hearing your
said erroneous lectures and opinions." To the same effect and purpose
tended the tenor of some of the articles propounded against the other
four. Whereby, as also by others like before specified, we may easily
judge what reverence they, which yet will be counted the true and
only church of Christ, did bear to the word and Gospel of Christ, who
shamed not to blaspheme the same with most horrible titles of
erroneous and damnable opinions, and conclusions of heresy. But why
should we marvel thereat, seeing the Holy Ghost in sundry places of
the Scripture doth declare, that in the latter days there should come
such proud and cursed speakers, which shall speak lies through
hypocrisy, and have their consciences marked with a hot iron? Let us
therefore now thank our heavenly Father for revealing them unto us;
and let us also pray him, that of his free mercies in his Son Christ
Jesus, he would, if it be to his glory, either turn and mollify all
such hearts, or else, for the peace and quietness of his church, he
would in his righteous judgment take them from us.

     About this time Richard Fitzjames ended his life. After whose
death, Cutbert Tunstall (afterwards bishop of Durham) succeeded in
the see and bishopric of London; who soon upon his first entry into
the room, minding to follow rightly the footsteps of his predecessor,
caused Edmund Spilman, priest, Henry Chambers, John Higgins, and
Thomas Eglestone, to be apprehended, and so to be examined upon
sundry like articles, as before are expressed; and in the end, either
for fear of his cruelty, and his rigour of death, or else through
hope of his flattering promises, (such was their weakness,) he
compelled them to abjure and renounce their true professed faith
touching the holy sacrament of Christ's body and blood, which was,
that Christ's corporal body was not in the sacrament, but in heaven,
and that the sacrament was a figure of his body, and not the body
itself.

     Moreover, about the same time there were certain articles
objected against John Higges, alias Noke, alias Johnson, by the said
bishop's vicar-general. Amongst which were these:  First, that he had
affirmed, that it was as lawful for a temporal man to have two wives
at once, as for a priest to have two benefices. Also, that he had in
his custody a book of the Four Evangelists in English, and did often
read therein; and that he favoured the doctrines and opinions of
Martin Luther, openly pronouncing that Luther had more learning in
his little finger than all the doctors in England in their whole
bodies; and that all the priests in the church were blind, and had
led the people the wrong way. Likewise it was alleged against him,
that he had denied purgatory, and had said, that while he were alive
he would do as much for himself as he could, for after his death he
thought that prayer and alms-deeds could little help him.

     These and such-like matters were they, wherewith these poor and
simple men and women were chiefly charged, and as heinous heretics
excommunicated, imprisoned, and at last compelled to recant; and some
of them, in utter shame and reproach, (besides the ordinary bearing
of faggots before the cross in procession, or else at a sermon,) were
enjoined for penance, (as they termed it,) as well to appear once
every year before their ordinary, as also to wear the sign of a
faggot painted upon their sleeves, or other part of their outward
garment, and that during all their lives, or so often and long as it
pleased their ordinary to appoint. By which long, rigorous, and open
punishing of them, they meant (as it should seem) utterly to terrify
and keep back all others from the true knowledge of Jesus Christ and
his gospel. But the Lord be evermore praised, what effect their
wicked purposes therein have taken, these our most lightsome days of
God's glorious gospel do most joyfully declare.

     There were also troubled besides these, certain others more
simple and ignorant; who having but a very small smack or taste of
the truth, did yet at the first (as it may seem) gladly consent unto
the same; but being apprehended, they quickly again yielded, and
therefore had only assigned them for their penance, the bearing of a
little candle before the cross, without any further open abjuring or
recanting. Amongst which I find two especially; the one a woman,
called Ellen Heyer, to whom it was objected, that she had neither
confessed herself unto the priest, nor yet received the sacrament of
the altar, by the space of four years, and notwithstanding had yearly
eaten flesh at Easter, and after, as well as others that had received
the same, contrary to the usual manner and conversation of all other
Christian people.

     The other was a man, named Robert Berkeway, who (besides most
wicked blasphemies against God, which he utterly denied) was charged
to have spoken heinous words against the pope's holy and blessed
martyr Thomas Becket, calling him covetous and a thief, for that he
wrought by crafts and imaginations.

     Thus have I (as briefly as I could) summarily collected the
principal articles objected against these weak, infirm, and earthy
vessels. Not minding hereby to excuse or condemn them, in these their
fearful falls and dangerous defections; but leaving them unto the
unmeasurable rich mercies of the Lord; I thought only to make
manifest the insatiable bloody cruelty of the pope's kingdom, against
the gospel and true church of Christ; nothing mitigating their
envious rage, no not against the very simple idiots, and that
sometimes in most frivolous and irreligious cases. But now leaving to
say any further herein, I will (by God's grace) go forward with other
somewhat more serious matters.



140. WILLIAM SMEETING AND JOHN BREWSTER.

     In searching and perusing of the Register, for the collection
of the names and articles before recited, I find that within the
compass of the same years there were also some others, who after they
had once showed themselves as frail and inconstant as the rest,
(being either therewith pricked in conscience, or otherwise zealously
overcome with the manifest truth of God's most sacred word,) became
yet again as earnest professors of Christ as ever they were before,
and for the same profession were the second time apprehended,
examined, condemned, and in the end were most cruelly burned. Of the
which number were William Sweeting and John Brewster, who were both
burned together in Smithfield, the eighteenth day of October, A.D.
1511. The chiefest case of religion alleged against them in their
articles, was their faith concerning the sacrament of Christ's body
and blood. Which, because it differed from the absurd, gross, and
Capernaitical opinion of the new schoolmen, was counted as most
heinous heresy. There were other things besides objected against
them; as the reading of certain forbidden books, and accompanying
with such persons as were suspected of heresy. But one great and
heinous offence counted amongst the rest, was their putting and
leaving off the painted faggots, which they were at the first
abjuring enjoined to wear as badges during their lives, or so long as
it should please their ordinary to appoint, and not to leave them
off, upon pain of relapse, until they were dispensed withal for the
same. The breach of this injunction was esteemed to be of no small
weight, and yet, the matter well and thoroughly considered, it
seemeth by their confessions, they were both thereunto by necessity
enforced. For the one, named Sweeting, being for fear of the bishop's
cruelty constrained to wander the countries to get his poor living,
came at length unto Colchester, where by the parson of the parish of
Mary Magdalene, he was provoked to be the holy-water clerk, and in
that consideration had that infamous badge first taken away from him.
The other (which was Brewster) left off his at the commandment of the
comptroller of the earl of Oxford's house; who hiring the poor man to
labour in the earl's household business, would not suffer him,
working there, to wear that counterfeit cognizance any longer:  so
that (as I said) necessity of living seemeth to compel both of them
at the first to break that injunction; and therefore, if charity had
borne as great sway in the hearts of the pope's clergy as did
cruelty, this trifle would not have been so heinously taken, as to be
brought against them for an article and cause of condemnation to
death. But where tyranny once taketh place, as well all godly love,
as also all human reason and duties, are quite forgotten. Well, to be
short, what for the causes before recited, as also for that they had
once already abjured, and yet (as they term it) fell again into
relapse, they were both (as you have heard) in the end burned
together in Smithfield; although the same parties (as the Register
recordeth) did again before their death fearfully forsake their
former revived constancy, and submitting themselves unto the
discipline of the Romish Church, craved absolution from their
excommunication. Howbeit, because many of the Register's notes and
records in such cases may rightly be doubted of, and so called into
question, I refer the certain knowledge hereof unto the Lord, (who is
the trier of all truths,) and the external judgment unto the godly
and discreet reader; not forgetting yet by the way, (if that the
report should be true,) upon so just an occasion, to charge that
catholic clergy and their wicked laws, with a more shameless tyranny
and uncharitable cruelty than before. For if they nothing stay their
bloody malice towards such as so willingly submit themselves unto
their mercies, what favour may the faithful and constant professors
of Christ look for at their hands? I might here also ask of them, how
they follow the pitiful and loving admonition (or rather precept) of
our Saviour Christ, (whose true and only church they so stoutly brag
to be,) who in the 17th chapter of St. Luke saith, Though thy brother
sin against thee seven times in a day, and seven times in a day turn
to thee, saying, It repenteth me, thou shalt forgive him. But what go
I about to allure them unto the following of the rule and counsel of
him, unto whose word and gospel they seem most open and utter
enemies? Wherefore, not purposing to stay any longer thereupon, but
leaving them unto the righteous revengement of the Lord; let us now
hereunto adjoin the story of one John Browne, a good martyr of the
Lord, burnt at Ashford, about this fourth year of King Henry the
Eighth, whose story hereunder followeth.

     The occasion of the first trouble of this John Browne was by a
priest, sitting in a Gravesend barge. John Browne being the same time
in the barge, came and sat hard by him; whereupon after certain
communication, the priest asked him, "Dost thou know," said he, "who
I am; thou sittest too near me, thou sittest on my clothes?" "No,
sir," said he, "I know not what you are." "I tell thee I am a
priest." "What, sir, are ye a parson, or vicar, or a lady's
chaplain?" "No," quoth he again, "I am a soul priest, I sing for a
soul," saith he. "Do you so, sir," quoth the other, "that is well
done. I pray you, sir," quoth he, "where find you the soul when you
go to mass?" "I cannot tell thee," said the priest. "I pray you where
do you leave it, sir, when the mass is done?" " I cannot tell thee,"
said the priest. "Neither can you tell where you find it when you go
to mass, nor where you leave it when the mass is done, how can you
then have the soul," said he. "Go thy ways," said the priest, "thou
art a heretic, and I will be even with thee." So at the landing, the
priest taking with him Walter More and William More, two gentlemen,
brethren, rode straightways to the Archbishop Warham, whereupon the
said John Browne within three days after, his wife being churched the
same day, and he bringing in a mess of pottage to the board to his
guests, was sent for, and his feet bound under his own horse, and so
brought up to Canterbury, neither his wife nor he, nor any of his,
knowing whither he went, nor whither he should. And there continuing
from Low-Sunday till the Friday before Whitsunday, his wife not,
knowing all this while where he was; he was set in the stocks over
night, and on the morrow went to death, and was burned at Ashford,
A.D. 1517. The same night as he was in the stocks at Ashford, where
he and his wife dwelt, his wife then hearing of him, came and sat by
him all the night before he should be burned; to whom he declaring
the whole story how he was handled, showed and told, how that he
could not set his feet to the ground, for they were burned to the
bones, and told her how by the two bishops, Warham;and Fisher, his
feet were heated upon the hot coals, and burnt to the bones, "to make
me," said he, "to deny my Lord, which I will never do; for if I
should deny my Lord in this world, he would hereafter deny me. I pray
thee," said he, "therefore, good Elizabeth, continue as thou hast
begun, and bring up thy children virtuously and in the fear of God: "
and so the next day, on Whitsunday even, this godly martyr was
burned. Standing at the stake, this prayer he made, holding up his
hands,

"O Lord, I yield me to thy grace,
Grant me mercy for my trespass,
Let never the fiend my soul chase.
Lord, I will bow, and thou shalt beat,
Let never my soul come in hell heat.
Into thy hands I commend my spirit, thou hast redeemed
me, O Lord of truth." And so he ended.

     At the fire, one Chilton, the baily arrant, bade cast in
Browne's children also; for they would spring, said he, of his ashes.

     This blessed martyr John Browne had borne a faggot seven years
before in the days of King Henry the Seventh.



141. RICHARD HUN

     As it is the property of Satan ever to malice the prosperous
estate of the saints of God, and true professors of Christ; so
ceaseth he not continually to stir up his wicked members to the
effectual accomplishing of that which his envious nature so greedily
desireth; if not always openly by colour of tyrannical laws, yet, at
the leastwise, by some subtle practice of secret murder; which thing
doth most plainly appear not only in a great number of the blessed
martyrs of Christ's church, mentioned in this book, but also, and
especially, in the discourse of this lamentable history that now I
have in hand, concerning the secret and cruel murdering of Richard
Hun, whose story here consequently ensueth, excerped and collected
partly out of the registers of London, partly out of a bill exhibited
and denounced in the parliament house.

     There was in the year of our Lord 1514, one Richard Hun,
merchant tailor, dwelling within the city of London, and freeman of
the same, who was esteemed during his life, and worthily reputed and
taken, not only for a man of true dealing and good substance, but
also for a good catholic man. This Richard Hun had a child at nurse
in Middlesex in the parish of St. Mary Matsilon, which died; by the
occasion whereof, one Thomas Drifield, clerk, being parson of the
said parish, sued the said Richard Hun in the spiritual court for a
bearing sheet, which the said Thomas Drifield claimed, unjustly, to
have of the said Hun, for a mortuary for Stephen Hun, son of the said
Richard Hun; which Stephen, being at nurse in the said parish, died
being of the age of five weeks, and not above. Hun answered him
again, that forasmuch as the child had no property in the sheet, he
therefore neither would pay it, nor the other ought to have it.
Whereupon the priest, moved with a covetous desire, and loth to lose
his pretended right, cited him to appear in the spiritual court,
there to answer the matter. Whereupon the said Richard Hunne, being
troubled in the spiritual court, was forced to seek counsel of the
learned in the law of this land, and pursued a writ of prćmunire
against the said Thomas Drifield, and other, his aiders, counsellors,
proctors,and adherents, as by the process thereof is yet to be seen;
which when the rest of the priestly order heard of, greatly
disdaining that any layman should so boldly enterprise such a matter
against any of them; and fearing also that if they should now suffer
this priest to be condemned at the suit of Hun, there would be
thereby ever after a liberty opened unto all others of the laity to
do the like with the rest of the clergy in such-like cases; they
straightways, both to stop this matter, and also to be revenged of
him, for that he had already done, sought all means they possibly
could how to entrap and bring him within the danger of their own
cruel laws; and thereupon making secret and diligent inquisition, and
seeking all corners they could against him, at length they found a
means how to accuse him of heresy, unto Richard Fitzjames, then
bishop of London, and so did; who (desirous to satisfy the revenging
and bloody affection of his chaplains) caused him thereupon to be
apprehended and committed unto prison within the Lollard's Tower at
Paul's, so that none of his friends might be suffered to come to him.
This Richard Hun being clapped in the Lollard's Tower, shortly after,
at the earnest instigation of one Doctor Horsey the bishop's
chancellor, (a man more ready to prefer the clergy's cruel tyranny
than the truth of Christ's gospel,) was brought before the bishop at
his manor of Fulham, the second day of December, in the year before-
mentioned; where within his chapel he examined him upon these
articles following, collected against him by the said Horsey and his
accomplices.

     "First, That he had read, taught, preached, published, and
obstinately defended, against the laws of Almighty God; that tithes,
or paying of tithes, was never ordained to he due, saving only by the
covetousness of priests.

     "2. Item, That he had read, taught, preached, published, and
obstinately defended; that bishops and priests be the scribes and
Pharisees that did crucify Christ, and damned him to death.

     "3. Item, That he had read, taught, preached, &c., that bishops
and priests be teachers and preachers, but no doers, neither
fulfillers of the law of God; but catching, ravening, and all things
taking, and nothing ministering, neither giving.

     "4. Item, Where and when one Joan Baker was detected and
abjured of many great heresies, (as it appeareth by her abjuration,)
the said Richard Hun, said, published, taught, preached, and
obstinately took upon him, saying, that he would defend her and her
opinions, if it cost him five hundred marks.

     "5. Item, Afterwards (where and when the said Joan taker, after
her abjuration, was enjoined open penance according to her demerits)
the said Richard Hun said, published, taught, and obstinately did
defend her, saying, The bishop of London and his officers have done
open wrong to the said Joan Baker, in punishing her for heresy; for
her sayings and opinions be according to the laws of God; wherefore
the bishop and his officers are more worthy to be punished for heresy
than she is.

     "6. Item, That the said Richard Him hath in his keeping divers
English books, prohibited and damned by the law; as the Apocalypse in
English, Epistles and Gospels in English, Wickliff's damnable works,
and other books, containing infinite errors, in the which he hath
been long time accustomed to read, teach, and study daily."

     Particular answer unto these several objections, in the
Register, I find none, saving that next under them, there is written
in his name with a contrary hand these words following:  "As touching
these articles, I have not spoken them as they be here laid:  howbeit,
unadvisedly I have spoken words somewhat sounding to the same; for
the which I am sorry, and ask God mercy, and submit me unto my lord's
charitable and favourable correction." Which they affirm to be
written with Hun's own hand:  but how likely to truth that is, let the
discreet wisdom of the reader indifferently judge by the whole sequel
of this process. And further, if it were his own act, what occasion
then had they so cruelly to murder him as they did? seeing he had
already so willingly confessed his fault, and submitted himself unto
the charitable and favourable correction of the bishop, (for the
which even by their own law, in cases of most heinous heresy, he
ought to be again received and pardoned,) except perhaps they will
account horrible murder to be but the bishop's favourable correction.
Again, it seemeth they had very few credible witnesses to prove
certainly that this was his answer and hand-writing; for the
Register, or some other for him (appointed to record the same) hath
certified it, as of hearsay from others, and not of his own proper
sight and knowledge, as the words noted in the margin of the book,
adjoining to the aforesaid answer, plainly do declare, which are
these, Hoc fuit scriptum manu propria Richardi Hunne, ut dicitur. Now
if he had had any sure ground to stablish this certificate, I doubt
not but he would (instead of ut dicitur) have registered the names of
the assistants at the time of his examination, (which he confesseth
to be many,) as generally they do in all their acts, especially in
cases of heresy, as they term it. But how scrupulous those good
fellows that spared not so shamelessly to murder him, would be to
make a lie of him that was already dead, let (as I said) the
indifferent judgment of the godly wise discern.

     This examination ended, the bishop sent him back again the same
day,unto the Lollard's Tower; and then by the appointment of Doctor
Horsey, his chancellor, he was colourably committed from the custody
of Charles Joseph, the sumner, unto John Spalding, the bell-ringer, a
man by whose simpleness in wit (though otherwise wicked) the subtle
chancellor thought to bring his devilish pretended homicide the
easier to pass; which most cruelly he did by his ministers suborned,
within two nights then next following accomplish; as is plainly
proved hereafter by the diligent inquiry and final verdict of the
coroner of London, and his inquest, made by order of the laws in that
behalf limited. But when this usual practice of the papists was once
accomplished, there wanted then no secret shifts nor worldly wiles
for the crafty colouring of this mischief; and therefore, the next
morning after they had in the night committed this murder, John
Spalding (I doubt not but by the counsel of his master chancellor)
got himself out of the way, into the city, and leaving the keys of
the prison with one of his fellows, willed him to deliver them unto
the sumner's boy, which accustomably did use to carry Hun his meat,
and other necessaries that he needed; thinking that the boy, first
finding the prisoner dead, and hanged in such sort as they left him,
they might (by his relation) be thought free from any suspicion of
this matter. Which thing happened in the beginning almost as they
wished. For the boy, the same morning (being the fourth day of
December) having the keys delivered him, accompanied with two other
of the bishop's sumners, went about ten of the clock into the prison,
to serve the prisoner, as he was wont to do; and when they came up,
they found him hanged with his face towards the wall. Whereupon they
(astonished at this sight) gave knowledge thereof immediately unto
the chancellor, being then in the church, and watching, I suppose, of
purpose, for such news; who forthwith got unto him certain of his
colleagues, and went with them into the prison, to see that which his
own wicked conscience knew full well before, as was afterwards
plainly proved, although then he made a fair face to the contrary,
blazing abroad among the people, by their officers and servants, that 
Hun had desperately hanged himself. Howbeit, the people having good
experience as well of the honest life and godly conversation of the
man, as also of the devilish malice of his adversaries the priests,
judged rather that by their procurement he was secretly murdered.
Whereof arose great contention; for the bishop of London on the 'one
side, taking his clergy's part, affirmed stoutly that Hun had hanged
himself. The citizens again on the other side, vehemently suspecting
some secret murder, caused the coroner of London (according to law)
to choose an inquest, and to take good view of the dead body, and so
to try out the truth of the matter. Whereby the bishop and his
chaplains were then driven to the extremity of shifts; and therefore 
minding by some subtle show of justice, to stop the mouths of the
people, they determined that in the mean while, as the inquest was
occupied about their charge, the bishop should, for his part, proceed
ex officio, in case of heresy, against the dead person; supposing
(most like) that if the party were once condemned of heresy, the
inquest durst not then but find him guilty of his own death, and so
clearly acquit them from all the former suspicion of privy murder.
This determination of theirs they did immediately put in practice, in
order as followeth.
Illustration:  Richard Hun Found Hanged in the Lollard's Tower

     First, besides the articles before mentioned, (which they
affirm were objected against him in his lifetime,) Doctor Hed did now
also after his death, collect certain others out of the prologue of
his English Bible, remaining then in the bishop's hands; which he
diligently perused, not to learn any good thing therein, but to get
thereout such matter, as he thought might best serve their cursed
purpose, as appeareth by the tenor of the articles, which are these: 

     "1. First, The said book damneth all holy canons, calling them
ceremonies and statutes of sinful men and uncunning; and calleth the
pope Sathanas and antichrist.

     "2. Item, It damneth the pope's pardons, saying, they be but
leasings.

     "3. Item, The said book of Hun saith, that kings and lords,
called Christian in name, and heathen in conditions, defile the
sanctuary of God, bringing clerks full of covetousness, heresy, and
malice, to stop God's law that it cannot be known, kept, and freely
preached.

     "4. Item, The said book saith, that lords and prelates pursue
full cruelly them that would teach truly and freely the law of God;
and cherish them that preach sinful men's traditions and statutes, by
the which he meaneth the holy canons of Christ's church.

     "5. Item, That poor men and idiots have the truth of the Holy
Scriptures, more than a thousand prelates and religious men, and
clerks of the school.

     "6. Item, That Christian kings and lords set idols in God's
house, and excite the people to idolatry.

     "7. Item, That princes, lords, and prelates, so doing, be worse
than Herod that pursued Christ, and worse than Jews and heathen men
that crucified Christ.

     "8. Item, That every man swearing by our Lady, or any other
saint or creature, giveth more honour to the saints, than to the holy
Trinity; and so he saith they be idolaters.

     "9. Item, He saith, that saints ought not to be honoured.

     "10. Item, He damneth adoration, prayer, kneeling, and offering
to images, which he calleth stocks and stones.

     "11. Item, He saith, that the very body of the Lord is not
contained in the sacrament of the altar, but that men, receiving it,
shall thereby keep in mind, that Christ's flesh was wounded and
crucified for us.

     "12. Item, He damneth the university of Oxford, with all
degrees and faculties in it, as art civil, canon, and divinity,
saying, that they let the true way to come to the knowledge of the
laws of God and Holy Scripture.

     "13. Item, He defendeth the translation of the Bible and Holy
Scripture into the English tongue, which is prohibited by the laws of
our mother holy church."

     These articles thus collected, as also the others before
specified, they caused for a more show of their pretended justice and
innocence, to be openly read the next Sunday following by the
preacher at Paul's Cross, with this protestation made before.

     "Masters and friends, for certain causes and considerations, I
have in commandment to rehearse, show, and publish here unto you, the
articles of heresy, upon which Richard Hun was detected and examined;
and also other great articles and damnable points and opinions of
heresy contained in some of his books, be come to light and
knowledge, here ready to be showed."

     And therewith he read the articles openly unto the people,
concluding with these words: 

     "And, masters, if there be any man desirous to see the
specialty of these articles, or doubt whether they be contained in
this book or not, for satisfying of his mind, let him come to my lord
of London, and he shall see it with good will. Moreover, here I
counsel and admonish, that if there be any persons, that of their
simpleness have been familiar and acquainted with the said Richard
Hun in these articles, or have heard him read upon this book, or any
other sounding to heresy, or have any like books themselves, let them
come unto my lord of London betwixt this and Candlemas next, and
acknowledge their fault, and they shall be charitably treated and
dealt withal, so that both their goods and honesty shall be saved;
and if they will not come of their own offer, but abide the process
of the law, then at their own peril be it, if the rigour of the law
be executed against them."

     After which open publication and admonition, the bishop at
sundry times examined divers of his priests, and other lay persons,
upon the contents of both these articles. Among which examinates,
there was a man servant and a maid of the said Hun's, who, although
they had of long time dwelt with him, were not able to charge him
with any great thing worthy reprehension; no, not in such points as
the bishop chiefly objected against him. But yet the priests (through
whose procurement this mischief was first begun) spared no whit
stoutly and maliciously to accuse him, some in the contents of the
first articles, and some in the second. Wherefore, having now (as
they thought) sufficient matter against him, they purposed speedily
to proceed to his condemnation. And because they would seem to do all
things formally, and by prescript order, they first drew out certain
short and summary rules, by the which the bishop should be directed
in this solemn session; which are these: 

     "First, Let the bishop sit in his tribunal seat, in our Lady's
chapel.

     "Secondly, Let him recite the cause of his coming, and take
notaries to him, to enact that shall be there done.

     "Thirdly, Let him declare, how, upon Sunday last, at Paul's
Cross, he caused to be published a general monition, or denunciation,
that all abettors and maintainers of Richard Hun, should come in, as
by this day, and submit themselves; and let him signify withal, how
certain have come in, and have appeared already.

     "Fourthly, Let him protest and say, that if there remain any
yet behind which have not appeared according to the former monition
and denunciation; yet if they will come, and appear, and submit
themselves, they shall be heard and received with grace and favour.

     "Fifthly, Let the bishop, or some other at his appointment,
recite the articles objected against Richard Hun; in the time of his
life; and then the other articles likewise, which were out of his
great book of the Bible extracted.

     "Sixthly, Let the answers and confessions of the said Richard
Hun summarily be recited, with the attestations made to the same
articles. Also let his books be exhibited, and then Thomas Brook his
servant be called for.

     "Seventhly, Let it be openly cried at the choir door, that if
there be any which will defend the articles, opinions, books, or the
memory of the said Richard Hun, let them come and appear, and they
shall be heard, as the law in that behalf shall require.

     "Eighthly, Let it be openly cried, as in manner before, for
such as be receivers, favourers, defenders, or believers of the said
Richard Hun, that all such do appear and submit themselves to the
bishop, or else he intendeth to proceed to the excommunication of
them in general, according to the exigence of the law in that behalf.

     "Ninthly, Then the bishop speaking to the standers by, and to
them which sat with him upon the bench, of the clergy, demanding of
them, what their judgment and opinion is touching the premises, and
whether they think it convenient and agreeable for him to proceed to
the sentence against the said Richard Hun, in this part to be
awarded.

     "Tenthly, After their consent and counsel given, let the bishop
read out the sentence.

     "Finally, After the sentence read, let the bishop appoint the
publication and denunciation of the aforesaid sentence to be read at
Paul's Cross or elsewhere, as to him shall seem expedient, with a
citation likewise generally against all them that be receivers,
favourers, and believers of the said Hun, to give to understand why
he ought not further to proceed against them," &c.

     Now according to the tenor of these prescripts and rules, the
bishop of London, accompanied with the bishops of Durham and Lincoln,
sat in judgment the 16th day of December, then next following, within
the place by the same appointed; adjoining also unto them as
witnesses of their proceedings, six public notaries, his own
register, and about twenty-five doctors, abbots, priors, and priests
of name, with a great rabble of their common anointed catholics.
Where, after a solemn proclamation made, that if there were any that
would defend the opinions and books of Richard Hun, they should
presently appear and be heard according to law, he commanded all the
articles and objections against Hun openly to be read before the
assembly; and then, perceiving that none durst appear in his defence,
by the advice of his assistants, he pronounced the sentence
definitive against the dead carcass, condemning it of heresy, and
therewith committed the same unto the secular power, to be by them
burned accordingly. Which ridiculous decree was as fondly
accomplished in Smithfield the 20th day of the same month of
December, (being full sixteen days after they had thus horribly
murdered him,) to the great grief and disdain of all the people.

     Notwithstanding, after all this tragical and cruel handling of
the dead body, with their fair and colourable show of justice, yet
the inquest no whit stayed their diligent searching out of the true
cause and means of his death. Insomuch that when they had been divers
times called both before the king's privy council, (his Majesty
himself being sometime present,) and also before the chief judges and
justices of this realm, and that the matter being by them thoroughly
examined, and perceived to be much bolstered and borne withal by the
clergy, was again wholly remitted unto their determination and
ending; they found by good proof and sufficient evidence, that Doctor
Horsey, the chancellor, Charles Joseph, the sumner, and John
Spalding, the bell-ringer, had privily and maliciously committed this
murder, and therefore indicted them all three as wilful murderers.
Howbeit, through the earnest suit of the bishop of London unto
Cardinal Wolsey, (as appeareth by his letters hereafter mentioned,)
means was found, that at the next sessions of gaol delivery, the
king's attorney pronounced the indictment against Doctor Horsey to be
false and untrue; and him not to be guilty of the murder. Who being
then thereby delivered in body, having yet in himself a guilty
conscience, gat him unto Exeter, and durst never after for shame come
again unto London. But now, that the truth of all this matter may
seem more manifest and plain unto all men's eyes, here shall follow
word by word the whole inquiry and verdict of the inquest, exhibited
by them unto the coroner of London, so given up and signed with his
own hand.

The verdict of the inquest.

     "The fifth and the sixth day of December, in the sixth yeere of
the reigne of our soueraigne lord King Henry the Eighth, William
Barnewell crowner of London, the day and yeere abouesaid, within the
ward of Castelbainard of London assembled a quest, whose names
afterward doe appeare, and hath sworne them truely to enquire of the
death of one Richard Hun, which lately was found dead in the Lollards
Tower within Pauls church of London:  whereupon all we of the inquest
together went vp into the said Tower, where we found the body of the
said Hun hanging vpon a staple of iron in a girdle of silke, with
faire countenance, his head faire kemmed, and his bonet right sitting
vpon his head, with his eyne and mouth faire closed, without any
staring, gaping, or frowning, also without any driueling or spurging
in any place of his body:  whereupon by one assent all we agreed to
take downe the dead body of the said Hun, and as soon as we began to
heaue the body, it was loose; whereby, by good aduisement we
perceiued that the girdle had no knot about the staple, but it was
double cast, and the linkes of an iron chaine which did hang on the
same staple, were laid vpon the same girdle whereby hee did hang: 
also the knot of the girdle that went about his necke, stood vnder
his left eare, which caused his head to leane towards his right
shoulder. Notwithstanding there came out of his nostrels two small 
streames of blood, to the quantity of foure drops. Saue onely these
foure drops of blood, the face, lips, chinne, doublet, coller, and
shirt of the said Hun, was cleane from any blood. Also we find that
the skinne both of his necke and throte beneath the girdle of silke,
was fret and faled away, with that thing which the murtherers had
broken his necke withall. Also the hands of the said Hun were wrung
in the wrists; whereby we perceiued that his hands had bin bound.

     Moreouer, we find that within the said prison was no meane
whereby a man might hang himselfe, but onely a stoole, which stoole
stood vpon a bolster of a bed, so tickle, that any man or beast might
not touch it so little, but it was ready to fall. Wherby we perceiued
that it was not possible that Hun might hang himselfe, the stoole so
standing. Also all the girdle from the staple to his necke, as well
as the part which went about his neck, was too little for his head to
come out thereat. Also it was not possible that the soft silken
girdle should breake his necke or skin beneath the girdle. Also we
find in a corner somewhat beyond the place where he did hang, a great
parcell of blood. Also we find vpon the left side of Hunnes iacket
from the brest downeward, two great streames of blood. Also within
the flap of the left side of his iacket, we find a great cluster of
blood, and the iacket folden downe thereupon; which thing the said
Hun could neuer fold nor doe after he was hanged. Whereby it
appeareth plainely to vs all, that the necke of Hun was broken, and
the great plenty of blood was shed before he was hanged. Wherefore
all we find by God and all our consciences; that Richard Hunne was
murthered. Also we acquit the said Richard Hun of his own death.

     "Also there was an end of a wax candle, which as Iohn Belringer
saith, hee left in the prison burning with Hunne that same Sunday at
night that Hun was murthered; which waxe candle we found sticking
vpon the stockes faire put out, about seuen or eight foote from the
place where Hunne was hanged; which candle after our opinion was
neuer put out by him, for many likelihoods which we haue perceiued.
Also at the going vp of master chancellor into the Lollard's Tower,
we haue good proofe that there lay on the stockes a gowne either of
murrey or crimosin in graine furred with shankes; whose gowne it was
wee could neuer proue, neither who bare it away. All we find, that
Master William Horsey, chancellour to my lord of London, hath had at
his commandement both the rule and guiding of the said prisoner.
Moreouer, all wee find that the said Master Horsey, chancellor, hath
put Charles Ioseph out of his office, as the said Charles hath
confessed, because he would not deale and vse the said prisoner so
cruelly, and do to him as the chancellor would haue had him to doe.
Notwithstanding, the deliuerance of the keyes to the chancellour by
Charles on the Saturday at night before Hunnes death, and Charles
riding out of the towne on that Sunday in the morning ensuing, was
but a conuention made betwixt Charles and the chancellour for to
colour the murther. For the same Sunday that Charles rode forth, he
came againe to the towne at night, and killed Richard Hunne, as in
the depositions of Iulian Littell, Thomas Chicheley, Thomas Simonds,
and Peter Turner doth appeare.

     "After colouring of the murther betwixt Charles and the
chancellour conspired, the chancellour called to him one Iohn
Spalding, belringer of Pauls, and deliuered to the same belringer the
keyes of the Lollards Tower, giving to the said belringer a great
charge, saying:  I charge thee to keepe Hun more straitely then hee
hath beene kept, and let him have but one meale a day. Moreouer I
charge thee, let no body come to him without any licence, neither to
bring him shirt, cappe, kirchiefe, or any other thing, but that I see
it before it come to him. Also before Hunne was carried to Fulham,
the chancellor commanded to bee put vpon Huns necke a great coller of
iron with a great chaine, which is too heauie for any man or beast to
weare, and long to endure.

     "Moreouer, it is wel proued, that before Huns death, the said
chancellor came vp into the said Lollard's Tower, and kneeled downe
before Hun, holding vp his hands to him, praying him of forgiuenes of
all that he had done to him, and must doe to him. And on Sunday
following the chancellor commanded the penitensarie of Pauls to goe
vp to him and say a gospel, and make for him holy water and holy
bread, and giue it to him; which so did; and also the chancellor
commanded that Hunne should haue his dinner. And the same dinner time
Charles boy was shut in prison with Hun, which was neuer so before: 
and after dinner when the belringer let out the boy, the belringer
said to the same boy; Come no more hither with meat for him, vntill
to morrow at noone; for my master chancellor hath commanded that he
should haue but one meale a day:  and the same night following Richard
Hun was murthered:  which murther could not haue beene done without
consent and licence of the chancellor, and also by the witting and
knowledge of Iohn Spalding belringer:  for there could no man come
into the prison, but by the keies being in Iohn belringers keeping.
Also as by my lord of Londons booke doth appeare, Iohn belringer is a
poore innocent man. Wherefore all wee doe perceiue that this murther
could not bee done, but by the commandement of the chancellor, and by
the witting and knowing of John belringer.

     "Charles Ioseph within the Tower of London of his own free will
and vnconstrained said, that master chancellor deuised and wrote with
his own hand, all such heresies as were laid to Huns charge, record
Iohn God, Iohn True, Iohn Pasmere, Richard Gibson, with many other.
Also Charles Ioseph saith, that when Richard Hun was slaine, Iohn
belringer bare vp the staire into Lollards Tower a waxe candle,
hauing the keies of the dores hanging on his arme, and I Charles went
next to him, and master chancellor came vp last:  and when all we came
vp, wee found Hun lying on his bed, and then master chancellor said;
Lay hands on the theefe, and so all wee murthered him:  and then I
Charles put the girdle about Huns necke, and then Iohn belringer and
I Charles did heaue vp Hun, and master chancellor pulled the girdle
ouer the staple, and so Hunne was hanged."

The copy of Richard Fitzjames's letter, then bishop of London, sent
to Cardinal Wolsey.

     "I beseech your good lordship to stand so good lord vnto my
poor chancellor now in warde, and indighted by an vntrue quest, for
the death of Richard Hun, vpon the onely accusation of Charles
Ioseph, made by paine and durance; that by your intercession, it may
please the kings grace to haue the matter duely and sufficiently
examined by indifferent persons of his discreet councell, in the
presence of the parties, ere there be any more done in the cause, and
that vpon the innocencie of my said chancellor declared, it may
further please the kings grace to award a plackard vnto his atturney
to confesse the said enditement to be vntrue, when the time shall
require it:  for assured am I, if my chancellor be tried by any twelue
men in London, they be so malitiouslie set In fauorem hereticć
prauitatis, that they will cast and condemne any clerke, though he
were as innocent as Abel. Quare si potes beate pater adjuva
infirmitates nostras, tibi in perpetuum deuincti erimus. Ouer this in
most humble wise I beseech you, that I may have the kings gracious
fauour, whom I neuer offended willingly, and that by your good meanes
I might speake with his grace and you, and I with all mine, shall
pray for your prosperous estate long to continue.

     Your most humble Oratour R. L."

     Lastly, now remaineth to infer the sentence of the questmen,
which followeth in like sort to be seen and expended, after I have
first declared the words of the bishop spoken in the parliament
house.

The words that the bishop of London spake before the lords in the
parliament house.

     "Memorandum, That the bishop of London said in the parliament
house, that there was a bill brought to the parliament, to make the
jury that was charged upon the death of Hun, true men; and said, and
took upon his conscience, that they were false, perjured caitiffs;
and said furthermore to all the lords, there then being; For the love
of God look upon this matter; for if you do not, I dare not keep mine
house for heretics:  and said, that the said Richard Hun hanged 
himself, and that it was his own deed, and no man's else. And
furthermore said, that there came a man to his house, whose wife was
appeached of heresy, to speak with him, and he said that he had no
mind to speak with the same man; which man spake and reported to the
servants of the same bishop, that if his wife would not hold still
her opinions, he would cut her throat with his own hands, with other
words."

The sentence of the inquest, subscribed by the coroner.

     The inquisition intended and taken at the city of London in the
parish of St. Gregory, in the ward of Bainard Castle, in London, the
sixth day of December, in the sixth year of the reign of King Henry
the Eighth, before Thomas Barnewell, coroner of our sovereign lord
the king, within the city of London, aforesaid, also before James
Yarford and John Mundey, sheriffs of the said city, upon the sight of
the body of Richard Hun, late of London, tailor, which was found
hanged in the Lollard's Tower; and by the oath and proof of lawful
men of the same ward, and of other three wards next adjoining, as it
ought to be, after the custom of the city aforesaid, to inquire how,
and in what manner wise, the said Richard Hun came unto his death;
and upon the oath of John Bernard, Thomas Stert, William Warren,
Henry Abraham, John Aborow, John Turner, Robert Allen, William
Marler, John Burton, James Page, Thomas Pickhill, William Burton,
Robert Bridgewater, Thomas Busted, Gilbert Howell, Richard Gibson,
Christopher Crafton, John God, Richard Holt, John Palmere, Edmund
Hudson, John Arunsell, Richard Cooper, John Tim:  the which said upon
their oaths, that where the said Richard Hun, by the commandment of
Richard, bishop of London, was imprisoned and brought to hold in a
prison of the said bishop's, called Lollard's Tower, lying in the
cathedral church of St. Paul, in London, in the parish of St.
Gregory, in the ward of Bainard Castle aforesaid, William Horsey of
London, clerk, otherwise called William Heresy, chancellor to
Richard, bishop of London, and one Charles Joseph, late of London,
sumner, and John Spalding of London, otherwise called John
Bellringer, feloniously, as felons to our lord the king, with force
and arms, against the peace of our sovereign lord the king, and
dignity of his crown, the fourth day of December, the sixth year of
the reign of our sovereign lord aforesaid, of their great malice, at
the parish of St. Gregory aforesaid, upon the said Richard Hun made a
fray, and the same Richard Hun feloniously strangled and smothered,
and also the neck they did break of the said Richard Hun, and there
feloniously slew him, and murdered him.

     After that the twenty-four had given up their verdict sealed
and signed with the coroner's seal, the cause was then brought into
the parliament house, where the truth was laid so plain before all
men's faces, and the fact so notorious, that immediately certain of
the bloody murderers were committed to prison, and should, no doubt,
have suffered that they deserved, had not the cardinal, by his
authority, practised for his catholic children, at the suit of the
bishop of London. Whereupon the chancellor, by the king's pardon and
secret shifting, rather than by God's pardon and his deserving,
escaped, and went, as is said, to Exeter, &c. Nevertheless, though
justice took no place, where favour did save, yet, because the
innocent cause of Hun should take no wrong, the parliament became
suitors unto the king's Majesty, that whereas the goods of the said
Hun were confiscated into the king's hands, that it would please his
Grace to make restitution of all the said goods unto the children of
the said Hun; upon which motion, the king, of his gracious
disposition, did not only give all the aforesaid goods unto the
aforesaid children, under his broad seal, yet to be seen, but also
did send out his warrants to those that were the cruel murderers,
commanding them, upon his high displeasure, to redeliver all the said
goods, and make restitution for the death of the said Richard Hun;
all which goods came to the sum of 1500 pounds sterling, besides his
plate and other jewels.

The tenor of the king's letter in the behalf of Richard Hun.

     "Trusty and well-beloved, we greet you well:  Whereas by the
complaint to us made, as well as also in our high court of
parliament, on the behalf and part of Roger Whapplot of our city of
London, draper, and Margaret his wife, late the daughter of Richard
Hun:  And whereas you were indicted by our laws, of and for the death
of the said Richard Hun, the said murder cruelly committed by you,
like as by our records more at large plainly it doth appear, about
the fifth day of December, in the sixth year of our reign; the same
we abhor; nevertheless, we, of our especial grace, certain science,
and mere motion, pardoned you upon certain considerations us moving: 
for the intent that the goods of the said Richard Hun, the
administration of them were committed to the said Roger Whapplot, we
then supposed and intended your amendment, and restitution to be made
by you to the infants the children of the said Richard Hun, as well
foi his death, as for his goods, embezzled, wasted, and consumed by
your tyranny, and cruel act so committed, the same being of no little
value; and as hitherto ye have made no recompence, according to our
laws, as might stand with equity, justice, right, and good
conscience, and for this cause due satisfaction ought to be made by
our laws. Wherefore, we will and exhort, and otherwise charge and
command you, by the tenor of this our especial letters, that ye
satisfy and recompense the said Roger Whapplot, and the said Margaret
his wife, according to our laws in this cause, as it may stand with
right and good conscience, else otherwise at your further peril, so
that they shall have no cause to return unto us, for their further
remedy eftsoons in this behalf, as ye, in the same, tender to avoid
our high displeasure; otherwise, that ye, upon the sight hereof, to
set all excuses apart, and to repair unto our presence, at which your
hither coming you shall be further advertised of our mind.

     From our manor," &c.

Defence of Richard Hun against Sir Thomas More and Alen Cope.

     I doubt not but by these premises thou hast (Christian reader)
sufficiently to understand the whole discourse and story of Richard
Hun from top to toe. First, how he came in trouble for denying the
bearing sheet of this young infant departed; then how he was forced,
for succour of himself, to sue a prćmunire; and thereupon what
conspiracy of the clergy was wrought against him, what snares were
laid, what fetches were practised, and articles devised, to snarl him
in the trap of heresy, and so to imprison him. Furthermore, being in
prison, how he was secretly murdered; after his murder, hanged; after
his hanging, condemned; after his condemnation, burned; and after his
burning, lastly, how his death was inquired by the coroner, and
cleared by acquittal of the inquest. Moreover, how the cause was
brought into the parliament, and by the parliament the king's precept
obtained for restitution of his goods. The debating of which tragical
and tumultuous story, with all the branches and particular evidences
of the same, taken out as well of the public acts, as of the bishop's
registers, and special records, remaining in the custody of Dunstan
Whapplot, the son of the daughter of the said Richard Hun, there to
be seen, I thought here to unwrap and discover, so much the more, for
three special purposes.

     First, as is requisite, for testimony and witness of the truth
falsely slandered, of innocence wrongfully condemned, and of the
party cruelly oppressed.

     The second cause moveth me, for Sir Thomas More's Dialogues,
wherein he dallieth out the matter, thinking to jest poor simple
truth out of countenance.

     The third cause which constraineth me, be the Dialogues of Alen
Cope; which two, the one in English, the other in Latin, railing and
barking against Richard Hun, do doublewise charge him, both to be a
heretic, and also a desperate homicide of himself. Which, as it is
false in the one, so it is to be found as untrue in the other, if
simple truth, which hath few friends, and many times cometh in crafty
handling, might freely come in indifferent hearing. Wherefore, as I
have hitherto described the order and manner of his handling, with
the circumstances thereof, in plain and naked narration of story,
simply laid out before all men's faces; so something here to intermit
in the defence, as well of his oppressed cause as also in discharge
of myself, I will now compendiously answer to both these aforesaid
adversaries, stopping, as it were, with one bush two gaps, and the
mouths also, if I can, of them both together. And first, against Sir
Thomas More, albeit in degree worshipful, in place superior, in wit
and learning singular, (if his judgment in Christ's matters had been
correspondent to the same,) otherwise being a man with many worthy
ornaments beautified, yet, being but a man, and one man, I lay and
object against the person of him, the persons and censures of twenty-
four questmen, the deposition of so many jurors, the judgment of the
coroner, the approbation of the parliament, and lastly, the king's
bill assigned for restitution of his goods, with his own broad seal
confirmed, &c. And thus much to the person and credit of Sir Thomas
More.

     Now as touching his reasons:  whereas he coming in with a flim-
flam of a horse-mill, or a mill-horse, (in his own terms I speak,)
thinketh it probation good enough, because he could not see him taken
by the sleeve which murdered Hun:  against these reasons unreasonable
of his, I allege all the evidences and demonstrations of the history
above prefixed to be considered, and of all indifferent men to he
poised.

     First, how he was found hanging, with his countenance fair,
with his beard and head fair combed, his bonnet set right upon his
head, with his eyes and his mouth fair closed, without any drivelling
or spurging. His body being taken down, was found loose, (which by
hanging could not be,) his neck broken, and the skin thereof, beneath
the throat where the girdle went, fret and faled away; his girdle
notwithstanding being of silk, and so double cast about the staple,
that the space of the girdle between the staple and his neck, with
the residue also which went about his neck, was not sufficient for
his head to come out at. His hands moreover wrung in his wrists, his
face, lips, chin, doublet, and shirt collar unstained with any blood: 
when notwithstanding, in a manner somewhat beyond the place where he
did hang, a great quantity of blood was found. Also, whereas the
staple whereon he hanged was so that he could not climb thereto
without some mean, there was a stool set up upon the bolster of a
bed, so tickle, that with the first touch in the world it was ready
to fall. And how was it possible that Hun might hang himself upon
that staple, the stool so standing? Besides the confession moreover
of Charles Joseph's own mouth to Julian Litten, of Robert Johnson,
John Spalding the bell-ringer, Peter Turner, and others. All which
testimonies and declarations being so clear and undeniable, may
suffice (I trust) any indifferent man to see where the truth of this
case doth stand:  unless Master More, being a gentleman of Utopia,
peradventure, after some strange guise of that country, useth to
carry his eyes not in his head but in his affection, not seeing but
where he liketh, nor believing but what he listeth.

     Finally, where Sir Thomas More, speaking of himself, so
concludeth, that he hearing in the matter, what well might be said,
yet could not find contrary, but Hun to be guilty of his own death;
so, in as many words to answer him again, I perusing and searching in
the story of Richard Hun, what may well be searched, cannot but
marvel with myself, either with what darkness the eyes of Master More
be closed, not to see what is so plain; or else with what conscience
he would dissemble, that which shame cannot deny. And thus by the way
to the Dialogues of Sir Thomas More.

     Thirdly, touching the Dialogues of Alen Cope, which had rather
the bishop's chancellor and officers to be accounted among thieves
and murderers, than Hun to be numbered among the martyrs; I have
herein not much to say, because himself saith but little; and if he
had said less, unless his ground were better, it had made as little
matter. But forasmuch as he saying not much, sendeth us to seek more
in More; so with like brevity again I may send him to William
Tindall, to shape him an answer. Yet, notwithstanding, lest Cope, in
saying something, should think Hun's innocent cause to lack some
friends, which will not or dare not adventure in defence of truth,
somewhat I will answer in this behalf.

     And first, touching this murder of Hun, not to be his own
wilful act, but the deed of others; besides the demonstrations above
premised to Sir Thomas More, now to Master Cope, if I had no other
evidences but only these two, I would require no more; that is, his
cap found so straight standing upon his head, and the stool so
tottering under his feet. For how is it, I will not say, like, but
how is it possible for a man to hang himself in a silken girdle
double cast about a staple, in such shortness, that neither the space
of the knot could well compass his head about, and yet having his cap
so straight set upon his head, as his was?

     Again, how is it possible, or can it be imagined, for him to
hang himself, climbing up by a stool which had no stay for him to
stand upon, but stood so tickle, that if he had touched the same
never so little, it must needs have fallen?

     But Cope, being something more provident in this matter,
seemeth to exceed not altogether so far as doth Master More. For he
understanding the case to be ambiguous and doubtful, so leave it in
suspense, neither determining that Hun did hang himself, and yet not
admitting that he died a martyr, no more than they which are quelled
by thieves and murderers in highway-sides. Well, be it so as Cope
doth argue, that they which die by the hands of felons and murderers
in thievish ways, be no martyrs; yet, notwithstanding, this his own
similitude, comparing the bishop's chancellor and officers to thieves
and murderers, doth grant at least that Hun died a true man, although
no martyr. Now if the cause be it, and not the pain, that maketh a
martyr, in pondering the cause why Hun was slain, we shall find it
not altogether like to the cause of them which perish by thieves and
robbers. For such commonly because of their goods, and for some
worldly gain to be sought by their death, are made away, and being
true men, may peradventure have the reward, although not the name, of
martyrs:  whereas this man's death, being wrought neither for money,
nor any such temporal lucre to redound to his oppressors, as it hath
another cause, so may it have another name, and deserve to be called
by the name of martyrdom. Like as Abel being slain by wicked Cain,
albeit he had no opinion of religion articulate against him, but of
spite only and of malice was made away, yet, notwithstanding, is
justly numbered among the martyrs; so what let to the contrary, but
that Hun also with him may be reckoned in the same society, seeing
the cause wherefore they both did suffer proceedeth together out of
one fountain? And what, moreover, if a man should call Naboth (who
for holding his right inheritance was slain) a martyr, what great
injury should he do either to the name or cause of the person, worthy
to be carped at? Against Thomas Becket, ye know, Master Cope, no
special article of faith was laid, wherefore he died. And why then do
you bestow upon him so devoutly the title of a martyr, for
withholding that from the king which by the law of God and of the
realm did belong unto him; and cannot suffer Hun to be titled for a
martyr, dying in his own right by the hands of spiritual thieves and
homicides, as you yourself do term them? But what do I strain my
travail any further, to prove Hun a martyr, when Cope's own
confession doth import no less, though I said nothing? For what if I
should take no more but his own very words, and say that he was known
to be a heretic, as Cope doth affirm; what could I say more, seeing
he died for their heresy, to prove him to die a martyr? For to die a
heretic with the papists, what is it else (to say truth) but to die
with God a martyr?
       But howsoever it pleaseth either Sir Thomas More to jest, or
Alen Cope to scold out the matter, and to style Richard Hun for a
known and desperate heretic; yet to all true, godly disposed men, Hun
may well be known to be a godly and virtuous person; no heretic, but
faithful and sound; save that only he seemed rather half a papist; at
least no full protestant, for that he resorted daily to mass, and
also had his beads in prison with him, after the catholic manner;
albeit he was somewhat inclined (as may appear) toward the gospel.
And if the name of a martyr be thought too good for him, yet I trust
Master Cope will stand so good master to him, to let him at least to
be a martyr's fellow. But what now if I go further with Master Cope,
and name Richard Hun not only for a martyr, but also commend him for
a double martyr? Certes, as I suppose, in so saying I should affirm
nothing less than truth, nor any thing more than truly may be said,
and justly proved. But to give and grant this contention unto the
adversary, which notwithstanding might be easily proved; let us see
now the proofs of Master Cope, how he argueth that Richard Hun is no
martyr; "because," saith he, "true men being killed in highways by
thieves and murderers, are not therefore to be counted martyrs," &c.
And was there nothing else in the cause of Hun, but as in true men
killed by thieves and murderers? They that are killed by thieves and
murderers, are killed for some prey, or money about them. And what
prey or profit was in the death of Hun, let us see, to redound to
them which oppressed him? If it were the mortuary or the bearing
cloth, that was a small thing, and not worthy his death. If it were
the prćmunire, the danger thereof pertained to the priest, and not to
them. If they feared lest the example thereof once begun, should
afterward redound to the prejudice of the whole church, then was the
cause of his death not private, but public, tending to the whole
Church and clergy of Rome; and so is his death not altogether like to
the death of them, which for private respects are killed of thieves
and murderers.

     But he was a heretic, saith Cope. By the same reason that Cope
taketh him for a heretic, I take him the more to be accepted for a
martyr. For by that way which they call heresy, the living God is
served by no way better. And if he were a heretic, why then did they
not proceed against him as a heretic while he was alive? When they
had him at Fulham before them, if they had been sure to entrap him in
that snare, why did they not take their advantage, when they might
with least jeopardy? why did they not proceed and condemn him for a
heretic? why made they such haste to prevent his death before? why
did they not tarry the sentence of the law, having the law in their
own hands? But belike they perceived that he could not be proved a
heretic while he lived; and therefore thought it best to make him
away privily, and to stop the prćmunire, and afterward to stop the
pursuit of his death, by making him a heretic; and therefore were
articles devised by the chancellor (as is proved by witness of
Charles Joseph and another, above) against him, and he condemned for
a heretic, and his favourers also, whosoever durst stir to take his
part, and so thereupon was committed to the secular power, and
burned. Wherein they did him double wrong; first, in that they burned
him for a heretic, having before submitted himself to their
favourable correction, as it appeareth yet in the bishop's registers
by his own hand, as it is there pretended; which was against their
own laws. Again, if he had not submitted himself at that time, yet
did they him wrong to burn him, before they knew and heard him speak
(as Tindall saith) whether he would recant or no. And yet admit that
he was condemned and burned for a heretic, yet to be killed and
burned of them for a heretic, that taketh not from him the name of a
martyr, but rather giveth him to be a double martyr. But Cope yet
proceeding in his hot choler against Richard Hun, after he hath made
him first no martyr, and then a heretic, thirdly, he now maketh him
also a murderer of himself, and saith, that no other man was any part
of his death, but only his own hands, and that either for indignation
and anger, or for desperation, or for some cause, he knoweth not
what. And in his Epilogue, to make it probable, he allegeth the
example of one, but nameless, who in Queen Mary's time in like sort
went about to hang himself, had he not been taken in the manner, and
rescued.

     Furthermore, as touching the chancellor, he argueth that there
was no cause why he should attempt any such violence against him,
both for his age, for his dignity, for his learning, and for the
greatness of his own peril, which might ensue thereof. Who if he had
maligned the man, and had been so disposed to work his destruction,
had means otherwise without danger to bring that about, having him
within his danger convict and fast tied for heresy. Whereunto I
answer, that to all this matter sufficient hath been answered by the
story itself of his death, above specified. Whereby the manner of his
death, by circumstances of his handling, and hanging, by his neck
broke, by his body loose, by his skin fretted, by his wrists wrung,
by his girdle in such shortness double cast about the staple, by his
cap right upon his head, by his hair combed, by his eyes closed, by
the cake of blood found in the floor, by his shirt collar, doublet,
jacket, and other outward parts of his garments without drop of blood
unspotted, by the stool so standing upon the bolster, by the
chancellor's murrey gown found the day after upon the stocks, the wax
candle fair put out; furthermore, by the verdict of the inquest, by
the attestation of the witnesses sworn, by the coroner's judgment, by
the assent of the parliament, by the king's letters assigned, and
broad seal for restitution of his goods; and finally, by the
confession of the parties themselves which murdered him, &c.:  and yet
thinketh Cope to make men such fools, having their five wits, to ween
yet that Hun did hang himself, after so many demonstrations and
evidences to the contrary, as in every part of this story may appear.
And though it were, as it was unlike, and hard for a man to believe,
that Doctor Horsey, a man of such age, dignity, and learning, would
so much forget himself, to attempt such a villany, yet so great is
the devil sometimes with man (where God permitteth) that he worketh
greater things than this, and more incredible. For who would have
thought it like that Cain would ever have killed Abel his own natural
brother? which was more than a bishop's chancellor to kill a citizen: 
yet so he did. And where Cope pretendeth the causes of anger and
desperation whereby Hun did hang himself; how is it like, or who did
ever hear, a man being in such extremity of desperation, to stand
first trimming himself, and combing his head, before he go to hang
himself? No less credit is also to be given to that which followeth
in the same Cope, where he saith, that Richard Hun being in prison,
was convicted of heresy. By the which word, convicted, if he mean
that Hun was proved a heretic, that is false; for that he, being at
Fulham, examined upon certain articles, both denied the articles to
be true, as they were objected; and also if they were true, yet he
submitted himself to their favourable correction, and therefore, not
standing obstinately in the same, could not be proved a heretic. And
if by this term, convicted, he mean that he was by sentence cast; so
was Hun never cast by any sentence for a heretic, so long as he
lived, but after his death, when be could nothing answer for himself.
And because this untruth should not go without his fellow, see how he
huddleth up one false narration in the neck of another; affirming,
moreover, that Hun was cast into prison before he entered his suit of
prćmunire against the priest. Which is utterly false and untrue, both
disagreeing to other stories, and also refuted by the words of Sir
Thomas More, his own author, who reporteth that Hun, (in suing his
prćmunire against the priest,) being set upon a glory of victory,
made his boast among his friends, that he trusted to have the matter
long spoken of, and to be called Hun's case. Whereby it appeareth,
that Hun was not then in prison, clapped up for heresy, but was
abroad seeking counsel among the lawyers, and boasting among his
friends, as writeth More, lib. iii. Dial.

     After this heap of untruths above passed, add yet further
another copy of Cope's false dealing; who, seeking all corners, and
every where, how to pick matter against my former history, chargeth
me with arrogancy, as though I took so highly upon me to undo and
derogate the king's acts and judgments in the acquittal of Doctor
Horsey. If it so pleased the king to acquit Doctor Horsey, by his
gracious pardon, I am not against it, neither do I deny but the king
so did; neither do I say, nor ever did, but the king of his
supereminent prerogative may so do:  and wherein then do I unrip or
loose the king's acts here done and concluded? But if the question be
this, whether Doctor Horsey, with his colleagues, did kill Richard
Hun or no, then do I say, that the pardon of the king doth not take
away the verity of the crime committed, but removeth away the penalty
of the law deserved; and so if the life of them was saved by way of
pardon, (as Master More himself seemeth not to deny,) then was it not
through their innocency claiming justice that they escaped, but
through petition standing in need of mercy. For what needeth pardon,
where justice absolveth? yea, who sueth pardon, but in so doing must
yield himself guilty? for pardon never cometh lightly either with God
or man, except the crime be first confessed. Wherefore, if they
escaped by justice, as Cope pretendeth, how then doth Master More
say, they were saved by pardon? and if they escaped by pardon, how
then doth Cope say, they were not guilty? And be it admitted, that
the sentence of the king's attorney in the king's name did absolve
them as unguilty, according as the king was then informed by the
cardinal and suit of friends; yet, afterward the king, being better
informed by the parliament, and the truth better known, detested and
abhorred their fact, and yet continued his pardon unto them, as by
the king's own acts and his broad seal appeareth, yet remaining in
records to be seen.

     And as touching my former histories set forth in Latin and in
English, which spake first of the foreman of the inquest, then of the
king's attorney, to be laboured with some gifts or money; as Cope
hath yet proved no untruth in my saying, so less can he find any
repugnance or disagreeing in the same. For he that speaketh of
bribing, first of one person, and then afterward of another, where
both might be bribed together, is not contrary (I think) to himself,
but rather doth comprehend that in the one book, which he before
leaveth out in the other, and yet no great repugnance either in the
one or in the other, seeing that which is said may be verified in
both, as it is no other like but in this matter it was. For, how is
it otherwise like or possible, but that there must needs be found
some privy packing in this matter, seeing after such evidence found
and brought in by the coroner's inquest and jury of twenty-four
chosen persons, after so many marks and tokens of the murder so clear
and demonstrable, and laid forth so plain to the eyes of all the
world, that no man could deny, or not see the same; yet, through the
handling of the aforesaid attorney, and of the foreman of the
inquest, the murderers were borne out, and confessed to be no
murderers? If such bolstering out of matters and partiality were then
such a rare case in the realm of England in the time of Cardinal
Wolsey, who then under the king and in the king's name did what he
list, then let it seem untrue in my former stories, that I have
written. And yet the words of my story which Cope carpeth at so much,
be not mine, but the words of Edward Hall, his own author. Wherefore,
if his disposition be so set, that he must needs be a censurer of
other men's writings, let him expostulate with Hall, and not with me.



142. LONDON MARTYRS, 1509-1518

     But I trouble the reader too much in this matter of Richard
Hun, being of itself so clear, that no indifferent judge can doubt
thereof. As for wranglers and quarrellers, they will never be
satisfied. Wherefore, to return again to the purpose of our story
intermitted; in the table above, containing the names of them which
about this time of Richard Hun were forced to deny and abjure their
professed opinions, mention was made of Elizabeth Stamford, John
Houshold, and other more, abjuring about the year of our Lord, 1517.
Whose vexation and weakness, although it be pitiful to behold, yet to
consider the confession of their doctrine in those ancient days, it
is not unprofitable. Wherein we have to see the same form of
knowledge and doctrine then taught and planted in the hearts of our
fore-elders, which is now publicly received, as well touching the
Lord's sacrament of his body, as also other specialties of sincerity.
And although they lacked then public authority to maintain the open
preaching and teaching of the gospel, which the Lord's merciful grace
hath given us now, yet in secret knowledge and understanding they
seemed then little or nothing inferior to these our times of public
reformation; as may appear by this confession of Elizabeth Stamford
hereunder written; which only may suffice for example to understand
what ripe knowledge of God's word was then abroad, although not in
churches publicly preached, for danger of the bishops, yet in secret
wise taught and received of divers.

     In number of whom was this Elizabeth Stamford, who being
brought and examined before Fitzjames, bishop of London, A.D. 1517,
confessed that she was taught by one Thomas Beele, sometime dwelling
at Henley, these words, eleven years before:  "That Christ feedeth and
fast nourisheth his church with his own precious body, that is, the
bread of life coming down from heaven; this is the worthy word that
is worthily received, and joined unto man for to be in one body with
him. Sooth it is that they be both one, they may not be parted:  this
is the wisely deeming of the holy sacrament Christ's own body:  this
is not received by chewing of teeth, but by bearing of ears, and
understanding with your soul, and wisely working thereafter.
Therefore saith St. Paul, I fear me amongst us, brethren, that many
of us be feeble and sick; therefore I counsel us brethren to rise and
watch, that the great day of doom come not suddenly upon us, as the
thief doth upon the merchant." Also the said Thomas taught and showed
her, that the sacrament of the altar was not the very body of Christ,
but very bread; and that the sacrament was the very body of Christ,
put upon the cross, after a divine or mystical manner. And moreover,
that the said Thomas Beele did many times and oft teach her this
aforesaid lesson, that she should confess her sins to God, and that
the pope's pardons and indulgences were nought worth, and profited
not; and that worshipping of images and pilgrimages are not to be
done.

John Stilman, martyr.

     It would ask a long tractation and tedious, to recite in order
the great multitude and number of good men and women, besides these
above rehearsed, which in those days recanted and abjured about the
beginning of King Henry's reign and before:  among whom yet,
notwithstanding, some there were whom the Lord reduced again, and
made strong in the profession of his truth, and constant unto death;
of which number one was John Stilman by name, who about the twenty-
fourth day of September, in the year of our Lord, 1518, was
apprehended and brought before Richard Fitzjames, then bishop of
London, at his manor of Fulham, and by him was there examined and
charged, that notwithstanding his former recantation, oath, and
abjuration made about eleven years then past, before Edmund, then
bishop of Salisbury, as well for speaking against the worshipping,
praying, and offering unto images, as also for denying the carnal and
corporal presence in the sacrament of Christ's memorial; yet, since
that time he had fallen into the same opinions again, and so into the
danger of relapse; and further, had highly commended and praised John
Wickliff, affirming that he was a saint in heaven, and that his book
called The Wicket was good and holy. Soon after his examination he
was sent from thence unto the Lollard's Tower at London, and the
twenty-second day of October then next ensuing, was brought openly
into the consistory at Paul's, and was there judicially examined by
Thomas Hed, the bishop's vicar-general, upon the contents of these
articles following: 

     "1. First I object unto you, that you have confessed before my
lord of London, and me, Doctor Hed his vicar-general, that about
twenty years past, one Stephen Moone, of the diocese of Winchester,
with whom you abode six or seven years after, did teach you to
believe that the going on pilgrimage and worshipping of images, as
the Lady of Walsingham and others, were not to be used. And also that
afterwards one Richard Smart, who was burned at Salisbury about
fourteen or fifteen years past, did read unto you Wickliff's Wicket,
and likewise instructed you to believe that the sacrament of the
altar was not the body of Christ:  all which things you have
erroneously believed.

     "2. Item, You have divers times read the said book called
Wickliffe's Wicket, and one other book of the ten commandments, which
the said Richard Smart did give you, and at the time of your first
apprehension, you did hide them in an old oak, and did not reveal
them unto the bishop of Salisbury, before whom you were abjured of
heresy about eleven years since; where you promised by oath upon the
evangelists, ever after to believe and hold as the Christian faith
taught and preached, and never to offend again in the said heresies,
or any other, upon pain of relapse. And further, you there promised
to perform all such penance as the said bishop of Salisbury did
enjoin you; who then enjoined you, upon the like pain, not to depart
his diocese, without his special licence.

     "3. Item, It is evident that you be relapsed, as well by your
own confession, as also by your deeds, in that about two years after
your abjuration you went into the said place where you had hidden
your books; and then taking them away with you, you departed the
aforesaid diocese, without the licence of the bishop, and brought
them with you to London, where now being attached and taken with them
upon great suspicion of heresy, you are brought unto the bishop of
London. By reason of which your demeanour, you have showed both your
impenitent and dissembled conversation both your errors, and also
your unfaithful abjuration, and disobedience unto the authority of
our mother holy church, in that you performed not the penance, in
which behalf you be voluntarily perjured and also relapsed, in that
you departed the same diocese without licence.

     "4. Item, You be not only (as before is said) impenitent,
disobedient, voluntarily perjured, and relapsed, by this your
aforesaid heretical demeanour, but also, since your last attachment
upon suspicion of heresy, you have maliciously spoken erroneous and
damnable words, affirming before my lord of London, your ordinary,
and me, judicially sitting at Fulham, that you were sorry that ever
you did abjure your said opinions, and had not suffered then manfully
for them:  for they were, and be, good and true; and therefore you
will now abide by them, to die for it. And furthermore, you have
spoken against our holy father the pope and his authority, damnably
saying, that he is antichrist, and not the true successor of Peter,
or Christ's vicar on earth:  and that his pardons and indulgences
which he granteth in the sacrament of penance, are naught, and that
you will none of them:  and likewise that the college of cardinals be
limbs of the said antichrist, and that all other inferior prelates
and priests are the synagogue of Satan. And moreover you said, that
the doctors of the church have subverted the truth of Holy Scripture,
expounding it after their own minds; and therefore their works be
naught, and they in hell; but that Wickliff is a saint in heaven, and
the book called his Wicket is good, for therein he showeth the truth.
Also you did wish that there were twenty thousand of your opinion
against us Scribes and Pharisees, to see what you would do for the
defence of your faith. All which heresies you did afterwards
erroneously affirm before the archbishop of Canterbury, and then
said, that you would abide by them to die for it, notwithstanding his
earnest persuasions to the contrary; and therefore for these premises
you be evidently relapsed, and ought to be committed unto the secular
power."

     After these articles thus propounded, and his constant
persevering in the truth perceived, Doctor Hed, vicar-general, the
twenty-fifth day of October, by his sentence definitive, did condemn
him a relapsed heretic, and so delivered him the same present day
unto the sheriffs of London, to be openly burned in Smithfield.

Thomas Man, martyr.

     Next to John Stilman above mentioned, followeth in this order
of blessed martyrs, the persecution and condemnation of Thomas Man;
who, the twenty-ninth day of March, in the year of our Lord 1518, was
burned in Smithfield. This Thomas Man had likewise been apprehended
for the profession of Christ's gospel about six years before, the
fourteenth day of August, A.D. 1511, and being at that time brought
before Doctor Smith, bishop of Lincoln, was by him examined upon
divers and sundry articles.

     The fifteenth day of February, Doctor Hed, the chancellor,
again judicially sitting in the consistory at Paul's, commanded
Thomas Man to be brought before him, and there causing the articles
objected against him by the bishop of Lincoln, with his order of
abjuration and penance, and also his own articles last propounded, to
be first read, he called forth a third witness to be sworn and
examined upon the same. But because he would seem to do all things by
order of justice, and nothing against law, he therefore appointed
unto the said Thomas Man certain doctors and advocates of the Arches,
as his counsellors to plead in his behalf. Which was even like as if
the lamb should be committed to the defence and protection of the
wolf, or the hare to the hound. For what good help could he look for
at their hands, which were both most wicked haters and abhorrers of
his Christian profession, and also stout upholders and maintainers of
that antichristian law, by the which he was for the same condemned?
And that full well appeared by the good advice and profitable counsel
which they gave him against his next examinations. For as well upon
the twentieth and also the twenty-third days of the same month of
February, in their several sessions, he, seeing his own negations to
their objections to take no place against their sworn witnesses, had
no other thing to allege for himself, but that through his twenty
weeks of hard imprisonment under the bishop of Lincoln, he was forced
to recant and abjure; which was a poor shift of counsel, God knoweth;
and yet Dr. Raynes, being one of his chief assigned advocates,
instead of advice, could by his subtle questioning then make him to
confess, that certain talk, whereof one of the witnesses had accused
him, was spoken about five years before past; which because it was
since his recantation, was rather an accusation of himself, than an
excusing; and therefore it is easy to judge with how favourable and
uprightful hearts they took upon them to be his advocates and
defenders. The chancellor likewise charged him upon the same twenty-
third day, that since his last imprisonment he had said unto Robert
Clunie the bishop's sumner, and his keeper, that as far forth as he
could see or perceive for his part in this his matter, the laws of
the church were grounded upon Pilate and Caiaphas. Which objection he
granting to be true, the chancellor did for that time dismiss the
court, until the first day of March next following. Upon which day,
minding to make quick despatch, he in few words asked Man, what
matter he had to allege for himself, why he should not then,
considering the premises, be pronounced a relapsed heretic, and
receive such punishment by the secular power, as to such was due by
order of law? But he having no other allegations than before which
might take place with them, was finally condemned as a heretic. And
notwithstanding that, as the register noteth, but how truly God only
knoweth, he did again forsake his former renewed profession of
Christ's gospel, and yielded himself unto the bishop of Rome,
requiring to be absolved from his curse of excommunication, and
contented to do such penance as they should enjoin him; he was yet,
the twenty-ninth day of March, delivered by Doctor Hed unto the
sheriff of London, to be then presently burned, with this
protestation made before, that he might not consent to the death of
any, and therefore he desired the sheriff that he would receive this
person as relapsed and condemned, and yet to punish him otherwise
than by rigorous rigor. The words to be marked in their sentence be
these:  We desire in the bowels of our Lord Jesus Christ, that the
punishment and execution of due severity of thee, and against thee in
this part, may so be moderate, that there be no rigorous rigor, nor
yet no dissolute mansuetude, but to the health and wealth of thy
soul, &c. Wherein these catholic churchmen do well declare, according
to the words of Thomas Man before expressed, that the laws of their
church be grounded upon Pilate and Caiaphas; for like as Caiaphas
with his court of Pharisees cried against Christ unto Pilate, It is
not lawful for us to put any man to death; but if thou let him go,
thou art not Cćsar's friend:  even so they, first condemning the
saints of God to death, and then delivering them unto the secular
magistrate, to be thereupon executed, would yet cover their malignant
hearts with the cloak of hypocritical holiness and unwillingness to
shed blood. But God be thanked, which bringeth all things to light in
his due time, and uncovereth hypocrisy at last, that she may be seen
and known in her right colours.
Illustration:  Thomas Man Brought to Execution

     Thus Thomas Man, the manly martyr of Jesus Christ,being
condemned by the unjust sentence of Hed the chancellor, was delivered
to the sheriff of London, sitting on horseback, in Paternoster Row,
before the bishop's door, A.D. 1518, protesting to the said sheriff
that he had no power to put him to death; and therefore desired the
sheriff to take him as a relapse and condemned, to see him punished,
et tamen citra mortem, that is, without death, as the words stand in
the register. The sheriff, receiving neither articles to be read at
his burning, nor any indentures of that his delivery, immediately
carried him to Smithfield, and there the same day in the forenoon
caused him to be put into God's angel, according to the words of the
said Thomas Man before, saying, that if he were taken again of the
pilled knave priests, as he called them, he wist well he should go to
the holy angel, and then be an angel in heaven.

     In the deposition of one Thomas Risby, weaver, of Stratford
Langthorn, against the forenamed martyr, Thomas Man, it appeareth by
the registers, that he had been in divers places and countries in
England, and had instructed very many, as at Amersham, at London, at
Billericay, at Chelmsford, at Stratford Langthorn, at Uxbridge, at
Burnham, at Henley upon Thames, in Suffolk and Norfolk, at Newbury,
and divers places more; where he himself testifieth, that as he went
westward, he found a great company of well-disposed persons, being of
the same judgment, touching the sacrament of the Lord's supper, that
he was of, and especially at Newbury, where was, as he confessed, a
glorious and sweet society of faithful favourers, who had continued
the space of fifteen years together, till at last by a certain lewd
person, whom they trusted and made of their counsel, they were
betrayed, and then many of them, to the number of six or seven score,
were abjured, and three or four of them burnt. From thence he came
then, as he confessed, to the forest of Windsor, where he, hearing of
the brethren which were at Amersham, removed thither, where he found
a godly and a great company, which had continued in that doctrine and
teaching twenty-three years, which was from this present time seventy
years agone. And this congregation of Buckinghamshire men remained
till the time of John Longham, bishop of Lincoln, whereof we shall,
Christ willing, hear more anon. Against these faithful Christians of
Amersham, was great trouble and persecution in the time of William
Smith, bishop of Lincoln, about the year of our Lord 1507, at which
time divers and many were abjured, and it was called abjuratio magna,
the great abjuration, and they which were noted of that doctrine and
profession, were called by the name of "known men," or "just-fast
men," &c. In this congregation of the faithful brethren, were four
principal readers or instructers. Whereof one was Tilsworth, called
then Doctor Tilsworth, who was burnt at Amersham, mentioned in our
history before, by the name of William Tilseley, whom I suppose
rather to be called Tilseworth. Another was Thomas Chase, called
amongst them Doctor Chase, whom we declared before to be murdered and
hanged in the bishop of Lincoln's prison at Wooburn, called Little
Ease. The third was this Thomas Man, called also Doctor Man, burned,
as is here mentioned, in Smithfield, A.D. 1518, who, as by his own
confession, and no less also by his travail, appeareth, was God's
champion, and suffered much trouble by the priests for the cause and
law of God. He confesseth himself in the same register, that he had
turned seven hundred people to his religion and doctrine, for the
which he thanked God. He conveyed also five couples of men and women
from Amersham, Uxbridge, Burnham, and Henley upon Thames, where they
dwelt, unto Suffolk and Norfolk, that they might be brought, as he
then termed it, out of the devil's mouth. The fourth was Robert
Cosin, named likewise among them, Doctor Cosin.

Robert Cosin, martyr.
This Robert Cosin seemeth to be the same, which in the former part of
our history is before mentioned, being called by the name of Father
Robert, and was burnt in Buckingham. Of this Robert Cosin I find in
the registers of Lincoln, that he, with Thomas Man, had instructed 
and persuaded one Joan Norman, about Amersham, not to go on
pilgrimage, nor to worship any images of saints. Also when she had
vowed a piece of silver to a saint for the health of her child, they
dissuaded her from the same, and that she needed not to confess her
unto a priest, but to be sufficient to lift up her hands to heaven.
Moreover, they were charged by the bishop, for teaching the said
Joan, that she might as well drink upon the Sunday before mass, as
any other day, &c. And thus you see the doctrine of these good men,
for the which they were in those days abjured and condemned to death.

William Sweeting, alias Clerke, martyr.

     William Sweeting, otherwise named Clerke, first dwelt with the
Lady Percy at Darlington in the county of Northampton for a certain
space, and from thence went to Boxted in the county of Essex, where
he was the holy-water clerk the space of seven years; after that, he
was bailiff and farmer to Mistress Margery Wood the term of thirteen
years. From Boxsted he departed and came to the town of St. Osithe,
where he served the prior of St. Osithe's, named George Laund, the
space of sixteen years and more; where he had so turned the prior by
his persuasions, that the said prior of St. Osithe was afterward
compelled to abjure. This William Sweeting coming up to London with
the aforesaid prior, for suspicion of heresy was committed to the
Lollard's Tower, under the custody of Charles Joseph, and there,
being abjured in the church of St. Paul, was constrained to bear a
faggot at Paul's Cross, and at Colchester; and afterward, to wear a
faggot upon his coat all his life. Which he did two years together
upon his left sleeve, till at length the parson of Colchester
required him to help him in the service of the church, and so plucked
the badge from his sleeve, and there he remained two years, being the
holy-water clerk. From thence afterward he departed, and travelling
abroad, came to Rederiffe in the diocese of Winchester, where he was
holy-water clerk the space of a year; then went to Chelsith, where he
was their neatherd, and kept the town beasts. In the which town, upon
St. Ann's day in the morning, as he went forth with his beasts to the
field, the good man was apprehended and brought before the bishop,
and his chamber searched for books. This was A.D. 1511.

     The crimes whereupon he was examined were these: 

     "First, For having much conference with one William Man of
Boxsted, in a book which was called Matthew.

     "Item, That he had familiarity, and frequented much the company
of James Brewster, who had been before abjured.

     "Item, That when his wife would go on pilgrimage, he asked of
her, what good she should receive by her going on pilgrimage:  adding
moreover, that, as he supposed, it was to no purpose nor profit, but
rather it were better for her to keep at home, and to attend to her
business.

     "Item, That he had learned and received of William Man, that
the sacrament of the priests' altar was not the present very body,
but bread in substance, received in memorial of Christ.

     "Item, That he had propounded and affirmed the same doctrine to
James Brewster.

     "Item, Because he had reprehended his wife for worshipping the
images in the church, and for setting up candles before them."

     And thus have you all the causes and crimes laid against this
William Sweeting, wherefore he was condemned. Who then being asked
what cause he had, why he should not be judged for relapse, said, he
had nothing else, but only that he committed himself to the mercy of
Almighty God.

James Brewster, martyr.

     With William Sweeting also the same time was examined and
condemned James Brewster, of the parish of St. Nicholas in
Colchester. This James Brewster was a carpenter, dwelling ten years
in the town of Colchester, who being unlettered, could neither read
nor write, and was apprehended upon the day of St. James, in one
Walker's house in St. Clement's parish.

     About six years before, which was A.D. 1505, he had been
abjured by William Warham, archbishop of Canterbury, the see of
London being then vacant; and after other penance done at Colchester,
was enjoined to wear a faggot upon his upper garment during his life.
Which badge he did bear upon his left shoulder near the space of two
years, till the comptroller of the earl of Oxford plucked it away,
because he was labouring in the works of the earl.

     The crimes whereupon he was examined, and which he confessed,
were these:  "First, that he had been five times with William Sweeting
in the fields keeping beasts, hearing him read many good things out
of a certain book. At which reading also were present at one time,
Woodroffe or Woodbinde, a net-maker, with his wife; also a brother-
in-law of William Sweeting; and another time Thomas Good-red, who
heard likewise the said William Sweeting read.

     "Item, Because he used the company and conference of Henry
Hert, carpenter, of Westminster, and wrought with him in his science
at Westminster.

     "Item, For having a certain Iittle book of Scripture in
English, of an old writing almost worn for age, whose name is not
there expressed.

     "Item, Because he hearing upon a time one Master Bardfield of
Colchester thus say, that he that will not worship the Maozim in
heart and thought shall die in fight; he asked afterward of William
Man, what that word Maozim should mean; who told him that it
signified as much as the mass god, to wit, the sacrament of the
altar.

     "Item, That he had much conference with Henry Hert against
oblations and images, and that it was better bestowed money which was
given to the poor, than that that was offered in pilgrimage.

     "Item, For that he had communication and conference with Roger
Heliar, and one Walker, a thicker of St. Clement's, concerning divers
such matters of pilgrimage, offering to images, worshipping of
saints, and the sacrament of the altar.

     "Item, When Thomas Goodred, William Sweeting, and he, in the
fields keeping beasts, were talking together of the sacrament of the
Lord's body and like matters, this James Brewster should thus say: 
Now the Son of the living God help us. Unto whom William Sweeting
again should answer, Now Almighty God so do."

     And thus have you the causes likewise and crimes laid against
James Brewster, upon which he with William Sweeting was together
examined and condemned. Then being asked, as the Romish manner is,
whether he had any cause why he should not be adjudged for relapse,
he, trusting to find favour and grace in submitting himself, said,
that he submitted him to the mercy of Almighty God, and to the
favourable goodness of him his judge. And likewise did William
Sweeting submit himself; trusting belike that they should find some
favour and relief in this humble subjecting themselves unto their
goodness.

     But note here the unmerciful and unchristian dealing of these
catholic fathers, who upon their submission were contented to give
out a solemn commission, the tenor whereof was to release and pardon
them from the sentence of the excommunication, whereunto they had
incurred:  but immediately after upon the same, the bishop, all this
notwithstanding, pronounced upon them the sentence of death and
condemnation. Whereupon they were both delivered to the secular
power, and both together burnt in Smithfield at one fire, the 18th
day of October, A.D. 1511.

Christopher Shoomaker, martyr.

     To these blessed saints before past, we will also adjoin
Christopher Shoomaker; of whom this I find briefly in the register of
Sir John Longland; that the said Christopher Shoomaker, a parishioner
of Great Missenden, came to the house of John Stay, and after other
matters of talk, read to him out of a little book, the words which
Christ spake to his disciples. And thus coming to his house about
four times, at every time he read something out of the same book unto
him; teaching him not to be deceived in the priest's celebration at
mass, and declaring that it was not the same very present body of
Christ, as the priests did fantasy; but in substance bread, bearing
the remembrance of Christ.

     And taught him moreover, that pilgrimage, worshipping and
setting up candles to saints, were all unprofitable. And thus the
said John Say being taught by this Christopher, and also confirmed by
John Okenden and Robert Pope, was brought to the knowledge of the
same doctrine. Thus much briefly I find in that register concerning
Christopher Shoomaker, declaring further that he was burned at
Newbury about this time, which was A.D. 1518. And thus much out of
the registers of London.
Illustration:  The execution of Christopher Schoomaker



143. PERSECUTION IN LINCOLN

     In turning over the registers and records of Lincoln likewise,
and coming to the year of our Lord 1520, and 1521, I find, that as
the light of the gospel began more to appear, and the number of the
professors to grow, so the vehemency of persecution and stir of the
bishops began also to increase. Whereupon ensued great perturbation
and grievous affliction in divers and sundry quarters of this realm,
especially about Buckinghamshire, and Amersham, Uxbridge, Henley,
Newbury, in the diocese of London, in Essex, Colchester, Suffolk and
Norfolk, and other parts more. And this was before the name of Luther
was heard of in these countries among the people. Wherefore they are
much beguiled and misinformed, which condemn this kind of doctrine
now received of novelty, asking where was this church and religion
forty years ago, before Luther's time? To whom it may be answered,
that this religion and form of doctrine was planted by the apostles,
and taught by true bishops, afterward decayed, and now reformed
again; although it was not received nor admitted of the pope's clergy
before Luther's time, neither yet is, yet it was received of other,
in whose hearts it pleased the Lord secretly to work, and that of a
great number, which both professed and suffered for the same, as in
the former times of this history may appear. And if they think this
doctrine be so new, that it was not heard of before Luther's time,
how then came such great persecution before Luther's time here in
England? If these were of the same profession which they were of,
then was their cruelty unreasonable, so to persecute their own
catholic fraternity. And if they were otherwise, how then is this
doctrine of the gospel so new, or the professors thereof so late
start up, as they pretend them to be? But this cometh only of
ignorance, and for not knowing or considering well the times and
antiquities of the church which have been before us; which if they
did, they should see and say, that the Church of England hath not
lacked great multitudes, which tasted and followed the sweetness of
God's holy word almost in as ample manner, for the number of well-
disposed hearts, as now. Although public authority then lacked to
maintain the open preaching of the gospel, yet the secret multitude
of true professors was not much unequal; certes, the fervent zeal of
those Christian days seemed much superior to these our days and
times; as manifestly may appear by their sitting up all night in
reading and hearing, also by their expenses and charges in buying of
books in English; of whom some gave five marks, some more, some less,
for a book. Some gave a load of hay for a few chapters of St. James,
or of St. Paul, in English. In which rarity of books, and want of
teachers, this one thing I greatly marvel and muse at, to note in the
registers and to consider how the word of truth, notwithstanding, did
multiply so exceedingly, as it did amongst them. Wherein is to be
seen, no doubt, the marvellous working of God's mighty power. For so
I find and observe in considering the registers, how one neighbour
resorting and conferring with another, eftsoons, with a few words of
their first or second talk, did win and turn their minds to that
wherein they desired to persuade them, touching the truth of God's
word and his sacraments. To see their travails, their earnest
seeking, their burning zeal, their readings, their watchings, their
sweet assemblies, their love and concord, their godly living, their
faithful marrying with the faithful, may make us now in these our
days of free profession to blush for shame.

     Four principal points they stood in against the Church of Rome,
in pilgrimage, adoration of saints, in reading Scripture books in
English, and in the carnal presence of Christ's body in the
sacrament.

     After the great abjuration aforesaid, which was under William
Smith, bishop of Lincoln, they were noted and termed among themselves
by the name of "known men," or "just-fast men," as now they are
called by the name of Protestants.

     As they were simple, and yet not uncircumspect in their doings,
so the crafty serpent, being more wily than they, by fraudulent
subtlety did so circumvent them, that they caused the wife to detect
the husband, the husband the wife; the father the daughter, the
daughter the father; the brother to disclose the brother, and
neighbour the neighbour. Neither were there any assemblies nor
readings kept, but both the persons and also the books were known;
neither was any word so closely spoken, nor article mentioned, but it
was discovered. So subtlely and sleightly these catholic prelates did
use their inquisitions and examinations, that nothing was done or
said among these "known men," fifteen or twenty years before, so
covertly, but it was brought at length to their intelligence. Such
captious interrogatories, so many articles and suspicions they had,
such espials and privy scouts they sent abroad, such authority and
credit they had with the king, and in the king's name; such diligence
they showed in that behalf, so violently and impudently they abused
the book of the peaceable evangelists, wresting men's consciences
upon their oath, swearing them upon the same to detect themselves,
their fathers and mothers, and other of their kindred, with their
friends and neighbours, and that to death. All which things in the
further process of the table ensuing, (Christ willing,) which we have
collected out of some part of the registers of Lincoln, shall appear.

     For the better declaration whereof, first here is to be
premonished by the way, touching the see of Lincoln, that after
William Smith, succeeded John Longland. This William Smith, although
he was somewhat eager and sharp against the poor simple flock of
Christ's servants, under whom some were burned, many abjured, a great
number molested, as partly hath been before declared; yet was he
nothing so bloody and cruel as was the said Longland, who afterward
succeeded in that diocese. For so I find of him, that in the time of
the great abjuration and troublesome affliction of Buckinghamshire
men, wherein many were abjured, and certain burned; yet divers he
sent quietly home without punishment and penance, bidding them go
home, and live as good Christian men should do. And many who were
enjoined penance before, he did release. This Smith died about the
year of our Lord 1515, by whom was builded, as is aforesaid, the
college of Brazen-nose in Oxford.

     Not long after him followed John Longland, a fierce and cruel
vexes of the faithful poor servants of Christ; who, to renew again
the old sparkles of persecution, which were not yet utterly quenched,
first began with one or two of those which had been abjured, whom he
thought to be most notorious, causing them by force of their oath, to
detect and bewray, not only their own opinions touching points of
religion, but also to discover all others of their affinity, which
were either suspected or abjured before. And them likewise he put to
their oath, most violently constraining them to utter and confess
both themselves, and whom else soever they knew:  by reason whereof,
an incredible multitude of men, women, and maidens, were brought
forth to examination, and straitly handled. And such as were found in 
relapse, were burned.

     The rest were so burdened with superstitious and idolatrous
penance and injunctions, that either through grief of conscience they
shortly died, or else with shame they lived.

     Captious interrogatories ministered commonly by the bishop of
Lincoln, against these examinates here following.

     The interrogatories or articles which Longland, bishop of
Lincoln, used most commonly to minister to these examinates or "known
men," in number were nine, and are these as followeth: 

     "1. First, Whether they or any of them did know, that certain
of the parish of Amersham had been convented before William Smith,
late bishop of Lincoln, for heresy?

     "2. Item, Whether they knew that they, so convented before the
said bishop, did err in the sacrament of the altar, or in any other
sacrament of the church:  and if they did, in what sacraments, and in
which of them? Also whether they knew that the said parties so
convented did confess their errors, and receive penance for the same?

     "3. Item, Whether they, or any of them, were of the society of
those so convented for heresy:  and if they were, what fellowship they
had with them, and with whom?

     "4. Item, Whether they, or any of them, were ever conversant
with such a one (naming the person whom they knew suspected, as with
Thurstan Littlepage)? And if they were, what conversation they had
with him, how long, and when:  and whether they knew the said person
to have been suspected of heresy?

     "5. Item, Whether they, or any of them, were ever conversant
with him; or with him (naming some other person whom they suspected,
as Alexander Mastall)? and if they were, how, and how long? and
whether they knew the said person to be suspected of heresy?

     "6. Item, Whether they, or any of them, had been beforetime
detected of heresy, to the office of the aforesaid William, bishop of
Lincoln:  and if they were, by what person or persons they were
detected? or else, whether they only were called by the aforesaid
William, bishop, for heresy?

     "7. Item, Whether he or they be noted and holden for heretics;
or be reputed and defamed to be of the sect of those who were
convented for heresy? and whether he or they be named for a 'known
man' amongst them?

     "8. Item, Whether he or they have been ever at any readings of
such as have been so convented for heresy?

     "9. Item, Whether he or they were ever in any secret
communication or conventicle with them? whom or which of them he knew
to be named and reputed for a 'known man,' or holding against the
sacrament of the altar, or other sacraments and articles of faith?
and if they knew any such, to declare where and when, and what they
were, and who were present the same time."

     These articles and interrogatories thus declared, now followeth
to be shown a certain brief sum compendiously collected out of the
registers of John Longland, bishop of Lincoln, of the names first of
those who by oath were constrained against their wills to detect and
accuse others. Secondly, The persons that were accused. Thirdly, The
crimes to them objected.

     And first; forasmuch as the bishop perceived that Roger Bennet,
William Chedwell, Edmund Dormer, Thomas Harding, Robert Andrew, with
such others, were men especially noted to be of that side, therefore,
to work his purpose the better, he began with them; producing the
same as witnesses, to detect first Robert Bartlet of Amersham, and
Richard his brother; understanding that these aforenamed witnesses,
because they had been abjured before, durst now do no other, upon
pain of relapse, but needs confess whatsoever was put unto them. And
therefore, because Robert Bartlet and Richard his brother, being
called before the bishop, and sworn upon their oath, would confess
nothing against themselves; the bishop, to convict them by witnesses,
went first to William Chedwell, lying sore sick in his bed, causing
him upon the evangelists to swear, whether he knew the aforesaid
Robert and Richard Bartlet to be "known men." Which being done, the
bishop then called before him Robert Andrew, Roger Bennet, John Hill,
Edmund Dormer, John Milsent, Thomas Bernard, Thomas Littlepage, John
Dosset, (all Amersham men,) who, being abjured before, as is said,
durst no otherwise do but confess upon their oath that Robert and
Richard Bartlet were "known men." And yet the bishop, not contented
with this, caused also their two wives, to wit, Margaret the wife of
Robert Bartlet, and Isabel the wife of Richard Bartlet, to depose and
give witness against their own natural husbands. Albeit Isabel
Bartlet, being somewhat more temperate of her tongue, refused utterly
to confess any thing of her husband, and denied her husband's words
to be true; till at last, she, being convicted of perjury, was
constrained to utter the truth. And first, as touching those who,
being brought to abjuration, were put to their penance; long it were
to recite the names of all. Certain I thought to recite here in a
catalogue:  first reciting the persons; afterwards the rigorous
penance to them enjoined.

The names of those who were abjured in the diocese of Lincoln, A.D.
1521.
William Colins.
John Colins.
Joan Colins.
Robert Colins.
John Hacker.
John Brabant the father.
John Brabant his son.
John Brabant the younger son.
John Edmonds.
Edward Pope.
Henry Phip.
John Steventon.
Joan Steventon.
Robert Bartlet.
Thomas Clerke.
John Clerke.
Richard Bartlet.
William Phip.
John Phip.
Thomas Couper.
William Littlepage.
John Littlepage.
Joan Littlepage.
John Say.
John Frier.
Richard Vulford.
Thomas Tredway
William Gudgame.
Roger Heron.
Francis Funge.
Robert Pope.
Roger Dods.
John Harris.
Robert Bruges.
John Stampe.
Joan Stampe.
Richard White.
Benet Ward.
John Baker.
Agnes Wellis.
Marian Morden.
Isabel Morwin.
John Butler.
John Butler the younger.
Richard Carder.
Richard Bernard.
Joan Bernard.
John Grace.
John French.
John Edings.

The towns, villages, and countries where these aforesaid persons did
inhabit, are named chiefly to be these.

Amersham.
Chesham.
Hichenden.
Missenden the Great.
Missenden the Less.
East-hundred.
West-hundred.
Asthall.
Beaconsfield.
Denham.
Ginge.
Betterton.
Charney.
Stanlake.
Claufield.
Walton.
Marlow.
Dorney.
Iver.
Burton.
Uxbridge.
Woburn.
Henley.
Wycombe.
West-Wycombe.
Newbury.
Burford.
Witney.
Hungerford.
Upton.
Windsor.
London.
Coleman-street in London.
Cheapside in London.
Shoreditch by London.
St. Giles in London.
Essex.
Suffolk.
Norfolk.
Norwich.

     The books and opinions which these were charged withal, and for
which they were abjured, partly are before expressed, partly here
follow, in a brief summary to be seen.

A brief summary of their opinions

     The opinions of many of these persons were, That he or she
never believed in the sacrament of the altar, nor ever would; and
that it was not as men did take it.

     For that he was known of his neighbours to be a good fellow,
meaning, that he was a "known man."

     For saying, that he would give forty pence on condition that
such a one knew as much as he did know.

     Some, for saying that they of Amersham, who had been abjured
before by Bishop Smith, were good men, and perfect Christians, and
simple folk who could not answer for themselves, and therefore were
oppressed by power of the bishop.

     Some, for hiding others in their barns.

     Some, for reading the Scriptures, or treatises of Scripture, in
English:  some, for hearing the same read.

     Some, for defending, some for marrying with, them that had been
abjured.

     Some, for saying that matrimony was not a sacrament.

     Some, for saying that worshipping of images was mawmetry; some,
for calling images carpenters' chips; some, for calling them stocks
and stones; some, for calling them dead things.

     Some, for saying that money spent upon pilgrimage, served but
to maintain thieves and harlots. Some, for calling the image in the
rood-loft, "Block-almighty."

     Others, for saying that nothing graven with man's hand was to
be worshipped.

     Some, for calling them fools who came from Master John Shorne
in pilgrimage.

     Another, for calling his vicar a poll-shorn priest. Another,
for calling a certain blind chapel, being in ruin, an old fair milk-
house.

     Another, for saying that he threshed God Almighty out of the
straw.

     Another, for saying that alms should not be given before they
did sweat in a man's hand.

     Some, for saying that those who die, pass straight either to
heaven or hell.

     Isabel Bartlet was brought before the bishop and abjured, for
lamenting her husband, when the bishop's man came for him; and
saying, that he was an undone man, and she a dead woman.

     For saying, that Christ, departing from his disciples into
heaven, said that once he was in sinners' hands, and would come there
no more.

     Robert Rave, hearing a certain bell in an uplandish steeple,
said, "Lo, yonder is a fair bell, an it were to hang about any cow's
neck in this town;" and therefore, as for other such-like matters
more, he was brought coram nobis!

     Item, For receiving the sacrament at Easter, and doubting
whether it was the very body of Christ, and not confessing their
doubt to their ghostly father.

     Some, for saying that the pope had no authority to give pardon,
or to release man's soul from sin, and so from pain; and that it was
nothing but blinding of the people, and to get their money.

     The penance to these parties enjoined by this John Longland,
bishop of Lincoln, was almost uniform, and all after one condition;
save only that they were severally committed and divided into several
and divers monasteries, there to be kept and found of alms all their
life, except they were otherwise dispensed with by the bishop. As for
example, I have here adjoined the bishop's letter for one of the said
number, sent to the abbey of Ensham, there to be kept in perpetual
penance; by which one, an estimation may be taken of the rest, who
were bestowed likewise sundrily into sundry abbeys, as to Osney, to
Frideswide, to Abingdon, to Thame, to Bicester, to Dorchester, to
Netley, to Ashridge, and divers more. The copy of the bishop's
letter, sent to the abbot of Ensham, here followeth underwritten.

Copy of the bishop's letter to the abbot of Ensham.

     "My loving brother, I recommend me heartily unto you:  And
whereas I have, according to the law, put this bearer R. T. to
perpetual penance within your monastery of Ensham, there to live as a
penitent, and not otherwise; I pray you, and nevertheless according
unto the law command you, to receive him, and see ye order him there
according to his injunctions, which he will show you, if ye require
the same. As for his lodging, he will bring it with him; and for his
meat and drink, he may have such as you give of your alms. And if he
can so order himself by his labour within your house in your
business, whereby he may deserve his meat and drink; so may you order
him as ye see convenient to his deserts, so that he pass not the
precinct of your monastery. And thus fare you heartily well:  From my
place," &c.

     As touching the residue of the penance and punishment inflicted
on these men, they do little or nothing disagree, but had one order
in them all; the manner and form whereof in the said bishop's
register do proceed in condition as followeth: 

Penance enjoined under pain of relapse, by John Longland, bishop of
Lincoln, the 19th day of December, A.D. 1521.

     "In primis, That every one of them shall, upon a market-day,
such as shall be limited unto them, in the market-time, go thrice
about the market at Burford, and then to stand up upon the highest
greece of the cross there, a quarter of an hour, with a faggot of
wood every one of them upon his shoulder, and every one of them once
to bear a faggot of wood upon their shoulders, before their
procession upon a Sunday, which shall be limited unto them at
Burford, from the choir-door going out, to the choir-door going in;
and all the high mass time, to hold the same faggot upon their
shoulders, kneeling upon the greece before the high altar there; and
every of them to do likewise in their own parish church, upon such a
Sunday as shall be limited unto them:  and once to bear a faggot at a
general procession at Uxbridge, when they shall be assigned thereto;
and once to bear a faggot at the burning of a heretic, when they
shall be admonished thereto.

     "Also every one Of them to fast, bread and ale only, every
Friday during their life; and every even of Corpus Christi, every one
of them to fast bread and water during their life, unless sickness
unfeigned let the same.

     "Also, to be said by them every Sunday, and every Friday,
during their life, once our Ladypsalter; and if they forget it one
day, to say as much another day for the same.

     "Also neither they, nor any of them, shall hide their mark upon
their cheek, neither with hat, cap, hood, kerchief, napkin, or none
otherwise; nor shall suffer their beards to grow past fourteen days;
nor ever haunt again together with any suspected person or persons,
unless it be in the open market, fair, church, or common inn or
alehouse, where other people may see their conversation.

     "And all these injunctions they and every of them to fulfil
with their penance, and every part of the same, under pain of
relapse."

     And thus have you the names, with the causes and the penance,
of those who were at this present time abjured. By this word
"abjured" is meant, that they were constrained by their oath,
swearing upon the evangelists, and subscribing with their hand, and a
cross to the same, that they did utterly and voluntarily renounce,
detest, and forsake, and never should hold hereafter these or any
other like opinions, contrary to the determination of the holy mother
Church of Rome:  And further, that they should detect unto their
ordinary, whomsoever they should see or suspect hereafter to teach,
hold, or maintain the same.

The names of them that were condemned for relapse, and committed unto
the secular power.

     Among these aforenamed persons who thus submitted themselves,
and were put to penance, certain there were, who, because they had
been abjured before, as is above-mentioned, under Bishop Smith, were
now condemned for relapse, and had sentence read aginst them, and so
were committed to the secular arm to be burned:  whose names here
follow:  Thomas Bernard, James Morden, Robert Rave, and John
Scrivener, martyrs.

     Of these mention is made before, both touching their
abjuration, and also their martyrdom; unto whom we may adjoin, Joan
Norman, and Thomas Holmes.

     This Thomas Holmes, albeit he had disclosed and detected many
of his brethren, as in the table above is expressed; thinking thereby
to please the bishop, and to save himself, and was thought to be a
feed man of the bishop for the same:  yet, notwithstanding, in the
said bishop's register appeareth the sentence of relapse and
condemnation, written and drawn out against him; and most likely he
was also adjudged and executed with the others.

     As touching the burning of John Scrivener, here is to be noted,
that his children were compelled to set fire unto their father; in
like manner as Joan Clerke also, daughter of William Tylsworth, was
constrained to give fire to the burning of her own natural father, as
is above specified.

     The example of which cruelty, as it is contrary both to God and
nature, so it hath not been seen or heard of in the memory of the
heathen.

     Where moreover is to be noted, that at the burning of this John
Scrivener, one Thomas Dorman, mentioned before, was present, and bare
a faggot, at Amersham; whose abjuration was afterwards laid against
him, at what time he should depose for recovery of certain lands from
the school of Berkhamstead. This Thomas Dorman (as I am credibly
informed of certain about Amersham) was then uncle to this our
Dorman, and found him to school at Berkhamstead, under Master Reeve;
who now so uncharitably abuseth his pen in writing against the
contrary doctrine, and raileth so fiercely against the blood of
Christ's slain servants, miscalling them to be a dunghill of stinking
martyrs.

     Well, howsoever the savour of these good martyrs do scent in
the nose of Master Dorman, I doubt not but they give a better odour
and sweeter smell in the presence of the Lord:  Pretiosa enim in
conspectu Domini mars sanctorum ejus; Precious in the sight of the
Lord is the death of his saints. And therefore, howsoever it shall
please Master Dorman with reproachful language to misterm the good
martyrs of Christ, or rather Christ in his martyrs; his unseemly
usage (more cart-like than clerk-like) is not greatly to be weighed.
For, as the danger of his blasphemy hurteth not them that are gone,
so the contumely and reproach thereof as well comprehendeth his own
kindred, friends, and country, as any others else; and especially
redoundeth to himself, and woundeth his own soul, and none else, unto
the great provoking of God's wrath against him, unless he be blessed
with better grace, by time to repent.



144. SCHOLARS AND POETS
Doctor John Colet, dean of St. Paul's.

     Much about this time, or not past two years before, died Dr.
John Colet, to whose sermons these "known men," about
Buckinghamshire, had a great mind to resort. After he came from Italy
and Paris, he first began to read the Epistles of St. Paul openly in
Oxford, instead of Scotus and Thomas. From thence he was called by
the king, and made dean of Paul's; where he accustomed much to
preach, not without a great auditory, as well of the king's court, as
of the citizens and others. His diet was frugal, his life upright; in
discipline he was severe, insomuch that his canons, because of their
straiter rule, complained that they were made like monks. The honest
and honourable state of matrimony he ever preferred before the
unchaste singleness of priests. At his dinner commonly was read
either some chapter of St. Paul, or of Solomon's Proverbs. He never
used to sup. And although the blindness of that time carried him away
after the common error of popery, yet in ripeness of judgment he
seemed something to incline from the vulgar trade of that age. The
religious order of monks and friars he fantasied not; as neither he
could greatly favour the barbarous divinity of the school-doctors, as
of Scotus, but least of all of Thomas Aquinas:  insomuch that when
Erasmus, speaking in the praise of Thomas Aquinas, did commend him,
that he had read many old authors, and had written many new works, as
Catena Aurea, and such like, to prove and to know his judgment: 
Colet, first supposing that Erasmus had spoken in jest, but after
supposing that he meant good faith, bursteth out in great vehemency,
saying, "What tell you me," quoth he, "of the commendation of that
man, who, except he had been of an arrogant and presumptuous spirit,
would not define and discuss all things so boldly and rashly; and
also, except he had been rather worldly-minded than heavenly, would
never have so polluted Christ's whole doctrine with man's profane
doctrine, in such sort as he hath done?"

     The bishop of London at that time was Fitzjames, of age no less
than eighty; who, (bearing long grudge and displeasure against
Colet,) with other two bishops taking his part, like to himself,
entered action of complaint against Colet to the archbishop of
Canterbury, being then William Warham. The matter of his complaint
was divided into three articles:  the first was for speaking against
worshipping of images. The second was about hospitality, for that he,
treating upon the place of the gospel, "Feed, feed, feed;" when he
had expounded the two first, for feeding with example of life, and
with doctrine; in the third, which the schoolmen do expound for
feeding with hospitality, he left out the outward feeding of the
belly, and applied it another way. The third crime wherewith they 
charged him, was for speaking against such as used to preach only by
bosom sermons, declaring nothing else to the people, but as they
bring in their prayers with them; which, because the bishop of London
used then much to do for his age, he took it as spoken against him,
and therefore bare him this displeasure. The archbishop, more wisely
weighing the matter, and being well acquainted with Colet, so took
his part against his accusers, that he at that time was rid out of
trouble.

     William Tyndall, in his book answering Master More, addeth
moreover, and testifieth, that the bishop of London would have made
the said Colet, dean of Paul's, a heretic, for translating the
Paternoster into English, had not the bishop of Canterbury holpen the 
dean.

     But yet the malice of Fitzjames the bishop so ceased not; who,
being thus repulsed by the archbishop, practised by another train how
to accuse him unto the king. The occasion thus fell. It happened the
same time, that the king was in preparation of war against France;
whereupon the bishop with his coadjutors, taking occasion upon
certain words of Colet, wherein he seemed to prefer peace before any
kind of war, were it never so just; accused him therefore in their
sermons, and also before the king.

     Furthermore it so befell at the same time, that upon Good
Friday Dr. Colet, preaching before the king, entreated of the victory
of Christ, exhorting all Christians to fight under the standard of
Christ, against the devil; adding, moreover, what a hard thing it was
to fight under Christ's banner, and that all they which upon private
hatred or ambition took weapon against their enemy, (one Christian to
slay another,) such did not fight under the banner of Christ, but
rather of Satan:  and therefore concluding his matter, he exhorted
that Christian men, in their wars, would follow Christ their prince
and captain, in fighting against their enemies, rather than the
examples of Julius or Alexander, &c. The king, hearing Colet thus
speak, and fearing lest by his words the hearts of his soldiers might
be withdrawn from his wars which he had then in hand, took him aside
and talked with him in secret conference, in his garden walking.
Bishop Fitzjames, Bricot, and Standish, who were his enemies, thought
now none other, but that Colet must needs be committed to the Tower;
and waited for his coming out. But the king, with great gentleness
entertaining Dr. Colet, and bidding him familiarly to put on his cap,
in long courteous talk had with him in the garden, much commended him
for his learning and integrity of life; agreeing with him in all
points, but that only he required him (for that the rude soldiers
should not rashly mistake that which he had said) more plainly to
explain his words and mind in that behalf; which after he did. And
so, after long communication and great promises, the king dismissed
Colet with these words, saying:  "Let every man have his doctor as him
liketh, this shall be my doctor;" and so departed. Whereby none of
his adversaries durst ever trouble him after that time.

     Among many other memorable acts left behind him, he erected the
worthy foundation of the school of Paul's, (I pray God the fruits of
the school may answer the foundation,) for the cherishing up of youth
in good letters, providing a sufficient stipend as well for the
master, as for the usher; whom he willed rather to be appointed out
of the number of married men, than of single priests with their
suspected chastity. The first moderator of this school was William
Lily, a man no less notable for his learning, than was Colet for his
foundation. This Colet died the year of our Lord 1519.

     Not long before the death of this Colet and Lily, lived William
Grocine and William Latimer, both Englishmen also, and famously
learned. This Grocine, as he began to read in his open lecture, in
the church of St. Paul, the book of Dionysius Areopagita, commonly
called Hierarchia Ecclesiastica, (for the reading of the Holy
Scriptures in Paul's was not in use,) in the first entry of his
preface cried out with great vehemency against them, whosoever they
were, who either denied or stood in doubt of the authority of that
book:  in the number of whom he noted Laurence Valla, and divers
others of the like approved judgment and learning. But afterwards the
same Grocine, when he had continued a few weeks in his reading
thereof, and did consider further in him, he utterly altered and
recanted his former sentence, protesting openly, that the afore-named
book, to his judgment, was never written by that author whom we read
in the Acts of the Apostles to be called Dionysius Areopagita.

     The tractation of these two couples above rehearsed, do
occasion me to adjoin also the remembrance of another couple of like
learned men:  the names of whom, not unworthy to be remembered, were
Thomas Linacre, and Richard Pace; which two followed much upon the
time of Colet and William Lily. But of Richard Pace, who was dean
next after the aforesaid John Colet, more convenient place shall
serve us hereafter to speak, coming to the story of Cardinal Wolsey.

Geoffrey Chaucer and John Gower

     Moreover, to these two I thought it not out of season, to
couple also some mention of Geoffrey Chaucer and John Gower; which,
although being much discrepant from these in course of years, yet may
seem not unworthy to be matched with these forenamed persons, in
commendation of their study and learning. Albeit concerning the full 
certainty of the time and death of these two, we cannot find; yet it
appeareth in the prologue of Gower's work, entitled Confessio
Amantis, that he finished it in the sixteenth year of King Richard
the Second. And in the end of the eighth book of his said treatise,
he declareth that he was both sick and old when he wrote it; whereby
it may appear that he lived not long after. Notwithstanding, by
certain verses of the said Master Gower, placed in the latter end of
Chaucer's works both in Latin and English, it may seem that he was
alive at the beginning of the reign of King Henry the Fourth, and
also by a book which he wrote to the same King Henry. By his
sepulture within the chapel of the church of St. Mary Overy's, which
was then a monastery, where he and his wife lie buried, it appeareth
by his chain and his garland of laurel, that he was both a knight,
and flourishing then in poetry; in the which place of his sepulture
were made in his grave-stone three books:  the first bearing the
title, Speculum Meditantis; the second, Vox Clamantis; the third,
Confessio Amantis. Besides these, divers chronicles and other works
more he compiled.

     Likewise, as touching the time of Chaucer, by his own words in
the end of his first book of Troilus and Cressida, it is manifest
that he and Gower were both of one time, although it seemeth that
Gower was a great deal his ancient; both notably learned, as the
barbarous rudeness of that time did give; both great friends
together, and both in like kind of study together occupied; so
endeavouring themselves, and employing their time, that they,
excelling many others in study and exercise of good letters, did pass
forth their lives here right worshipfully and godly, to the worthy
fame and commendation of their name. Chaucer's works be all printed
in one volume, and therefore known to all men.

     This I marvel, to see the idle life of the priests and
clergymen of that time, seeing these lay-persons showed themselves in
these kinds of liberal studies so industrious and fruitfully
occupied. But much more I marvel to consider this, how that the
bishops, condemning and abolishing all manner of English books and
treatises which might bring the people to any light of knowledge, did
yet authorize the works of Chaucer to remain still and to be
occupied; who, no doubt, saw into religion as much almost as even we
do now, and uttereth in his works no less, and seemeth to be a right
Wicklevian, or else there was never any. And that all his works
almost, if they be thoroughly advised, will testify (albeit it be
done in mirth, and covertly); and especially the latter end of his
third book of the Testament of Love, for there purely he toucheth the
highest matter, that is, the communion. Wherein, except a man be
altogether blind, he may espy him at the full:  although in the same
book, (as in all others he useth to do,) under shadows covertly, as
under a visor, he suborneth truth in such sort, as both privily she
may profit the godly-minded, and yet not be espied of the crafty
adversary. And therefore the bishops, belike, taking his works but
for jests and toys, in condemning other books, yet permitted his
books to be read.

     So it pleased God to blind then the eyes of them, for the more
commodity of his people, to the intent that through the reading of
his treatises, some fruit might redound thereof to his church; as no
doubt it did to many. As also I am partly informed, of certain who
knew the parties, who to them reported, that by reading of Chaucer's
works they were brought to the true knowledge of religion. And not
unlike to be true:  for, to omit other parts of his volume, whereof
some are more fabulous than other, what tale can be more plainly told
than the Tale of the Ploughman? or what finger can point out more
directly the pope with his prelates to be antichrist, than doth the
poor pelican reasoning against the greedy griffon? Under which
hypotyposis, or poesy, who is so blind that seeth not by the pelican,
the doctrine of Christ and of the Lollards to be defended against the
Church of Rome? or who is so impudent that can deny that to be true
which the pelican there affirmeth, in describing the presumptuous
pride of that pretended church? Again, what egg can be more like, or
fig, unto another, than the words, properties, and conditions of that
ravening griffon resembleth the true image, that is, the nature and
qualities, of that which we call the Church of Rome, in every point
and degree? And therefore no great marvel if that narration was
exempted out of the copies of Chaucer's works; which notwithstanding
now is restored again, and is extant for every man to read that is
disposed. This Geoffrey Chaucer, being born, as is thought, in
Oxfordshire, and dwelling in Woodstock, lieth buried in the church of
the minster of St. Peter at Westminster, in an aisle on the south
side of the said church, not far from the door leading to the
cloister; and upon his grave-stone first were written these two old
verses: 

Galfridus Chaucer Vates, et fama Poësis
Maternć, hac sacra sum tumulatus humo.

     Afterwards, about A.D. 1556, one Master Brickham, bestowing
more cost upon his tomb, did add thereunto these verses following: 

Qui fuit Anglorum Vates ter maximus olim,
Galfridus Chaucer conditur hoc tumulo.
Annum si qućras Domini, si tempora mortis,
Ecce notć subsunt, quć tibi cuncta notent.
25 Octob. Anno 1400.



145. MARTIN LUTHER -- INTRODUCTION

Here beginneth the Reformation of the church of Christ, in the time
of Martin Luther.
 Although it cannot be sufficiently expressed with
tongue or pen of man, into what miserable ruin and desolation the
church of Christ was brought in those latter days; yet partly by the
reading of these stories afore past, some intelligence may be given
to them which have judgment to mark, or eyes to see, in what
blindness and darkness the world was drowned, during the space of
these four hundred years heretofore and more. By the viewing and
considering of which times and histories, thou mayest understand,
gentle reader, how the religion of Christ, which only consisteth in
spirit and verity, was wholly turned into outward observations,
ceremonies, and idolatry. So many saints we had, so many gods; so
many monasteries, so many pilgrimages; as many churches, as many
relics forged and feigned we had again, so many relics, so many lying
miracles we believed. Instead of the only living Lord, we worshipped
dead stocks and stones:  in place of Christ immortal, we adored mortal
bread:  instead of his blood, we worshipped the blood of ducks. How
the people were led, so that the priests were fed, no care was taken.
Instead of God's word, man's word was set up:  instead of Christ's
Testament, the pope's testament, that is, the canon law:  instead of
Paul, the Master of Sentences took place, and almost full possession.
The law of God was little read, the use and end thereof was less
known; and as the end of the law was unknown, so the difference
between the gospel and the law was not understood, the benefit of
Christ not considered, the effect of faith not expended:  through the
ignorance whereof it cannot be told what infinite errors, sects, and
religions crept into the church, overwhelming the world as with a
flood of ignorance and seduction. And no marvel; for where the
foundation is not well laid, what building can stand and prosper? The
foundation of all our Christianity is only this:  The promise of God
in the blood of Christ his Son, giving and promising life unto all
that believe in him:  giving (saith the Scripture) unto us, and not
bargaining or indenting with us:  and that freely (saith the
Scripture) for Christ's sake; and not conditionally for out merit's
sake.

     Furthermore, freely (saith the Scripture) by grace, that the
promise might be firm and sure; and not by the works that we do,
which always are doubtful. By grace (saith the Scripture) through
promise to all and upon all that believe; and not by the law, upon
them that do deserve. For if it come by deserving, then is it not of
grace:  if it be not of grace, then is it not of promise, and
contrariwise, if it be of grace and promise, then is it not of works,
saith St. Paul. Upon this foundation of God's free promise and grace
first builded the patriarchs, kings, and prophets:  upon this same
foundation also Christ the Lord builded his church:  upon the which
foundation the apostles likewise builded the church apostolical or
catholical.

     This apostolical and catholic foundation so long as the church
did retain, so long it continued sincere and sound:  which endured a
long season after the apostles' time. But after, in process of years, 
through wealth and negligence crept into the church, so soon as this
foundation began to be lost, came in new builders, which would build
upon a new foundation a new church more glorious, which we call now
the Church of Rome; who, being not contented with the old foundation,
and the Head-cornerstone, which the Lord by his word had laid, in
place thereof they laid the groundwork upon the condition and
strength of the law and works. Although it is not to be denied, but
that the doctrine of God's holy law, and of good works according to
the same, is a thing most necessary to be learned, and followed of
all men; yet is it not that foundation whereupon our salvation
consisteth:  neither is that foundation able to bear up the weight of
the kingdom of heaven, but is rather the thing which is builded upon
the foundation; which foundation is Jesus Christ, according as we are
taught of St. Paul, saying, "No man can lay any other foundation
beside that which is laid, Christ Jesus," &c.

     But this ancient foundation, with the old ancient church of
Christ, as I said, hath been now of long time forsaken; and instead
thereof, a new church with a new foundation hath been erected and
framed, not upon God's promise, and his free grace in Christ Jesus,
nor upon free justification by faith, but upon merits and deserts of
men's working. And hereof have they planted all these their new
devices, so infinite, that they cannot well be numbered; as masses-
trecenaries, dirges, obsequies, matins, and hours-singing-service,
vigils, midnight-rising, bare-foot-going, fish-tasting, Lent-fast,
ember-fast, stations, rogations, jubilees, advocation of saints,
praying to images, pilgrimage-walking, works of supererogation,
application of merits, orders, rules, sects of religion, vows of
chastity, wilful poverty, pardons, relations, indulgencies, penance,
and satisfaction, with auricular confession, founding of abbeys,
building of chapels, giving to churches:  and who is able to recite
all their laborious buildings, falsely framed upon a wrong ground;
and all for ignorance of the true foundation, which is the free
justification by faith in Christ Jesus the Son of God.

     Moreover to note, that as this new-found Church of Rome was
thus deformed in doctrine, so no less was it corrupted in order of
life and deep hypocrisy, doing all things only under pretences and
dissembled titles. So, under the pretence of Peter's chair, they
exercised a majesty above emperors and kings. Under the visor of
their vowed chastity, reigned adultery; under the yoke of professed
poverty, they possessed the goods of the temporalty; under the title
of being dead unto the world, they not only reigned in the world, but
also ruled the world; under the colour of the keys of heaven to hang
under their girdle, they brought all the states of the world under
their girdle, and crept not only into the purses of men, but also
into their consciences. They heard their confessions; they knew their
secrets; they dispensed as they were disposed, and loosed what them
listed. And finally, when they had brought the whole world under
their subjections, yet did their pride neither cease to ascend,
neither could their avarice be ever satisfied. And if the example of
Cardinal Wolsey and other cardinals and popes cannot satisfy thee, I
beseech thee, gentle reader! turn over the aforesaid book of "the
Ploughman's Tale" in Chaucer, above-mentioned, where thou shalt
understand much more of their demeanour than I have here described.

     In these so blind and miserable corrupt days of darkness and
ignorance, thou seest, good reader! I doubt not, how necessary it
was, and high time, that reformation of the church should come, which
now most happily and graciously began to work, through the merciful
and no less needful providence of Almighty God; who, although he
suffered his church to wander and start aside, through the seduction
of pride and prosperity a long time, yet at length it pleased his
goodness to respect his people, and to reduce his church into the
pristine foundation and frame again, from whence it was piteously
decayed. Whereof I have now consequently to treat; intending by the
grace of Christ to declare how, and by what means this reformation of
the church first began, and how it proceeded, increasing by little
and little unto this perfection which now we see, and more I trust
shall see.

     And herein we have first to behold the admirable work of God's
wisdom. For as the first decay and ruin of the church before began of
rude ignorance, and lack of knowledge in teachers; so, to restore the
church again by doctrine and learning, it pleased God to open to man
the art of printing, the time whereof was shortly after the burning
of Huss and Jerome. Printing being opened, incontinently ministered
unto the church the instruments and tools of learning and knowledge;
which were good books and authors which before lay hid and unknown.
The science of printing being found, immediately followed the grace
of God; which stirred up good wits aptly to conceive the light of
knowledge and of judgment:  by which light darkness began to be
espied, and ignorance to be detected; truth from error, religion from
superstition, to be discerned, as is above more largely discoursed,
where was touched the invention of printing.

     Furthermore, after these wits stirred up of God, other more,
increasing daily more and more in science, in tongues, and perfection
of knowledge; who now were able not only to discern in matters of
judgment, but also were so armed and furnished with the help of good
letters, that they did encounter also with the adversary, sustaining
the cause and defence of learning against barbarity; of verity
against error; of true religion against superstition. In number of
whom, against many other here unnamed, were Picus, and Franciscus
Mirandula, Laurentius Valla, Franciscus Petrarcha, Doctor de Wesalia,
Revelinus, Grocinus, Doctor Colet, Rhenamus, Erasmus, &c. And here
began the first push and assault to be given against the ignorant and
barbarous faction of the pope's pretended church; who, after that, by
their learned writings and laborious travail, they had opened a
window of light unto the world, and had made, as it were, a way more
ready for others to come after; immediately, according to God's
gracious appointment, followed Martin Luther, with other after him;
by whose ministry it pleased the Lord to work a more full reformation
of his church, as by their acts and proceedings hereafter shall
follow (Christ willing) more amply to be declared.

     And now coming to the time and story of Martin Luther, whom the
Lord did ordain and appoint to be the principal organ and minister
under him, to reform religion; to subvert the see of the pope; first,
before we enter into the tractation hereof, it shall not be
impertinent to the purpose, to infer such prophecies and forewarnings
as were sent before of God, by divers and sundry good men, long
before the time of Luther, which foretold and prophesied of this
reformation of the church to come.

Prophecies going before Martin Luther.

     And first to begin with the prophecy of John Huss and Jerome,
it is both notable, and also before mentioned, what the said John
Huss, at the time of his burning, prophesied unto his enemies,
saying:  That after "a hundred years come and gone, they should give
account to God and to him." Where is to be noted, that counting from
the year 1415, (in the which year John Huss was burned,) or from the
year 1416, (when Jerome did suffer,) unto the year 1516, (when Martin
Luther began first to write,) we shall find the number of a hundred
years expired.

     Likewise to this may be adjoined the prophetical vision or
dream, which chanced to the said John Huss, lying in the dungeon of
the Friars in Constance, a little before he was burned. His dream, as
he himself reporteth it in his epistles writing to Master John Clum,
and as I have also before recorded the same, so will I now repeat the
same again, in like effect of words as he wrote it himself in Latin,
the effect of which Latin is this: 

     "I pray you expound to me the dream which I had this night. I
saw that in my church at Bethlehem (whereof I was parson) they
desired and laboured to abolish all the images of Christ, and did
abolish them. I, the next day following, rose up, and saw many other
painters, who painted both the same, and many more images, and more
fair, which I was glad to behold. Whereupon the painters, with the
great multitude of the people, said, Now let the bishops and priests
come, and put us out these images if they can. Which thing done, much
people rejoiced in Bethlehem, and I with them. And rising up, I felt
myself to laugh."

     This dream Master John of Clum first expounded. Then he, in the
next epistle after, expounded it himself to this effect: 

     "The commandment of God standing, that we must observe no
dreams, yet, notwithstanding, I trust that the life of Christ was
painted in Bethlehem by me, through his word, in the hearts of men;
the which preaching they went about in Bethlehem to destroy, first,
in commanding that no preaching should be, neither in the church of
Bethlehem, nor in the chapels thereby:  secondly, that the church of
Bethlehem should be thrown down to the ground. The same life of
Christ shall be painted up again by more preachers much better than
I, and after a much more better sort, so that a great number of
people shall rejoice thereat; all such as love the life of Christ: 
and also I shall rejoice myself, at what time I shall awake, that is,
when I shall rise again from the dead."

     Also in his forty-eighth epistle he seemeth to have a like
prophetical meaning, where he saith; that he trusted that those
things, which he spake then within the house, should afterwards be
preached above on the house-top, &c.

     And because we are here in hand with the prophecies of John
Huss, it is not to be omitted what he writeth in a certain treatise,
De Sacerdotum et Monachorum carnalium abominatione, thus prophesying
of the reformation of the church.

     "The church," he saith, "cannot be reduced to his former
dignity, and reformed, before all things first be made new (the truth
whereof appeareth by the temple of Solomon); as well the clergy and
priests, as also the people and laity. Or else, except all such as
now be addicted to avarice, from the least to the most, be first
converted and renewed, as well the people as the clerks and priests,
things cannot be reformed. Albeit, as my mind now giveth me, I
believe rather the first, that is, that then shall rise a new people,
formed after the new man, which is created after God. Of the which
people, new clerks and priests shall come forth and be taken, who all
shall hate covetousness and glory of this life, labouring to a
heavenly conversation. Notwithstanding, all these things shall be
done and wrought in continuance and order of time, dispensed of God
for the same purpose. And this God doth, and will do, of his own
goodness and mercy, and for the riches of his patience and
sufferance, giving time and space of repentance to them that have
long lain in their sins, to amend and flee from the face of the
Lord's fury, until at length all shall suffer together, and until
both the carnal people, and priests, and clerks, in process and order
of time, shall fall away and be consumed, as is the cloth consumed
and eaten of the moth," &c.

     With this prophecy of John Huss above-mentioned, speaking of
the hundred years, accordeth also the testimony of Jerome, his fellow
martyr, in these words:  "And I cite you all to answer before the most
high and just Judge, after a hundred years."

     This Jerome was burnt, A.D. 1416; and Luther began to write,
A.D. 1516, which was just a hundred years, according to the right
account of Jerome's prophecy.

     Philip Melancthon, in his Apology, testifieth of one John
Hilton, a monk in Thuringia, who, for speaking against certain abuses
of the place and order where he lived, was cast into prison. At
length being weak and feeble through imprisonment, he sent for the
warden of the convent, desiring and beseeching him to have some
respect of his woeful state and pitiful case. The warden rebuking and
accusing him for what he had done and spoken; he answered again and
said, That he had spoken nothing which might be prejudicial or
hurtful to their monkery, or against their religion:  but there should
come one, (and assigned the year 1516,) who should utterly subvert
all monkery, and they should never be able to resist him, &c.

     Long it were to induce here all prophecies that be read in
histories:  certain I mind briefly to touch and pass over. And first
to omit the revelations of Briget, (whereunto I do not much
attribute,) who, prophesying of the destruction of Rome, Book iv.
cap. 17, saith: 

     "Rome shall be scoured and purged with three things -- with
sword, fire, and the plough. Resembling, moreover, the said Church of
Rome to a plant removed out of the old place into a new:  also to a
body condemned by a judge to have the skin flayed off; the blood to
be drawn from the flesh; the flesh to be cut out in pieces; and the
bones thereof to be broken; and all the marrow to be squeezed out
from the same; so that no part thereof remain whole and perfect," &c.

     But to these speculations of Briget I give no great respect, as
neither I do to the predictions of Katharine de Senis.

     And yet, notwithstanding, Antoninus, writing of the same
Katharine in his third part, reciteth her words thus (prophesying of
the reformation of the church) to Friar Reymund, her ghostly father: 

     "By these tribulations," saith she "God, after a secret manner
unknown to man, shall purge his holy church; and after those things
shall follow such a reformation of the holy church of God, and such a
renovation of the holy pastors, that only the cogitation and
remembrance thereof maketh my spirit to rejoice in the Lord. And, as
I have oftentimes told you heretofore, the spouse, which is now all
deformed and ragged, shall be adorned and decked with most rich and
precious ouches and brooches; and all the faithful shall be glad and
rejoiced to see themselves so beautified with so holy pastors. Yea,
and also the infidels, then allured by the sweet savour of Christ,
shall return to the catholic fold, and be converted to the true
Bishop and Shepherd of their souls. Give thanks therefore to God; for
after this storm he will give a great calm." &c.

     Of the authority of this prophetess I have not to affirm or
judge, but rather to hear what the catholic judges will say of this
their own saint and prophet. For if they do not credit her spirit of
prophecy, why then do they authorize her for a pure saint among the
sisters of dear St. Dominic? If they warrant her prophecy, let them
say then, When was this glorious reformation of the church ever true,
or like to be true, if it be not true now, in this marvellous
alteration of the church in these our latter days? or when was there
any such conversion of Christian people in all countries ever heard
of, since the apostles' time, as hath been since the preaching of
Martin Luther?

     Of Hieronimus Savonarola I wrote before, showing that he
prophesied, that one should pass over the Alps, like to Cyrus, who
should subvert and destroy all Italy:  which may well be applied to
God's word, and the gospel of Christ, spreading now abroad since
Luther's time.

     Theodoric, bishop of Croatia, lived near about the time when
Huss and Jerome were martyred; who, in the end of his prophetical
verses, which are extant in print, declareth,

     "That the see of Rome, which is so horribly polluted with
simony and avarice, shall fall, and no more oppress men with tyranny,
as it hath done, and that it shall be subverted by its own subjects;
and that the church and true piety shall flourish again more than
ever it did before."

     Noviomagus testifieth, that he, A.D. 1620, heard Ostendorpius,
a canon of Daventer, say, that when he was a young man, Doctor
Weselus, a Friesian, which was then an old man, told him, that he
should live to see this new school divinity of Scotus, Aquinas, and
Bonaventure, to be utterly forsaken and exploded of all true
Christians.

     In a book of Charles Boville, mention is made of a certain
vision which one Nicholas, a hermit of Helvetia, had; in which vision
he saw the pope's head crowned with three swords proceeding from his
face, and three swords coming towards it. This vision is also printed
in the books of Martin Luther, with his preface before it.

     Nicholas Medler, being of late superintendent of Brunswick,
affirmed and testified,

     "That he heard and knew a certain priest in his country, which
told the priests there, that they laid aside Paul under their desks
and pews; but the time would come, when Paul should come abroad, and
drive them under the desks and dark stalls, where they should not
appear," &c.

     Matthius Flaccius, in the end of his book entitled, De Testibus
Veritatis, speaketh of one Michael Stifelius: 

     This Michael, being an old man, told him, that he heard the
priests and monks say many times, by old prophecies, that a violent
reformation must needs come against them:  and also that the said
Michael heard Conrad Stifelius his father many times declare the
same:  who also, for the great hatred he bare against this filthy sect
of monks and priests, told to one Peter Pirer, a friend and neighbour
of his, that he should live and see the day; and therefore desired
him, that when the day came, besides those priests which he should
kill for himself, he would kill one priest more for his sake.

     This Stifelius thought, belike, that this reformation should be
wrought by outward violence, and force of sword; but he was therein
deceived; although the adversary useth all forcible means, and
violent tyranny, yet the proceeding of the gospel always beginneth
with peace and quietness.

     In the table of Amersham men I signified a little before, how
one Haggar of London, speaking of this reformation to come, declared,
that the priests should make battle, and have the upper hand a while,
but shortly they should be vanquished and overthrown for ever.

     In the time of Pope Alexander the Sixth, and about A.D. 1500,
as is before specified, the high angel which stood on the top of the
pope's church and castle of St. Angelo, was thrown down with a
terrible thunder into the river Tiber:  whereby might seem to be
declared the ruin and fall of the popedom.

     To this may be adjoined, which in certain chronicles, and in
John Bale, is recorded; which saith, that in the year of our Lord
1516, (which was the same year when Martin Luther began,) Pope Leo
the Tenth did create one and thirty cardinals:  in the which year and
day of their creation, there fell a tempest of thunder and lightning
in Rome, which so struck the church where the cardinals were made,
that it removed the little child Jesus out of the lap of his mother,
and the keys out of St. Peter's hand:  which thing many then did
interpret to signify and foreshow the subversion and alteration of
the see of Rome.

     Hitherto pertaineth also a strange portent and a prodigious
token from heaven, A.D. 1505, in the which year, under the reign of
Maximilian the emperor, there appeared in Germany, upon the vestures
of men, as well of priests as laymen; upon women's garments also, and
upon their rocks as they were spinning, divers prints and tokens of
the nails, of the sponge, of the spear, of the Lord's coat, and of
bloody crosses, &c.:  all which were seen upon their caps and gowns,
as is most certainly testified and recorded by divers which both did
see, and also did write upon the same. Of whom first was Maximilian
the emperor, who both had and showed the same to Franciscus
Mirandula, who wrote thereupon a book in Latin metre called
Staurosticon.

     Of this also writeth John Carion, Functius, Philip Melancthon,
Flaccius, with divers other more. These marks and tokens, as they
were very strange, so they were diversely expounded of many; some
thinking that they portended affliction and persecution of the church
to draw near; some, that God by that token did admonish them, or
foreshowed unto them the true doctrine of their justification, which
only is to be sought in the cross and passion of Christ, and in no
other thing. This I marvel, that Christianus Masseus, and others of
that profession, do leave it out. Belike they saw something in it
that made not to their liking. For, whether it signifieth persecution
to come upon the Germans, they cannot be evil that suffer and bear
the cross with Christ:  or whether it signifieth the true doctrine of
Christ coming to the Germans, it cannot otherwise be, but that the
doctrine of the bishop of Rome must needs be wrong, which is contrary
to this which God hath stirred up in Germany.

     By these and such-like prophecies, it is evident to understand, 
the time not to be far off, when God, of his determinate providence,
was disposed to reform and to restore his church. And not only by
those prophecies the same might well appear, but also, and much
rather, by the hearts of the people at that time; whose minds were so
incensed and inflamed with hatred against the pomp and pride of Rome,
both through all nations, and especially the people of Germany, that
it was easy to perceive the time was near at hand, when the pride of
popish prelacy would have a fall. Such disdain there was, such
contempt and derision began to rise on every side then, against the
pope and the court of Rome, that it might soon appear, by the hearts
of the people, that God was not disposed to have it long stand.

     For neither were their detestable doings so secret, that men
did not see them, neither did any man behold them, having any sparkle
of godliness, that could abide them. And thereupon grew these
proverbs to their derision, in every country, as in Germany it hath
been a proverb amongst them.

"What is this, to see the world now round about,
That for these shaveling priests no man that once may rout?"

     "As soon as a clerk is shorn into his order, by and by the
devil entereth into him."

     "In the name of God, beginneth all evil;" alluding to the
pope's bulls, which commonly so begin.

     "Item, When bulls come from Rome, bind well your purses."

     "The nearer Rome, the farther from Christ."

     "Item, He that goeth once to Rome, seeth a wicked man: 

     "He that goeth twice, learneth to know him: 

     "He that goeth thrice, bringeth him home with him."

     "Item, The court of Rome never regardeth the sheep without the
wool."

     "Once were wooden chalices, and golden priests:  "Now we have
golden chalices, and wooden priests."

     "Once Christian men had blind churches, and light hearts: 

     "Now they have blind hearts, and light churches."

     "Item, Many are worshipped for saints in heaven, whose souls be
burning in hell."

     In France, Gallus Senonensis, writeth four hundred years ago,
that amongst them it was an old saying, "That Satan was let loose at
Rome to destroy the whole church."

     Thomas Becket himself, in his time, writing to the college of
cardinals, denieth it not but to be a common word both through town
and city, "That there is no right in Rome."

     To these may be adjoined also the A, B, C, which we find in the
margin of a certain old register to be attributed to William Thorpe,
whose story we have comprehended before.

"Awake, ye ghostly persons, awake, awake,
Both priest, pope, bishop, and cardinal!
Consider wisely, what ways ye take,
Dangerously being like to have a fall.
Every where the mischief of you all,
Far and near, breaketh out very fast;
God will needs be revenged at the last.
How long have ye the world captived,
In sore bondage of men's traditions?
Kings and emperors ye have deprived,
Lewdly usurping their chief possessions: 
Much misery ye make in all regions.
Now your frauds be almost at their latter cast,
Of God sore to be revenged at the last.
Poor people to oppress ye have no shame,
Quaking for fear of your double tyranny.
Rightful justice ye have put out of frame,
Seeking the lust of your god, the belly.
Therefore I dare you boldly certify,
Very little though you be thereof aghast,
Yet God will be revenged at the last."

     By these and such-like sayings, which may be collected
innumerable, it may soon be seen what hearts and judgments the people
had in those days of the Romish clergy; which thing, no doubt, was of
God as a secret prophecy, that shortly religion should be restored;
according as it came to pass about this present time, when Dr. Martin
Luther first began to write; after Picus Mirandula, and Laurentius
Valla, and last of all Erasmus of Rotterdam, had somewhat broken the
way before, and had shaken the monks' houses. But Luther gave the
stroke, and plucked down the foundation, and all by opening one vein,
long hid before, wherein lieth the touchstone of all truth and
doctrine, as the only principal origin of our salvation, which is,
our free justifying by faith only, in Christ the Son of God. The
laborious travails, and the whole process, and the constant
preachings of this worthy man, because they are sufficiently declared
in the history of John Sleiden, I shall the less need to stay long
thereupon; but only to run over some principal matters of his life
and acts, as they are briefly collected by Philip Melancthon.



146. MARTIN LUTHER
Illustration:  Martin Luther's Birth-Place
Illustration:  Portrait of Martin Luther

     Martin Luther, after he was grown in years, being born at
Eisleben in Saxony, A.D. 1483, was set to the university, first of
Magdeburg, then of Erfurt. In this university of Erfurt, there was a
certain aged man in the convent of the Augustines (who is thought to
be Weselus above mentioned) with whom Luther, being then of the same
order, a friar Augustine, had conference upon divers things,
especially touching the article of remission of sins; the which
article the said aged father opened unto Luther after this sort: 
declaring, that we must not generally believe only forgiveness of
sins to be, or to belong to Peter, to Paul, to David, or such good
men alone; but that God's express commandment is, that every man
should particularly believe his sins to be forgiven him in Christ: 
and further said, that this interpretation was confirmed by the
testimony of Bernard, and showed him the place, in the sermon of the
Annunciation, where it is thus set forth:  "But add thou that thou
believest this, that by him thy sins are forgiven thee. This is the
testimony that the Holy Ghost giveth thee in thy heart, saying, Thy
sins are forgiven thee. For this is the opinion of the apostle, that
man is freely justified by faith."

     By these words Luther was not only strengthened, but was also
instructed of the full meaning of St. Paul, who repeateth so many
times this sentence, "We are justified by faith." And having read the
expositions of many upon this place, he then perceived, as well by
the purpose of the old man, as by the comfort he received in his
spirit, the vanity of those interpretations, which he had read before
of the schoolmen. And so, reading by little and little, with
conferring the sayings and examples of the prophets and apostles, and
continual invoction of God, and excitation of faith by force of
prayer, he perceived that doctrine most evidently. Then began he to
read St. Augustine's books, where he found many comfortable
sentences:  among other, in the exposition of the Psalms, and
specially in the book of the "Spirit and Letter," which confirmed
this doctrine of faith and consolation in his heart not a little. And
yet he laid not aside the sententiaries, as Gabriel and Cameracensis.
Also he read the books of Ocham, whose subtlety he preferred above
Thomas Aquinas and Scotus. He read also and revolved Gerson:  but
above all the rest, he perused all over St. Augustines works with
attentive cogitation. And thus continued he his study at Erfurt the
space of four years in the convent of the Augustines.

     About this time one Staupitz, a famous man, who, ministering
his help to further the erection of a university in Wittenberg, and
endeavouring to have schools of divinity founded in this new
university; when he had considered the spirit and towardness of
Luther, recalled him from Erfurt, to place him in Wittenberg, A.D.
1508, and of his age twenty-six. There his towardness appeared in the
ordinary exercise, both of his disputations in the schools, and
preaching in churches; where many wise and learned men attentively
heard Luther, especially Dr. Mellarstad.

     This Mellarstad would oftentimes say, that Luther was of such a
marvellous spirit, and so ingenious, that he gave apparent
signification; that he would introduce a more compendious, easy, and
familiar manner of teaching, and alter and abolish the order that
then was used.

     There first he expounded the logic and philosophy of Aristotle,
and in the mean while intermitted no whit his study in theology.
Three years after be went to Rome, about certain contentions of the
monks:  and returning the same year, he was graded doctor, at the
expense of the elector Frederic, duke of Saxony, according to the
solemn manner of schools:  for he had heard him preach; well
understood the quietness of his spirit; diligently considered the
vehemency of his words; and had in singular admiration those profound 
matters which in his sermons he ripely and exactly explained. This
degree Staupitz, against his will, enforced upon him; saying merrily
unto him, that God had many things to bring to pass in his church by
him. And though these words were spoken merrily, yet it came so to
pass anon after; as many predictions or presages prove true before a
change.

     After this, he began to expound the Epistle to the Romans, and,
subsequently, the Psalms:  where he showed the difference betwixt the
law and the gospel. He also confounded the error that reigned then in
schools and sermons, teaching that men may merit remission of sins by
their proper works, and that they be just before God by outward
discipline; as the Pharisees taught. Luther diligently reduced the
minds of men to the Son of God; and as John Baptist demonstrated the
Lamb of God who took away the sins of the world; even so Luther,
shining in the church as a bright star after a long cloudy and
obscure say, expressly showed, that sins are freely remitted for the
love of the Son of God, and that we ought faithfully to embrace this
bountiful gift.

     These happy beginnings of so good matters, got him great
authority, considering his life was correspondent to his profession,
the consideration whereof allured to him marvellously the hearts of
his auditors, and also many notable personages.

     All this while Luther yet altered nothing in the ceremonies,
but precisely observed his rule among his fellows. He meddled in no
doubtful opinions, but taught this only doctrine, as most principal
of all others to all men, opening and declaring the doctrine of
repentance, of remission of sins, of faith, of true comfort in times
of adversity. Every man received good taste of this sweet doctrine,
and the learned conceived high pleasure to behold Jesus Christ, the
prophets and apostles, to come forth into light out of darkness;
whereby they began to understand the difference betwixt the law and
the gospel; betwixt the promises of the law, and the promise of the
gospel; betwixt spiritual justice, and civil things; which certainly
could not have been found in Thomas Aquinas, Scotus, nor such-like
school-clerks.

     It happened, moreover, about this time, that many were
provoked, by Erasmus's learned works, to study the Greek and Latin
tongues; who perceiving a more gentle and ready order of teaching
than before, began to have in contempt the monks' barbarous and
sophistical doctrine; and especially such as were of a liberal nature
and good disposition. Luther began to study the Greek and Hebrew
tongue, to this end, that after he had learned the phrase and
property of the tongues, and drawn the doctrine from the very
fountains, he might give more sound judgment.

     As Luther was thus occupied in Germany, which was A.D.1516, Leo
the Tenth of that name, succeeding after Julius the Second, was pope
of Rome, who, under pretence of war against the Turk, sent a jubilee
with his pardons abroad through all Christian realms and dominions,
whereby he gathered together innumerable riches and treasure; the
gatherers and collectors whereof persuaded the people, that whosoever
would give ten shillings, should at his pleasure deliver one soul
from the pains of purgatory. For this they held as a general rule,
that God would do whatsoever they would have him, according to the
saying, Whatsoever you shall loose upon earth, the same shall be
loosed in heaven; but if it were but one jot less than ten shillings,
they preached that it would profit them nothing. This filthy kind of
the pope's merchandise, as it spread through all quarters of
Christian regions, so it came also to Germany, through the means of a
certain Dominic friar named Tetzel, who most impudently caused the
pope's indulgences or pardons to be carried and sold about the
country. Whereupon Luther, much moved with the blasphemous sermons of
this shameless friar, and having his heart earnestly bent with ardent
desire to maintain true religion, published certain propositions
concerning indulgences, which are to be read in the first tome of his
works, and set them openly on the temple that joineth to the castle
of Wittenberg, the morrow after the feast of All Saints, A.D. 1517.

     This beggarly friar, hoping to obtain the pope's blessing,
assembled certain monks, and sophistical divines of his convent, and
forthwith commanded them to write something against Luther. And while
he would not himself seem to be dumb, he began not only to inveigh in
his sermons, but to thunder against Luther; crying, "Luther is a
heretic, and worthy to be persecuted with fire." And besides this, he
burned openly Luther's propositions, and the sermon which he wrote of
indulgences. This rage and fumish fury of this friar, enforced Luther
to treat more amply of the cause, and to maintain his matter.

     And thus rose the beginnings of this controversy; wherein
Luther, neither suspecting nor dreaming of any change that might
happen in the ceremonies, did not utterly reject the indulgences, but
required a moderation in them:  and therefore they falsely accuse him,
which blaze, that he began with plausible matter, whereby he might
get praise, to the end that in process of time he might change the
state of the commonweal, and purchase authority either for himself or
other.

     And certes, he was not suborned or stirred up by them of the
court, (as the Duke of Brunswick wrote,) insomuch that the Duke
Frederic was sorely offended that such competition and controversy
should arise, having regard to the sequel thereof.

     And as this good Duke Frederic was one, of all the princes of
our time, that loved best quietness and common tranquillity, neither
was avaricious, but willingly bent to refer all his counsels to the
common utility of all the world, (as it is easy to be conjectured
divers ways,) so he neither encouraged nor supported Luther, but
often represented semblance of heaviness and sorrow which he bare in
his heart, fearing greater dissensions. But being a wise prince, and
following the counsel of God's rule, and well deliberating thereupon,
be thought with himself, that the glory of God was to be preferred
above all things:  neither was he ignorant what blasphemy it was,
horribly condemned of God, obstinately to repugn the truth. Wherefore
he did as a godly prince should do, he obeyed God, committing himself
to his holy grace and omnipotent protection. And although Maximilian
the emperor, Charles, king of Spain, and Pope Julius, had given
commandment to the said Duke Frederic, that he should inhibit Luther
from all place and liberty of preaching; yet the duke, considering
with himself the preaching and writing of Luther, and weighing
diligently the testimonies and places of the Scripture by him
alleged, would not withstand the thing which he judged sincere. And
yet neither did he this trusting to his own judgment, but was very
anxious and inquisitive to hear the judgment of others, which were
both aged and learned; in the number of whom was Erasmus, whom the
duke desired to declare to him his opinion touching the matter of
Martin Luther; saying and protesting, that he would rather the ground
should open and swallow him, than he would bear with any opinions 
which he knew to be contrary to manifest truth; and therefore he
desired him to declare his judgment in the matter to him freely and
friendly.

     Erasmus, thus being entreated of the duke, began thus jestingly
and merrily to answer the dukes request, saying, that in Luther were
two great faults; first, that he would touch the bellies of monks;
the second, that he would touch the pope's crown; which two matters
in no case are to be dealt withal. Then, opening his mind plainly to
the duke, thus he said, that Luther did well in detecting errors, and
that reformation was to be wished, and very necessary in the church: 
and added moreover, that the effect of his doctrine was true; but
only that he wished in him a more temperate moderation and manner of
writing and handling. Whereupon Duke Frederic shortly after wrote to
Luther, seriously exhorting him to temper the vehemency of his style.
This was at the city of Cologne, shortly after the coronation of the
new emperor, where also Huttenus, Aloisius, Marlianus, Ludovicus
Vives, Halonius, with other learned men, were assembled together,
waiting upon the emperor.

     Futhermore, the same Erasmus, the next year following that,
wrote up to the archbishop of Mentz a certain epistle touching the
cause of Luther; in which epistle thus he signifieth to the bishop: 

     "That many things were in the books of Luther condemned of
monks and divines for heretical, which in the books of Bernard and
Austin are read for sound and godly. That the world is burdened with
men's institutions, with school doctrines and opinions, and with the
tyranny of Begging Friars; which friars, when they are but the pope's
servants and underlings, yet they have so grown in power and
multitude, that they are now terrible, both to the pope himself, and
to all princes; who, so long as the pope maketh with them, so long
they make him more than a God; but if he make any thing against their
purpose or commodity, then they weigh his authority no more than a
dream or fantasy. Once it was counted a heresy when a man repugned
against the gospel, or articles of the faith. Now he that dissenteth
from Thomas Aquinas is a heretic:  whatsoever doth not like them,
whatsoever they understand not, that is heresy. To speak Greek is
heresy, or to speak more finely than they do, that is with them
heresy."

     And thus much by the way concerning the judgment of Erasmus.

Review of Luther's conduct and writings.

     It is also apparent, that Luther promised the Cardinal Cajetan
to keep silence, provided also his adversaries would do the like.
Whereby we may gather, that at that time he determined not to stir
any new debates, but rather coveted the common quietness, and that he
was provoked by little and little to other matters, through the
provoking of unlearned writers.

     Then followed disputations of the difference betwixt Divine and
human law; also of the horrible profanation of the supper of our
Lord, in selling and applying the same for other purposes. Here he
was forced to express the cause of the sacrifice, and to declare the
use of the sacraments.

     Now the godly and faithful Christians, closed in monasteries,
understanding that images ought to be eschewed, began to abandon that
wretched thraldom, in which they were detained. Now Luther, the
plainer to express the doctrine of repentance, of remission of sins,
of faith, and of indulgences, added also to these matters, the
difference of Divine and human laws, the doctrine of the use of our
Lord's supper, of baptism, and of vows; and these were his principal
conflicts. As . touching the question of the Roman bishop's power,
Eckius was the author thereof; and for no other respect, than to
inflame the fiery wrath of the pope and princes against Luther. The
symbol of the apostles, also of Nice and Athanasius; he conserved in
their integrity.

     Further, he sufficiently declareth in divers of his works what
innovation is to be required in the ceremonies and traditions of men;
and wherefore they ought to be altered. And what form of doctrine and
administration of the sacraments he required and approved, is
apparent by the confession which the elector, John, duke of Saxony,
and Prince Philip, landgrave of Hesse, presented to the Emperor
Charles the Fifth, A.D. 1530, in the assembly at Augsburg. It is
manifest also by the ceremonies of the church in this city, and the
doctrine that is preached in our church, the sum whereof is fully
comprised in this confession. I allege this, that the godly may
consider not only what errors he hath corrected and reproved, but
also they may understand that he comprehended also the whole doctrine
necessary for the church; he hath set the ceremonies in their purity,
and given examples to the faithful to reform the churches, and it is
necessary for posterity to know what Luther hath approved.

     I will not here rehearse, who were the first that published
both parts of the supper of our Lord, who first omitted private
masses, and where first the monasteries were abandoned:  for Luther
disputed very little of these before the assembly which was made in
the town of Worms, A.D. 1521:  he changed not the ceremonies, but in
his absence Carolostadt and others altered them. Then Luther
returning, (after Carolostadt had devised and done certain things
rather to breed muttering than otherwise,) manifested by evident
testimonies, published abroad touching his opinion, what he approved,
and what he misliked.

     We know that politic men evermore detested all changes:  and we
must confess, there ensueth some evil upon dissensions, and yet it is
our duty evermore in the church, to advance God's ordinance above
human constitutions. The eternal Father pronounced this voice of his
Son:  This is my well beloved Son, hear him! And he menaced eternal
wrath to all blasphemers, that is, such as endeavour to abolish the
manifest verity. And therefore Luther did as behoved a Christian
faithfully to do, considering he was an instructer of the church of
God. It was his office, I say, to reprehend pernicious errors, which
the rabble of epicures most impudently heaped one upon another, and
it was expedient his auditors dissented not from his opinion, since
he taught purely. Wherefore, if alteration be hateful, and many
perils grow of dissension, as we certainly see many, whereof we be
right sorry, they are partly in fault that spread abroad these
errors, and partly they that with devilish disdain presently maintain
them. I do not recite this to defend Luther and his auditors, but
also that the faithful may consider now, and in time to come, what is
the governance of the true church of God, and what it hath always
been:  how God hath gathered to himself one eternal church, by the
voice of the gospel, of this lump of sin, and filthy heap of human
corruption; among whom the gospel shineth as a spark in the dark. As
in the time of the Pharisees, Zachary, Elizabeth, Mary, and many
others, reverenced and observed the true doctrine; so have many gone
before us, who purely invocated God, some understanding more clearly
than others the doctrine of the gospel. Such a one was the old man of
whom I wrote, that oftentime comforted Luther, when his astonyings
assailed him; and after a sort declared unto him the doctrine of the
faith. And that God may preserve henceforth the light of his gospel,
shining in many, let us pray with fervent affection, as Isaiah
prayeth for his hearers:  Seal the law in my disciples. Further, this
advertisement showeth plainly that coloured superstitions are not
permanent, but abolished by God:  and since this is the cause of
changes, we ought diligently to endeavour, that errors be neither
taught, nor preached in the church.

     But I return to Luther. Even as at the beginning he treated of
this matter, without any particular affection, so, though he was of a
fiery nature, and subject to wrath, yet he always remembered his
office, and prohibited wars to be attempted, and distinguished wisely
offices wherein was any difference; as the bishop, to feed the flock
of God; and the magistrates, by authority of the sword committed unto
them, to repress the people subject unto them. Wherefore when Satan
contendeth by slanders to dissipate the church of God, and
contumeliously to rage against him, and delighteth to do evil, and
rejoiceth to behold us wallow in the puddle of error and blindness,
smiling at our destruction; he laboureth all he can to inflame and
stir up mischievous instruments and seditious spirits to sow
sedition; as Monetarius and his like. Luther repelled boldly these
rages, and not only adorned, but also ratified, the dignity and bands
of politic order and civil government. Therefore, when I consider in
my mind how many worthy men have been in the church, that in this
erred, and were abused; I believe assuredly that Luther's heart was
not only governed by human diligence, but with a heavenly light;
considering how constantly he abode within the limits of his office.

     Luther held not only in contempt the seditious doctors of that
time, as Monetarius and the Anabaptists; but especially these horned
bishops of Rome, who, arrogantly and impudently, by their devised
decrees, affirmed, that St. Peter had not the charge alone to teach
the gospel, but also to govern commonweals, and exercise civil
jurisdiction. Moreover, he exhorted every man to render unto God that
which appertained unto God, and to Cćsar that which belonged unto
Cćsar; and said, that all should serve God with true repentance,
knowledge, and maintaining of his true doctrine, invocation, and
works, wrought with a pure conscience:  and as touching civil policy,
that every one should obey the magistrates under whom he liveth, in
all civil duties and reverences, for God's sake. And such a one was
Luther. He gave unto God what belonged unto God:  he taught God; he
invocated God; and had other virtues necessary for a man that
pleaseth God. Further, in politic conversation he constantly avoided
all seditious counsels. I judge these virtues to be such excellent
ornaments, that greater and more divine cannot be required in this
mortal life. And albeit that the virtue of this man is worthy of
commendation, and the rather for that he used the gifts of God in all
reverence; yet our duty is to render condign thanks unto God, that by
him he hath given us the light of the gospel, and to conserve and
enlarge the remembrance of his doctrine. I weigh little the slander
of the epicures and hypocrites, who scoff at and condemn the manifest
truths; but I stay wholly hereupon, that the universal church hath
consented perpetually to this very doctrine, which is preached in our
church, whereunto we must frame our life and devotion conformably.
And I believe that this is the doctrine whereof the Son of God
speaketh, If any love me, he will keep my commandments, and my Father
will love him, and we will come to him, and plant our dwelling with
him. I speak of the sum of the doctrine, as it is understood and
explained in our churches, by the faithful and learned ministers. For
albeit that some one oftentimes expoundeth the same more aptly and
elegantly than some other; yet, as touching the effect, the learned
and faithful do agree in all points.

     Then weighing and perpending with myself long time, the
doctrine that hath been of all times, it seemeth unto me, that since
the apostles there have been four notable alterations after the first
purity of the gospel. Origen had his time; albeit there were some of
a sound and sacred opinion, as Methodius, who reproved certain
suspected doctrines of Origen, that he converted the gospel into
philosophy in the hearts of many; that is to say, he advanced this
persuasion, that the moral discipline deserveth remission of sins,
and that this is that justice, whereof is said, The just shall live
by faith. That age lost almost the whole difference of the law and
the gospel, and forgot the words of the apostles; for they understood
not the natural signification of these words:  Letter, Spirit,
Justice, Faith. Now when the propriety of words was lost, which he
notes of the very things, it was necessary that other things should
be contrived.

     Out of this seed sprang the error of Pelagius, which wandered
largely abroad:  and therefore, albeit the apostles had given unto the
church a pure doctrine, as clear and wholesome fountains, yet Origen
intermixed the same with some corruption in that part. Then, to
correct the errors of that time, or at least some part of them, God
raised up St. Austin, who purged in some part the fountains; and I
doubt not, if he were judge of dissensions at this day, but he would
speak for us, and defend our cause. Certainly, as concerning free
remission, justification by faith, the use of the sacraments and
indifferent things, he consenteth wholly with us. And, albeit that in
some places he expoundeth more eloquently and aptly what he will say
than in others, yet if in reading any do carry with them a godly
spirit and quick understanding, all evil judgment ceaseth; they shall
soon perceive that he is of our opinion. And whereas our adversaries
sometimes do cite sentences selected out of his books against us, and
with clamour provoke us to the ancient fathers, they do it not for
any affection they bear unto the truth or antiquity, but maliciously
to cloak them with the authority of the ancient fathers, which
antiquity never knew of any of these horned beasts and dumb idols, as
we have known in these days. Nevertheless it is certain, there were
seeds of superstition in the time of the fathers and ancient doctors;
and therefore St. Austin ordained something of vows, although he
wrote not thereof so strangely as others:  for the best sometimes
shall be spotted with the blemish of such follies as reign in their
age. For as naturally we love our country, so fondly we favour the
present fashions, wherein we be trained and educated. And very well
alluded Euripides to this effect: 

"What customs we in tender youth
By nature's lore receive;
The same we love and like always,
And loath our lust to leave."

     But would to God, that such as vaunt they follow St. Austin,
would always represent one like opinion and mind, as St. Austin: 
certainly they would not so clip his sentences, to serve their
purposes. The light restored by St. Austin's works hath much profited
posterity; for Prosper, Maximus, Hugo, and some other like writers,
that governed studies to St. Bernard's time, have for the most part
imitated the rule of St. Austin. And this, while the regiment and
riches of the bishops still increased:  and thereof ensued a monstrous
regiment; profane and ignorant men governed the church, among whom,
certain were instructed in sciences and practices of the Roman court,
and some others exercised in pleadings.

     Then the orders of Dominican and Franciscan friars began; who,
beholding the excess and riches of the bishops, and contemning their
ungodly manners, determined to live in more modest order, or, as I
might say, to enclose them in the prisons of discipline:  but first
ignorance increased the superstitions. Then after, when they
considered men's minds wholly addicted to the study of the civil
laws, (for pleading at Rome advanced many to great authority, and
enriched them,) they endeavoured to revoke men to the study of
divinity. but they missed of their purpose, and their counsel failed
them. Albert, and such like, that were given to Aristotle's doctrine,
began to convert the doctrine of the church into profane philosophy.

     The fourth age not only corrupted the fountains of the gospel,
but also gave out poison, that is to say, opinions manifestly
approving all idolatries. Thomas Aquinas, Scotus, and their like,
have brought in so many labyrinths and false opinions, that the godly
and sound sort of divines have always desired a more plain and purer
kind of doctrine:  neither can we deny without great impudency but it
was expedient to alter this kind of doctrine, when it is manifest
that such as employed their whole age in this manner of teaching,
understood not a great part of the sophisms in their disputations.
Further, it is plainly idolatry confirmed, when they teach the
application of sacrifice by work wrought; when they allow the
invocation of saints; when they deny that sins be freely remitted by
faith; when of ceremonies they make a slaughter of consciences.
Finally, there are many other horrible and pernicious devices, that
when I think on them, Lord! how I tremble and quake for fear.

     Now to return, and to treat something orderly of the acts and
conflicts of Luther with his adversaries. After that Tetzel, the
aforesaid friar, with his fellow monks and friarly fellows, had cried
out with open mouth against Luther, in maintaining the pope's
indulgences; and that Luther again, in defence of his cause, had set
up propositions against the open abuses of the same, marvel it was to
see how soon these propositions were sparkled abroad in sundry and
far places, and how greedily they were caught up in the hands of
divers both far and near. And thus the contention of this matter
increasing between them, Luther was compelled to write thereof more
largely and fully than otherwise he thought; which was A.D. 1517.

     Yet all this while Luther never thought of any alteration to
come of any ceremony, much less such a reformation of doctrine and
ceremonies as afterwards did follow; but only hearing that he was
accused to the bishop of Rome, he did write humbly unto him:  in the
beginning of which writing he declareth the inordinate outrage of
those his pardon-mongers, who so excessively did pill and poll the
simple people, to the great slander of the church, and shame to his
Holiness. And so proceeding, in the end of the said his writing thus
he submitteth himself: 

     "Wherefore, most holy father, I offer myself prostrate under
the feet of your Holiness, with all that I am, and that I have. Save
me, kill me, call me, recall me, approve me, reprove me, as you shall
please. Your voice, the voice of Christ in you speaking, I will
acknowledge. If I have deserved death, I shall be contented to die: 
for the earth is the Lord's, and all the fulness thereof, who is to
be blessed for ever. Amen."

     This was A.D. 1518.

     After that Martin Luther, provoked thus by Tetzel, had declared
his mind in writing lowly and humbly, and had set up certain
propositions to be disputed; not long after, among other monks and
friars steppeth up one Silvester de Priero, a Dominic friar, who
first began to publish abroad a certain impudent and railing dialogue
against him. Unto whom Luther answered again, first alleging the
place of the apostle in 1 Thess. v., that we must prove all things.
Also the place in Gal. ii., that if an angel from heaven do bring any
other gospel than that we have received, he ought to be accursed.
Item, he alleged the place of Austin unto Jerome, where the said
Austin saith, That he was wont to give this honour only to the books
of canonical Scripture, that whosoever were the writers thereof, he
believeth them verily not to have erred. But as touching all other
men's writings, were they never so holy men, or learned, he doth not
believe them therefore, because they so say; but in that respect as
they do agree with the canonical Scripture, which cannot err. Item,
he alleged the place of the canon law; wherein he proved, that these
pardon-sellers, in their setting forth of the pope's indulgences,
ought to go no further by the law, than is enjoined them within the
letters of their commission. And in the latter part of his answer,
thus Luther writeth to the reader, "Let opinions remain opinions, so
they be not yokes to the Christians. Let us not make men's opinions
equal with the articles of faith, and to the decrees of Christ and
Paul." "Moreover, I am ashamed," quoth he, "to hear the common saying
of these divine school-doctors, who, holding one thing in schools,
and thinking otherwise in their own judgment, thus are wont secretly
among themselves, and with their privy friends talking together, to
say, 'Thus we do hold, and thus would we say being in the schools;
but yet (be it spoken here amongst us) it cannot be so proved by the
Holy Scriptures,'" &c.

     Next after this Silvester, stepped forth Eckius, and impugned
the conclusions of Luther. Against whom encountered Dr. Andreas
Bedenstein, archdeacon of Wittenberg, making his apology in defence
of Luther.

     Then was Martin Luther cited, the seventh of August, by one
Hierome, bishop of Ascalon, to appear at Rome. About which time
Thomas Cajetan, cardinal, the pope's legate, was then lieger at the
city of Augsburg, who before had been sent down in commission, with
certain mandates from Pope Leo, unto that city. The university of
Wittenberg, understanding of Luther's citation, eftsoons directed up
their letters with their public seal to the pope, in Luther's behalf.
Also another letter they sent to Carolus Miltitius, the pope's
chamberlain, being a German born. Furthermore, good Frederic ceased
not for his part to solicit the matter with his letters and earnest
suit with Cardinal Cajetan, that the cause of Luther might be freed
from Rome, and removed to Augsburg, in the hearing of the cardinal.
Cajetan, at the suit of the duke, wrote unto the pope; from whom he
received this answer again, the three and twentieth of the aforesaid
month of August.

     "That he had cited Luther to appear personally before him at
Rome, by Hierome, bishop of Ascalon, auditor of the chamber; which
bishop diligently had done what was commanded him:  but Luther,
abusing and contemning the gentleness offered, did refuse not only to
come, but also became more bold and stubborn, continuing, or rather
increasing, in his former heresy, as by his writings did appear.
Wherefore he would, that the cardinal should cite and call up the
said Luther to appear at the city of Augsburg before him; adjoining
withal, the aid of the princes of Germany, and of the emperor, if
need required; so that when the said Luther should appear, he should
lay hand upon him, and commit him to safe custody; and after, he
should be brought up to Rome. And if he perceived him to come to any
knowledge or amendment of his fault, he should release him and
restore him to the church again; or else he should be interdicted,
with all other his adherents, abettors, and maintainers, of
whatsoever state or condition they were, whether they were dukes,
marquises, earls, barons, &c. Against all which persons and degrees,
he willed him to extend the same curse and malediction (only the
person of the emperor excepted); interdicting, by the censure of the
church, all such lands, lordships, towns, tenements, and villages, as
should minister any harbour to the said Luther, and were not obedient
unto the see of Rome. Contrariwise, to all such as showed themselves
obedient, he should promise full remission of all their sins.
 Likewise the pope directeth other letters also at
the same time to Duke Frederic, complaining, with many grievous
words, against Luther.

     The cardinal, thus being charged with injunctions from Rome,
according to his commission, sendeth with all speed for Luther to
appear at Augsburg before him.

     About the beginning of October, Martin Luther, yielding his
obedience to the Church of Rome, came to Augsburg at the cardinal's
sending, (at the charges of the noble prince elector, and also with
his letters of commendation,) where he remained three days before he
came to his speech; for so it was provided by his friends, that he
should not enter talk with the cardinal before a sufficient warrant
or safe-conduct was obtained of the Emperor Maximilian. Which being
obtained, eftsoons he entered, offering himself to the speech of the
cardinal, and was there received of the cardinal very gently; who,
according to the pope's commandment, propounded unto Martin Luther
three things, or, as Sleiden saith, but two:  to wit,

     I. That he should repent and revoke his errors.

     II. That he should promise, from that time forward, to refrain
from the same.

     III. That he should refrain from all things that might by any
means trouble the church.

     When Martin Luther required to be informed wherein he had
erred, the legate brought forth the Extravagant of Clement, which
beginneth, Unigenitus, &c., because that he, contrary to that canon,
had held and taught in his fifty-eighth proposition, that the merits
of Christ are not the treasure of indulgences or pardons. Secondly,
the cardinal, contrary to the seventh proposition of Luther,
affirmed, that faith is not necessary to him that receiveth the
sacrament.

     Furthermore, another day, in the presence of four of the
emperor's council, having there a notary and witnesses present,
Luther protested for himself, and personally, in this manner
following: 

     "Imprimis, I Martin Luther, a Friar Augustine, protest, that I
do reverence and follow the Church of Rome in all my sayings and
doings, present, past, and to come; and if any thing hath been, or
shall be, said by me to the contrary, I count it, and will that it be
counted and taken, as though it had never been spoken.

     "But because the cardinal hath required, at the commandment of
the pope, three things of me to be observed:  First, That I should
return again to the knowledge of myself:  Secondly, That I should
beware of falling into the same again hereafter:  Thirdly, That I
should promise to abstain from all things which might disquiet the
church of God:  I protest here this day, that whatsoever I have said,
seemeth unto me to be sound, true, and catholic:  yet for the further
proof thereof, I do offer myself personally, either here or
elsewhere, publicly to give a reason of my sayings. And if this
please not the legate, I am ready also in writing to answer his
objections, if he have any against me; and touching these things, to
hear the sentence and judgment of the university of the empire,
Basil, Friburg, and Louvain."

     Hereto when they had received an answer in writing, they
departed.

     After this, Luther by and by prepareth an answer to the legate,
teaching, that the merits of Christ are not committed unto men:  That
the pope's voice is to be heard when he speaketh agreeable to the
Scriptures:  That the pope may err:  That he ought to be reprehended.
[Acts xv.] Moreover he showed, that in the matter of faith, not only
the general council, but also every faithful Christian, is above the
pope, if he lean to better authority and reason:  That the Extravagant
containeth untruths:  That it is an infallible verity, that none is
just:  That it is necessary, for him that cometh to the receiving of
the sacrament, to believe:  That faith in the absolution and remission
of sins, is necessary:  That he ought not, nor might not, decline from
the verity of the Scripture; That he sought nothing but the light of
the truth, &c.

     But the cardinal would hear no Scriptures; he disputed without
Scriptures; devised glosses and expositions of his own head; and by
distinctions, (wherewith the divinity of the Thomists is full,) like
a very Proteus, he avoided all things. After this, Luther, being
commanded to come no more into the presence of the legate except he
would recant, notwithstanding abode there still, and would not
depart. Then the cardinal sent for Johannes Staupitz, vicar of the
Augustines, and moved him earnestly to bring Luther to recant of his
own accord. Luther tarried the next day also, and nothing was said
unto him. The third day, moreover, he tarried, and delivered up his
mind in writing: 

     First, Luther thanked the cardinal for his courtesy and great
kindness, which he perceived by the words of Staupitz toward him; and
therefore was the more ready to gratify him in whatsoever kind of
office he could do him service:  confessing moreover, that where he
had been somewhat sharp and eager against the pope's dignity, that
was not so much of his own mind, as it was to be ascribed to the
importunity of certain which gave him occasion. Notwithstanding, as
he acknowledged his excess therein, so he was ready to show more
moderation in that behalf hereafter, and also promised to make amends
for the same unto the bishop; and that in the pulpit, if he pleased.
And as touching the matter of pardons, he promised also to proceed no
further in any mention thereof, so that his adversaries likewise were
bound to keep silence. But whereas he was pressed to retract his
sentence before defended, forasmuch as he had said nothing but with a
good conscience, and which was agreeable to the firm testimonies of
the Scripture, therefore he humbly desired the determination thereof
to be referred to the bishop of Rome; for nothing could be more
grateful to him, than to hear the voice of the church speaking, &c.
 Who doth not see by this so humble and honest
submission of Luther, but that if the bishop of Rome would have been
answered with any reason, or contented with sufficient mean, he had
never been touched any further of Luther? But the secret purpose of
God had a further work herein to do; for the time now was come, when
God thought good that pride should have a fall. Thus while the
immeasurable desire of that bishop sought more than enough, (like to
Ćsop's dog coveting both to have the flesh and the shadow,) not only
he missed what he gaped for, but also lost that which he had. But to
the purpose of our matter again:  this writing Luther delivered to the
cardinal, the third day after he was commanded out of his sight;
which letter or writing the cardinal did little regard. When Luther
saw that he would give no answer nor countenance to the letter; yet,
notwithstanding, he remained, after that, the fourth day, and nothing
was answered. The fifth day likewise was passed with like silence,
and nothing done. At length, by the counsel of his friends, and
especially because the cardinal had said before, that he had a
commandment to imprison Luther and John Staupitz the vicar; after
that he had made and set up his appeal where it might be seen and
read, he departed; thinking that he had showed such dangerous
obedience long enough. Luther, a beholder and a doer of these things,
recordeth the same, and showeth the cause why he submitted himself to
the Church of Rome:  declaring also, that even those things which are
most truly spoken, yet ought to be maintained and defended with
humility and fear. Some things he suppressed and concealeth, which he
supposeth the reader to understand, not without grief and sorrow. At
length he protesteth, that he reverenceth and followeth the Church of
Rome in all things, and that he setteth himself only against those,
who, under the name of the Church of Rome, go about to set forth and
commend Babylon unto us.

     Thus you have heard how that Luther, being rejected from the
speech and sight of Cajetan the cardinal, after six days' waiting,
departed by the advice of his friends, and returned unto Wittenberg;
leaving a letter in writing to be given to the cardinal, wherein he
declared sufficiently:  first his obedience in his coming; the reasons
of his doctrine; his submission reasonable to the see of Rome; his
long waiting after he was repelled from the cardinal's speech; the
charges of the duke; and finally, the cause of his departing. Besides
this letter to the cardinal, he left also an appellation to the
bishop of Rome, from the cardinal, which he caused to be affixed
before his departure.

     After that Luther was thus departed and returned again into his
country, Cajetan writeth to Duke Frederic a sharp and a biting 
letter, in which, first he signifieth unto him his gentle
entertainment and good will showed to reduce Luther from his error.
Secondly, he complaineth of the sudden departing of him, and of
Staupitz. Thirdly, he declareth the pernicious danger of Luther's
doctrine against the Church of Rome. Fourthly, he exhorteth the duke,
that as he tendereth his own honour and safety, and regardeth the
favour of the high bishop, he will send him up to Rome, or expel him
out of his dominions, forasmuch as such a pestilence breeding, as
that was, could not, neither ought by any means long so to be
suffered.

     To this letter of the cardinal the duke answereth again at
large, purging both Luther and himself; Luther, in that he, following
his conscience, grounded upon the word of God, would not revoke that
for an error, which could be proved no error. And himself he excuseth
thus:  that where it is required of him to banish him his country, or
to send him up to Rome, it would be little honesty for him so to do,
and less conscience, unless he knew just cause why he should do so;
which, if the cardinal would or could declare unto him, there should
lack nothing in him which were the part of a Christian prince to do.
And therefore he desired him to be a mean unto the bishop of Rome,
that innocency and truth be not oppressed before the crime or error
be lawfully convicted.

     This done, the duke sendeth the letter of the cardinal unto
Martin Luther, who answered again to the prince; showing first how he
came obediently unto Cajetan with the emperor's warrant, and what
talk there was between them:  how Cajetan pressed him, against his
conscience and manifest truth, to revoke his errors. First, that the
merits of Christ's passion were not the treasure of the pope's
pardons:  secondly, that faith was necessary in receiving the
sacraments. Albeit in the first he was content to yield to the
cardinal; in the second, because it touched a great part of our
salvation, he could not with a safe conscience relent, but desired to
be taught by the Scripture, or at least, that the matter might be
brought into open disputation in some free place of Germany, where
the truth might be discussed and judged of learned men. The cardinal,
not pleased with this, in great anger cast out many menacing words,
neither would admit him any more to his presence or speech; whereas
he yet, notwithstanding, persisting in his obedience to the Church of
Rome, gave attendance, waiting upon the cardinal's pleasure a
sufficient time.

     At last when no answer would come, after he had waited the
space of five or six days to his great detriment and greater danger,
by the persuasion of his friends he departed whereat if the cardinal
were displeased, he had the more cause to blame himself. "And now,
whereas the cardinal threateneth me," saith he, "not to let the
action fall, but that the process thereof shall be pursued at Rome,
unless I either come and present myself, or else be banished your
dominions; I am not so much grieved for mine own cause, as that you
should sustain for my matter any danger or peril. And therefore,
seeing there is no place nor country which can keep me from the
malice of mine adversaries, I am willing to depart hence, and to
forsake my country, whithersoever it shall please the Lord to lead
me; thanking God who hath counted me worthy to suffer thus much for
the glory of Christ's name."

     Here, no doubt, was the cause of Luther in great danger; being
now brought to this strait, that both Luther was ready to fly the
country, and the duke again was as much afraid to keep him, had not
the marvellous providence of God, who had this matter in guiding,
here provided a remedy where the power of man did fail, by stirring
up the whole university of Wittenberg; who, seeing the cause of truth
thus to decline, with a full and general consent addressed their
letters unto the prince, in defence of Luther and of his cause;
making their humble suit unto him, that he, of his princely honour,
would not suffer innocency, and the simplicity of truth so clear as
is the Scripture, to be foiled and oppressed by mere violence of
certain malignant flatterers about the pope; but that the error first
may be showed and convicted, before the party be pronounced guilty.

     By the occasion of these letters, the duke began more seriously
in his mind to consider the cause of Luther, and to read his works,
and also to hearken to his sermons:  whereby, through God's holy
working, he grew to knowledge and strength; perceiving in Luther's
quarrel more than he did before. This was about the beginning of
December, A.D. 1518.

     As this passed on, Pope Leo, playing the lion at Rome, in the
mean time, in the month of November, (to establish his seat against
this defection which he feared to come,) had sent forth new
indulgences into Germany, and all quarters abroad, with a new edict,
wherein he declared this to be the catholic doctrine of the holy
mother Church of Rome, prince of all other churches, that bishops of
Rome, who are successors of Peter, and vicars of Christ, have this
power and authority given to release and dispense, also to grant
indulgences, available both for the living and for the dead lying in
the pains of purgatory:  and this doctrine he charged to be received
of all faithful Christian men, under pain of the great curse, and
utter separation from all holy church. This popish decree and
indulgence, as a new merchandise or ale-stake to get money, being set
up in all quarters of Christendom for the holy father's advantage,
came also to be received in Germany about the month of December.
Luther, in the mean time, hearing how they were about in Rome to
proceed and pronounce against him, provided a certain appellation
conceived in due form of law, wherein he appealeth from the pope to
the general council.

     When Pope Leo perceived, that neither his pardons would prosper
to his mind, nor that Luther could be brought to Rome; to essay how
to come to his purpose by crafty allurements, he sent his
chamberlain, Carolus Miltitius, above mentioned, (who was a German,)
into Saxony, to Duke Frederic, with a golden rose, after the usual
ceremony accustomed every year to be presented to him; with secret
letters also to certain nobleman of the duke's council, to solicit
the pope's cause, and to remove the duke's mind, if it might be, from
Luther. But before Miltitius approached into Germany, Maximilian the
emperor deceased in the month of January, A.D. 1519. At that time two
there were who stood for the election; to wit, Francis, the French
king, and Charles, king of Spain, who was also duke of Austria, and
duke of Burgundy. To make the matter short, through the means of
Frederic, prince elector, (who, having the offer of the preferment,
refused the same,) the election fell to Charles, called Charles the
Fifth, surnamed Prudence:  which was about the end of August.
Illustration:  The debate at Leipsic

     In the month of June before, there was a public disputation
ordained at Leipsic, which is a city in Misnia, under the dominion of
George, duke of Saxony, uncle to Duke Frederic. This disputation
first began through the occasion of John Eckius, a friar, and Andreas
Carolostadt, doctor of Wittenberg. This Eckius had impugned certain
propositions or conclusions of Martin Luther, which he had written
the year before touching the pope's pardons. Against him Carolostadt
wrote in defence of Luther. Eckius again, to answer Carolostadt, set
forth an apology, which apology Carolostadt confuted by writing. Upon
this began the disputation, with safe-conduct granted by Duke George
to all and singular persons that would resort to the same. To this
disputation came also Martin Luther, with Philip Melancthon, who, not
past a year before, was newly come to Wittenberg; Luther not thinking
then to dispute in any matter, because of his appellation above
mentioned, but only to hear what there was said and done.

     First, before the entry into the disputation it was agreed,
that the acts should be penned by notaries, and after to be divulged
abroad. But Eckius afterwards went back from that, pretending that
the penning of the notaries would be a hinderance and a stay unto
them, whereby the heat of them in their reasoning should the more
languish, and their vehemency abate. But Carolostadt without notaries
would not dispute. The sum of their disputations was reduced to
certain conclusions; amongst which the Greeks call ?????????? [Greek: 
aythaireton]:  that is, "Whether a man have of himself any election or
purpose to do that is good:  or, (to use the terms of the school,)
"Whether a man of congruence may deserve grace, doing that which in
him doth lie?" Herein when the question was to be discussed, what the
will of man may do of itself without grace, they, through heat of
contention, (as the manner is,) fell into other by-matters and
ambages little or nothing appertaining to that which Carolostadt
proposed. Eckius affirmed, that the pure strength to do good is not
in man's will, but is given of God to man, to take interest and
increase of man again, which first he seemed to deny. Then, being
asked of Carolostadt, whether the whole and full good work that is in
man proceedeth of God; to this he answered, "the whole good work, but
not wholly: " granting, that the will is moved of God; but to consent,
to be in man's power. Against this reasoning Carolostadt alleged
certain places of Austin, and especially of St. Paul, who saith, that
God worketh in us both to will and to perform. And this sentence of
Carolostadt seemed to overcome. Eckius, for his assertion, inferred
certain extracts out of Bernard, which seemed little to the purpose.
And thus was a whole week lost about this contentious and sophistical
altercation between Eckius and Carolostadt.

     Luther (as was said) came, not thinking at all to dispute; but,
having free liberty granted by the duke, and under the pope's
authority, was provoked, and forced against his will, to dispute with
Eckius. The matter of their controversy was about the authority of
the bishop of Rome. Here is first to be admonished, that Luther
before had set forth in writing this doctrine:  That they that do
attribute the pre-eminency to the Church of Rome, have no foundation
for them, but out of the pope's decrees, set forth not much past four
hundred years heretofore; which decrees he affirmed to be contrary to
all ancient histories, above a thousand years past; contrary also to
the Holy Scriptures, and unto the Nicene council.

     Against this assertion Eckius set up a contrary conclusion;
saying, that those who hold that the supremacy and pre-eminency of
the Church of Rome above all other churches was not before the time
of Pope Silvester the First, do err, forasmuch as they that succeeded
in the see and faith of Peter, were always received for the
successors of Peter, and vicars of Christ on earth.

     This being the last of all the other themes of Eckius, yet
thought he chiefly to begin with this against Luther, to bring him
into more displeasure with the bishop of Rome; wherein Luther himself
much refused to dispute, alleging that matter to be more odious than
necessary for that present time, and that also, for the bishop of
Rome's sake, he had much rather keep silence in the same. Whereunto,
if he must needs be urged, he would the fault should be understood of
all men to be where it was; namely, in his adversaries who provoked
him thereunto, and not in himself. Eckius again, clearing himself,
translateth all the fault unto Luther, who first, in his treatise De
Indulgentiis Papć defended, that before Pope Silvester's time the
Church of Rome had no place of majority or pre-eminence above other
churches:  and also before, the Cardinal Cajetan affirmed, that Pope
Pelagius wrested many places of the Scripture out of their sense,
unto his own affection and purpose:  "Wherefore the fault hereof,"
said he, "to him rather is to be imputed, who ministered the first
occasion."

     Thus Luther being egged and constrained to dispute, whether he
would or no, the question began to be propounded touching the
supremacy of the bishop of Rome; which supremacy Eckius did contend
to be founded and grounded upon God's law. Martin Luther, on the
other side, denied not the supremacy of the bishop of Rome above
other churches, nor denied the same, moreover, to be universal over
all churches; but only he affirmed it not to be instituted by God's
law. Upon this question the disputation did continue the space of
five days; during all which season, Eckius very dishonestly and
uncourteously demeaned himself, studying by all means how to bring
his adversary into the hatred of the auditors, and into danger of the
pope. The reasons of Eckius were these:  "Forasmuch as the church,
being a civil body, cannot be without a head, therefore, as it
standeth with God's law that other civil regiments should not be
destitute of their head, so is it by God's law requisite, that the
pope should be the head of the universal church of Christ." To this
Martin Luther answered, that he confesseth and granteth the church
not to be headless, so long as Christ is alive, who is the only Head
of the church; neither doth the church require any other bead beside
him, forasmuch as it is a spiritual kingdom, not earthly:  and he
alleged for him the place of Colossians i. Eckius again produceth
certain places out of Jerome and Cyprian, which made very little to
prove the primacy of the pope to hold by God's law. As touching the
testimony of Bernard, neither was the authority of that author of any
great force in this case, nor was the place alleged so greatly to the
purpose.

     Then came he to the place of St. Matthew, chap. xvi., Thou art
Peter, and upon this Rock will I build my church, &c. To this was
answered, that this was a confession of faith, and that Peter there
represented' the person of the whole universal church; as Austin doth
expound it. Also that Christ in that place meaneth himself to be the
Rock, as is manifest to collect, both by his words, and the order of
the sentence, and many other conjectures. Likewise to the place of
St. John, Feed my sheep; which words Eckius alleged properly and
peculiarly to be spoken to Peter alone. Martin answered, that after
these words spoken, equal authority was given to all the apostles,
where Christ saith unto them, Receive ye the Holy Ghost:  whose sins
so-ever ye remit, they are remitted, &c. "By these words," saith he,
"Christ, assigning to them their office, doth teach what it is to
feed; and what he ought to be, that feedeth.

     After this, Eckius came to the authority of the council of
Constance, alleging this amongst other articles:  That it standeth
upon necessity of our salvation, to believe the bishop of Rome to be
supreme head of the church; alleging moreover, that in the same
council it was debated and discussed, that the general council could
not err. Whereunto Martin Luther again did answer discreetly, saying,
that all the articles which John Huss did hold in that council, were
not condemned for heretical; with much other matter more. Again, of
what authority that council of Constance is to be esteemed, that he
left to other men's judgments. "This is most certain," said he, "that
no council hath such authority to make new articles of faith." Here
Martin Luther began to be cried out of by Eckius and his complices,
for diminishing the authority of general councils:  although indeed he
meant nothing less, but ever laboured to confirm the authority of the
same, yet was he called heretic and schismatic, and one of the
Bohemians' faction, with many other terms besides of reproachful
contumely. Eckius then granted the authority of the apostles to be
equal; and yet not to follow thereby, the authority of all bishops
therefore to be equal; "for between apostleship and ministry," said
he, "there is great difference."

     To conclude, Eckius in no case could abide, that any creature
should decline from any word or sentence of the pope's decrees, or
the constitutions of the forefathers. To this again Luther answered,
grounding himself upon the place in Galatians ii., where St. Paul,
speaking of the principal apostles, saith, And of them which seemed
to be great, what they were before, it maketh no matter to me; for
God accepteth no man's person. Nevertheless they that were of some
reputation did avail nothing at all, &c. Eckius to this said, that as
touching the authority of the apostles, they were all chosen of
Christ, but were ordained bishops by St. Peter. And whereas Luther
brought in the constitution of the decree, which saith, Yea, let not
the bishop of Rome be called universal bishop, &c. To this Eckius
answered in this sort:  that the bishop of Rome ought not to be called
universal bishop; yet he may be called (saith he) bishop of the
universal church. And thus much touching the question of the pope's
supremacy.

     From this matter they entered next to purgatory, wherein Eckius
kept no order; for when they should have disputed what power the pope
hath in purgatory, Eckius turned the scope of the question, and
proved that there is purgatory; and alleged for him the place of
Maccabees. Luther, leaning upon the judgment of Jerome, affirmed the
book of Maccabees not to be canonical. Eckius again replied, the book
of Maccabees to be of no less authority than the Gospels. Also he
alleged the place, 1 Cor. iii., He shall be saved, yet so as it were
by fire. Moreover, he inferred the place of Matthew v., Agree thou
with thine adversary while thou art in the way with him, lest he
commit thee to prison; from whence thou shalt not escape till thou
hast paid the uttermost farthing, &c. To this he added also the place
of the Psalms, We have passed though the fire and water, &c. How
these places be wrested to purgatory, let the reader discern and
judge.

     Then was inferred the question of indulgences, whereof Eckius
seemed to make but a toy, and a matter of nothing, and so passed it
over.

     At last they came to the question of penance; touching which
matter, the reasons of Eckius digressed much from the purpose, which
went about to prove, that there be some manner of pains of
satisfaction:  which thing Luther did never deny. But that for every
particular offence such particular penance is exacted of God's
justice upon the repentant sinner, as is in man's power to remit or
release, as pleaseth him; such penance neither Luther, nor any other
true Christian, did admit.

     And thus have ye the chief effect of this disputation between
Luther and Eckius at Leipsic, which was in the month of July, A.D.
1519.

     About the beginning of the same year, Ulderic Zuinglius came
first to Zurich, and there began to teach; who, in the sixteenth
article in his book of articles, recorded, that Luther and he, both
at one time, one not knowing nor hearing of another, began to write
against the pope's pardons and indulgences. Albeit, if the time be
rightly counted, I suppose we shall find that Luther began a year or
two before Zuinglius. Notwithstanding, this doth Sleidan testify,
that in this present year, when Sampson, a Franciscan, came with the
pope's pardons to Zurich, Ulderic Zuinglius did withstand him, and
declared his chaffer and pardons to be but a vain seducing of the
people to inveigle away their money.

     The next year ensuing, which was 1520, the friars and doctors
of Louvain, and also of Cologne, condemned the books of Luther as
heretical; against whom Luther again effectually defended himself,
and charged them with obstinate violence and malicious impiety. After
this, within few days flashed out from Rome the thunderbolt of Pope
Leo against the said Luther, notwithstanding he so humbly and
obediently before had reverenced both the person of the pope, and
recognised the authority of his see, and also had dedicated unto him
the book entitled Of Christian Liberty; in which book these two
points principally he discusseth and proveth: 

     "I. That a Christian man is free, and lord of all things, and
subject to none.

     "II. That a Christian man is a diligent underling and servant
of all men, and to every man subject."

     Moreover, in the same year he set out a defence of all his
articles, which the pope's bull had before condemned.

     Another book also he wrote, to the nobility of Germany, in the
which book he impugneth and shaketh the three principal walls of the
papists:  the first whereof is this: 

     "I. Whereas the papists say, that no temporal or profane
magistrate hath any power upon the spirituality, but they have power
over the other.

     "II. Where any place of Scripture, being in controversy, is to
be decided, they say, No man may expound the Scripture, or be judge
thereof, but only the pope.

     "III. When any council is brought against them, they say, that
no man hath authority to call a council, but only the pope."

     Moreover, in the aforesaid book divers other matters he
handleth and discourseth:  That the pope can stop no free council;
also what things ought to be handled in councils; that the pride of
the pope is not to be suffered; what money goeth out of Germany
yearly to the pope, amounting to the sum of three millions of
florins. The true meaning of this verse he expoundeth:  Tu supplex
ora, to protege, toque labora; wherein the three estates, with their
offices and duties, are described; to wit, the minister, the 
magistrate, and the subjects. Furthermore, in the said book he
proveth and discusseth, that the emperor is not under the pope; but
contrariwise, that the donation of Constantine is not true, but
forged:  that priests may have wives:  that the voices of the people
ought not to be separate from the election of ecclesiastical persons: 
that interdicting and suspending of matrimony at certain times is
brought in by avarice:  what is the right use of excommunication:  that
there ought to be fewer holidays:  that liberty ought not to be
restrained in meats:  that wilful poverty and begging ought to be
abolished:  what damage and inconvenience have grown by the council of
Constance; and what misfortunes Sigismund the emperor sustained, for
not keeping faith and promise with John Huss and Jerome:  that
heretics should be convinced not by fire and faggot, but by evidence
of Scripture, and God's word:  how schools and universities ought to
be reformed:  what is to be said and judged of the pope's decretals: 
that the first teaching of children ought to begin with the gospel: 
Item, he writeth in the same book against excessive apparel among the
Germans:  also against their excess in spices, &c.

     In this year, moreover, followed, not long after, the
coronation of the new emperor Charles the Fifth, which was in the
month of October, at Aix-la-Chapelle. After which coronation, being
solemnized about the month of November, Pope Leo sent again to Duke
Frederic, two cardinals his legates, of whom the one was Hierome
Aleander, who, after a few words of high commendation first premised
to the duke touching his noble progeny, and other his famous virtues,
they made two requests unto him in the pope's name:  first, that he
would cause all books of Luther to be burned; secondly, that he would
either see the said Luther there to be executed, or else would make
him sure, and send him up to Rome, unto the pope's presence.

     These two requests seemed very strange unto the duke; who,
answering again to the cardinals, said, that he, being long absent
from thence about other public affairs, could not tell what there was
done, neither did he communicate with the doings of Luther.
Notwithstanding this, he heard that Eckius was a great perturber not
only of Luther, but of other learned and good men of his university.
As for himself, he was always ready to do his duty; first, in sending
Luther to Cajetan the cardinal at the city of Augsburg; and
afterwards, at the pope's commandment, would have sent him away out
of his dominion, had not Meltitius, the pope's own chamberlain, given
contrary counsel to retain him still in his own country, fearing lest
that in other countries he might do more harm, where he was less
known:  and so now was as ready to do his duty, wheresoever right and
equity did so require. But forasmuch as in this cause he seeth much
hatred and violence showed on the one part, and no error yet
convicted on the other part, but that it had rather the approbation
of divers well learned and sound men of judgment; and forasmuch as
also the cause of Luther was not yet heard before the emperor,
therefore he desired the said legates to be a mean to the pope's
Holiness, that certain learned persons of gravity and upright
judgment might be assigned to have the hearing and determination of
this matter, and that his error first might be known, before he were
made a heretic, or his books burned:  which being done, when he should
see his error by manifest and sound testimonies of Scripture
reproved, Luther should find no favour at his hands. Otherwise he
trusted that the pope's Holiness would exact no such thing of him,
which he might not with equity, and honour of his place and estate,
reasonably perform, &c.

     Then the cardinals (declaring to the duke again, that they
could no otherwise do, but according to the form of their prescript
commission they must proceed) took the books of Luther, and shortly
after set fire upon them, and openly burnt them. Luther, hearing
this, in like manner called all the multitude of students and learned
men in Wittenberg, and there, taking the pope's decrees, and the bull
lately sent down against him, openly and solemnly, accompanied with a
great number of people following him, set them likewise on fire, and
burnt them; which was the tenth of December, A.D. 1520.



147. THE DIET OF WORMS.

     A little before these things thus passed between the pope and
Martin Luther, the emperor had commanded and ordained a sitting or
assembly of the states of all the empire to be holden at the city of
Worms, against the sixth day of January next ensuing; in the which
assembly, through the means of Duke Frederic, the emperor gave forth,
that he would have the cause of Luther there brought before him; and
so it was. For at what time the assembly was commenced in the city of
Worms, the day and month aforesaid, which was the sixth of January;
afterwards, upon the sixth of March following, the emperor, through
the instigation of Duke Frederic, directed his letters unto Luther;
signifying, that forasmuch as he had set abroad certain books, he
therefore, by the advice of his peers and princes about him, had
ordained to have the cause brought before him in his own hearing; and
therefore he granted him licence to come, and return home again. And
that he might safely and quietly so do, and be thereof assured, he
promised unto him, by public faith and credit, in the name of the
whole empire, his passport and safe-conduct; as by the instrument
which he sent unto him, he might more fully be certified. Wherefore,
without all doubt or distrust, he willed him eftsoons to make his
repair unto him, and to be there present the twenty-first day after
the receipt thereof:  and because he should not misdoubt any fraud or
injury herein, he assured to him his warrant and promise.

     Martin Luther being thus provided for his safe-conduct by the
emperor, after he had been first accursed at Rome upon Maundy
Thursday by the pope's censure, shortly after Easter speedeth his
journey toward the emperor at Worms, where the said Luther, appearing
before the emperor and all the states of Germany, how constantly he
stuck to the truth, and defended himself, and answered his
adversaries, and what adversaries he had, here followeth in full
history, with the acts and doings which there happened; according as
in our former edition partly was before described.
 In the year of our salvation 1521, about seventeen
days after Easter, Martin Luther entered into Worms, being sent for
by the Emperor Charles the Fifth, who, the first year of his empire,
made an assembly of princes in the aforesaid city. And whereas Martin
Luther had published three years before, certain propositions to be
disputed in the town of Wittenberg, in Saxony, against the tyranny of
the pope, (which, notwithstanding, were torn to pieces, condemned,
and burned by the papists, and yet by no manifest Scriptures, nor
probable reason, convinced,) the matter began to grow to a tumult and
uproar; and yet Luther maintained all this while openly his cause
against the clergy. Whereupon it seemed good to certain, that Luther
should be called; assigning unto him a herald-at-arms, with a letter
of safe-conduct by the emperor and princes. Being sent for, he came,
and was brought to the knights of the Rhodes' place, where he was
lodged, well entertained, and visited of many earls, barons, knights
of the order, gentlemen, priests, and the commonalty, who frequented
his lodging till night.

     To conclude, he came, contrary to the expectation of many, as
well adversaries as others. For albeit he was sent for by the
emperor's messenger, and had letters of safe-conduct; yet for that a
few days before his access, his books were condemned by public
proclamation, it was much doubted of by many that he would not come: 
and the rather, for that his friends deliberated together in a
village nigh hand, called Oppenheim (where Luther was first
advertised of these occurrents); and many persuaded him not to
adventure himself to such a present danger, considering how these
beginnings answered not to the faith of promise made. Who, when he
had heard their whole persuasion and advice, he answered in this
wise:  "As touching me, since I am sent for, I am resolved and
certainly determined to enter Worms, in the name of our Lord Jesus
Christ; yea, although I knew there were as many devils to resist me,
as there are tiles to cover the houses in Worms."

     The fourth day after his repair, a gentleman named Ulrick, of
Pappenheim, lieutenant-general of the men-at-arms of the empire, was
commanded by the emperor before dinner to repair to Luther, and to
enjoin him at four o'clock in the afternoon to appear before the
imperial Majesty, the princes electors, dukes, and other estates of
the empire, to understand the cause of his sending for; whereunto he
willingly agreed, as his duty was. And after four o'clock, Ulrick of
Pappenheim, and Caspar Sturm, the emperor's herald, (who conducted
Martin Luther from Wittenberg to Worms,) came for Luther, and
accompanied him through the garden of the knights of the Rhodes'
place, to the earl Palatine's palace; and, lest the people should
molest him, that thronged in, he was led by secret stairs to the
place where he was appointed to have audience. Yet many, who
perceived the pretence, violently rushed in, and were resisted,
albeit in vain:  many ascended the galleries, because they desired to
behold Luther.

     Thus standing before the emperor, the electors, dukes, earls,
and all the estates of empire assembled there, he was first
advertised by Ulrick of Pappenheim to keep silence, until such time
as he was required to speak. Then John Eckius above mentioned, who
then was the bishop of Treves' general official, with a loud and
intelligible voice, first in Latin, then in Dutch, according to the
emperor's commandment, said and proponed this sentence in manner as
ensueth, or like in effect: 

     "Martin Luther! the sacred and invincible imperial Majesty hath
enjoined, by the consent of all the estates of the holy empire, that
thou shouldest be appealed before the throne of his Majesty, to the
end I might demand of thee these two points.

     "First, Whether thou confess these books here, [for he showed a
heap of Luther's books written in the Latin and Dutch tongues,] and
which are in all places dispersed, entitled with thy name, be thine,
and thou dost affirm them to be thine, or not?

     "Secondly, Whether thou wilt recant and revoke them, and all
that is contained in them, or rather meanest to stand to that thou
hast written?"

     Then, before Luther prepared to answer, Master Jerome Scurffe,
a lawyer at Wittenberg, required that the titles of the books should
be read. Forthwith the aforesaid Eckius named certain of the books,
and those principally which were imprinted at Basil; among which he
nominated his Commentaries upon the Psalter, his book of Good Works,
his Commentary upon the Lord's Prayer, and divers other which were
not contentious.

     After this Luther answered thus in Latin and in Dutch: 

     "Two things are proponed unto me by the imperial Majesty: 
First, whether I will avouch for mine all those books that bear my
name. Secondly, whether I will maintain or revoke any thing that
hitherto I have devised and published:  whereunto I will answer as
briefly as I can.

     "In the first, I can do none other than recognise those books
to be mine which lastly were named, and certainly I will never recant
any clause thereof. In the second, to declare whether I will wholly
defend, or call back any thing comprised in them:  forasmuch as there
be questions of faith, and the salvation of the soul, (and this
concerneth the word of God, which is the greatest and most excellent
matter that can be in heaven or earth, and the which we ought duly
evermore to reverence,) this might be accounted in me a rashness of
judgment, and even a most dangerous attempt, if I would pronounce any
thing before I were better advised; considering I might recite
something less than the matter importeth, and more than the truth
requireth, if I did not premeditate that which I would speak. The
which two things well considered, doth set before mine eyes this
sentence of our Lord Jesus Christ, wherein it is said, Whosoever
shall deny me before men, I will deny him before my Father. I require
then for this cause, and humbly beseech the imperial Majesty to grant
me, liberty and leisure to deliberate; so that I may satisfy the
interrogation made unto me, without prejudice of the word of God, and
peril of mine own soul."

     Whereupon the princes began to deliberate. This done, Eckius,
the prolocutor, pronounced what was their resolution, saying,

     "Albeit, Master Luther! thou hast sufficiently understood by
the emperor's commandment the cause of thy appearance here, and
therefore dost not deserve to have any further respite given thee to
determine; yet the emperor's Majesty, of his mere clemency, granteth
thee one day to meditate for thine answer, so that to-morrow, at this
instant hour, thou shalt repair to exhibit thine opinion, not in
writing, but to pronounce the same with lively voice."

     This done, Luther was led to his lodging by the herald. But
herein I may not be oblivious, that in the way going to the emperor,
and when be was in the assembly of princes, he was exhorted by others
to be courageous, and manly to demean himself, and not to fear them
that kill the body, but not the soul; but rather to dread Him, that
is able to send both body and soul to everlasting fire.

     Furthermore, he was encouraged with this sentence; When thou
art before kings, think not what thou shalt speak, for it shall be
given thee in that hour, Matt. x.

     The next day, after four o'clock, the herald came and brought
Luther from his lodging to the emperor's court, where he abode till
six o'clock, for that the princes were occupied in grave
consultations; abiding there, and being environed with a great number
of people, and almost smothered for the press that was there. Then
after, when the princes were set, and Luther entered, Eckius, the
official, began to speak in this manner: 

     "Yesterday, at this hour, the emperor's Majesty assigned thee
to be here, Master Luther! for that thou didst affirm those books
that we named yesterday to be thine. Further, to the interrogation by
us made, whether thou wouldest approve all that is contained in them,
or abolish and make void any part thereof, thou didst require time of
deliberation, which was granted, and is now expired; albeit thou
oughtest not to have opportunity granted to deliberate, considering
it was not unknown to thee wherefore we cited thee. And as concerning
the matter of faith, every man ought to be so prepared, that at all
times, whensoever he shall be required, he may give certain and
constant reason thereof; and thou especially, being counted a man of
such learning, and so long time exercised in theology. Then go to;
answer even now to the emperor's demand, whose bounty thou hast
proved in giving thee leisure to deliberate. Wilt thou now maintain
all thy books which thou hast acknowledged, or revoke any part of
them, and submit thyself?"

     The official made this interrogation in Latin and in Dutch.
Martin Luther answered in Latin and in Dutch in this wise, modestly
and lowly, and yet not without some stoutness of stomach, and
Christian constancy; so that his adversaries would gladly have had
his courage more humbled and abased, but yet more earnestly desired
his recantation; whereof they were in some good hope, when they heard
him desire respite of time to make his answer.

     His answer was this: 

     "Most magnificent emperor, and you most noble princes, and my
most gentle lords! I appear before you here at this hour prescribed
unto me yesterday, yielding the obedience that I owe; humbly
beseeching, for God's mercy, your most renowned Majesty, and your
Graces and Honours, that ye will minister to me this courtesy, to
attend this cause benignly, which is the cause (as I trust) of
justice and verity; and if by ignorance I have not given unto every
one of you your just titles, or if I have not observed the ceremonies
and countenances of the court, offending against them; it may please
you to pardon me of your benignities, as one that only hath
frequented cloisters, and not courtly civilities. And first, as
touching myself, I can affirm or promise no other thing but only
this:  that I have taught hitherto, in simplicity of mind, that which
I have thought to tend to God's glory, and to the salvation of men's
souls.

     "Now, as concerning the two articles objected by your most
excellent Majesty, Whether I would acknowledge those books which were
named, and be published in my name; or whether I would maintain and
not revoke them:  I have given resolute answer to the first, in the
which I persist, and shall persevere for evermore, that these books
be mine, and published by me in my name; unless it hath since
happened, by some fraudulent misdealing of mine enemies, there be any
thing foisted into them, or corruptly corrected. For I will
acknowledge nothing but that I have written, and that which I have
written I will not deny.

     "Now to answer to the second article; I beseech your most
excellent Majesty, and your Graces, to vouchsafe to give ear. All my
books are not of one sort:  there be some in which I have so simply
and soundly declared and opened the religion of Christian faith, and
of good works, that my very enemies are compelled to confess them to
be profitable and worthy to be read of all Christians. And truly the
pope's bull (how cruel and tyrannous soever it be) judgeth certain of
my books inculpable; albeit the same, with severe sentence,
thundereth against me, and with monstrous cruelty condemneth my
books:  which books if I should revoke, I might worthily be thought to
neglect and transgress the office of a true Christian, and to be one
alone that repugneth the public confession of all people. There is
another sort of my books which containeth invectives against the
papacy, and others of the pope's retinue, as have, with their
pestiferous doctrine, and pernicious examples, corrupted the whole
state of our Christianity; neither can any deny or dissemble this,
(whereunto universal experience and common complaint of all bear
witness,) that the consciences of all faithful men be most miserably
entrapped, vexed, and cruelly tormented by the pope's laws and
doctrines of men; also that the goods and substance of Christian
people are devoured, especially in this noble and famous country of
Germany; and yet, without order, and in most detestable manner, are
suffered still to be devoured without all measure, by incredible
tyranny; notwithstanding that they themselves have ordained to the
contrary in their own proper laws, as in the 9th and 25th
distinctions, and in the 1st and 2nd questions; where they themselves
have decreed, that all such laws of popes which be repugnant to the
doctrines of the gospel, and the opinions of the ancient fathers, are
to be judged erroneous, and reproved. If then I shall revoke these, I
can do none other but add more force to their tyrannny, and open not
only windows, but wide gates to their impiety, which is like to
extend more wide, and more licentiously, than ever it durst
heretofore. And by the testimony of this my retraction, their
insolent kingdom shall be made more licentious, and less subject to
punishment, intolerable to the common people, and also more confirmed
and established; especially if this be bruited, that I, Luther, have
done this by the authority of your most excellent Majesty, and the
sacred Roman empire. O Lord! what a cover or shadow shall I be then,
to cloak their naughtiness and tyranny. The rest, or third sort of my
books, are such as I have written against certain private and
singular persons; to wit, against such as with tooth and nail labour
to maintain the Romish tyranny, and to deface the true doctrine and
religion which I have taught and professed, As touching these, I
plainly confess, I have been more vehement than my religion and
profession required. For I make myself no saint, and I dispute not of
my life, but of the doctrine of Christ. And these I cannot without
prejudice call back. For by this recantation it will come to pass,
that tyranny and impiety shall reign, supported by my means; and so
shall they exercise cruelty against God's people more violently and
ragingly than before. Nevertheless, for that I am a man, and not God,
I can none otherwise enterprise to defend my books, than did my very
Lord Jesus Christ defend his doctrine; who, being examined of his
learning before Annas, and having received a buffet of the minister,
said, If I have spoken evil, bear witness of the evil, John xviii. If
the Lord, who was perfect and could not err, refused not to have
testimony given against his doctrine, yea, of a most vile servant,
how much the more then I, that am but vile corruption, and can of
myself do nothing but err, ought earnestly to see and require if any
will bear witness against my doctrine. Therefore I require, for God's
mercy, your most excellent Majesty, your Graces and right honourable
Lordships, or whatsoever he be of high or low degree, here to lay in
his testimony, to convict my errors, and confute me by the
Scriptures, either out of the prophets, or the apostles; and I will
be most ready, if I be so instructed, to revoke any manner of error;
yea, and will be the first that shall consume mine own books and burn
them.

     "I suppose hereby it may appear, that I have perpended and well
weighed before the perils and dangers, the divisions and dissensions,
which have arisen throughout the whole world by reason of my
doctrine, whereof I was vehemently and sharply yesterday admonished: 
concerning which divisions of men's minds what other men do judge I
know not; as touching myself, I conceive no greater delectation in
any thing, than when I behold discords and dissensions stirred up for
the word of God; for such is the course and proceeding of the gospel: 
Jesus Christ saith, I came not to send peace but a sword; I came to
set a man at variance with his father, Matt. x.

     "And further, we must think, that our God is marvellous and
terrible in his counsels; lest perhaps that which we endeavour with
earnest study to achieve and bring to pass, (if we begin first with
condemning of his word,) the same rebound again to a huge sea of
evil; and lest the new reign of this young and bounteous Prince
Charles, (in whom, next after God, we all conceive singular hope,) be
lamentably, unfortunately, and miserably begun. I could exemplify
this with authorities of the Scriptures more effectually, as by
Pharaoh, the king of Babylon, and the kings of Israel, who then most
obscured the bright sun of their glory, and procured their own ruin,
when by sage counsels they attempted to pacify and establish their
governments and realms, and not by God's counsels; for it is he that
entrappeth the wily in their wiliness, and subverteth mountains
before they be aware. Wherefore it is good, and God's work, to dread
the Lord.

     "I speak not this, supposing that such politic and prudent
heads have need of my doctrine and admonition, but because I would
not omit to profit my country, and offer my duty or service, that may 
tend to the advancement of the same. And thus I humbly commend me to
your most excellent Majesty, and your honourable Lordships;
beseeching you that I may not incur your displeasures, neither be
contemned of you, through the pursuit of my adversaries. I have
spoken."

     These words pronounced, then Eckius, the emperor's prolocutor,
with a stern countenance, began and said, that Luther had not
answered to any purpose; neither it behoved him to call in question
things in time past, concluded and defined by general councils; and
therefore they required of him a plain and direct answer, whether he
would revoke or no? -- Then Luther said: 

     "Considering your sovereign Majesty, and your Honours, require
a plain answer; this I say and profess as resolutely as I may,
without doubting or sophistication, that if I be not convinced by
testimonies of the Scriptures, and by probable reasons, (for I
believe not the pope, neither his general councils, which have erred
many times, and have been contrary to themselves,) my conscience is
so bound and captived in these Scriptures and word of God which I
have alleged, that I will not, nor may not, revoke any manner of
thing; considering it is not godly or lawful to do any thing against
conscience, Hereupon I stand and rest:  I have not what else to say.
God have mercy upon me!"

     The princes consulted together upon this answer given by
Luther; and when they had diligently examined the same, the
prolocutor began to repel him thus: 

     "Martin, thou hast more immodestly answered than beseemed thy
person, and also little to the purpose. Thou dividest thy books into
three sorts, in such order as all that thou hast said maketh nothing
to the interrogation proponed:  and therefore, if thou hadst revoked
those wherein the greatest part of thine errors is contained, the
emperor's Majesty, and the noble clemency of others, would have
suffered the rest that be sound, to sustain no injury. But thou dost
revive, and bringest to light again, all that the general council of
Constance hath condemned, the which was assembled of all the nation
of Germany, and now dost require to be convinced with Scriptures;
wherein thou errest greatly. For what availeth it to renew
disputation of things so long time past condemned by the church and
councils, unless it should be necessary to give a reason to every man
of every thing that is concluded? Now were it so, that this should be
permitted to every one that gainstandeth the determination of the 
church and councils, that he may once get this advantage, to be
convinced by the Scriptures, we shall have nothing certain and
established in Christendom. And this is the cause wherefore the
emperor's Majesty requireth of thee a simple answer, either negative
or affirmative, whether thou mindest to defend all thy works as
Christian, or no?"

     Then Luther, turning to the emperor and the nobles, besought
them not to force or compel him to yield against his conscience,
confirmed with the Holy Scriptures, without manifest arguments
alleged to the contrary by his adversaries.

     "I have declared and rendered," said he, "mine answer simply
and directly, neither have I any more to say, unless mine
adversaries, with true and sufficient probations grounded upon the
Scripture, can reduce and resolve my mind, and refel mine errors
which they lay to my charge. I am tied, as I said, by the Scriptures;
neither may I, or can, with a safe conscience assent unto them. For,
as touching general councils, with whose authority only they press
me, I am able to prove, that they have both erred, and have defined
many times things contrary to themselves. And therefore the authority
of them," he said, "not to be sufficient, for the which he should
call back those things, the verity whereof standeth so firm and
manifest in the Holy Scripture, that neither of him it ought to be
required, neither could he so do without impiety."

     Whereunto the official again answered, denying that any man
could prove the councils to have erred. But Luther alleged that he
could, and promised to prove it; and now night approaching, the lords
rose and departed. And after Luther had taken his leave of the
emperor, divers Spaniards scorned and scoffed the good man in the way
going toward his lodging, hallooing and whooping after him a long
while.

     Upon the Friday following, when the princes electors, dukes,
and other estates were assembled, the emperor sent to the whole body
of the council a certain letter, containing in effect as followeth: 

     "Our predecessors, who were truly Christian princes, were
obedient to the Romish Church, which Martin Luther presently
impugneth. And therefore, inasmuch as he is not determined to call
back his errors in any one point, we cannot, without great infamy and
stain of honour, degenerate from the examples of our elders, but will
maintain the ancient faith, and give aid to the see of Rome. And
further, we be resolved to pursue Martin Luther and his adherents, by
excommunications, and other means that may be devised, to extinguish
his doctrine. Nevertheless we will not violate our faith, which we
have promised him, but mean to give order for safe return to the
place whence he came."
 The princes electors, dukes, and other estates of
the empire, sat and consulted upon this sentence, on Friday all the
afternoon, and Saturday the whole day, so that Luther yet had no
answer of the emperor.

     During this time, divers princes, earls, barons, knights of the
order, gentlemen, priests, monks, with other the laity and common
sort, visited him. All these were present at all hours in the
emperor's court, and could not be satisfied with the sight of him.
Also there were bills set up, some against Luther, and some, as it
seemed, with him. Notwithstanding many supposed, and especially such
as well conceived the matter, that this was subtilly done by his
enemies, that thereby occasion might be offered to infringe the safe-
conduct given him; the which the Roman ambassadors with all diligence
endeavoured to bring to pass.

     The Monday following, before supper, the archbishop of Treves
advertised Luther, that on Wednesday next he should appear before
him, at nine o'clock before dinner, and assigned him the place. On
St. George's day, a certain chaplain of the archbishop of Treves,
about supper-time, came to Luther by the commandment of the bishop,
signifying, that at that hour and place prescribed, he must, the
morrow after, have access to his master.

     The morrow after St. George's day, Luther, obeying the
archbishop's commandment, entered his palace, being accompanied
thither with his said chaplain, and one of the emperor's heralds, and
such as came in his company out of Saxony to Worms, with other his
chief friends.

     Whereat Dr. Vśus, the marquis of Baden's chaplain, began to
declare and protest, in the presence of the archbishop of Treves,
Joachim, marquis of Brandenburg, George, duke of Saxony, the bishops
of Augsburg and Brandenburg, the earl George, John Bock of Strasburg,
Verdeheymer and Peutiger, doctors,

     That Luther was not called to be conferred with, or to
disputation, but only that the princes had procured licence of the
emperor's Majesty, through Christian charity, to have liberty granted
unto them to exhort Luther benignly and brotherly. -- He said
further, that albeit the councils had ordained divers things, yet
they had not determined contrary matters. And albeit they had greatly
erred, yet their authority was not therefore abased; or at the least,
not so erred, that it was lawful for every man to impugn their
opinions; inferring moreover many things of Zaccheus and the
centurion, also of the traditions, and of constitutions, and of
ceremonies ordained of men:  affirming that all these were established
to repress vices, according to the quality of times; and that the
church could not be destitute of human constitutions. It is true,
said he, that by the fruits the tree may be known; yet of these laws
and decrees of men, many good fruits have proceeded; and St. Martin,
St. Nicholas, and many other saints have been present at the
councils.

     Moreover, that Luther's book would breed a great tumult and
incredible troubles; and that he abused the common sort with his book
of Christian Liberty, encouraging them to shake off their yoke, and
to confirm in them a disobedience:  that the world now was at another
stay, than when the believers were all of one heart and soul, and
therefore it was requisite and behoveful to have laws. It was to be
considered, said he, albeit he had written many good things, and no
doubt of a good mind, as De triplice Justitia, and other matters, yet
how the devil now, by crafty means, goeth about to bring to pass,
that all his works for ever should be condemned. For by these books
which he wrote last, men, said he, would judge and esteem him, as the
tree is known, not by the blossom, but by the fruit.

     Here he added something of the noon devil, and of the spirit
coming in the dark, and of the flying arrow. All his oration was
exhortatory, full of rhetorical places of honesty, of utility of
laws, of the dangers of conscience, and of the common and particular
wealth; repeating oft this sentence in the proem, middle, and
epilogue of his oration:  That this admonition was given him of a
singular good will, and great clemency. In the shutting up of his
oration he added menacings, saying, that if he would abide in his
purposed intent, the emperor would proceed further, and banish him
from the empire; persuading him deliberately to ponder, and to advise
these and other things. Martin Luther answered: 

     "Most noble princes, and my most gracious lords! I render most
humble thanks for your benignities and singular good wills, whence
proceedeth this admonition; for I know myself to be so base, as by no
means I can deserve to be admonished of so mighty estates." Then he
frankly pronounced that he had not reproved all councils, but only
the council of Constance; and for this principal cause, for that the
same had condemned the word of God, which appeared in the
condemnation of this article proponed by John Huss:  "The church of
Christ is the communion of the predestinate." "It is evident," said
he, "that the council of Constance abolished this article, and
consequently the article of our faith:  I believe the holy church
universal." And said, that he was ready to spend life and blood, so
he were not compelled to revoke the manifest word of God; for in
defence thereof we ought rather to obey God than men:  and that in
this he could not avoid the scandal or offence of faith; for there be
two manner of offences, to wit, of charity, and of faith. The slander
of charity consisteth in manners and in life:  the offences of faith
or doctrine rest in the word of God:  and as touching this last, he
could escape it no manner of ways; for it lay not in his power to
make Christ not to be a stone of offence. If Christ's sheep were fed
with pure pasture of the gospel; if the faith of Christ were
sincerely preached, and if there were good ecclesiastical
magistrates, who duly would execute their office; we should not need,
said he, to charge the church with men's traditions. Further, that he
knew well we ought to obey the magistrates and higher powers, how
unjustly and perversely soever they lived:  we ought also to be
obedient to their laws and judgment:  all which he had taught, said
he, in all his works; adding further, that he was ready to obey them
in all points, so that they enforced him not to deny the word of God.

     These words finished, Luther was bade to stand aside, and the
princes consulted what answer they might give him. This done, they 
called him into a parlour, where the aforesaid Doctor Vśus repeated
his former matters, admonishing Luther to submit his writings to the
emperor, and to the princes' judgment. Luther answered humbly and
modestly,

     That he could not, neither would, permit that men should say he
would shun the judgment of the emperor, princes, and superior powers
of the empire. So far was it off that he would refuse to stand their
trial, that he was contented to suffer his writings to be discussed,
considered, and judged of the simplest, so that it were done with the
authority of the word of God, and the Holy Scripture:  and that the
word of God made so much for him, and was so manifest unto him, that
he could not give place, unless they could confound his doctrine by
the word of God. This lesson, said he, he learned of St. Augustine,
who writeth, that he gave this honour only to those books which are
called canonical; that he believed the same only to be true. As
touching other doctors, albeit in holiness and excellency of learning
they passed, yet he would not credit them further than they agreed
with the touchstone of God's word. Further, said he, St. Paul giveth
us a lesson, writing to the Thessalonians:  Prove all things, follow
that is good. And to the Galatians:  Though an angel should descend
from heaven, if he preach any other doctrine, let him be accursed,
and therefore not to be believed!

     Finally, he meekly besought them not to urge his conscience,
captived in the bands of the word of God and Holy Scripture, to deny
the same excellent word. And thus he commended his cause and himself
to them, and especially to the emperor's Majesty, requiring their
favour, that he might not be compelled to do any thing in this matter
against his conscience:  in all other causes he would submit himself,
with all kind of obedience and due subjection.

     As Luther had thus ended his talk, Joachim, elector, marquis of
Brandenburg, demanded if his meaning was this, that he would not
yield, unless he were convinced by the Scripture?" Yea, truly, right
noble lord!" quoth Luther, "or else by ancient and evident reasons."
And so the assembly brake, and the princes repaired to the emperor's
court.

     After their departure the archbishop of Treves, accompanied
with a few his familiars, namely, John Eckius his official, and
Cochleus, commanded Luther to repair into his parlour. With Luther
was Jerome Scurffe, and Nicholas Ambsdorff, for his assistants. Then
the official began to frame an argument, like a sophist and canonist,
defending the pope's cause; that for the most part at all times Holy
Scriptures have engendered errors, as the error of Helvidius the
heretic, out of that place in the gospel, where is expressed, Joseph
knew not his wife till she was delivered of her first child. Further,
he went about to overthrow this proposition:  that the catholic church
is the communion of saints.

     Martin Luther and Jerome Scurffe reproved (but modestly) these
follies, and other vain and ridiculous matters, which Eckius brought
forth, as things not serving to the purpose. Sometime Cochleus would
come in with his five eggs, and laboured to persuade Luther to desist
from his purpose, and utterly to refrain thenceforth to write or
teach; and so they departed.

     About evening the archbishop of Treves advertised Luther by
Ambsdorff, that the emperor's promise made unto him was prolonged two
days, and in the mean season he would confer with him the next day,
and for that cause he would send Peutinger, and the doctor of Baden,
(which was Vśus,) the morrow after to him; and he himself would also
talk with him.

     The Friday after, which was St. Mark's day, Peutinger, and the
doctor of Baden, travailed in the forenoon to persuade Luther simply
and absolutely to submit the judgment of his writings to the emperor
and empire. He answered, he would do it, and submit any thing they
would have him, so they grounded with authority of Holy Scripture;
otherwise he would not consent to do any thing:  for God said by his
prophet, (saith he,) Trust ye not in princes, nor in the children of
men, in whom there is no health. Also, Cursed be he that trusteth in
man. And seeing that they did urge him more vehemently, he answered,
"We ought to yield no more to the judgment of men, than the word of
God doth suffer." So they departed, and prayed him to advise for
better answer; and said, they would return after dinner. And after
dinner they returned, exhorting him as before, but in vain. They
prayed him, that at least he would submit his writing to the judgment
of the next general council. Luther agreed thereunto, but with this
condition, that they themselves should present the articles collected
out of his books to be submitted to the council, in such sort, as,
notwithstanding the sentence awarded by the council, should be
authorized by the Scripture, and confirmed with the testimonies of
the same.

     They then, leaving Luther, departed, and reported to the
archbishop of Treves, that he had promised to submit his writings in
certain articles to the next council, and in the mean space he would
keep silence; which Luther never thought:  who neither with
admonitions, nor yet menaces, could be induced to deny or submit his
books to the judgments of men, (he had so fortified his cause with
clear and manifest authorities of the Scripture,) until they could
prove by sacred Scripture and apparent reasons to the contrary.

     It chanced then by the special grace of God, that the
archbishop of Treves sent for Luther, thinking presently to hear him.
And when he perceived otherwise than Peutinger and the doctor of
Baden had told him, he said that he would for no good, but that he
had heard himself speak; for else he was even now going to the
emperor, to declare what the doctors had reported.

     Then the archbishop entreated Luther, and conferred with him
very gently, first removing such as were present, as well of the one
side as of the other. In this conference Luther concealed nothing
from the archbishop; affirming, that it was dangerous to submit a
matter of so great importance to them, who, after they had called him
under safe-conduct, attempting him with new commandments, had
condemned his opinion and approved the pope's bull.

     Moreover the archbishop, bidding a friend of his draw nigh,
required Luther to declare what remedy might be ministered to help
this. Luther answered, that there was no better remedy than such as
Gamaliel alleged in the fifth chapter of the Acts of the Apostles, as
witnesseth St. Luke, saying, If this counsel, or this work, proceed
of men, it shall come to nought; but if it be of God, ye cannot
destroy it. And so he desired that the emperor might be advertised to
write the same to the pope, that he knew certainly, if this his
enterprise proceeded not of God, it would be abolished within three,
yea, within two years.

     The archbishop inquired of him what he would do, if certain
articles were taken out of his books, to be submitted to the general
council. Luther answered, "So that they be not those which the
council of Constance condemned." The archbishop said, "I fear they
will be the very same; but what then?" Luther replied, "I will not,
nor I cannot, hold my peace of such, for I am sure by their decrees
the word of God was condemned; therefore I will rather lose head and
life, than abandon the manifest word of my Lord God."

     Then the archbishop, seeing Luther would in no wise give over
the word of God to the judgment of men, gently bade Luther farewell;
who at that instant prayed the archbishop to entreat the emperor's
Majesty to grant him gracious leave to depart. He answered, he would
take order for him, and speedily advertise him of the emperor's
pleasure.

     Within a small while after, John Eckius, the archbishop's
official, in the presence of the emperor's secretary, who had been
Maximilian's chancellor, said unto Luther in his lodging, by the
commandment of the emperor:  that since he had been admonished
diversely of the imperial Majesty, the electors, princes, and estates
of the empire, and that, notwithstanding, he would not return to
unity and concord, there remained that the emperor, as advocate of
the catholic faith, should proceed further:  and it was the emperor's
ordinance, that he should in twenty-one days return boldly under
safe-conduct, and be safely guarded to the place whence he came; so
that in the mean while he stirred no commotion among the people in
his journey, either in conference, or by preaching.

     Luther, hearing this, answered very modestly and Christianly,
"Even as it hath pleased God, so is it come to pass; the name of the
Lord be blessed! "He said further, he thanked most humbly the
emperor's Majesty, and all the princes and estates of the empire,
that they had given to him benign and gracious audience, and granted
safe-conduct to come and return. Finally, he said, he desired none
other of them, than a reformation according to the sacred word of
God, and consonancy of Holy Scriptures, which effectually in his
heart he desired:  otherwise he was pressed to suffer all chances for
the imperial Majesty, as life, and death, goods, fame, and reproach;
reserving nothing to himself, but the only word of God, which he
would constantly confess to the latter end; humbly recommending him
to the emperor's Majesty, and to all the princes and other estates of
the sacred empire.

     The morrow after, which was the six and twentieth day of April,
after he had taken his leave of such as supported him, and other, his
benevolent friends that oftentimes visited him, and had broken his
fast, at ten of the clock he departed from Worms, accompanied with
such as repaired thither with him; having space of time Iimited unto
him, as is said, for one and twenty days, and no more. The emperor's
herald, Casper Sturm, followed and overtook him at Oppenheim, being
commanded by the emperor to conduct him safely home.

The usual prayer of Martin Luther.

     "Confirm, O God! in us that thou hast wrought, and perfect the
work that thou hast begun in us, to thy glory:  so be it."

     Martin Luther, thus being dismissed of the emperor, according
to the promise of his safe-conduct made, as you have heard, departed
from Worms toward his country, the six and twentieth of April,
accompanied with the emperor's herald, and the rest of his company,
having only one and twenty days to him granted for his return, and no
more. In the which mean space of his return he writeth to the
emperor, and to other nobles of the empire, repeating briefly to them
the whole action and order of things there done, desiring of them
their lawful good will and favour; which, as he hath always stood in
need of, so now he most earnestly craveth, especially in this, that
his cause, which is not his, but the cause of the whole church
universal, may be heard with indifferency and equity, and may be
decided by the rule and authority of Holy Scripture:  signifying
moreover, that whensoever they shall please to send for him, he shall
be ready at their commandment, at any time or place, upon their
promise of safety, to appear, &c.

     During the time of these doings, the doctors and schoolmen of
Paris were not behind with their parts, but, to show their cunning,
condemned the books of Luther, extracting out of the same, especially
out of the book De Captivitate Babylonica, certain articles as
touching the sacraments, laws, and decrees of the church, equality of
works, vows, contrition, absolution, satisfaction, purgatory,
freewill, privileges of holy church, councils, punishment of
heretics, philosophy, school-divinity, with other more. Unto whom
Philip Melancthon maketh answer, and also Luther himself, albeit
pleasantly and jestingly.
Illustration:  Portrait of Philip Melancthon

     It was not long after this, but Charles, the new emperor, to
purchase favour with the pope, (because he was not yet confirmed in
his empire,) provideth and directeth out a solemn writ of outlawry
against Luther, and all them that take his part; commanding the said
Luther, wheresoever he might be gotten, to be apprehended, and his
books burned. By which decree, proclaimed against Luther, the emperor
procured no small thank with the pope; insomuch that the pope,
ceasing to take part with the French king, joined himself wholly to
the emperor. In the mean time Duke Frederic, to give some place for
the time to the emperor's proclamation, conveyed Luther a little out
of sight secretly, by the help of certain noblemen whom he well knew
to be faithful and trusty unto him in that behalf. There Luther,
being close and out of company, wrote divers epistles, and certain
books also, unto his friends; among which he dedicated one to his
company of Augustine friars, entitled, De abroganda Missa:  which
friars the same time being encouraged by him, began first to lay down
their private masses. Duke Frederic, fearing lest that would breed
some great stir or tumult, caused the censure and judgment of the
whole university of Wittenberg to be asked in the matter; committing
the doing thereof to four; Justus Jonas, Philip Melancthon, Nicholas
Ambsdorff, Johannes Dulcius.

     The minds of the whole university being searched, it was showed
to the duke, that he should do well and godly, by the whole advice of
the learned there, to command the use of the mass to be abrogated
through his dominion:  and though it could not be done without tumult,
yet that was no let why the course of true doctrine should be stayed
for the multitude, which commonly overcometh the better part; neither
ought such disturbance to be imputed to the doctrine taught, but to
the adversaries, which willingly and wickedly kick against the truth,
whereof Christ also giveth us forewarning before. For fear of such
tumults therefore, we ought not to surcease from that which we know
is to be done, but constantly must go forward in defence of God's
truth, howsoever the world doth esteem us, or rage against it. Thus
showed they their judgment to Duke Frederic.

     It happened moreover about the same year and time, that King
Henry also, pretending an occasion to impugn the book De Captivitate
Babylonica, wrote against Luther. In which book, first, he reproveth
Luther's opinion about the pope's pardons; secondly, he defended the
supremacy of the bishop of Rome; thirdly, he laboureth to refel all
his doctrine of the sacraments of the church.

     This book, albeit it carried the king's name in the title, yet
it was another that ministered the motion, another that framed the
style. But whosoever had the labour of this book, the king had the
thank and also the reward; for consequently upon the same, the bishop
of Rome gave to the said King Henry, for the style against Luther,
the style and title of "Defender of the Christian Faith;" and to his
successors for ever.

     Shortly after this, within the compass of the same year, Pope
Leo, after he had warred against the Frenchmen, and had gotten from
them, through the emperor's aid, the cities of Parma, Placentia, and
Milan, &c., he, sitting at supper, and rejoicing at three great gifts
that God had bestowed upon him:  first, that he, being banished out of
his country, was restored to Florence again with glory; secondly,
that he had deserved to be called apostolic; thirdly, that he had
driven the Frenchmen out of Italy:  after he had spoken these words,
he was stricken with a sudden fever, and died shortly after, being of
the age of forty-seven years; albeit some suspect that he died of
poison. Successor to whom was Pope Adrian the Sixth, schoolmaster
some time to Charles the emperor, who lived not much above one year
and a half in his papacy; during whose small time these three
especial things were incident:  a great pestilence in Rome, wherein
above a hundred thousand people were consumed; the loss of Rhodes by
the Turk; and thirdly, the capital war which the said Pope Adrian,
with the emperor, and the Venetians, and the king of England, did
hold against Francis the French king. This Pope Adrian was a German
born, brought up at Louvain, and as in learning he exceeded the
common sort of popes, so in moderation of life and manners he seemed
not altogether so intemperate as some other popes have been:  and yet,
like a right pope, nothing degenerating from his see, he was a mortal
enemy against Martin Luther and his partakers. In his time, shortly
after the council of Worms was broken up, another meeting or assembly
was appointed by the emperor at Nuremberg, of the princes, nobles,
and states of Germany, A.D. 1522.



148. ASSEMBLY AT NUREMBERG

     Unto this assembly the said Adrian sent his letters in manner
of a brief, with an instruction also unto his legate Cheregatus, to
inform him how to proceed, and what causes to allege against Luther,
before the princes there assembled. His letter, with the instruction
sent, because they are so hypocritically shadowed over with a fair
show and colour of painted zeal and religion, and beareth resemblance
of great truth and care of the church, able to deceive the outward
ears of them which are not inwardly in true religion instructed:  I
thought therefore to give to the reader a sight thereof, to the
intent that by the experience of them he may learn hereafter, in
cases like, to be prudent and circumspect in not believing over-
rashly the smooth talk or pretended persuasions of men, especially in
church matters, unless they carry with them the simplicity of plain
truth; going not upon terms, but grounded upon the word and revealed
will of God, with particular demonstrations, proving that by the
Scripture which they pretend to persuade. First, the letter of this
pope, conceived and directed against Luther, proceedeth in this
effect: 

     "Right honourable brethren, and dear children, greeting and
apostolic benediction. After that we were first promoted (through
God's divine providence) to the office of the see apostolic, he which
hath so advanced us is our witness, how we, both day and night
revolving in our minds, did cogitate nothing more than how to satisfy
the parts of a good pastor, in attending to the health and cure of
the flock, both universally and singularly committed unto us:  so that
there is no one particular sheep through the whole universal flock so
infected, so sick, or so far gone astray, whom our desire is not to
recover, to seek out, and to reduce into the Lord's fold again. And
chiefly, from the first beginning of our pastoral function, our care
hath always been, as well by our messengers, as our daily letters,
how to reclaim the minds of Christian princes from these intestine
wars and dissensions among themselves to peace and concord; or at
least, if they would needs fight, that they would convert their
strength and armour against the common enemies of our faith. And to
declare this not only in word, but rather in deed, God doth know with
what charges and expenses we have burdened ourselves, to extend our
subsidy and relief to the soldiers of Rhodes for defence of
themselves, and of the Christian faith, against the Turkish tyranny,
by whom they were besieged.

     "And now, to bend our care from these foreign matters, and to
consider our inward troubles at home, we hear, to the great grief of
our heart, that Martin Luther, a new raiser-up of old and damnable
heresies, first after the fatherly advertisements of the see
apostolic; then after the sentence also of condemnation awarded
against him, and that by the assent and consent of the best learned,
and of sundry universities also; and lastly, after the imperial
decree of our well-beloved son Charles, elect emperor of the Romans,
and catholic king of Spain, being divulged through the whole nation
of Germany; yet hath neither been by order restrained, nor of himself
hath refrained from his madness begun, but daily more and more,
forgetting and contemning all Christian charity and godliness,
ceaseth not to disturb and replenish the world with new books,
fraught full of errors, heresies, contumelies, and sedition, (whether
upon his own head, or by the help of other,) and to infect the
country of Germany, and other regions about, with this pestilence;
and endeavoureth still to corrupt simple souls and manners of men,
with the poison of his pestiferous tongue. And (which is worst of
all) hath for his favourers and supporters, not of the vulgar sort
only, but also divers personages of the nobility; insomuch that they
have begun also to invade the goods of priests (which perhaps is the
chief ground of this stir begun) contrary to their obedience which
they owe to ecclesiastical and temporal persons, and now also at last
have grown unto civil war and dissension among themselves. Which
thing how unfortunately it falleth out now, at this present season,
especially amongst us Christians, you may soon repute with
yourselves, and consider. For although the apostle hath told us
before, That heresies must needs be, that they which be tried may be
made manifest, &c., yet was there never time either so convenient to
raise up heresies, or so necessary for the repressing thereof when
any such are raised, as now:  For whereas the devil, the perpetual
enemy of mankind, roaring in the shape of a lion, by the power of the
Turks doth continually invade the flock of Christ; how can we then
resist the violent invasions of him oppressing us without, so long as
we nourish at home the same devil, under the colour of a wily dragon,
sowing such heresies, discords, and seditious among ourselves? And
albeit it were in our power easily to vanquish these foreign
adversaries, yet were that but labour lost, serving to no profit, to
subdue our enemies without, and at home with heresies and schisms to
be divided.

     "We remember, before the time of our papacy, when we were in
Spain, many things we heard then of Luther, and of his perverse
doctrine; which rumours and tidings, although of themselves they were
grievous to be heard, yet more grievous they were for this, because
they proceeded out of that country, where we ourself, after the
flesh, took our first beginning. But yet this comfort we had,
supposing that either for the iniquity, or else for the foolishness
thereof being so manifest, this doctrine would not long hold;
reputing thus with ourself, that such pestiferous plants, translated
from other countries into Germany, would never grow up to any proof
in that ground, which was ever wont to be a weeder out of all
heresies and infidelity. But now, since this evil tree (whether by
God's judgment correcting the sins of the people, or by the
negligence of such as first should have resisted such beginnings)
hath so enlarged, and spread his branches so far; you therefore, both
princes and people of Germany, must this consider and provide, lest
you, which, at the first springing up of this evil, might
peradventure be excused, as no doers thereof, now, through this your
over-much sufferance, might be found inexcusable, and seem to consent
to that which you do not resist.

     "Here we omit and pass over, what enormity, and more than
enormity, that is, that such a great and so devout a nation should by
one friar (who, relinquishing the catholic faith and Christian
religion, which he before professed, playeth the apostate, and hath
lied to God) be now seduced from that way, whichfirst Christ our
Redeemer and his blessed apostles have opened unto us; which so many
martyrs, so many holy fathers, so many great, learned men, and also
your own fore-elders, and old ancestors, have always hitherto walked
in; as though only Luther had all wit and cunning; as though he only
now first had received the Holy Ghost (as the heretic Montanus used
to boast of himself); or as though the church (from which Christ our
Saviour promised himself never to depart) hath erred hitherto always
in dark shadows of ignorance and perdition, till now it should be
illuminate with new resplendent beams of Luther. All which things
there is no doubt but to such as have judgment will seem ridiculous,
but yet may be pernicious to simple and ignorant minds; and to other,
which being weary of all good order, do gape still for new changes,
may breed matter and occasion of such mischiefs, as partly yourselves
have experience already. And therefore do you not consider, O princes
and people of Germany! that these be but prefaces and preambles to
those evils and mischiefs which Luther, with the sect of his
Lutherans, do intend and purpose hereafter? Do you not see plainly,
and perceive with your eyes, that this defending of the verity of the
Gospel, first begun by the Lutherans to be pretended, is now manifest
to be but an invention to spoil your goods, which they have long
intended? or do you think that these sons of iniquity do tend to any
other thing, than under the name of liberty to supplant obedience,
and so to open a general licence to every man to do what him listeth?
And suppose you that they will any thing regard your commandments, or
esteem your laws, which so contemptuously vilipend the holy canons
and decrees of the fathers, yea, and the most holy councils also, (to
whose authority the emperor's laws have always given room and place,)
and not only vilipend them, but also, with a diabolical audacity,
have not feared to rend them in pieces, and set them on a lighted
fire? They which refuse to render due obedience to priests, to
bishops, yea, to the high bishop of all, and which daily before your
own faces make their booties of church goods, and of things
consecrated to God; think ye that they will refrain their
sacrilegious hands from the spoil of laymen's goods? yea, that they
will not pluck from you whatsoever they can rap or reave? Finally, to
conclude, how can you hope that they will more spare you, or hold
their murdering hands from your throats, which have been so bold to
vex, to kill, to slay the Lord's anointed, which are not to be
touched? Nay, think you not contrary, but this miserable calamity
will at length redound upon your goods, your houses, wives, children,
dominions, possessions, and these your temples which you hallow and
reverence; except you provide some speedy remedy against the same.

     "Wherefore we exhort your fraternities, nobilities, and
devotions of all and singular in the Lord, and beseech you for
Christian charity and religion, (for which religion your forefathers
ofttimes have given their blood to uphold and increase the same,) and
notwithstanding require you also, in virtue of that obedience which
all Christians owe to God, and blessed St. Peter, and to his vicar
here in earth, that setting aside all other quarrels and dissensions
among yourselves, you confer your helping hands every man to quench
this public fire, and endeavour and study, the best way ye can, how
to reduce the said Martin Luther, and all other favourers of these
tumults and errors, to better conformity and trade both of life and
faith. And if they which be infected shall refuse to hear your
admonitions, yet provide that the other part, which yet remaineth
sound, by the same contagion be not corrupted. He, to whom all
secrets of men are open, doth know how we, both for our nature, and
also for our pastoral office, whereto we are called, are much more
prone to remit, than to revenge. But when this pestiferous canker
cannot with supple and gentle medicines be cured, more sharp salves
must be proved, and fiery searings. The putrefied members must be cut
off from the body, lest the sound parts also be infected. So God did
cast down into hell the schismatical brethren, Dathan and Abiram; and
him that would not obey the authority of the priest, God commanded to
be punished with death. So Peter, prince of the apostles, denounced
sudden death to Ananias and Sapphira, who lied unto God. So the old
and godly emperors commanded Jovinian and Priscillian, as heretics,
to be beheaded. So St. Jerome wished Vigilant, as a heretic, to be
given to the destruction of the flesh, that the spirit might be saved
in the day of the Lord. So also did our predecessors in the council
of Constance condemn to death John Huss and his fellow Jerome, which
now appeareth to revive again in Luther. The worthy acts and examples
of which forefathers, if you in these doings (seeing otherwise ye
cannot) shall imitate, we do not doubt but God's merciful clemency
shall eftsoons relieve his church; which, being now sore vexed of
infidels, hath her eyes chiefly and principally directed upon you, as
being the most puissant and most populous nation that we have in
Christendom.

     "Wherefore, upon the blessing of Almighty God, and of blessed
St. Peter, which here we send unto you, take courage unto you, as
well against the false dragon, as the strong lion, that both these,
that is, as well the inward heresies, as the foreignenemies, by you
being overcome, you may purchase to your honours an immortal victory,
both here and in the world to come. This we give you to understand,
that whatsoever the Lord hath given us to aid you withal, either in
money or authority, we will not fail to support you herein, yea, and
to bestow our life also in this holy quarrel, and for the health of
our sheep to us committed. Other things as touching the matter of
Luther, we have committed to this Cheregatus our legate, whom we have
directed purposely for the same unto your assembly, whom we wish you
to credit, as being our trusty legate.

     "Given at St. Peter's at Rome, under the ring of the fisher,
the 25th day of November, A.D. 1522, in the first year of our
pontificate."
 By this letter above prefixed, thou halt, gentle
reader! to note and understand, what either wily persuasions or
strength of authority could devise against Luther, here not to have
lacked. If plausible terms, or glozing sentences, or outward facing
and bracing, could have served, where no ground of Scripture is
brought, this might seem apparently a pithy epistle. But if a man
should require the particulars or the specialties of this doctrine
which he here reprehendeth, to be examined and tried by God's word,
there is no substance in it, but only words of office, which may seem
well to serve for waste paper. And yet I thought to exhibit the said
letter unto thee, to the intent that the more thou seest man's
strength with all his policy bent against Luther, the more thou
mayest consider the almighty power of God, in defending the cause of
this poor man against so mighty enemies.

     Now hear further what instructions the said Pope Adrian sent to
his legate Cheregatus, how and by what reasons to move and inflame
the princes of Germany to the destruction of Luther and his cause,
and yet was not able to bring it to pass.

Instructions given by Pope Adrian to Cheregatus his legate, touching
his proceedings in the diet of Nuremberg, how and by what persuasions
to incense the princes against Luther.

     "Imprimis, you shall declare to them the great grief of our
heart for the prospering of Luther's sect, to see the innumerable
souls, redeemed with Christ's blood, and committed to our pastoral
government, to be turned away from the true faith and religion into
perdition by this occasion; and that especially in the nation of
Germany, being our native country, which hath been ever heretofore,
till these few years past, most faithful and devout in religion; and
therefore our desire to be the greater that this pestilence should be
stopped betimes, lest the same happen to that country of Germany,
which happened of late to Bohemia. And as for our part, there shall
be no lack to help forward what we may; as likewise we desire them to
endeavour themselves to the uttermost of their power, whom these
causes ought to move, which here we direct unto you to be declared
unto them.

     "First, the honour of God, which, before all other things,
ought to be preferred, whose honour by these heresies is greatly
defaced, and his worship not only diminished, but rather wholly
corrupted. Also the charity toward our neighbour, by which charity
every man is bound to reduce his neighbour out of error; otherwise
God will require at their hands all such as by their negligence do
perish.

     "The second cause to move them against Luther, is the infamy of
their nations; which, being counted beforetime always most Christian,
now by these sectaries of Luther, is evil spoken of in all other
quarters.

     "The third cause is the respect of their own honour, which
notoriously will be distained, if they which most excel in nobility
and authority among the Germans, shall not bend all their power to
expel these heresies:  first, for that they shall appear to be
degenerate from their progenitors, who, being present at the
condemnation of John Huss and of other heretics, are said, some of
them, with their own hands to have led John Huss to the fire.
Secondly, for that they, or the greater part of them, approving with
their authority the imperial edict set forth of late in condemnation
of Martin Luther, now, except they shall follow the execution of the
same, shall be noted inconstant, or may be thought to favour the
same; seeing it is manifest, that they may easily exterminate him if
they were disposed.

     "The fourth cause is the injury wrought by Luther to them,
their parents, and progenitors, forasmuch as their fathers,
progenitors, and themselves also, have always holden the same faith
which the catholic Church of Rome hath appointed; contrary to which
faith Luther, with his sectaries, now doth hold, saying, that many
things are not to be believed which their aforesaid ancestors have
holden to be of faith. It is manifest, therefore, that they be
condemned of Luther for infidels and heretics; and so consequently,
by Luther's doctrine, all their fore-elders and progenitors which
have deceased in this our faith, be in hell; for error in faith
importeth damnation.

     "The fifth cause to move them is, that they should well advise
and consider the end whereunto all these Lutherans do tend; which is,
that under the shadow of evangelical liberty, they may abolish all
superiority and power. For although, at the first beginning, they
pretended only to annul and repress our power ecclesiastical, as
being falsely and tyrannously usurped against the gospel; yet,
forasmuch as liberty is all their foundation and pretence, (by the
which liberty, the secular power and magistrates cannot bind men by
any commandments, be they never so just or so reasonable, to obey
them under pain of mortal sin,) it is manifest that their scope is to
enfeeble and infringe, as much or more, the secular state also,
although covertly they pretend to salve it; to the end, that when the
secular princes shall believe this their working not to be directed
against them, but only against the usurped domination of the church
and churchmen, then the laity, (which commonly hath been always
against men of the church,) holding with them, shall suffer the
churchmen to be devoured; which done, no doubt but, they will
afterward practise the like upon the secular princes and potentates,
which now they attempt against our ecclesiastical jurisdiction.

     "The sixth clause to move and persuade them against Luther is
this, for them to consider the fruits which follow of that sect; as
slanders, offences, disturbance, robberies, murders, seditions,
dissensions, which this sect hath, and daily doth stir up through
whole Germany:  also blasphemies, slanderous words, scoffings, jests,
and bitter taunts, which are ever in their mouths; against which,
unless that they shall find a present remedy, it is to be feared lest
the desolation of God's wrath will fall upon Germany, being so
divided; or rather upon the princes of Germany, who, having the sword
given of God into their hands for the suppression of malefactors,
suffer such enormities among their subjects. Cursed is he, (saith the
prophet,) which doth the work of the Lord negligently, and holdeth
back his sword from the blood of wicked doers, Jer. xxviii.

     "The seventh reason is, that the princes should consider how
Luther useth the same way of seducing the people of Christ, as hath
the venomous viper Mahomet practised in deceiving so many thousands
of souls, in permitting to them the liberty of those things which
flesh desireth, and afterward in exempting them from such things as
be more sharp in the law; but that Luther a little more temperately
handleth the matter, whereby he may deceive more effectually; for
Mahomet giveth licence to have many wives, and to divorce and marry
others at their pleasure. This Luther, to draw unto him the favour of
nuns, monks, and priests, such as be lascivious in flesh, preacheth
that vows of perpetual continency be unlawful, and much less to be
obligatory; and therefore permitteth unto them that they may marry;
forgetting, by the way, what the apostle writeth of young widows,
saying, That when they wax wanton against Christ, then will they
marry; having condemnation, because they have made void their first
faith, 1 Tim. v. 12.

     "These and other such-like reasons being opened and laid before
them, you shall then in our name exhort the aforesaid princes,
prelates, and people, to awake and employ their diligence how to
gainstand, first, the injury of these Lutherans toward God, and
toward his holy religion; secondly, their villany toward the whole
nation of the Germans and their princes, and especially the shameful
contumely towards their fathers and elders, whom in effect they
condemn to hell. In consideration whereof you shall call upon them to
remember themselves, and to proceed effectually to the execution of
the apostolical sentence, and of the emperor's edict; giving pardon
to them that will amend and acknowledge their fault:  the other, who
obstinately persist in their error, punishing with the rod of strict
severity, according to the decrees of the canons and laws of the
church; that, by their example, such as stand may remain in faith,
and they which are fallen may be reduced.

     "And if any shall object again, that Luther was condemned by
the apostolic see before he was heard, and that his cause ought first
to have been heard and adjudged before he was convicted, you shall
answer, that those things which pertain to faith are to be believed
for their own authority, and not to be proved. 'Take away,' saith
Ambrose, 'arguments where faith is sought:  there the fishers, not the
philosophers, must be trusted.' Truth it is, and we grant no less but
that lawful defence and hearing ought not to be denied in such cases,
where question is of the fact, whether it were done or not; as
whether he spake, preached, wrote, or not. But where the matter is of
God's law, or in cause of the sacraments, there must we always stand
to the authority of holy fathers, and of the church. Now all things
almost, wherein Luther dissenteth from other, are reproved before by
divers councils; neither ought those things to be called into
question, which have been defined before by general councils, and the
universal church; but ought to be received by faith:  for else he doth
injury to the synod of the church, who so bringeth again into
controversy things once rightly discussed and settled. Otherwise what
certainty can there be amongst men, or what end shall there be of
contending and disputing, if it shall be lawful for every lewd and
presumptuous person to decline from the things which havebeen
received and ratified by the consent, not of one, nor of a few, but
of so many ages, so many wise heads, and of the catholic church,
which God never permitteth to err in matters unto faith appertaining?
And how can it otherwise be chosen, but that all must be full of
disturbance, offences, and confusion, unless the things which have
been once, yea, many times, by ripe judgment constituted, be observed
of all men as inviolable? Wherefore, seeing Luther and his fellows do
condemn the councils of holy fathers, do burn the holy canons, do
confound all things at their pleasure, and do disquiet the whole
world, what remaineth, but that they are to be rejected and exploded,
as enemies and perturbers of public peace?

     "Further, this you shall say unto them, that we confess
ourselves, and deny not, but that God suffereth this persecution to
be inflicted upon his church for the sins of men, especially of
priests and prelates of the clergy. For certain it is, that the hand
of the Lord is not shortened, that he cannot save; but our sins have
divided between God and us; and therefore he hideth his face from us
that he will not hear us. The Scripture testifieth, that the sins of
the people do issue out from the sins of the priests. 'And
therefore,' saith Chrysostom, 'Christ, going about to cure the sick
city of Jerusalem, first entered into the temple, to correct the sins
of the priests, like a good physician, which first beginneth to cure
the disease from the very root.' We know that in this holy see there
have been many abominable things of long time wrought and practised;
as abuses in matters spiritual, and also excesses in life and
manners, and all things turned clean contrary. And no marvel if the
sickness, first beginning at the head, that is, at the high bishops,
have descended aftewards to inferior prelates. All we (that is,
prelates of the church) have declined every one after his own way;
neither hath there been one that hath done good, no not one.
Wherefore need it is, that all we give glory to God, and that we
humble our souls to him, considering every one of us from whence he
hath fallen; and that every one do judge himself, before he be judged
of God in the rod of his fury. For the redress whereof you shall
insinuate unto them, and promise in our behalf, that in us shall be
lacking no diligence of a better reformation, first beginning with
our own court:  that like as, this contagion first from thence
descended into all the inferior parts, so reformation and amendment
of all that is amiss, from the same place again, shall take his
beginning; whereunto they shall find us so much the more ready, for
that we see the whole world so desirous of the same. We ourselves, as
you know, never sought this dignity, but rather coveted, if we
otherwise might, to lead a private life, and in a quiet state to
serve God; and also would utterly have refused the same, had not the
fear of God, and the manner of our election, and misdoubting of some
schism to follow after, have urged us to take it. And thus took we
the burden upon us, not for any ambition of dignity, or to enrich our
friends and kinsfolks, but only to be obedient to the will of God,
and for reformation of the catholic church, and for relief of the
poor, and especially for the advancement of learning and learned men,
with such other things more as appertaineth to the charge of a good
bishop and lawful heir of St. Peter. And though all errors,
corruptions, and abuses be not straight-ways amended by us, men ought
not thereat to marvel. The sore is great, and far grown, and is not
single, but of manifold maladies together compacted; and therefore to
the curing thereof we must proceed by little and little, first
beginning to cure the greater and the most dangerous, lest, while we
intend to amend all, we destroy all. 'All sudden mutations,' saith
Aristotle, 'in a commonwealth, are perilous;' and, He that wringeth
too hard, straineth out blood, Prov. xxx.

     "And whereas in your last letters you wrote, that the princes
complain, how this see hath been, and is, prejudicial to their
ordinances and agreements, hereunto you shall thus answer:  that such
excesses, which have been done before our time, ought not to be
imputed to us, who always have misliked these derogations; and
therefore bid them so assure themselves, that though they had
required no such matter, we of our own accord would have refrained
the same; partly for that it is good, right, and reason, that every
one have that which is due unto him; and partly also that the said
noble nation of Germany shall have by us no hinderance, but
furtherance rather, so much as in us shall lie to do for them.

     "And as touching the processes which they desired to have
removed away a rota, and to be referred down to the parties, you
shall signify unto them, that we will gratify them herein as much as
honestly we may. But because our auditors are now presently absent
from the city, by reason of the plague, we cannot be informed as yet
touching the quality of those processes. As soon as they shall
return, (which we hope will be shortly,) we shall do in the princes'
favour what reasonably we may.

     "Further:  whereas we understand, that there be many fresh,
flourishing wits in Germany, and many well-learned men, which are not
seen unto, but be rejected and unlooked to, while in the mean time,
through the apostolical provisions, dignities and promotions are
bestowed upon tapsters anddancers, and unfit persons; we will,
therefore, that you inquire out what those learned men are, and what
be their names, to the intent that when any such vacation of
benefices in Germany doth fall, we, of our voluntary motion, may
provide for them accordingly. For why? we consider how much it is
against God's glory, and against the health and the edification of
souls, that benefices and dignities of the church have now so long
time been bestowed upon unworthy and unable persons.

     "As touching the subsidy for the Hungarians, we send no other
information to you, but that which we gave you at your departure;
save only that we will you to extend your diligence therein, as we
also will do the like, in soliciting the matter with the princes and
cities of Italy, that every one may help after his ability."

     These popish suggestions and instructions of the pope himself
against Luther, I thought, Christian reader! to set before thine
eyes, to the intent thou mayst see here (as in a pattern, and go no
farther) all the crimes, objections, exclamations, suspicions,
accusations, slanders, offensions, contumelies, rebukes, untruths,
cavillations, railings, whatsoever they have devised, or can devise,
invent, articulate, denounce, infer, or surmise, against Luther and
his teaching. They cry, Heresy, heresy! but they prove no heresy.
They cry, Councils, councils! and yet none transgresseth councils
more than themselves. If councils go always with Scripture, then
Luther goeth with them; if councils do jar sometimes from the
Scripture, what heresy is in Luther in standing with Scripture
against those councils? And yet neither hath he hitherto spoken
against any councils, save only the council of Constance. They
inflame kings and princes against Luther, and yet they have no cause
wherefore. They accuse him for teaching liberty. If they mean the
liberty of the flesh, they accuse him falsely; if they mean the
liberty of the spirit, they teach wickedly which teach contrary:  and
yet when they have all said, none live so licentiously as themselves.
They pretend the zeal of the church, but under that church lieth
their own private welfare and belly-cheer. They charge Luther with
disobedience, and none are so disobedient to magistrates and civil
laws as they. They lay to his charge oppression and spoiling of
laymen's goods; and who spoileth the laymen's livings so much as the
pope? For probation hereof, let the pope's accounts be cast, what he
raketh out of every Christian realm. Briefly, turn only the names of
the persons, and instead of Luther's name, place the name of the
pope, and the effect of this letter above prefixed shall agree upon,
none more aptly than upon the pope himself and his own sectaries.

     Now to proceed further in the process of this aforesaid matter,
let us see what the princes again for their parts answer to these
aforesaid suggestions and instructions of Pope Adrian, sent unto them
in the diet of Nuremberg, in the cause of Luther:  the answer of whom
here followeth underwritten: 

     "The noble and renowned prince Lord Ferdinand, lieutenant to
the emperor's Majesty, with other reverend peers in Christ, and
mighty princes electors, and other states and orders of this present
assembly of the Roman empire in Nuremberg convented, have gratefully
received, and diligently perused, the letters sent in form of a
brief, with the instructions also of the most holy father in Christ
and lord, Lord Adrian, the high bishop of the holy and universal
Church of Rome, presented unto them in the cause of Luther's faction.
By the which aforesaid letters and writings, first, whereas they
understand his Holiness to have been born, and to have had his native
origin and parentage out of this noble nation of Germany, they do not
a little rejoice. Of whose egregious virtues and ornaments, both of
mind and body, they have heard great fame and commendation, even from
his tender years:  by reason whereof they are so much the more joyous
of his advancement and preferment, by such consent of election, to
the high top of the apostolical dignity, and yield to God most hearty
thanks for the same:  praying also, from the bottom of their hearts,
for his excellent clemency, and perpetual glory of his name, and for
health of souls, and purity of the universal church, that God will
give his Holiness long continuance of felicity:  having no misdoubt
but that by such a full and consenting election of such a pastor of
the universal catholic church, great profit and commodity will ensue.
Which thing to hope and look for, his Holiness openeth to them an
evident declaration in his own letters, testifying and protesting
what a care it is to him both day and night, how to discharge his
pastoral function, in studying for the health of the flock to him
committed; and especially in converting the minds of Christian
princes from war to peace. Declaring moreover what subsidy and relief
his Holiness hath sent to the soldiers of Rhodes, &c. All which
things they, perpending with themselves, conceive exceeding hope and
comfort in their minds, thus reputing and trusting that this concord
of Christian princes will be a great help and stay to the better
quieting of things now out of frame; without which neither the state
of the commonwealth nor of Christian religion can be rightly
redressed, and much less the tyranny of the barbarous Turks
repressed.

     "Wherefore the excellent prince, lord lieutenant to the
emperor's Majesty, with the other princes electors, and orders of
this present assembly, most heartily do pray, that his Holiness will
persist in this his purpose and diligence, as he hath virtuously
begun, leaving no stone unremoved, how the disagreeing hearts of
Christian princes may be reduced to quiet and peace or if that will
not be, yet at least some truce and intermission of domestical
dissensions may be obtained for the necessity of the time now
present, whereby all Christians may join their powers together, with
the help of God, to go against the Turk, and to deliver the people of
Christ from his barbarous tyranny and bondage; whereunto both the
noble prince lord lieutenant, and other princes of Germany, will put
to their helping hands, to the best of their ability.

     "And whereas by the letters of his Holiness, with his
instruction also exhibited unto them by his legate, they understand
that his Holiness is afflicted with great sorrow for the prospering
of Luther's sect, whereby innumerable souls committed to his charge
are in danger of perdition, and therefore his Holiness vehemently
desireth some speedy remedy against the same to be provided, with an
explication of certain necessary reasons and causes, whereby to move
the German princes thereunto; and that they will tender the execution
of the apostolic sentence, and also of the emperor's edict set forth
touching the suppressing of Luther:  To these the lord lieutenant, and
other princes and states, do answer, that it is to them no less grief
and sorrow than to his Holiness; and also do lament as much for these
impieties and perils of souls, and inconveniences which grow in the
religion of Christ, either by the sect of Luther, or any otherwise. 
Further, what help or counsel shall lie in them for the extirpating
of errors, and decay of souls' health, what their moderation can do,
they are willing and ready to perform; considering how they stand
bound and subject, as well to the pope's Holiness, as also to the
emperor's Majesty. But why the sentence of the apostolic see, and the
emperor's edict against Luther, hath not been put in execution
hitherto, there have been (said they) causes great and urgent, which
have led them thereto:  as first, in weighing and considering with
themselves, that great evils and inconveniences would thereupon
ensue. For the greatest part of the people of. Germany have always
had this persuasion, and now, by reading of Luther's books, are more
therein confirmed, that great grievances and inconveniences have come
to this nation of Germany by the court of Rome:  and therefore, if
they should have proceeded with any rigour in executing the pope's
sentence, and the emperor's edict, the multitude would conceive and
suspect in their minds, this to be done for subverting the verity of
the gospel, and for supporting and confirming the former abuses and
grievances, whereupon great wars and tumults, no doubt, would have
ensued:  which thing unto the princes and states there hath been well
perceived by many arguments; for the avoiding whereof, they thought
to use more gentle remedies, serving more opportunely for the time.

     "Again, whereas the reverend lord legate (said they) in the
name of the pope's Holiness, hath been instructed, to declare unto
them, that God suffereth this persecution to rise in the church for
the sins of men, and that his Holiness doth promise therefore to
begin the reformation with his own court, that as the corruption
first sprang from thence to the inferior parts, so the redress of all
again should first begin with the same. Also, whereas his Holiness,
of a good and fatherly heart, doth testify in his letters, that he
himself did always mislike that the court of Rome should intermeddle
so much, and derogate from the concordats of the princes, and that
his Holiness doth fully purpose in that behalf, during his papacy,
never to practise the like, but so to endeavour, that every one, and
especially the nation of the Germans, may have their proper due and
right, granting especially to the said nation his peculiar favour: 
who seeth not by these premises, but that this most holy bishop
omitteth nothing which a good father, or a devout pastor, may or
ought to do to his sheep? or who will not be moved hereby to a loving
reverence, and to amendment of his defaults, namely, seeing his
Holiness so intendeth to accomplish the same in deed, which in word
he promiseth, according as he hath begun?

     "And thus undoubtedly both the noble lord lieutenant, and all
other princes and states of the empire, well hope that he will, and
pray most heartily that he may do, to the glory of our eternal God,
to the health of souls, and to the tranquillity of the public state.
For unless such abuses and grievances, with certain other articles
also, which the secular princes (assigned purposely for the same)
shall draw out in writing, shall be faithfully reformed, there is no
true peace and concord between the ecclesiastical and secular
estates, nor any true extirpation of this tumult and errors in
Germany, that can be hoped. For partly by long wars, partly by reason
of other grievances and hinderances, this nation of Germany hath been
so wasted and consumed in money, that scarcely it is able to sustain
itself in private affairs, and necessary upholding of justice within
itself; much less then to minister aid and succour to the kingdom of
Hungary, and to the Croatians, against the Turk. And whereas all the
states of the sacred Roman empire do not doubt, but the pope's
Holiness doth right well understand how the German princes did grant
and condescend for the money of annats to be levied to the see of
Rome for term of certain years, upon condition that the said money
should be converted to maintain war against the Turkish infidels, and
for defence of the catholic faith:  and whereas the term of these
years is now expired longsince, when the said annats should be
gathered, and yet that money hath not been so bestowed to that use,
whereto it was first granted; therefore if any such necessity should
now come, that any public helps or contributions against the Turk
should be demanded of the German people, they would answer again, Why
is not that money of annats, reserved many years before to that-use,
now to be bestowed and applied? and so would they refuse to receive
any more such burdens for that cause to be laid upon them.

     "Wherefore the said lord lieutenant, and other princes and
degrees of the empire, make earnest petition, that the pope's
Holiness will with a fatherly consideration expend the premises, and
surcease hereafter to require such annats, which are accustomed after
the death of bishops and other prelates, or ecclesiastical persons,
to be paid to the court of Rome, and suffer them to remain to the
chamber of the empire, whereby justice and peace may be more
commodiously administered, the tranquillity of the public state of
Germany maintained; and also, by the same, due helps may be ordained
and disposed to other Christian potentates in Germany, against the
Turk, which otherwise without the same is not to be hoped for.

     "Item, Whereas the pope's Holiness desireth to be informed,
what way were best to take in resisting these errors of the
Lutherans:  to this the lord lieutenant, with other princes and
nobles, do answer, that whatsoever help or counsel they can devise,
with willing hearts they will be ready thereunto. Seeing therefore
the state, as well ecclesiastical as temporal, is far out of frame,
and have so much corrupted their ways; and seeing not only of
Luther's part, and of his sect, but also by divers other occasions
besides, so many errors, abuses, and corruptions have crept in; much
requisite and necessary it is, that some effectual remedy be
provided, as well for redress of the church, as also for repressing
the Turk's tyranny. Now what more present or effectual remedy can be
had, the lord lieutenant, with other estates and princes, do not see,
than this, that the pope's Holiness, by the consent of the emperor's
Majesty, do summon a free Christian council in some convenient place
of Germany, as at Strasburg, or at Mentz, or at Cologne, or at Metz;
and that with as much speed as conveniently may be, so that the
congregating of the said council be not deferred above one year in
the which council it may be lawful for every person that there shall
have interest, either temporal or ecclesiastical, freely to speak and
consult, to the glory of God, and health of souls, and the public
wealth of Christendom, without impeachment or restraint; whatsoever
oath or other bond to the contrary notwithstanding; yea, and it shall
be every good man's part there to speak, not only freely, but to
speak that which is true, to the purpose, and to edifying, and not to
pleasing or flattering, but simply and uprightly to declare his
judgment, without all fraud or guile. And as touching by what ways
these errors and tumults of the German people may best be stayed and
pacified in the mean time, until the council be set, the aforesaid
lord lieutenant, with the other princes, thereupon have consulted and
deliberated; that forasmuch as Luther, and certain of his fellows, be
within the territory and dominion of the noble Duke Frederic, the
said lord lieutenant and other states of the empire shall so labour
the matter with the aforenamed prince, duke of Saxony, that Luther
and his followers shall not write, set forth, or print any thing
during the said mean space; neither do they doubt but that the said
noble prince of Saxony, for his Christian piety, and obedience to the
Roman empire, as becometh a prince of such excellent virtue, will
effectually condescend to the same.

     "Item, The said lord lieutenant and princes shall labour so
with the preachers of Germany, that they shall not in their sermons
teach or blow into the people's ears such matter, whereby the
multitude may be moved to rebellion or uproar, or be induced into
error; and that they shall preach and teach nothing but the true,
pure, sincere, and holy gospel, and approved Scripture, godly,
mildly, and Christianly, according to the doctrine and exposition of
the Scripture; being approved and received of Christ's church,
abstaining from all such things which are better unknown than learned
of the people, and which to be subtilly searched, or deeply
discussed, it is not expedient. Also, that they shall move no
contention of disputation among the vulgar sort; but whatsoever
hangeth in controversy, the same they shall reserve to the
determination of the council to come.

     "Item, The arcbbishops, bishops, and other prelates within
their diocesees, shall assign godly and learned men, having good
judgment in the Scripture, which shall diligently and faithfully
attend upon such preachers and if they shall perceive the said
preachers either to have erred, or to have uttered any thing
inconveniently, they shall godly, mildly, and modestly advertise and
inform them thereof, in such sort as no man shall justly complain the
truth of the gospel to be impeached. But if the preachers, continuing
still in their stubbornness, shall refuse to be admonished, and will
not desist from their lewdness, then shall they be restrained and
punished by the ordinaries of the place, with punishment for the same
convenient.

     Furthermore, the said princes and nobles shall provide and
undertake, so much as shall be possible, that, from henceforth,
during the aforesaid time, no new book shall be imprinted, especially
none of these famous libels, neither shall they privily or apertly be
sold. Also, order shall be taken amongst all potentates, that if any
shall set out, sell, or imprint any new work, it shall first be seen
and perused of certain godly, learned, and discreet men appointed for
the same; so that if it be not admitted and approved by them, it
shall not be permitted to be published in print, or to come abroad.
Thus, by these means, they hope well, that the tumults, errors, and
offences among the people shall cease; especially if the pope's
Holiness himself shall begin with an orderly and due reformation, in
the aforesaid grievances above mentioned, and will procure such a
free and Christian council as hath been said; and so shall the people
be well contented and satisfied. Or if the tumult shall not so fully
be calmed as they desire, yet the greater part thus will be quieted;
for all such as be honest and good men, no doubt, will be in great
expectation of that general council, so shortly, and now ready at
hand, to come. Finally, as concerning priests which contract
matrimony, and religious men leaving their cloisters, whereof
intimation was also made by the apostolical legate, the aforesaid
princes do consider, that forasmuch as in the civil law there is no
penalty for them ordained, they shall be referred to the canonical
constitutions, to be punished thereafter accordingly; that is, by the
loss of their benefices and privileges, or other condign censures: 
and that the said ordinaries shall in no case be stopped or inhibited
by the secular powers, from the correction of such:  but that they
shall add their help and favour to the maintenance of ecclesiastical
jurisdiction, and shall direct out their public edicts and precepts,
that none shall impeach or prohibit the said ordinaries in their
ecclesiastical castigation, upon such transgressors to be
administered.

     "To conclude; the redoubled prince, lord lieutenant, and other
princes, estates, and orders of the public empire, vehemently and
most heartily do pray and beseech, that the pope's Holiness, and the
reverend lord his legate, will accept and take all the premises to be
no otherwise spoken and meant, than of a good, free, sincere, and a
Christian mind:  neither is there any thing that all the aforesaid
princes, estates, and nobles, do more wish and desire, than the
furtherance and prosperous estate of the holy catholic Church of
Rome, and of his Holiness; to whose wishes, desires, and obedience,
they offer and commend themselves most ready and obsequious, as
faithful children."

     Thus hast thou, loving reader! the full discourse both of the
pope's letter, and of his legate's instructions, with the answer also
of the states of Germany to the said letter and instructions to them
exhibited in the diet of Nuremberg:  in the which diet what was
concluded, and what order and consultation was taken, first touching
the grievances of Germany, which they exhibited to the pope, then
concerning a general council to be called in Germany, also for
printing, and preaching, and for priests' marriage, hath been
likewise declared, &c.

     The occasion of this matter, moved against priests' marriage,
came first by the ministers of Strasburg, which about this time began
to take wives, and therefore were cited by the bishop of Strasburg to
appear before him at a certain day, as violators of the laws of holy
church, the holy fathers, the bishops of Rome, and of the emperor's
Majesty, to the prejudice both of their own order of priesthood, and
majesty of Almighty God:  but they referred their cause to the hearing
of the magistrates of the same city; who, being suitors for them unto
the bishops, laboured to have the matter either released, or at least
to be delayed for a time.

     Long it were to recite all the circumstances following upon
this diet or assembly of Nuremberg, how their decree was received of
some, of some neglected, of divers diversely wrested and expounded.
Luther, writing his letters upon the same decree to the princes, thus
made his exposition of the meaning thereof:  that whereas the
preachers were commanded to preach the pure gospel, after the
doctrine of the church received, he expounded the meaning thereof to
be, not after the doctrine of Thomas Aquinas, or Scotus, or such
other late school writers, but after the doctrine of Hilary, Cyprian,
and Austin, and other ancient doctors; and yet the doctrine of the
said ancestors no further to be received, but as they should agree
with the Scripture.

     Secondly, as concerning new books not to be sold nor printed,
he expounded the meaning thereof to extend no further, but that the
text of the Bible and books of the Holy Scripture might be printed
notwithstanding, and published to all men.

     And as for the prohibition of priests' marriage, he writeth to
the princes, and desireth them to bear with the weakness of men;
declaring that branch of their decree to be very hard, which though
it standeth with the pope's law, yet it accordeth not with the
gospel, neither conduceth to good manners, nor to honesty of life,
&c.

     Furthermore, Whereas in the same session of Nuremberg, mention
was made before of certain grievances collected to the number of a
hundred, and exhibited to the bishop of Rome, it were tedious
likewise to insert them all; yet to give some taste of a few I judge
it not unprofitable, to the intent that the world may see and judge,
not only what abuses and corruptions, most monstrous and incredible,
lay hid under the glorious title of the holy Church of Rome, but also
may understand, with what hypocrisy and impudence the pope taketh
upon him so grievously to complain upon Master Luther and others;
when in all the universal church of Christ, there is none so much to
be blamed all manner of ways, as he himself, according as by these
heinous complaints of the German princes, here following, against the
pope's intolerable oppressions and grievances, may right well appear.
Which grievances being collected by the princes of Germany at
Nuremberg, to the number of a hundred, I wish might be fully and at
large set forth to the studious reader, whereby might appear the
subtle sleights and intolerable frauds of that pretended church. But
forasmuch as it were too long to comprehend the whole, I have thought
good to exhibit some part thereof for example, as giving only a
certain taste, whereby thou mayst more easily conceive what to think
and esteem of all the residue, which both to me would be tedious to
write, and perhaps more grievous to thee to hear.

Certain grievances or oppressions of Germany, against the court of
Rome, collected and exhibited by the princes, at the council of
Nuremberg, to the number of a hundred, whereof certain specialties
here follow.

     Forbidding of marriage in divers degrees, not forbidden by
God's law.

     Forbidding of meats, not forbidden by God's law. Of times of
marriage restrained, and afterwards released for money.

     Complaint for selling remission of sins for money.

     But especially the burden and grievance of the pope's
indulgences and pardons be most importable; when the bishops of Rome,
under pretence of building some church in Rome, or to war against the
Turk, do make out their indulgences with their bulls; persuading and
promising to the simple people strange and wonderful benefits of
remission a pśna et culpa, that is, from all their sins and
punishment due for the same, and that not in this life only, but also
after this life, to them that be dead, burning in the fire of
purgatory. Through the hope and occasion thereof, true piety is
almost extinct in all Germany, while every evil-disposed person
promiseth to himself, for a little money, licence and impunity to do
what him listeth:  whereupon followeth fornication, incest, adultery,
perjury, homicide, robbing and spoiling, rapine, usury, with a whole
flood of all mischiefs, &c.

     Complaint against the immunities of clergymen.

     Complaint of excommunication being abused in Church of Rome.

     Complaint that the church is burdened with a number of
holidays, which ought to be diminished.

     The suspending and hallowing of church-yards complained of,
gainful to the pope, and chargeable to the people.

     Complaint against officials, and other ecclesiastical judges.

     How the ecclesiastical judges do annex certain special causes,
being lay matters, unto their own jurisdiction, and will by no means
release the same, except for money.

     The gain that riseth to the clergy by false slanders and
rumours.

     Complaint against spiritual judges taking secular causes from
the civil magistrates, for gain of money.

     Complaint against ecclesiastical judges inter-meddling with
cases of the secular court, but will not suffer their cases once to
be touched of the other.

     Complaint against certain misorders of cathedral churches, for
using double punishment for one offence against the law.

     Complaint of officials for maintaining unlawful usury.

     Complaint of officials permitting unlawful cohabiting with
another, when the husband or wife is long absent.

     Complaint of canons in cathedral churches, which have their
bishop sworn unto them before he be chosen.

     Complaints against incorporations or impropriations, and other
pilling of the people by churchmen.

     Buying and selling of burials complained of.

     Chaste and continent priests compelled to pay tribute for
concubines.

     Also in many places the bishops and their officials do not only
suffer priests to have concubines, so that they pay certain sums of
money, but also compel continent and chaste priests, which live
without concubines, to pay tribute for concubines, affirming that the
bishop hath need of money:  which being paid, it shall be lawful for
them either to live chaste, or keep concubines. How wicked a thing
this is, every man doth well understand and know.
 These, with many other burdens and grievances
more, to the number of a hundred, the secular states of Germany
delivered to the pope's legate; having (as they said) many more and
more grievous grievances besides these, which had likewise much need
of redress:  but because they would not exceed the limits of
reasonable brevity, they would content themselves (they said) with
these aforesaid hundred, reserving the rest to a more apt and more
convenient opportunity; stedfastly trusting and hoping, that when
those hundred grievances already by them declared, should be
abolished, the other would also decay and fall with them. Of the
which aforesaid grievances and complaints here is moreover to be
noted, that a great part was offered up before to the emperor at the
council of Worms; but because no redress thereof did follow,
therefore the secular states of Germany thought good to exhibit the
same now again, with divers more annexed thereunto, to Cheregatus,
the pope's legate in this present assembly of Nuremberg, desiring him
to present the same to Pope Adrian. This was about A.D. 1523; which
being done, the assembly at Nuremberg brake up for a time, and was
prorogued to the next year following.

     In this mean time Pope Adrian died. After him succeeded Pope
Clement the Seventh, who, the next year following, which was A.D.
1524, sent down his legate, Cardinal Campeius, unto the council of
the German princes assembled again at Nuremberg, about the month of
March, with letters also to Duke Frederic, full of many fair
petitions and sharp complaints, &c. But as touching the grievances
above-mentioned, no word nor message at all was sent, neither by
Campeius, nor by any other. Thus, where any thing was to be
complained of against Luther, either for suppression of the liberty
of the gospel, or for upholding of the pope's dignity, the pope was
ever ready with all diligence to call upon the princes; but where any
redress was to be required for the public wealth of Christian people,
or touching the necessary reformation of the church, herein the pope
neither giveth ear nor answer.



149.LUTHER AFTER THE DIET OF WORMS; HIS TEACHINGS AND DEATH.

     And thus, having discoursed such matters occurrent between the
pope and princes of Germany at the synod of Nuremberg, let us now
proceed, returning again to the story of Luther, of whom ye heard
before, how he was kept secret and solitary for a time, by the advice
and conveyance of certain nobles in Saxony, because of the emperor's
edict above-mentioned. In the mean time, while Luther had thus
absented himself out of Wittenberg, Andreas Carolostadt, proceeding
more roughly and eagerly in causes of religion, had stirred up the
people to throw down images in the temples, besides other things
more. For the which cause Luther, returning again into the city,
greatly misliked the order of their doings, and reproved the rashness
of Carolostadt, declaring that their proceedings herein were not
orderly, but that pictures and images ought first to be thrown outof
the hearts and consciences of men; and that the people ought first to
be taught that they are to be saved before God, and please him only
by faith; and that images serve to no purpose:  this done, and the
people well instructed, there was no danger in images, but they would
fall of their own accord. Not that he repugned to the contrary, (he
said,) as though he would maintain images to stand or to be suffered,
but that this ought to be done by the magistrate; and not by force,
upon every private man's head, without order and authority.

     Furthermore, Luther, writing of Carolostadt, affirmeth, that he
also joined with the sentence of them which began then to spread
about certain parts of Saxony, saying, that they were taught of God
that all wickedness being utterly suppressed, and all the wicked
doers slain, a new full perfection of all things must be set up, and
the innocent only to enjoy all things, &c.

     The cause why Luther so stood against that violent throwing
down of images, and against Carolostadt, seemeth partly to arise of
this, by reason that Pope Adrian, in his letters sent to the princes
and states of Germany, doth grievously complain and charge the sect
of Luther for sedition and tumults, and rebellion against
magistrates, as subverters and destroyers of all order and obedience,
as appeareth by the words of the pope's letter before expressed;
therefore Martin Luther, to stop the mouth of such slanderers, and to
prevent such sinister suspicions, was enforced to take this way as he
did; that is, to proceed as much as he might by order and authority.

     Wherein are to be noted by the way two special points touching
the doctrine and doings of Martin Luther, especially for all such who
in these our days now, abusing the name and authority of Luther,
think themselves to be good Lutherans, if they suffer images still to
remain in temples, and admit such things in the church, which
themselves do wish to be away. The first is, the manner how and after
what sort Luther did suffer such images to stand; for although he
assented not, that the vulgar and private multitude tumultuously by
violence should rap them down; yet that is no argument now for the
magistrate to let them stand. And though he allowed not the ministers
to stir up the people by forcible means to promote religion; yet that
argueth not those magistrates to be good Lutherans, which may and
should remove them, and will not.

     The second point to be noted is, to consider the cause why that
Luther did so stand with standing of images; which cause was time,
and not his own judgment; for albeit in judgment he wished them away,
yet time so served not thereunto then, as it serveth now:  for then
the doctrine of Luther, first beginning to spring, and being but in
the blade, was not yet known whereto it tended, nor to what it would
grow, but rather was suspected to tend to disobedience and sedition;
and therefore the pope, hearing of the doings of Carolostadt in
Wittenberg, and of other like, took his ground thereby to charge the
sect of Luther with sedition, uproars, and dissolute liberty of life.
And this was the cause why Luther (compelled then by necessity of
time to save his doctrine from slander of sedition and tumult being
laid to him by the pope, as ye have heard) was so much offended with
Carolostadt and others, for their violence used against images, For
otherwise, had it not been for the pope's accusations, there is no
doubt but Luther would have been as well contented with abolishing of
images, and other monuments of popery, as he was at the same time
contented to write to the Friars Augustine for abrogating of private
masses. And therefore as Luther in this doing is to be excused, the
circumstances considered, so the like excuse, perhaps, will not serve
the over-much curious imitation of certain Lutherans in this present
age now; which, considering only the fact of Luther, do not mark the
purpose of Luther, neither do expend the circumstances and time of
his doings; being not much unlike to the ridiculous imitators of King
Alexander the Great, which thought it not sufficient to follow him in
his virtues, but they would also counterfeit him in his stooping, and
all other gestures besides. But to these living now in the church, in
another age than Luther did, it may seem, after my mind, sufficient
to follow the same way after Luther, or to walk with Luther to the
kingdom of Christ, though they jump not also in every footstep of of
his, and keep even the same pace and turnings in all points as he
did.
[Footnote:  A Roman Catholic bishop, Dr. Milner, in his Letters to a
Prebendary, (seventh edition, London, 1825, pp. 113-118,) has
favoured us with a series of the coarsest expressions which can be
selected from the writings of Luther, to deduce from them, that
Luther's morality was prostrated, that his sentiments were depraved,
and that his motives and actions were the result of pride, bigotry,
and ambition. Dr. Milner closes his observations with these words,
"There are other passages in great numbers, too indecent to admit of
being translated at all; indeed I almost blush to soil my paper with
transcribing some of them into my notes below, in the original
Latin." This learned doctor of the popish church shrinks, with wonted
modesty, from his own translation of Luther's addresses to his royal
antagonist Henry the Eighth; but how would his delicacy have been
offended had he heard Mr. John Clark, the king's orator, before the
Consistory of Leo the Tenth, (in presenting his master's book to that
spiritual head of the church,) break out into such epithets as these
which follow; unless, indeed, they were deemed excusable, as spoken
of "an execrable, venomous, and pernicious heretic." [See page 1 of
Henry the Eighth's own book, entitled, Assertio Septem Sacramentorum.
Faithfully translated, &c., by T. W., gent., London, 1688.] The
orator denounces Luther as "this furious monster," with "his stings
and poisons, whereby he intends to infect the whole world." Or again,
"What so hot and inflamed force of speaking can be invented
sufficient to declare the crime of that most filthy villain?" [see
page 2.] Or, in reading forward, how would his ear have been jarred
with the expressions, "idol and vain phantom," "a mad dog, to be
dealt with drawn swords," and "a viper's madness!" How startling to
hear three times repeated from the mouth of the most holy father Pope
Leo, the title of "terrible monster;" or to hear him, the head of a
church that professes to be no persecutor of protestants, (because
she persecutes all heretics alike,) speak in definite terms of
"driving away from our Lord's flock the wolves; and cutting off, with
the material sword, the rotten members that infect the mystical body
of Christ: " [see the pope's bull to King Henry.] And, lastly, how
would the tender feelings of Dr. Milner have been wounded had he read
King Henry's own words, in his "Address to the Reader," animadverting
upon Luther as "one risen up, who, by the instigation of the devil,
under pretext of charity, stimulated with anger and hatred, spues out
the poison of vipers against the church! "Again, how inconsistent 
with the meekness of Christianity, for the Defender of the Faith to
speak thus of Luther:  "Oh, that detestable trumpeter of pride,
calumnies, and schisms! what an infernal wolf, &c., what a great
member of the devil is he! &c. Every Christian mind must deeply
regret the coarse and vulgar expressions used by the orator, the
pope, the king, and Luther, in common with other writers of that age: 
that such should have been the expressions of Luther is deeply to be
lamented, as the life and conversation of Christians should be
characteristic of the religion which they profess:  at the same time
it will be perceived, that Luther was the more readily betrayed into
errors of this kind in consequence of the bold and uncompromising
character of his mind, a quality as much to be admired by every
protestant, as it was dreaded by the papists:  they could not refute
his arguments, founded upon scripture; they dared not injure his
person, beloved and esteemed by the people. That the tender mercies
of the Romish Church would not have spared Luther, unless secured
from danger by a more powerful arm, we may gather from John Clark's
oration to the pope, on presenting to the pontiff King Henry's book;
who, speaking of the poisoning of Socrates, adds these words
respecting Luther:  "Could this destroyer of the Christian religion
expect any better from true Christians, for his extreme wickedness
against God?" And again, King Henry the Eighth, in his Address to the
Reader, speaking of Luther's repentance, adds, If Luther refuses
this, it will shortly come to pass, if Christian princes do their
duty, that their errors, and himself, if he perseveres therein, may
be burned in the fire."

     Whatever may have been the errors of Luther, they teach us this
truth; that weak and unstable must be that proud and boasting church,
which shook from its base to its summit, as Luther divulged and
propagated his Scriptural, and alas, in those days, "strange"
doctrines. The success which crowned the labours of this "puny
brother," (as King Henry calls him in the last sentence of his book,)
we must ascribe to the honour of God and the glory of his grace, who
hath "chosen the foolish things of the world to confound the wise,
and the weak things of the world to confound the things which are
mighty; and who hath chosen base things of the world, and things
which are despised, yea, and things which are not, to bring to nought
things that are, that no flesh should glory in his presence." --
Seeley's Edition of Fox, vol. iv. p. 317.]

     And contrariwise, of the other sort, much less are they to be
commended, which running as much on the contrary string, are so
precise, that because of one small blemish, or for a little stooping
of Luther in the sacrament, therefore they give clean over the
reading of Luther, and fall almost into utter contempt of his books: 
whereby is declared, not so much the niceness and curiousness of
these our days, as the hinderance that cometh thereby to the church
is greatly to be lamented. For albeit the church of Christ (praised
be the Lord) is not unprovided of sufficient plenty of worthy and
learned writers, able to instruct in 'matters of doctrine; yet in the
chief points of our consolation, where the glory of Christ, and the
power of his passion, and strength of faith, are to be opened to our
conscience; and where the soul, wrestling for death and life,
standeth in need of serious consolation, the same may be said of
Martin Luther, among all this other variety of writers, that St.
Cyprian was wont to say of Tertullian," Give me my master." And
albeit that Luther went a little awry, and dissented from Zuinglius,
in this one matter of the sacrament; yet in all other states of
doctrine they did accord, as appeared in the synod holden at Marburg,
by Prince Philip, landgrave of Hesse, which was A.D. 1529, where both
Luther and Zuinglius were present, and, conferring together, agreed
in these articles: 

     "1. On the Unity and Trinity of God. 2. In the incarnation of
the Word. 3. In the passion and, resurrection of Christ, 4. In the
article of original sin. 5. In the article of faith in Christ Jesus.
6. That this faith cometh not of merits, but by the gift of God. 7.
That this faith is our righteousness. 8. Touching the extern word. 9.
Likewise they agreed in the articles of baptism. 10. Of good works.
11. Of confession. 12. Of magistrates. 13. Of men's traditions. 14.
Of baptism of infants. 15. Lastly, concerning the doctrine of the
Lord's supper; this they did believe, and hold:  first, that both
kinds thereof are to be ministered to the people, according to
Christ's institution; and that the mass is no such work for the which
a man may obtain grace both for the quick and the dead. Item, that
the sacrament (which they call of the altar) is a true sacrament of
the body and blood of the Lord. Item, that the spiritual manducation
of his body and blood is necessary for every Christian man. And
furthermore, that the use of the sacrament tendeth to the same effect
as doth the word, given and ordained of Almighty God, that thereby
infirm consciences may be stirred to belief by the Holy Ghost," &c.

     In all these sums of doctrine above recited, Luther and
Zuinglius did consent and agree; neither were their opinions so
different in the matter of the Lord's supper, but that in the
principal points they accorded. For if the question be asked of them
both, What is the material substance of the sacrament, which our
outward senses do behold and feel? they will both confess bread, and
not the accidents only of bread. Further, if the question be asked,
Whether Christ be there present? they will both confess his true
presence to be there; only in the manner of presence they differ.
Again, ask, Whether the material substance laid before our eyes in
the sacrament is to be worshipped? they will both deny it, and judge
it idolatry. And likewise for transubstantiation, and the sacrifice
of the mass, they both do abhor, and do deny the same:  as also that
the communion to be in both kinds administered, they do both assent
and grant.

     Only their difference is in this, concerning the sense and
meaning of the words of Christ, "This is my body," &c., which words
Luther expoundeth to be taken nakedly and simply as the letter
standeth, without trope or figure; and therefore holdeth the body and
blood of Christ truly to be in the bread and wine, and so also to be
received with the mouth. Uldricus Zuinglius, with Johannes
Ścolampadius, and other more, do interpret these words otherwise; as
to be taken not literally, but to have a spiritual meaning, and to be
expounded by a trope or figure, so that the sense of these words,
"This is my body," is thus to be expounded:  "This signifieth my body
and blood." With Luther consented the Saxons; with the side of
Zuinglius went the Helvetians. And as time did grow, so the division
of these opinions increased in sides, and spread in farther realms
and countries:  the one part being called, of Luther, Lutherans; the
other having the name of Sacramentaries. Notwithstanding, in this one
unity of opinion both the Lutherans and Sacramentaries do accord and
agree, that the bread and wine therepresent are not transubstantiated
into the body and blood of Christ, (as it is said,) but are a true
sacrament of the body and blood.

     But hereof sufficient, touching this division between the
Lutherans and the Zuinglians. In which division, if there have been
any defect in Martin Luther, yet is that no cause why either the
papists may greatly triumph, or why the protestants should despise
Luther:  for neither is the doctrine of Luther touching the sacrament
so gross, that it maketh much with the papists; nor yet so discrepant
from us, that therefore he ought to be exploded. And though a full
reconciliation of this difference cannot well be made, (as some have
gone about to do,) yet let us give to Luther a moderate
interpretation; and if we will not make things better, yet let us not
make them worse than they be, and let us hear, if not with the
manner, yet at least with the time of his teaching; and finally, let
it not be noted in us, that we should seem to differ in charity more
(as Bucer said) than we do in doctrine. But of this more hereafter,
(Christ willing,) when we come to the history of John Frith.

     They which write the lives of saints use to describe and to
extol their holy life and godly virtues, and also to set forth such
miracles as be wrought in them by God; whereof there lacketh no
plenty in Martin Luther, but rather time lacketh to us, and
opportunity to tarry upon them, having such haste to other things.
Otherwise what a miracle might this seem to be, for one man, and a
poor friar, creeping out of a blind cloister, to be set up against
the pope, the universal bishop, and God's mighty vicar on earth; to
withstand all his cardinals, yea, and to sustain the malice and
hatred almost of the whole world being set against him; and to work
that against the said pope, cardinals, and Church of Rome, which no
king nor emperor could ever do, yea, durst never attempt, nor all the
learned men before him could ever compass:  which miraculous work of
God, I account nothing inferior to the miracle of David overthrowing
great Goliath. Wherefore if miracles do make a saint, (after the
pope's definition,) what lacketh in Martin Luther, but age and time
only, to make him a saint? who, standing openly against the pope,
cardinals, and prelates of the church, in number so many, in power so
terrible, in practice so crafty, having emperors and all the kings of
the earth against him; who, teaching and preaching Christ the space
of nine and twenty years, could, without touch of all his enemies, so
quietly, in his own country where he was born, die and sleep in
peace. In which Martin Luther, first to stand against the pope was a
great miracle; to prevail against the pope, a greater; so to die
untouched, may seem greatest of all, espepecially having so many
enemies as he had. Again, neither is it any thing less miraculous, to
consider what manifold dangers he escaped besides:  as when a certain
Jew was appointed to come to destroy him by poison, yet was it so by
the will of God, that Luther had warning thereof before, and the face
of the Jew sent to him by picture, whereby he knew him, and avoided
the peril.

     Another time, as he was sitting in a certain place upon his
stool, a great stone there was in the vault over his head where he
did sit; which being staid miraculously so long as he was sitting, as
soon as he was up, immediately fell upon the place where he sat, able
to have crushed him all in pieces, if it had lighted upon him.

     And what should I speak of his prayers, which were so ardent
unto Christ, that (as Melancthon writeth) they which stood under his
window where he stood praying, might see his tears falling and
dropping down. Again, with such power he prayed, that he (as himself
confesseth) had obtained of the Lord, that so long as he lived, the
pope should not prevail in his country; after his death (said he) let
them pray who could.

     And as touching the marvellous works of the Lord, wrought here
by men, if it be true which is credibly reported by the learned, what
miracle can be more miraculous, than that which is declared of a
young man about Wittenberg, who, being kept bare and needy by his
father, was tempted by way of sorcery to bargain with the devil, or a
familiar, as they call him; to yield himself body and soul into the
devil's power, upon condition to have his wish satisfied with money.
So that upon the same an obligation was made by the young man,
written with his own blood, and given to the devil. This case you see
how horrible it was, and how damnable. Now hear what followed. Upon
the sudden wealth and alteration of this young man, the matter first
being noted, began afterwards more and more to be suspected, and at
length, after long and great admiration, was brought unto Martin
Luther to be examined. The young man, whether for shame or fear, long
denied to confess, and would disclose nothing; yet God so wrought,
being stronger than the devil, that he uttered unto Luther the whole
substance of the case, as well touching the money, as the obligation.
Luther understanding the matter, and pitying the lamentable state of
the man, willed the whole congregation to pray, and he himself ceased
not with his prayers to labour; so that the devil was compelled at
the last to throw in his obligation at the window, and bade him take
it again unto him:  which narration, if it be so true, as certainly it
is of him reported, I see not the contrary, but that this may well
seem comparable with the greatest miracle, in Christ's church, that
was since the apostles' time.

     Furthermore, as he was mighty in his prayers, so in his sermons
God gave him such a grace, that when he preached, they which heard
him thought every one his own temptation severally to be noted and
touched. Whereof, when signification was given unto him by his
friends, and he demanded how that could be:  "Mine own manifold
temptations," said he, "and experiences are the cause thereof." For
this thou must understand, good reader! that Luther from his tender
years was much beaten and exercised with spiritual conflicts, as
Melancthon in describing of his life doth testify. Also Hieronymus
Wellerus, scholar and disciple of the said Martin Luther, recordeth,
that he oftentimes heard Luther his master thus report of himself,
that he had been assaulted and vexed with all kinds of temptations,
saving only one, which was with covetousness; with this vice be was
never, said he, in all his life troubled, nor once tempted.

     And hitherto concerning the life of Martin Luther, who, living
to the year of his age sixty-three, he continued writing and
preaching about twenty-nine years. As touching the order of his
death, the words of Melancthon be these: 

An intimation given by Philip Melancthon to his auditory at
Wittenberg, of the decease of Martin Luther, A.D. 1546.

     To the scholars assembled to hear the lecture of the Epistle to
the Romans, Philip Melancthon recited publicly this that followeth,
at nine of the clock before noon; advertising he gave this
information, by the counsel of other lords, for that the auditors,
understanding the express truth, (forasmuch as the lords knew
certainly, fame would blow slanderous blasts every where of the death
of Luther,) should not credit flying tales and false reports.

     "My friends, ye know that we have enterprised to expound
grammatically the Epistle to the Romans, in which is contained the
true doctrine of the Son of God, which our Lord, by his singular
grace, hath revealed unto us at this present by the reverend father,
and our dearly beloved master, Martin Luther. Notwithstanding we have
received heavy news, which has so augumented my dolour, that I am in
doubt if I may continue henceforth in scholastical profession, and
exercise of teaching. The cause wherefore I commemorate this thing
is, for that I am so advised by other lords, that ye may understand
the true sequel of things, lest yourselves blaze abroad vain tales of
this fatal chance, or give credit to other fables, which commonly are
accustomed to be spread every where.

     "Wednesday last past, and the seventeenth of February, Doctor
Martin Luther sickened a little before supper of his accustomed
malady, to wit, of the oppression of humours in the orifice or
opening of the stomach, whereof I remember I have seen him oft
diseased in this place. This sickness took him after supper, with the
which he vehemently contending, required secess into a by-chamber,
and there he rested on his bed two hours, all which time his pains
increased; and as Dr. Jonas was lying in his chamber, Luther awaked,
and prayed him to rise, and to call up Ambrose, his children's
schoolmaster, to make fire in another chamber; into the which when he
was newly entered, Albert, earl of Manseld, with his wife, and divers
others, (whose names for haste in these letters were not expressed,)
at that instant came into his chamber. Finally, feeling his fatal
hour to approach, before nine of the clock in the morning, on the
eighteenth of February, he commended himself to God with this devout
prayer: 

     "'My heavenly Father, eternal and merciful God! thou hast
manifested unto me thy dear Son, our Lord Jesus Christ, I have taught
him, I have known him; I love him as my life, my health, and my
redemption; whom the wicked have persecuted, maligned, and with
injury afflicted. Draw my soul to thee.'

     "After this he said as ensueth, thrice: 

     "'I commend my spirit into thy hands, thou hast redeemed me, O
God of truth! God so loved the world, that he gave his only Son, that
all those that believe in him should have life everlasting,' John
iii.

     "Having repeated oftentimes his prayers, he was called to God,
unto whom so faithfully he commended his spirit; to enjoy, no doubt,
the blessed society of the patriarchs, prophets, and apostles in the
kingdom of God the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost. Let us now
love the memory of this man, and the doctrine that he hath taught;
let us learn to be modest and meek; let us consider the wretched
calamities and marvellous changes, that shall follow this mishap and
doleful chance. I beseech thee, O Son of God! crucified for us, and
resuscitate Emmanuel, govern, conserve, and defend thy church."

A prayer after the manner of Luther.

     "Let us render thanks unto God, the eternal Father of our Lord
Jesus Christ, who hath pleased, by the ministry of this godly Luther,
to purify the evangelical fountains from papistical infection, and
restore sincere doctrine to the church:  which thing we remembering,
ought to join our lamentable petitions, with zealous affection
beseeching God to confirm what he hath begun in us, for his holy
name's sake. This is thy voice and promise, O living and just God,
eternal Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, Creator of all things, and
of the church! I will have compassion on you, for my name's sake. I
will do it for myself, yea, even for myself, that I be not
blasphemed. I beseech thee with ardent affection, that for thy glory,
and the glory of thy Son Jesus Christ, thou wilt collect unto thyself
in the voice of thy gospel, among us, one perpetual church, and that,
for the dear love of thy Son our Lord Jesus Christ, our Mediator and
Intercessor, thou wilt govern us by thy Holy Ghost; that we
unfeignedly may call upon thee, and serve thee justly. Rule also the
studies of thy doctrine, govern and conserve the policies and
discipline of the same, which be the nurses of thy church and 
schools. And since thou hast created mankind to acknowledge and to
invocate thee, and that for this respect thou hast revealed thyself
by many clear testimonies, permit not this small number and selected
flock (that profess thy sacred word) to be defaced and overcome. And
the rather, for that thy Son Jesus Christ, ready to fight against
death, hath prayed in this manner for us; Father, sanctify them in
verity, thy word is verity. Our prayers we join with the prayer of
this our holy Priest, making our petition with Him, that thy doctrine
may shine among men, and that we may be directed by the same."

     We heard Luther evermore pray in this wise, and so praying, his
innocent ghost peaceably was separated from the earthly corpse when
he had lived almost sixty-three years.

     Such as succeeded, have divers monuments of his doctrine and
godliness. He wrote certain learned works, wherein he comprised a
wholesome and necessary doctrine for men, informing the sincere minds
to repentance, and to declare the fruits of the same, the use of the
sacraments, the difference betwixt the gospel and philosophy, the
dignity of politic order; and, finally, the principal articles of
doctrine profitable to the church. He composed certain works to
reprove, wherein he refuteth divers pernicious errors. He also
devised books of interpretation, in which he wrote many narrations
and expositions of the prophets and apostles, and in this kind, his
very enemies confess, he excelleth all others whose works are
imprinted and published abroad. Then, all Christians and godly minds!
conceive what praise he deserved; but certainly his exposition of the
Old and New Testament, in utility and labour, is equivalent to all
his works; for in the same is so much perspicuity, that it may serve
instead of a commentary, though it be read in the German tongue. And
yet this is not a naked exposition, but it containeth very learned
annotations and arguments on every part; which both set forth the sum
of heavenly doctrine, and instruct the reader in the sacred phrase
and manner of speaking in the Scriptures, that the godly minds may
receive firm testimonies of the doctrine, out of the very fountains.
His mind was not to keep us occupied in his works; but to guide our
spirits to the very springs. His will was, we should hear God speak,
and that by his word true faith and invocation might be kindled in
our minds, that God might be sincerely honoured and adored, and that
many might be made inheritors of everlasting life.

     It behoveth us thankfully to accept his good will and great
labours, and to imitate the same as our patron, and by him to learn
to adorn the church, according to our power. For we must refer all
our life, enterprises, and deliberations, to two principal ends: 
First, to illustrate the glory of God; Secondly, to profit the
church. As touching the first, St. Paul saith, Do all things to the
glory of God. And of the second, it is said in Psalm xxii., Pray that
Jerusalem may prosper. And there followeth a singular promise added
in this versicle:  Such as love the church, shall prosper and have
good success. Let these heavenly commandments and divine instructions
allure all men to learn the true doctrine of the church, to love the
faithful ministers of the gospel and the true teachers; and to employ
their whole study and diligence to augment the true doctrine, and
maintain concord and unity in the true church.

     Frederic, prince elector, died long before Luther, A.D. 1525,
leaving no issue behind him, for that he lived a single life, and was
never married:  wherefore after him succeeded John Frederic, duke of
Saxony.



150. CARDINAL CAMPEIUS' MISSION

     Mention was made a little before of the ministers of Strasburg,
who, because of their marriage, were in trouble, and cited by the
bishop to appear before him, and there to be judged, without the
precinct of the city of Strasburg; whereas there had been a contrary
order taken before between the bishop and the city, that the bishop
should execute no judgment upon any, but under some of the
magistrates of the said city of Strasburg. Whereupon the senate and
the citizens, taking into their hands the cause of these married
ministers, in defence of their own right and liberties, wrote, as is
said, to their bishop of Strasburg, and caused the judgment thereof a
while to be stayed; by reason whereof the matter was brought at
length before Cardinal Campeius,legate, sent by Pope Clement to the
assembly of Nuremberg, A.D. 1524.

     The chief doer in this matter was one Thomas Murner, a
Franciscan friar, who had commenced a grievous complaint against the
senate and city of Strasburg, before the aforesaid Cardinal Campeius.
Wherefore the senate, to purge themselves, sent their ambassadors,
thus clearing their cause, and answering to their accusation, that
they neither had been nor would be any let to the bishop, but had
signified to him before, by their letters, that whatsoever he could
lay against those married priests, consonant to the law of God, they
would be no stay, but rather a furtherance unto him to proceed in his
action. But the senate herein was not a little grieved that the
bishop, contrary to the order and compact which was taken between him
and them, did call the said ministers out of the liberties of their
city; for so it was between them agreed, that no ecclesiastical
person should be adjudged but under some judge of their own city. But
now, contrary to their said agreement, the bishop called those
ministers out of their liberties; and so the ministers, claiming the
right and privilege of the city, were condemned, their cause being
neither heard nor known. And now if the senate should show themselves
any thing more sharp or rigorous unto those ministers, claiming the
right of the city, the people, no doubt, would not take it well, but
haply would rise up in some commotion against them in the quarrel and
defence of their franchises and liberties.

     And where it is objected, that they receive priests and men of
the clergy into the freedom and protection of their city:  to this
they answered, that they did nothing herein, but that which was
correspondent to the ancient usage and manner of the city before; and
moreover, that it was the bishop's own request and desire made unto
them so to do.

     To this the cardinal again, advising well the letters of the
bishop, and the whole order of the matter which was sent unto him,
declared, that he right well understood by the letters sent, that the
ministers indeed (as the ambassadors said) were called out from the
freedom and liberties of the city, and yet no order of law was broken
therein; forasmuch as the bishop (said he) had there no less power 
and authority, than if he were his own vicar delegate; and therefore
he desired them, that they would assist the bishop in punishing the
aforesaid ministers, &c.

     After much other talk and reasoning on both parts, wherein the
ambassadors argued in defence of their freedom, that the judgment
should not be transferred out of the city:  among other communication,
they inferred moreover, and declared, how in the city of Strasburg
were many, yea, the most part of the clergy, who lived viciously and
wickedly with their women, whom they kept in their houses, to the
great offence of the people, shame to Christ's church, and pernicious
example of others; and yet the bishop would never once stir to see
any punishing or correction thereof. Wherefore, if the senate (said
the ambassadors) should permit the bishop to extend his cruelty and
extremity against these married ministers, for not observing the
bishop of Rome's law, and leave the other notorious offenders, who
break the law of God, to escape unpunished, doubtless it would
redound to their great danger and peril, not only before God, but
also among the commons of their city, ready to rise upon them.

     To this Campeius answered, What composition or bargain was
betwixt the bishop and them, he knew not, but surely the act of the
one was manifest, and needed no great trial in law of proving and
confessing; and therefore they were sequestered and abandoned from
the communion of the church, ipso facto. As for the other sort of
them, who keep women, although, said he, it be not well done, yet
doth it not excuse the enormity of their marriage. Neither was he
ignorant, but that it was the manner of the bishops of Germany, for
money, to wink at priests' lemans; and the same also was evil done
indeed. And further, that the time should come when they shall be
called to an account for the same; but yet, nevertheless, it is not
sufferable that priests therefore should have wives. And if
comparison should be made, said he, much greater offence it were, a
priest to have a wife, than to have and keep at home many paramours.
His reason was this; For they that keep them, said he, as it is
naughty which they do, so do they acknowledge their sin:  the others
persuade themselves that they do well, and so continue still without
repentance, or conscience of their fact. All men, said he, cannot be
chaste, as John the Baptist was; yet can it not be proved by any
example, to be lawful for priests, professing chastity, to leave 
their single life, and to marry:  no, not the Greeks themselves, who
in rites be differing from us, do give this liberty to their own
priests to marry:  wherefore he prayed them to give their aid to the
bishop in this behalf.

     Whereunto the ambassadors replied again, saying, that if he
would first punish the one class of offenders, then might the senate
assist him the better in correcting the other; but the cardinal was
still instant upon them, that first they should assist their bishop,
and then if the bishop would not punish the other crime, he would
come thither himself and see it punished accordingly.

     This Cardinal Campeius, how he was sent by Pope Clement the
Sixth, to the second assembly or diet of Nuremberg, A.D. 1524, and
what was there done by the said cardinal, is before signified. After
this council of Nuremberg, immediately followed another sitting at
Ratisbon, where were present Ferdinand, Campeius, the cardinal of
Saltsburg, the two dukes of Bavaria, the bishops of Trent and
Ratisbon; also the legates of the bishops, Bamberg, Spires,
Strasburg, Augsburg, Constance, Basil, Friburg, Passau, and Brixen.
By whom in the said assembly it was thus concluded: 

Summary of popish decrees made at the council of Ratisbon.

     That forasmuch as the emperor, at the request of Pope Leo, had
condemned, by his public edict set forth at Worms, the doctrine of
Luther for erroneous and wicked; and also it was agreed upon in both
the assemblies at Nuremberg, that the said edict should be obeyed by
all men; they likewise, at the request of Cardinal Campeius, do will
and command the aforesaid edict to be observed through all their
confines and precincts:  that the gospel, and all other Holy
Scriptures, should be taught in churches according to the
interpretation of the ancient forefathers:  that all they who revive
any old heresies before condemned, or teach any new thing
contumelious, either against Christ, his blessed mother, and holy
saints, or which may breed any occasion of sedition, are to be
punished according to the tenor of the edict aforesaid:  That none be
admitted to preach without the licence of his ordinary:  That they who
be already admitted, shall be examined how and what they preach:  That
the laws which Campeius is about to set forth for reformation of
manners, shall be observed:  That in the sacraments, in the mass, and
all other things, there shall be no innovation, but all things to
stand as in fore-time they did:  That all they who approach to the
Lord's supper without confession and absolution, or do eat flesh on
days forbidden, or who do run out of their order; also priests,
deacons, and sub-deacons, that be married, shall be punished:  That
nothing shall be printed without consent of the magistrate:  That no
book of Luther or of any Lutheran shall be printed or sold:  That they
of their jurisdiction, who study in the university of Wittenberg,
shall every one repair home within three months after the publishing
hereof, or else turn to some other place free from the infection of
Luther, under pain of confiscating all their goods, and losing their
inheritance:  That no benefice, nor other office of teaching, be given
to any student of that university. Item, That certain inquisitors,
fit for the same, be appointed to inquire and examine the premises.
Item, Lest it may be said that this faction of Luther taketh its
origin from the corrupt life of priests, the said Campeius, with
other his assistants in the said convocation of Ratisbon, chargeth
and commandeth, that priests live honestly, go in decent apparel,
play not the merchants, haunt not the taverns, be not covetous, nor
take money for their ministration; such as keep concubines to be
removed; the number also of holy days to be diminished,

     These things would Campeius have enacted in a full council, and
with the consents of all the empire:  but when he could not bring that
to pass, by reason that the minds of divers were gone from the pope,
he was fain to get the same ratified in this particular conventicle,
with the assents of these bishops above rehearsed.



151. THE REFORMATION IN SWITZERLAND.

     These things thus hitherto discoursed, which fully may be seen
in the Commentaries of John Sleiden, it remaineth next after the
story of Martin Luther, somewhat to adjoin likewise touching the
history of Zuinglius, and of the Helvetians. But before I come to the
explication of this story, it shall not be inconvenient, first to
give some little touch of the towns, called pages, of these
Helvetians, and of their league and confederation first begun amongst
them.

The history of the Helvetians, or Switzers, how they first recovered
their liberty, and afterwards were joined in league together.

     The Helvetians, whom otherwise we call Switzers, are divided
principally into thirteen pages. The names of whom are Tigurini,
Bernates, Lucernates, Urani, Suicenses, Untervaldii, Tugiani,
Glareanti, Basilienses, Solodurii, Friburgii, Scafusiani,
Apecelenses. Furthermore, to these be added seven other pages, albeit
not with such a full bond as the other be conjoined together; which
be these:  Rheti, Lepontii, Seduni, Veragri, Sangalli, Mullusiani,
Rotulenses. Of these thirteen confederate pages above recited, these
three were the first, to wit, Urania, Suicenses, and Sylvanii, or (as
some call them) Untervaldii, which joined themselves together.

     If credit should be given to old narrations, these three pages
or valleys first suffered great servitude and thraldom under cruel
rulers or governors; insomuch that the governor of Sylvania required
of one of the inhabitants a yoke of his oxen; which when the townsmen
denied to give him, the ruler sent his servant by force to take his
oxen from him. This when the servant was about to do, cometh thepoor
man's son, and cutting off one of his fingers, and upon the same
avoided. The governor, hearing this, taketh the poor man and putteth
out his eyes.

     At another time in the said Sylvania, as the good man of the
house was absent abroad, the governor who had then the rule of the
town, entering into the house, commanded the wife to prepare for him
a bath, and made other proposals to her; whereunto she being
unwilling, deferred the bath as long as she might, till the return of
her husband. To whom then she, making her complaint, so moved his
mind, that he, with his axe or hatchet which he had in his hand, flew
upon the adulterous ruler and slew him.

     Another example of like violence is reported of the ruler of
Suicia and Sylvania, who, surprised with the like pride and disdain
against the poor underlings, caused his cap to be hung up upon a
pole, charging and commanding by his servant, all that passed by to
do obeisance to the cap; which when one named William Tell refused to
do, the tyrant caused his son to be tied, with an apple set upon his
head, and the father with a cross-bow, or a like instrument, to shoot
at the apple. After long refusing, when the woeful father could not
otherwise choose, by force constrained, but must level at the apple;
as God would, he missed the child, and struck the mark. Thus Tell,
being thus compelled by the tyrant to shoot at his son, had brought
with him two shafts; thinking that if he had struck the child with
one, the other he would have let drive at the tyrant:  which being
understood, he was apprehended and led to the ruler's house; but by
the way escaping out of the boat between Urania and Brun, and passing
through the mountains with as much speed as he might, he lay in the
way secretly as the ruler should pass, where he discharged his arrow
at the tyrant and slew him, A.D. 1307.
Illustration:  William Tell

     And thus were these cruel governors utterly expelled out of
these three valleys or pages aforesaid; and after that, such order
was taken by the emperor Henry the Seventh, and also by the emperor
Ludovicus, duke of Bavaria, that henceforth no judge should be set
over them, but only of their own company, and town dwellers.

     It followed after this, A.D. 1315, that great contention and
war fell between Frederic, duke of Austria, and Ludovic, duke of
Bavaria, striving and fighting the space of eight years together
about the empire. With Ludovic held the three pages aforesaid; who
had divers conflicts with Leopold, brother to the aforenamed
Frederic, duke of Austria, fighting in his brother's quarrel. As
Leopold had reared a mighty army of twenty thousand footmen and
horsemen, and was come to Egree, so to pass over the mountains to
subdue the pages; he began to take advice of his council, by what way
or passage best he might direct his journey towards the Switzers.
Whereupon as they were busy in consulting, there stood a fool by,
named Kune de Stocken, who hearing their advice, thought also to
shoot his bolt withal, and told them, that their counsel did not like
him:  "For all you," quoth he, "consult how we should enter into
yonder country; but none of you giveth any counsel how to come out
again after we be entered." And in conclusion, as the fool said, so
they found it true. For when Leopold with his host had entered into
the straits and valleys between the rocks and mountains, the
Switzers, with their neighbours of Urania and Sylvania, lying in
privy wait, had them at such advantage; and with tumbling down stones
from the rocks, and sudden coming upon their backs in blind lanes,
did so encumber them, that neither they had convenient standing to
fight, nor room almost to fly away; by reason whereof a great part of
Leopold's army there, being enclosed about the place called
Morgayten, lost their lives, and many in the flight were slain.
Leopold, with them that remained, retired and escaped to Turgoia.
This battle was fought A.D. 1315, the sixteenth of November.

     After this, the burghers of these three villages, being
continually vexed by Frederic, duke of Austria, for that they would
not knowledge him for emperor, assembled themselves in the town of
Urania, A.D. 1316; and there entered a mutual league and bond of
perpetual society and conjunction, joining and swearing themselves,
as in one body of a commonwealth and public administration together.
After that came to them the Lucernates; then the Tugiani; after them
the Tigurines; next to them followed the Bernates; the last almost of
all were the Basilians:  then followed after, the other seven pages
above recited.

     And thus have ye the names, the freedom, and confederation of
these Switzers, or cantons, or pages of Helvetia, with the occasions
and circumstances thereof, briefly expressed. Now to the purpose of
our story intended, which is to declare the success of Christ's
gospel and true religion received among the Helvetians; also touching
the life and doctrine of Zuinglius, and order of his death, as here
ensueth.

The acts and life of Uldricus Zuinglius; and of receiving the gospel
in Switzerland.
Illustration:  Zurich

     In the tractation of Luther's story, mention was made before of
Uldricus Zuinglius, who first abiding at Glarus, in a place called
then our Lord's Hermitage, from thence removed to Zurich about A.D.
1519, and there began to teach, dwelling in the minster, among the
canons or priests of that close; using with them the same rites and
ceremonies during the space of two or three years, where he continued
reading and explaining the Scriptures unto the people with great
travail, and no less dexterity. And because Pope Leo the same year
had renewed his pardons again through all countries, (as is above
declared,) Zuinglius zealously withstood the same, detecting the
abuses thereof by the Scriptures, and of other corruptions reigning
then in the church; and so continued by the space of two years and
more, till at length Hugo bishop of Constance (to whose jurisdiction
Zurich then also did belong) hearing thereof, wrote his letter to the
senate of the said city of Zurich, complaining grievously of
Zuinglius; who also wrote another letter to the college of canons,
where Zuinglius was the same time dwelling, complaining likewise of
such new teachers who troubled the church; and exhorted them
earnestly to beware, and to take diligent heed to themselves. And
forasmuch as both the pope and the emperor's Majesty had condemned
all such new doctrine by their decrees and edicts, he willed them
therefore to admit no such new innovations of doctrine, without the
common consent of them to whom the same did appertain. Zuinglius
hearing thereof, referreth his cause to the judgment and hearing of
the senate, not refusing to render to them an account of his faith.
And forasmuch as the bishop's letter was read openly in the college,
Zuinglius directeth another letter to the bishop again, declaring the
said letter proceeded not from the bishop, not that he was ignorant
who were the authors thereof; desiring him not to follow their
sinister counsels, for that truth, said he, is a thing invincible,
and cannot be resisted. After the same tenor certain others of the
city likewise wrote unto the bishop, desiring him that he would
attempt nothing that should be prejudicial to the liberty and free
course of the gospel; requiring moreover, that he would bear no
longer the filthy and infamous lives of priests, but that he would
permit them to have their lawful wives, &c. This was A.D. 1522.

     Besides this, Zuinglius wrote also another letter to the whole
nation of the Helvetians, monishing them in no case to hinder the
passage of sincere doctrine, nor to infer any molestation to priests
that were married:  for as for the vow and coaction of their single
life, it came, saith he, of the devil, and a devilish thing it is.
And therefore whereas the said Helvetians had such a right and custom
in their towns and pages, that when they received any new priest into
their churches, they used to premonish him before to take his
concubine, lest he should attempt any misuse with their wives and
daughters; he exhorted them that they would no less grant unto them
to take their wives in honest matrimony, than to live with unmarried
women against the precept of God.

     Thus as Zuinglius continued certain years labouring in the word
of the Lord, offence began to rise at this new doctrine, and divers
stepped up, namely, the Dominic Friars, on the contrary side, to
preach and inveigh against him. But he, keeping himself ever within
the Scriptures, protested that he would make good by the word of God
that which he had taught. Upon this, the magistrates and senate of
Zurich sent forth their commandment to all priests and ministers
within their dominion, to repair to the city of Zurich, against the
twenty-ninth of January next ensuing, (this was A.D. 1523,) there
every one to speak freely, and to be heard quietly, touching these
controversies of religion, what could be said; directing also their
letters to the bishop of Constance, that he would either make his
repair thither himself, or else to send his deputy. When the day
appointed came, the bishop's vicegerent, which was John Faber, was
also present. The council first declaring the cause of this their
frequency and assembly, (which was for the dissension newly risen
about matters of religion,) required that if any there had to object
or infer against the doctrine of Zuinglius, he should freely and
quietly utter and declare his mind.

     Zuinglius had disposed his matter before, and contrived all his
doctrine in a certain order of places, to the number of sixty-seven
articles; which articles he had published also abroad before, to the
end that they which were disposed, might resort thither the better
prepared to the disputation. When the consul had finished that which
he would say, and had exhorted others to begin, Faber, first entering
the matter, began to declare the cause of his sending thither, and
afterwards would persuade, that this was no place convenient, nor
time fit, for discussing of such matters by disputation, but rather
that the cognition and tractation thereof belonged to a general
council, which, he said, was already appointed, and now near at hand.
Notwithstanding Zuinglius still continued urging and requiring him,
that if he had there any thing to say or to dispute, he would openly
and freely utter his mind. To this he answered again, that he would
confute his doctrine by writing. This done, with a few other words on
both sides had to and fro, when no man would appear there to offer
any disputation, the assembly brake, and was discharged; whereupon
the senate of Zurich incontinent caused to be proclaimed through all
their dominion and territory, that the traditions of men should be
displaced and abandoned, and the gospel of Christ purely taught out
of the Old and New Testament. A.D. 1523.

     When the gospel thus began to take place, and to flourish in
Zurich and certain other places of Helvetia, in the following year,
(A.D. 1524,) another assembly of the Helvetians was convented at
Lucerne, where this decree was made on the contrary part: 

Constitutions decreed in the assembly of Lucerne.

     "That no man should deride or contemn the word of God, which
had been taught now above a thousand and four hundred years
heretofore:  nor the mass to be scorned, wherein the body of Christ is
consecrated, to the honour of God, and to the comfort both of the
quick and the dead.

     "That they which are able to receive the Lord's body at Easter,
shall confess their sins in Lent to the priests, and do all other
things, as the use and manner of the church requireth.

     "That the rites and customs of holy church be kept.

     "That every one obey his own proper pastor and curate, and
receive the sacraments of him, after the manner of holy church, and
pay him his yearly duties.

     "That honour be given to priests.

     "Item, to abstain from flesh-eating on fasting-days, and in
Lent to abstain from eggs and cheese.

     "That no opinion of Luther be taught privily or apertly,
contrary to the received determination of holy church; and that in
taverns and at table no mention be made of Luther, or any new
doctrine.

     "That images and pictures of saints in every place be kept
inviolate.

     "That priests and ministers of the church be not compelled to
render account of their doctrine, but only to the magistrate.

     "That due aid and supportation be provided for them, if any
commotion do happen.

     "That no person deride the relics of the Holy Spirit, or of our
Lady, or of St. Anthony.

     "Finally, That all the laws and decrees set forth by the bishop
of Constance, be observed.

     "These constitutions whosoever shall transgress, let them be
presented to the magistrate, and overseers to be set over them that
shall so transgress."

     After these things concluded thus at Lucerne, the cantons of
Helvetia together directed their public letter to the Tigurines, or
men of Zurich, to this effect: -

     "Wherein they do much lament and complain of this new-broached
doctrine which had set all mentogether by the ears, through the
occasion of certain rash and newfangled heads, which had greatly
disturbed both the state of the church and of the commonwealth, and
have scattered the seeds of discord, where beforetime all things were
well in quiet. And although this sore (said they) ought to have been
looked to betimes, so that they should not have suffered the glory of
Almighty God, and of the blessed Virgin, and other saints, so to be
dishonoured, but rather should have bestowed their goods and lives to
maintain the same; yet, notwithstanding, they required them now to
look upon the matter, which otherwise would bring to them destruction
both of body and soul:  as for example, they might see the doctrine of
Luther, what fruit it brought. The rude and vulgar people now (said
they) could not be holden in, but would burst forth to all licence
and rebellion, as hath appeared by sufficient proofs of late; the
like is to be feared also among themselves, and all by the occasion
of Zuinglius, and of Leo Juda, which so took upon them to expound the
word of God after their own interpretation, opening thereby whole
doors and windows to discord and dissension. Albeit of their doctrine
they were not certain what they did teach; yet what inconvenience
followed upon their doctrine, they had too much experience. For now
all fasting was laid down, and all days were alike to eat both flesh
and eggs, as well one as another. Priests and religious persons, both
men and women, brake their vows, ran out of their order, and fell to
marrying; God's service was decayed, singing in the church left, and
prayer ceased; priests grew in contempt, religious men were thrust
out of their cloisters; confession and penance were neglected, so
that men would not stick to presume to receive at the holy altar,
without any confession made to the priest before. The holy mass was
derided and scorned; our blessed Lady and other saints blasphemed;
images plucked down and broken in pieces, neither was there any
honour given to the sacraments. To make short, men now were grown
unto such a licence and liberty, that scarcely the holy host could be
safe within the priest's hands, &c.

     "The disorder of all which things, as it is of no small
importance, so it was to them so grievous and lamentable, that they
thought it their part to suffer the same no longer. Neither was this
the first time (they said) of this their complaining, when in their
former assembly they sent unto them before the like admonition,
writing to them by certain of the clergy, and craving their aid in
the same; which seeing it is so, they did now again earnestly call
upon them touching the premises, desiring them to surcease from such
doings, and to take a better way, continuing in the religion of their
old ancestors, which were before them. And if there were any such
thing, wherein they were grieved and offended against the bishop of
Rome, the cardinals, bishops, or other prelates, either for their
ambition in heaping, exchanging, and selling the dignities of the
church, or for their oppression in pilling men's purses with their
indulgences, or else for their usurped jurisdiction and power, which
they extend too far, and corruptly apply to matters external and
political, which only ought to serve in such cases as be spiritual;
if these and such other abuses were the causes, wherewith they were
so grievously offended, they promised that, for the correction and
reformation thereof, they would also themselves join their diligence
and good will thereto; forasmuch as themselves also did not a little
mislike therewith, and therefore would confer their counsels together
with them, how and by what way such grievances might best be
removed."

     To this effect were the letters of the Helvetians, written to
the senate and citizens of Zurich. Whereunto the Tigurines made their
answer again on the 21st of March, the same year, in manner as
followeth

     "First, declaring how their ministers had laboured and
travailed among them, teaching and preaching the word of God unto
them the space now of five years; whose doctrine at the first seemed
to them very strange and novel, because they never heard the same
before. But. after that they understood and perceived the scope of
that doctrine only to tend to this; to set forth Christ Jesus unto
us, to be the pillar and refuge of all our salvation, which gave his
life and blood for our redemption, and which only delivereth us also,
sinful misers, from eternal death, and is the only Advocate of
mankind before God; they could no otherwise do, but with ardent
affection receive so wholesome and joyful a message.

     "The holy apostles and faithful Christians, after they had
received the gospel of Christ, did not fall out by and by in debate
and variance, but lovingly agreed and consented together:  and so they
trusted (said they) that they should do, if they would likewise
receive the word of God, setting aside men's doctrines and traditions
dissonant from the same. Whatsoever Luther or any other man doth
teach, whether it be right or wrong, it is not for the names of the
persons, why the doctrine which they teach should be either evil or
well judged upon, but only for that it agreeth or disagreeth from the
rule of God's word:  for that were but to go by affection, and were
prejudicial to the authority of the word of God, which ought to rule
man, and not to be measured by man. And if Christ only be worshipped,
and men taught solely to repose their confidence in him, yet neither
doth the blessed Virgin, nor any saint else, receive any injury
thereby; who, being here on earth, received their salvation only by
the name of him.

     "And whereas they charge their ministers with wresting the
Scripture after their own interpretation, God had stirred up such
light now in the hearts of men, that the most part of their city have
the Bible in their hand, and diligently peruse the same; so that
their preachers cannot so wind the Scriptures awry, but they shall
quickly be perceived. Wherefore there is no danger why they should
fear any sects or factions in them; but rather such sects are to be
objected to those, who, for their gain and dignity, wrest the word of
God after their own affections and appetites. And whereas they, and
others, have accused them of error, yet was there never man that
could prove any error in them, although divers bishops of Constance,
of Basil, of Coire, with divers universities besides; also they
themselves have been sundry times desired so to do; yet to this
present day neither they nor ever any others so did; neither were
they, nor any of all the aforesaid bishops, at their last assembly,
being requested to come, so gentle to repair unto them, save only the
Schashusians and Sangallians. In which aforesaid assembly of theirs,
all such as were then present, considering thoroughly the whole case
of the matter, condescended together with them. And if the bishops
haply will object again, and say, that the word of God ought not so
to be handled of the vulgar people; they answered the same not to
stand with equity and reason. For albeit it did belong to the
bishops' office, to provide that the sheep should not go astray, and
most convenient it were, that by them they should be reduced into the
way again; yet because they will not see to their charge, but leave
it undone, referring all things to the fathers and to councils;
therefore right and reason it is, that they themselves should hear
and learn, not what man doth determine, but what Christ himself doth
command in his Scripture. Neither have their ministers given any
occasion of this division; but rather it is to be imputed to such,
which for their own private lucre and preferments, contrary to the
word of the Lord, do seduce the people into error; and grievously
offending God, do provoke him to plague them with manifold
calamities; who, if they would renounce the greediness of their own
gain, and would follow the pure doctrine of his word, seeking not the
will of man, but what is the will of God, no doubt but they should
soon fall to agreement.

     "As for the eating of flesh and eggs, although it be free to
all men, and forbidden to none by Christ; yet they have set forth a
law to restrain rash intemperance, and uncharitable offension of
other.

     "And as touching matrimony, God is himself the author thereof,
who hath left it free for all men. Also Paul willeth a minister of
the church to be the husband of one wife. And seeing that bishops for
money permit their priests to have concubines, which is contrary both
to God's law and to good example; why then might not they as well
obey God in permitting lawful matrimony which he hath ordained, as
they to resist God in forbidding the same? The like is to be said
also of women vowing chastity; of whom this they judge and suppose,
that such kind of vows and coacted chastity, are not available nor
allowed before God:  and seeing that chastity is not all men's gift,
better it were to marry, (after their judgments,) than filthily to
live in single life.

     "As for monasteries, and other houses of canons, they were
first given for relief only of the poor and needy; whereas now they
which inhabit them are wealthy, and able to live of their own
patrimony, in such sort as many times some one of them hath so much,
as might well suffice a great number; wherefore it seemeth to them
not inconvenient, that those goods should be converted again to the
use of the poor. Yet, nevertheless, they have used herein such
moderation, that they have permitted the inhabitants of those
monasteries to enjoy the possession of their goods, during the term
of their natural life, lest any should have cause of just complaint.

     "Ornaments of churches serve nothing to God's service; but this
is well agreeing to the will and service of God, that the poor should
be succoured. So Christ commanded the young man in the gospel, that
was rich, not to hang up his riches in the temple, but to sell them,
and distribute them to the needy.

     "The order of priesthood they do not contemn. Such priests as
will truly discharge their duty, and teach soundly, they do magnify.
As for the other rabble, which serve to no public commodity, but
rather damnify the commonwealth, if the number of them were
diminished by little and little, and their livings put to better use,
they doubted not but it were a service well done to God. Now whether
the singing and prayers of such priests be available before God, it
may be doubted, forasmuch as many of them understand not what they
say, or sing, but only for hire of wages do the same.

     "As for secret confession, wherein men do detect their sins in
the priest's ear, of what virtue this confession is to be esteemed,
they leave it in suspense. But that confession whereby repenting
sinners do fly to Christ our only Intercessor, they account notonly
to be profitable, but also necessary to all troubled consciences. As
for satisfaction, which priests do use, they reckon it but a practice
to get money, and the same to be not only erroneous, but also full of
impiety. True penance and satisfaction is, for a man to amend his
life.

     "The orders of monkery came only by the invention of man, and
not by the institution of God.

     "And as touching the sacraments, such as be of the Lord's
institution, them they do not despise, but receive with all
reverence; neither do suffer the same to be despised of any person,
nor to be abused otherwise than becometh, but to be used rightly,
according to the prescript rule of God's word. And so with the like
reverence they use the sacrament of the Lord's supper, according as
the word prescribeth, not (as many do use it) to make of it an
oblation and a sacrifice.

     "And if the messengers sent to them of the clergy, in their
letters mentioned, can justly charge them with any hinderance, or any
error, they will be ready either to purge themselves, or to satisfy
the offence. And if they cannot, then reason would, that those
messengers of the clergy should hereafter look better to their own
doings, and to their doctrine, and to cease from such untrue slanders
and contumelies.

     "Finally, Whereas they understand by their letters how desirous
they are to have the pope's oppressions, and exactions, and usurped
power abolished, they are right glad thereof and joyful, supposing
that the same can by no means be brought to pass, except the word of
God only and simply be received:  for otherwise, so long as men's laws
and constitutions shall stand in force, there will be no place nor
hope of reformation. For, by the preaching of God's word, their
estimation and dignity must needs decay, and that they well perceive;
and therefore, by all means do provide how to stop the course of the
word:  and because they see themselves too weak to bring their purpose
about, they fly to the aid of kings and princes. For the necessary
remedy whereof, if they shall think good to join their consent, there
shall nothing be lacking in their behalf, what they are able either
in counsel or goods to do in the matter:  declaring moreover, that
this should have been seen to long before. Which being so, they
prayed and desired them to accept in good part, and diligently to
expound, that which they did write. As for their own part, they
required nothing else more than peace, both between them and all men;
neither was it ever their intent to stir any thing that should be
prejudicial against their league and band agreed upon between them.
But in this cause, which concerneth their eternal salvation, they can
do no otherwise but as they have done, unless their error by learning
might be proved and declared unto them. Wherefore, as they did
before, so now they desire again, that if they think this their
doctrine to be repugnant to the Holy Scripture, they will gently show
and teach them their error; and that, before the end of the month of
May next ensuing:  for so long they will abide waiting for an answer,
as well from them, as from the bishop of Constance, and also from the
university of Basil."

     And thus much containeth the answer of the Tigurines unto the
letter of their other colleagues of Helvetia.

     In the mean time, as this passed on, and the month of May,
above-mentioned, was now come, the bishop of Constance, with the
advice of his council about him, did answer the Tigurines, as he was
requested of them to do, in a certain book, first written, and
afterward printed; wherein he declareth what images and pictures
those were, which the profane Jews and Gentiles in the old time did
adore, and what images these be which the church hath from time to
time received and admitted; and what difference there is between
those idols of the Jews and Gentiles, and these images of the
Christians. The conclusion hereof was this; that whereas the
Scripture speaketh against images, and willeth them not to be
suffered, that is to be understood of such images and idols, as the
Jews and idolatrous Gentiles did use; yet nevertheless such images
and pictures which the church had received, are to be used and
retained.

     From this he entereth next into the discourse of the mass,
where he proveth, by divers and sundry testimonies, both of the
pope's canons and councils, the mass to be a sacrifice and oblation.

     This book being thus compiled and written, he sent it unto the
senate of Zurich, about the beginning of June, willing and exhorting
them by no manner of means to suffer their images, or the mass, to be
abrogated; and shortly after he published the said book in print, and
sent it to the priests and canons of the minster of Zurich, requiring
them to follow the custom of the church received, and not to suffer 
themselves to be persuaded otherwise by any man.

     The senate again, answering to the bishop's book, about the
middle of August, did write unto him, first, declaring that they had
read over and over again his book with all diligence:  the which book, 
forasmuch as the bishop had divulged abroad in print, they were
therefore right glad, because the whole world thereby might judge
between them the better. After this, they explained unto him the
judgment and doctrine of their ministers and preachers:  and finally,
by the authority and testimonies of the Scripture, convinced his
opinion, and proved the doctrine of his book to be false. But before
they sent their answer to him, about the thirteenth of June, they
commanded all the images, as well within the city as through their
dominion, to be taken down and burned quietly, and without any
tumult. A few months after, an order was taken in the said city of
Zurich, between the canons of the church and city, for disposing the
lands and possessions of the college.

     It would grow to a long discourse, to comprehend all things by
order of circumstance, that happened among the Helvetians upon this
new alteration of religion; but, briefly to contract, and to run over
the chief specialties of the matter, here is first to be noted, that
of the Helvetians which were confederate together in the thirteen
pages, chiefly, six there were, which most disdained and maligned
this religion of the Tigurines:  to wit, the Lucernates, the Urani,
the Suitenses, the Untervaldii, the Tugiani, and the Friburgenses;
these in no case could be reconciled. The rest showed themselves more
favourable. But the other, which were their enemies, conceived great
grudge, and raised many slanderous reports and false rumours against
them, and laid divers things to their charge:  as, first, for refusing
to join their consent to the public league of the other pages with
Francis the French king; then for dissenting from them in religion;
and thirdly, for refusing to stand to the popish decree made the year
before at Ratisbon, by Ferdinand, and other bishops above-mentioned.

     They laid moreover to their accusation, for aiding the
Vualsutenses their neighbours, against Ferdinand their prince; which
was false. Also for joining league secretly with other cities,
without their knowledge; which was likewise false. Item, That they
should intend some secret conspiracy against them, and invade them
with war; which was as untrue as the rest. Many other quarrels
besides they pretended against the Tigurines, which were all false
and cavilling slanders:  as that they should teach and preach, that
Mary the mother of Christ had more sons; and that James the younger,
the apostle, did die for us, and not Christ himself. Against these
and such other untruths being mere matters of cavillation and
slander, the Tigurines did fully and amply purge and acquit
themselves by writing, and did expostulate vehemently with them, not
only for these false and wrongful suspicions, of their parts
undeserved, but also for other manifold injuries received and borne
at their hands, among which other wrongs and injuries, this was one: 
that the burghermaster of Zurich had apprehended a certain preacher,
named John Oxline, and led him home as prisoner unto his house; being
taken within the precinct and limits of the city of Zurich, contrary
to law and order.

     Finally, after much discoursing, wherein they in a long letter
declared their diligence and fidelity at all times, in keeping their
league, and maintaining the liberty and dignity of their country; as
touching the cause of religion, if that were all the matter of their
offence, they offered themselves willing to hear, and more glad to
amend, if any could prove any error in them by the Scripture.
Otherwise, if none so could or would prove wherein they did err by
the word of God, they could not, they said, alter any thing in the
state of that religion wherein their consciences where already staid
by the word of God and settled, whatsoever peril or danger should
happen to them for the same.

     Although here was no cause why these pages or cantons, which
were so confederate together in the league of peace, should disagree
amongst themselves; yet herein may we see the course and trade of the
world, that when difference of religion beginneth a little to break
the knot of amity, by and by how friends be turned to foes; what
suspicions do rise; what quarrels and grudges do follow; how nothing
there liketh men, but every thing is taken to the worst part:  small
motes are made mountains; virtues made vices, and one vice made a
thousand; and all for lack only of a little good will betwixt party
and party. For as love and charity commonly among men, either
covereth or seeth not the faults of their friends, so hatred and
disdain, taking all things to blame, can find nothing in their foes
that they can like. And thus did it happen between these good men of
Zurich, and these other Switzers above-named.

     These letters of the Tigurines to the other cantons, were
written upon the occasion of their apprehending the preacher, John
Oxline, above-named, on the fourth of January, 1525; and in the month
of April next following, the magistrates and senate of the said city
of Zurich commanded the mass, with all his ceremonies and
apurtenances thereto belonging, to be put down, as well within the
city, as without, throughout all their jurisdiction; and instead
thereof was placed the Lord's supper, the reading of the prophets,
prayer, and preaching. Also a law was made against whoredom and
adultery, and judges ordained to hear the causes of matrimony, A.D.
1525.

     All this while the gospel was not as yet received in any other
page of Helvetia, but only in Zurich. Wherefore the other twelve
pages, or towns, appointed among themselves concerning a meeting or a
disputation to be had at Baden:  where were present, among other
divines, John Faber, Eckius, and Murner, above-mentioned. The bishops
also of Lucerne, Basil, Coire, and Lausanne, sent thither their
legates. The conclusions there propounded were these:  That the true
body and blood of Christ is in the sacrament:  that the mass is a
sacrifice for the quick and dead:  that the blessed Virgin, and other
saints, are to be invocated as mediators and intercessors:  that
images ought not to be abolished:  that there is a purgatory.

     Which conclusions or assertions Eckius took upon him stoutly to
defend. Against him reasoned Ścolampadius, (who was then chief
preacher at Basil,) with certain other more. Zuinglius at that time
was not there present, but by writing confuted the doctrine of
Eckius:  declaring withal the causes of his absence; which were for
that he durst not, for fear of his life, commit himself unto the
hands of the Lucernates, the Urani, the Suitenses, the Untervaldii,
and the Tugiani, his enemies:  and that he refused not to dispute, but
the place only of the disputation; excusing moreover that he was not
permitted of the senate to come:  nevertheless, if they would assign
the place of disputation either at Zurich, or at Berne, or at
Sangallum, thither he would not refuse to come. Briefly, the
conclusion of the disputation was this, that all should remain in
that religion which hitherto they had kept, and should follow the
authority of the council, neither should admit any other new doctrine
within their dominions, &c. This was in the month of June, the said
year above-mentioned.
Illustration:  Berne

     As the time proceeded, and dissension about religion increased,
it followed the next year, A.D. 1527, in the month of December, that
the senate and people of Berne, (whose power among all the Switzers
chiefly excelleth,) considering how neither they could have the acts
of the disputation of Baden communicated unto them, and that the
variance about religion still more and more increased, assigned
another disputation within their own city, and sending forth writings
thereof, called unto the same all the bishops bordering near about
them, as the bishops of Constance, Basil, Sion, Lausanne; warning
them both to come themselves, and to bring their divines with them;
or else to lose all such possessions which they had lying within the
bounds of their precinct. After this they appointed out certain
ecclesiastical persons of their jurisdiction to dispute; prescribing
and determining the whole disputation to be decided only by the
authority of the Old and New Testament. To all that would come
thither, they granted safe-conduct. Also they appointed, that all
things there should be done modestly, without injury and brawling
words; and that every one should have leave to speak his mind freely,
and with such deliberation, that every man's saying might be received
by the notary, and penned:  with this proviso made before, that
whatsoever there should be agreed upon, the same should be ratified,
and observed through all their dominions. And to the intent men might
come thither better prepared before, they propounded in public
writing ten conclusions in the said disputation to be defended of
their ministers by the Scriptures; which ministers were, Franciscus
Colbus and Bertholdus Hallerus. The themes or conclusions were these: 

     "I. That the true church, whereof Christ is the head, riseth
out of God's word, and persisteth in the same, and heareth the voice
of no other.

     "II. That the same church maketh no laws without the word of
God.

     "III. That traditions, ordained in the name of the church, do
not bind but so far forth as they be consonant to God's word.

     "IV. That Christ only hath made satisfaction for the sins of
the world:  and therefore if any man say, that there is any other way
of salvation, or mean to put away sin, the same denieth Christ.

     "V. That the body and blood of Christ cannot be received really
and corporally, by the testimony of the Scripture.

     "VI. That the use of the mass, wherein Christ is present and
offered up to his heavenly Father for the quick and the dead, is
against the Scripture, and contumelious to the sacrifice which Christ
made for us.

     "VII. That Christ only is to be invocated, as the Mediator and
Advocate of mankind to God the Father.

     "VIII. That there is no place to be found by the Holy
Scripture, wherein souls are purged after this life:  and therefore
all those prayers and ceremonies, yearly dirges and obits, which are
bestowed upon the dead, also lamps, tapers, and such other things,
profit nothing at all.

     "IX. That to set up any picture or image to be worshipped, is
repugnant to the Holy Scripture; and therefore, if any such be
erected in churches for that intent, the same ought to be taken down.

     "X. That matrimony is prohibited to no state or order of men,
but, for eschewing of fornication, generally is commanded, and
permitted to all men by the word of God. And forasmuch as all
fornicators are excluded, by the testimony of Scripture, from the
communion of the church, therefore this unchaste and filthy single
life of priests, is most of all inconvenient for the order of
priesthood."

     When the senate and people of Berne had sent abroad their
letters with these themes and conclusions to all the Helvetians,
exhorting them both to send their learned men, and to suffer all
others to pass safely through their countries; the Lucernates,
Uranites, Switzers, Untervaldians, Tugians, Glareans, Soloturnians,
and they of Friburg, answered again by contrary letters, exhorting
and requiring them in any case to desist from their purposed
enterprise; putting them in remembrance of their league and
composition made, and also of the disputation of Baden above-
mentioned, of which disputation they were themselves (they said) the
first beginners and authors. Saying moreover, that it was not lawful
for any nation or province to alter the state of religion, but the
same to belong to a general council:  wherefore they desired them that
they would not attempt any such wicked act, but continue in the
religion which their parents and elders had observed. And in fine,
thus in the end of their letters they concluded, that they would
neither send, nor suffer any of their learned men to come, nor yet
grant safe-conduct to any others to pass through their country. To
this and such-like effect tended the letters of these Switzers above-
named.

     All which notwithstanding, the lords of Berne, proceeding in
their intended purpose, upon the day prescribed, (which was the
seventh of January,) began their disputation. Of all the bishops
before signified, which were assigned to come, there was not one
present. Nevertheless the cities of Basil, Zurich, and Schaffhausen,
and Appenzel, St. Gallen, Mulhausen, with the neighbours of Rhetia;
also they of Strasburg, Ulm, Augsburg, Lindau, Constance, and Isny,
sent thither their ambassadors.

     The doctors above-mentioned of the city of Berne, began the
disputation; whereat the same time were present Zuinglius,
Ścolampadius, Bucer, Capito, Blaurer, with others more, all which
defended the affirmative of the conclusions propounded. On the
contrary side, of them which were the opponents, the chieftain was
Conrad Treger, a friar Augustine; who, to prove his assertion, when
he was driven to shift out of the Scripture to seek help of other
doctors, and the moderators of the disputation would not permit the
same, (being contrary to the order before appointed,) he departed out
of the place, and would dispute no more.

     The disputation endured nineteen days; in the end whereof it
was agreed, by the assent of the most part, that the conclusions
there disputed, were consonant to the truth of God's word, and should
be ratified not only in the city of Berne, but also proclaimed by the
magistrates in sundry other cities near adjoining:  furthermore, that
masses, altars, and images, in all places, should be abolished.

     At the city of Constance, certain things began to be altered a
little before; where also, among other things, laws were made against
fornication and adultery, and all suspect or unhonest company;
whereat the canons (as they are called) of the church, taking great
grief and displeasure, departed the city. In the said city was then
teacher, Ambrose Blaurer, a learned man, and born of a noble stock,
who had been a monk a little before, professed in the monastery of
Alperspake, in the duchy of Wittenberg, belonging to the dominion of
Ferdinand. Which Blaurer, by reading of Luther's works, and having a
good wit, had changed, a little before, his religion, and also his
coat, returning again home to his friends; and when his abbot would
have had him again, and wrote earnestly to the senate of Constance
for him, he declared the whole case of the matter in writing;
propounding withal certain conditions, whereupon he was content (as
he said) to return. But the conditions were such, that the abbot was
rather willing and contented that he should remain still at
Constance; and so he did.

     After this disputation thus concluded at Berne, (as hath been
said,) the images and altars, with ceremonies and masses, were
abolished at Constance.

     They of Geneva also, for their parts, were not behind,
following likewise the example of the city of Berne, in extirpating
images and ceremonies; by reason whereof the bishop and clergy there
left, and departed the city in no small anger.

     The Bernates, after they had redressed with them the state of
religion, they renounced the league made before with the French king;
refusing and forsaking his war stipend, whereby they were bound at
his call to feed his wars; following therein the example of the
Tigurines, which before had done the like, and were contented only
with their yearly pension that the king payeth to every page of the
Helvetians, to keep peace.

     The day and year when this reformation from popery to true
Christianity with them began, they caused on a pillar to be engraven
with golden letters, for a perpetual memory to all posterity to come.
This was A.D. 1528.

     After that the rumour of this disputation and alteration of
Berne was noised in other cities and places abroad, first the
ministers of Strasburg, encouraged by this occasion, began likewise
to affirm and teach, that the mass was wicked, and a great blasphemy
against God's holy name, and therefore was to be abrogated; and
instead thereof the right use of the Lord's supper to be restored
again; which unless they could prove by the manifest testimonies of
the Scriptures to be true, they would refuse no manner of punishment.
On the contrary part, the bishop of Rome's clergy did hold and
maintain, that the mass was good and holy; whereupon kindled great
contention on both sides:  which when the senate and magistrates of
the city would have brought to a disputation, and could not because
the priests would not condescend to any reasoning; therefore, seeing
they so accused the other, and yet would come to no trial of their
cause, the said magistrates commanded them to silence.

     The bishop, in the mean while, ceased not with his letters and
messengers daily to call upon the senate, desiring the senate to
persevere in the ancient religion of their elders, and to give no ear
to those new teachers; declaring what danger and peril it would bring
upon them. The senate again desired him, as they had done oftentimes
before, that such things as appertained to the true honour and
worship of God might be set forward, and all other things which
tended to the contrary might be removed and taken away; for that
properly belonged to his office to see to. But the bishop, still
driving them off with delays, pretended to call an assembly for the
same, appointing also day and place for the hearing and discussing of
those controversies; where, indeed, nothing was performed at all; but
with his letters he did often solicit them to surcease their
enterprise, sometimes by way of entreating, sometimes with menacing
words terrifying them:  and at last, seeing he could nothing by that
way prevail, he turned his suit to the assembly of the empire, which
was then at Spires collected, entreating them to set in a foot, and
to help what they could with their authority.

     They, ready to satisfy the bishop's request, sent a solemn
embassy to the senate and citizens of Strasburg, about December in
the year above-said, with this request: 

     "Requiring them not to put down the mass; for neither it was
(said they) in the power of the emperor, nor of any other estate; to
alter the ancient religion received from their forefathers, but
either by a general, or by a provincial, council; which council if
they be supposed to be far off, at least that they would take a pause
till the next sitting of the empire, which should be with speed;
where their requests being propounded and heard, they should have
such reasonable answer, as should not miscontent them. For it was
(said they) against all law and reason, for a private magistrate to
infringe and dissolve those things, which by general consent of the
whole world have been agreed upon; and therefore good reason
required, that they should obtain so much at their hands; for else if
they should obstinately proceed in this their attempt, so with force
and violence to work as they began, it might fortune the emperor,
their supreme magistrate under God, and also Ferdinand his deputy,
would not take it well, and so should be compelled to seek such
remedy therein, as they would be sorry to use. Wherefore their
request was, and advice also, that they should weigh the matter
diligently with themselves and follow good counsel; who, in so doing,
should not only glad the emperor, but also work that which should
redound chiefly to their own commendation and safety."
 Besides the messengers thus sent from the council
of Spires, the bishop also of Hildesheim had been with them a little
before, exhorting them in the emperor's name, after like manner.
Neither did the bishop of Strasburg also cease with his messengers
and letters daily to labour his friends there, and especially such of
the senators as he had to him bound by any fealty, or otherwise by
any gifts of friendship; that, so much as in them did lie, they
should uphold the mass, and gainstand the contrary proceeding of the
others.

     The senate of Strasburg, in the mean time, seeing the matter
did so long hang in controversy, the space now of two years, and the
preachers daily and instantly calling upon them for a reformation,
and suit also being made to them of the citizens, assembled their
great and full council, to the number of three hundred, (as in great
matters of importance they are accustomed to do,) and there with
themselves debated the case; declaring on the one side, if they
abolished the mass, what danger they should incur by the emperor; on
the other side, if they did not, how much they should offend God:  and
therefore, giving them respite to consult, at the next meeting
required them to declare their advice and sentence in the matter.
When the day came that every man should say his mind, it so fell out,
that the voices and judgments of them which went against the mass,
prevailed:  whereupon immediately a decree was made, on the twentieth
of February, A.D. 1529, that the mass should be suspended and laid
down, till the time that the adversary part could prove by good
Scripture, the mass to be a service available and acceptable before
God.

     This decree being established by the consent of the whole city,
the senate eftsoons commanded the same to be proclaimed, and to take
full place and effect, as well within the city, as also without, so
far as their limits and dominion did extend; andafterwards, by
letters, certified their bishop touching the doing thereof. Who
bearing these news, as heavy to his heart as lead, did signify to
them again, how he received their letters, and how he understood by
them the effect and sum of their doings:  all which he was enforced to
digest with such patience as he could, though they went sore against
his stomach, seeing for the present time he could no otherwise
choose:  hereafter would serve (he said); he would see thereunto,
according as his charge and office should require.

     Thus how the mass was overthrown in Zurich, in Berne, in
Geneva, and in Strasburg, you have heard. Now what followed in Basil
remaineth likewise to understand. In this city of Basil was
Ścolampadius, a preacher, (as is above signified,) by whose diligent
labour and travail the gospel began there to take such root, that
great dissension there also arose among the citizens about religion,
and especially about the mass:  whereupon the senate of Basil
appointed, that after an open disputation it should be determined by
voices, what was to be done therein. This notwithstanding, the
papists, still continuing in their former purpose, began more stoutly
to inveigh against the other part; and because they were so suffered
by the magistrate without punishment, it was therefore doubted by the
commons, that they had some privy maintainers among the senators: 
whereupon certain of the citizens were appointed, in the name of the
whole commons, to sue to the senators, and to put them in remembrance
of their promise. Whose suit and request was this:  that those
senators which were the aiders and supporters of the papists, might
be displaced, for that it did as well tend to the contempt of their
former decree made, as also to the public disturbance of the city.
But when this could not be obtained of the senate, the commons, on
the eighth day of February, in the year abovesaid, assembled
themselves in the Grey Friars' church, and there, considering with
themselves upon the matter, repaired again with their suit unto the
senate, but not in such humble wise as before; and therewithal
gathered themselves in the public places of the city, to fortify the
same; albeit as yet without armour. The same evening, the senate sent
them word, that, at their request they granted, that those senators,
although remaining still in office, yet should not sit in the council
at what time any matter of religion should come in talk.

     By this answer the commons, gathering that the whole state was
ruled by a few, took thereat grief and displeasure, protesting
openly, that they would take counsel by themselves hereafter, what
they had to do, not only in cases of religion, but also in other
matters of civil government; and forthwith took them to armour,
keeping the towers and gates, and other convenient places of the
city, with watch and ward, in as forcible wise as if the enemy had
been at hand.

     The next day the senate, requiring respite to deliberate, was
contented to commit the matter to them, whom the commons before had
sent as suitors unto them; which offer the citizens did not refuse,
but with this condition, that those senators who were guilty, should
in the mean season follow their plea as private persons, upon their
own private costs and charges; and that the others, who defended the
public cause for the behoof of their posterity, should be maintained
by the public charges of the city. This the senate was glad to grant,
with some other like matters of lighter weight, to appease their
rage.

     It happened the very same day, that certain of the citizens,
(such as were appointed to go about the city for the viewing of
things,) came into the high church, where one of them thrusting at a
certain image with his staff, eftsoons it fell down and brake; by the
occasion whereof, other images also, in like sort, were served after
the same devotion. But when the priests came running to them, which
seemed to be greatly offended therewith, they, because they would not
pass their commission, staid their hands and departed.

     It followed upon this, that when word hereof was brought to the
citizens which stood in the marketplace, and the matter being made
worse unto them than it was, they incontinently discharged out three
hundred armed men, to rescue their fellows in the church, supposing
them to be in danger:  who, coming to the church, and not finding
their fellows there, and all things quiet, save only a few images
broken down, they likewise, lest they should have lost all their
labour, threw down all the other idols and images which they found
there standing; and so passing through all churches in the city, did
there also the like. And when certain of the senate came forth to
appease the tumult, the citizens said, "That which you have stood
about these three years, consulting and advising whether it were best
to be done or not, that shall we despatch in one hour, that from
henceforth never more contention shall grow between us for images."
And so the senate permitted them free leave, without any more
resistance; and twelve senators were displaced from their order,
albeit without note of reproach or dishonesty. Also a decree the same
time was made, that as well within the city of Basil, as without,
throughout all their jurisdiction, the mass, with all idols, should
be abandoned:  and further, that in all such matters and cases as
concerned the glory of God, and the affairs of the public wealth,
besides the number of the other senators, two hundred of the burghers
or citizens should be appointed out of every ward in the city to sit
with them in council. These decrees being established, after they had
kept watch and ward about the city three days and three nights, every
one returned again to his house quiet and joyful, without any blood
or stroke given, or anger wreaked, but only upon the images.

     On the third day, which was Ash Wednesday, (as the pope's
ceremonial church doth call it,) all the wooden images were
distributed among the poor of the city, to serve them for firewood.
But when they could not well agree in dividing the prey, but fell to
brawling among themselves, it was agreed that the said images should
be burnt altogether; so that in nine great heaps all the stocks and
idols there the same day were burnt to ashes before the great church
door. And thus by God's ordinance it came to pass, that the same day
wherein the pope's priests are wont to show forth all their mourning,
and do mark men's foreheads with ashes, in remembrance that they be
but ashes, was to the whole city festival and joyful, for turning
their images to ashes; and so is observed and celebrated every year
still, unto this present day, with all mirth, plays, and pastimes, in
remembrance of the same ashes; which day may there be called a right
Ash Wednesday of God's own making. The men of Zurich, of Berne, of
Soleure, hearing what business was at Basil, sent their ambassadors
to be a mean between them; but before the ambassadors came, all was
ceased and at quiet.

     All this mean space the emperor and the French king were
together occupied in wars and strife; which as it turned to the great
damage and detriment of the French king, who, in the said wars, was
taken prisoner by the emperor, so it happened commodious and
opportune for the success of the gospel:  for else it is to be thought
that these Helvetians and other Germans should not have had that
leisure and rest to reform religion, and to link themselves in league
together, as they did. But thus Almighty God, of his secret wisdom,
disposeth times and occasions to serve his will and purpose in all
things; albeit Ferdinand the emperor's brother, and deputy in
Germany, remitted no time nor diligence to do what he could in
resisting the proceedings of the protestants, as appeared both by the
decree set forth at Ratisbon, and also at Spires; in the which
council of Spires, Ferdinand, at the same time, which was A.D. 1529,
had decreed against the protestants in effect as followeth: 

     "First, That the edict of the emperor made at Worms, should
stand in force through all Germany till the time of the general
council which should shortly follow. Also, that they which already
had altered their religion, and now could not revoke the same again
for fear of sedition, should stay themselves, and attempt no more
innovations hereafter, till the time of the general council.

     "Item, That the doctrine of them which hold the Lord's supper
otherwise than the church doth teach, should not be received, nor the
mass should be altered:  and there, where the doctrine of religion was
altered, there should be no impediment to the contrary, but that they
which were disposed to come to mass, might safely therein use their
devotion. Against Anabaptists likewise; and that all ministers of the
church should be enjoined to use no other intepretation of the Holy
Scripture, but according to the exposition of the church doctors: 
other matters that were disputable not be touched. Moreover, that all
persons and states should keep peace, so that for religion, neither
the one part should infer molestation to the other, nor receive any
confederates under their protection and safeguard; all which decrees
they which should transgress, to be outlawed and exiled."

     Unto this sitting at Spires, first, the ambassadors of
Strasburg were not admitted, but repelled by Ferdinand, because they
had rejected the mass; and therefore the said city of Strasburg
denied to pay any contribution against the Turk, except they, with
other Germans, might be likewise admitted into their councils. The
other princes which were received and not repelled, as the duke of
Saxony, and George of Brandenburg, Ernest and Francis, earls of
Lunenburg, and the landgrave Anhaldius, did utterly gainstand the
decree, and showed their cause, in a large protestation written, why
they so did:  which done, all such cities as subscribed and consented
to the said protestation of the princes, eftsoons conjoined
themselves in a common league with them, whereupon they had their
name called therefore protestants. The names of the cities were
these:  Argentina or Strasburg, Nuremberg, Ulm, Constance, Reutlingen,
Windsheim, Memmingen, Lindau, Kempton, Hailbrun, Isny, Weisseburg,
Nordlingen, St. Gallen.

     Furthermore, as touching the Helvetians, (from whence we hare
somewhat digressed,) how the cities of Berne and Zurich had consented
and joined together in reformation of the true religion, ye heard
before. Wherefore the other pages in Helvetia, which were of the
contrary profession, in like manner confederated themselves in league
with Ferdinand:  the number and names of which pages especially were
five; to wit, the Lucernates, the Urani, the Suitcases, the
Untervaldii, and the Tugiani, which was in the year abovesaid; to the
intent, that they, conjoining their power together, might overrun the
religion of Christ, and the professors of the same:  who also, for
hatred and despite, hanged up the arms of the aforesaid cities of
Zurich and Berne upon the gallows, besides many other injuries and
grievances which they wrought against them; for the which cause the
said cities of Berne and Zurich raised their power, intending to set
upon the aforesaid Switzers, as upon their capital enemies. But as
they were in the field, ready to encounter one army against the
other, through the means of the city of Strasburg, and other
intercessors, they were parted for that time, and so returned.

     As touching the council of Augsburg, which followed the next
year after the assembly of Spires, A.D. 1530, how the princes and
protestants of Germany in the same council exhibited their
confession, and what labour was sought to confute it, and how
constantly Duke Frederic persisted in defence of his conscience
against the threatening words and replications of the emperor; also
in what danger the said princes had been in, had not the landgrave
privily by night slipped out of the city; pertaineth not to this
place presently to discourse.

     To return therefore unto Zuinglius and the Helvetians, of whom
we have here presently to treat, you heard before how the tumult and
commotion between the two cities of Zurich and Berne, and the other
five cities of the cantons, was pacified by the means of
intercession; which peace so continued the space of two years. After
that, the old wound waxing raw again, began to burst out and gather
to a head; which was by reason of certain injuries, and opprobrious
words and contumelies, which the reformed cities had received of the
other; wherefore the Tigurines and the Bernates, stopping all
passages and straits, would permit no corn nor victual to pass unto
them. This was A.D. 1531. And when great trouble was like to be
thereby, the French king, with certain other townships of
Switzerland, as the Glarians, Friburgians, Soloturnians, and other
coming between them, laboured to set them at agreement, drawing out
certain conditions of peace between them; which conditions were
these:  That all contumelies and injuries past should be forgotten: 
that hereafter neither part should molest the other:  that they which
were banished for religion, should again be restored:  that the five
pages might remain without disturbance in their religion, so that
none should be restrained amongst them from the reading of the Old
and New Testament:  that no kind of disquietness should be procured
against them of Berne and Zurich:  and that either part should confer
mutual helps together, one to succour the other as in times past. But
the five pagemen would not observe these covenants made, neither
would their malicious hearts be brought to any conformity. Wherefore
the Bernates and Tigurines, showing and declaring first their cause
in public writing, to purge and excuse the necessity of their war,
being pressed with so many wrongs, and in manner constrained to take
the sword in hand, did, as before, beset the highways and passages,
that no furniture, or victual, or other forage, could come to the
other pages; by reason whereof, when they of the five towns began to
be pinched with want and penury, they armed themselves secretly, and
set forward in warlike array towards the borders of Zurich, where
then was lying a garrison of the Zurich men, to the number of a
thousand and more; whereupon word was sent incontinent to the city of
Zurich, to succour their men with speed. But their enemies approached
so fast, that they could hardly come to rescue them; for when they
were come to the top of the hill, whereby they must needs pass, they
saw their fellows being in great distress in the valley under them.
Whereupon they, encouraging themselves, made down the hill with more
haste than order, who might go fastest; but the nature of the hill
was such, that there could but one go down at once:  by reason
whereof, forasmuch as they could not keep their ranks to join
altogether, it followed that they, being but few in number, were
discomfited and overmatched of the multitude; which was on the
eleventh of October in the year aforesaid. Among the number of them
that were slain, was also Uldricus Zuinglius, the blessed servant and
saint of God. Also the abbot of Capella, and Commendator Kunacensis,
with thirteen other learned and worthy men, were slain; being, as is
thought, falsely betrayed, and brought into the hands of their
enemies.

     As touching the cause which moved Zuinglius to go out with his
citizens to the war, it is sufficiently declared and excused, both by
John Sleidan and especially by Ścolampadius, in his epistle, where
first is to be understood, that it is an old received manner among
the Zurich men, that when they go forth in warfare, the chief
minister of the church goeth with them. Zuinglius also of himself,
being (saith Sleidan) a man of a stout and bold courage, considering
if he should remain at home when war should be attempted against his
citizens, and if he, who in his sermons did so encourage others,
should now faint so cowardly, and tarry behind at home when time of
danger came, what shame and disdain might worthily rise to him
thereby, thought not to refuse to take such part as his brethren did.

     Ścolampadius moreover addeth, that he wentnot out as a captain
of the field, but as a good citizen with his citizens, and a good
shepherd ready to die with his flock. "And which of them all," saith
he, "that most cry out against Zuinglius, can show any such noble
heart in him, to do the like?" Again, neither did he go out of his
own accord, but rather desired not to go; foreseeing belike what
danger thereof would ensue. But the senate, being importune upon him,
would have no nay, urging and enforcing him most instantly to go: 
among whom were thought to have been some false betrayers, saying and
objecting to him, that be was a dastard if he refused to accompany
his brethren as well in time of danger as in peace. Moreover the said
Zuinglius, among other secular arts, had also some skill in such
matters of warfare. When he was slain, great cruelty was shown upon
his dead corpse; such was their hatred toward him, that their malice
could not be satisfied, unless also they should burn his body being
dead.

     The report goeth, that after his body was cut first in four
pieces, and then consumed with fire, three days after his death his
friends came to see whether any part of him was remaining, where they
found his heart in the ashes whole and unburned; in much like manner
as was the heart of Cranmer, archbishop of Canterbury, which in the
ashes also was found and taken up unconsumed, as by credible
information is testified.

     Furthermore, such was then the rage of these five pages against
the aforesaid abbot of Capella, that they took him, being slain, and
putting out both his eyes, clothed him in a monk's cowl, and so set
him in the pulpit to preach, railing and jesting upon him in a most
despiteful manner. Uldricus Zuinglius was, when he died, of the age
of forty-four years; younger than Martin Luther by four years.

     The Bernates, who were purposed the same time to achieve war
against the Untervaldians, bordering near unto them, when they heard
of this discomfiture of the Tigurines, to comfort them again, desired
them to be of good cheer and courage, promising that they would not
fail, but come and revenge their quarrel. Again, when the Tigurines
had assembled their power together, which was the eighth day after
the battle, and had received aid from the Schaffhausen, Mulhausen,
St. Gallen, and from Basil, (the Bernates at this time were nothing
hasty,) out of the whole number they chose out certain ensigns, which
setting forth in the night, lay in the hill beside Menzig, intending
when the moon was up, to take the town of Zug, lying near at hand,
upon the sudden:  which when their enemies had perceived, which were
encamped not far from them, with all speed and most secret manner
came upon them being at rest, the twenty-fourth of October, and to
put them in more fear, made a wonderful clamorous outcry. So it fell
out in conclusion, that many on both parties were slain; and albeit
the five pagemen had the upper hand, yet would they of Zurich nothing
relent in their religion. At the last, through mediation, a peace was
concluded, and thus the matter agreed, that the Tigurines, Bernates,
and Basilians, should forsake the league which they had lately made
with the city of Strasburg and the landgrave:  likewise that the five
pagemen should give over their league and composition made with
Ferdinand:  and hereof obligations were made and sealed in the latter
end of November.

     Ścolampadius, the preacher of the city of Strasburg above
recorded, hearing of the death of Zuinglius his dear friend, took
thereat inward grief and sorrow, insomuch that it is thought to have
increased his disease; and so he also departed this life, the same
year and month of November above-mentioned, being of the age of
forty-nine years, older than Martin Luther by one year. Although this
Ścolampadius then died, yet his learned and famous Commentaries upon
the Prophets, with other worthy works which he left behind him, still
live and shall never die.

     The next year following, which was A.D. 1532, in the month of
August, died also the worthy and memorable prince, John Frederic,
duke of Saxony, who, for testimony of Christ and his gospel,
sustained such trials, so many brunts, and so vehement conflicts with
the emperor, and that especially at the council assembled at
Augsburg; that unless the almighty hand of the Lord had sustained
him, it had not been possible for him or any prince to have endured
so constant and unmovable against so many persuasions and assaults,
as he did to the end. After him succeeded John Frederic his son, &c.

     And thus have ye the history of Zuinglius, and of the church of
Switzerland, with their proceedings and troubles, from the first
beginning of their reformation of religion, set forth and described.
Whereunto we will add one certain epistle of the said Zuinglius,
taken out of his other epistles, and so therewith close up his story;
which epistle I thought here to record, especially for that in the
same, among other matters, profitably is expounded the true meaning
of the apostle, writing to the Corinthians concerning how to judge
the Lord's body, to the intent that the simple thereby may the better
be informed. The words of his letter be these, as follow: 

     "Unto your questions propounded to me in your former letters,
well-beloved brother! I have sent you here mine answer. First, I am
also in the same mind with you, that the Lord's supper is a very
thanksgiving; for so the apostle himself meaneth, saying, Ye shall
show forth the Lord's death:  where the word of showing forth,
signifieth as much as praising or thanksgiving. Wherefore seeing it
is a Eucharist, or a thanksgiving, in my judgment no other thing
ought to be obtruded on men's consciences, but only with due
reverence to give thanks. Nevertheless, this is not to be neglected,
that every man do prove and examine himself; for so we ought to
search and ask our own consciences, what faith we have in Christ
Jesus? which if it be sound and sincere, we may approach without stay
to this thanksgiving. For he that hath no faith, and yet feigneth or
pretendeth to have, eateth his own judgment; for he lieth to the Holy
Ghost. And whereas you suppose, that Paul in this place doth not
reprove them which sit at the table eating of meats offered to idols,
I dissent from you therein. For Paul, a little before, writeth
vehemently against those arrogant persons, which bragging upon their
knowledge, thought they might lawfully eat of such meats offered to
idols, sitting and eating at the Lord's table:  You cannot, saith he,
be partakers both of the Lord's table, and the table of devils, &c.
Wherefore St. Paul's meaning is, that every one should try and
examine himself what faith he hath. Whereupon it followeth, that he
which hath a right faith, must have no part nor fellowship with those
things which be given to idols:  for he is now a member of another
body, that is, of Christ; so that he cannot join himself now to be
one body with idolaters. And therefore those be they which do not
judge or discern the Lord's body, that make no difference between the
church of Christ and the church of idolaters. For they which sit at
the Lord's table, eating of idol meats, do make no difference at all
between the Lord's supper and the supper of the devils:  which be they
whom Paul saith not to judge the body of our Lord, that is, which
make no discrepance, nor give any more regard to Christ's church,
than to the church of devils. Whereas if we would judge ourselves;
that is, if we would thoroughly search and examine our ownconsciences
as we should, in coming to the table of the Lord, we, finding any
faith in us, would:  never go the table, or make thereof the feast, of
devils:  wherefore your judgment 'herein is not amiss in expounding
the word of judging in St. Paul, to signify as much a considering,
perpending, and inquiring.

     "To your second question I answer, that Jesus took bread, and
brake, &c. Also he took the cup, &c. These words declare the action
of one which properly doth a thing; and not the hospitality of one
which inviteth another to eat.

     "Touching your third question, out of the 6th chapter of John,
Doth this offend you? herein I do fully agree with you.

     "As for this word 'Ostren,' which is your fourth question, I
understand thereby the time of the great feast or solemnity, which we
keep in remembrance of the great deliverance of God's people from the
thraldom of Satan; before, from the thraldom of Pharaoh:  neither is
it greatly material with what word we express the thing, so the thing
itself be one, and the analogy and constancy of the Scripture be
kept; for both the Scripture calleth Christ the Lamb, and St. Paul
calleth him our Easter or Passover. Now your word, 'Wanderfest,' well
pleaseth me, for the Passover, or Pćsah.

     "To your fifth interrogation, of Christ's descending into hell;
I suppose this particle was inserted into the Creed by the sentence
of the fathers, to declare how the fathers were redeemed by the death
of Christ, which died in the faith. For Christ led away captivity,
wherewith they were holden, with him up into heaven:  so that his
going down into hell be not so understood as circumscriptively, which
is, when a thing is present by circumscription of any one place; but
by power, which is by the operation of his Spirit, which is not
comprehended in any certainty of place, but without prescription of
certain place is diffused every where:  so that the article of
Christ's descending into hell importeth as much as that his death
redeemed them which were in hell. Whereunto St. Peter also seemeth to
have respect, where he saith, The gospel also was preached to them
which were dead; that is, that they also did feel the good tidings of
the gospel, their redemption by the Son of God:  and that they which
rose again with Christ in the Spirit, be now with him in heaven, who
nevertheless in flesh shall be judged, what time the Son of God and
of man shall come to judge both the quick and the dead. Return to the
places of Peter, the one in his First Epistle, the other in the
latter; and so be you contented with this present answer rashed up in
haste. Fare ye heartily well; and comfort my William, the good aged
father, by the grace of God which is in you. Commend me to John
Eggenberge.

     "From Zurich, September 1, A.D. 1527."

     From the first beginning of this whole book and history
hitherto, good reader! thou hast heard of many, and sundry troubles,
and much business in the church of Christ, concerning the reformation
of divers abuses and great errors crept into the same, namely in the
Church of Rome; as appeareth by the doings of them, in divers and
sundry places,whereof mention hath been made heretofore in this said
history. For what godly man hath there been, within the space of
these five hundred years, either virtuously disposed, or excellently
learned, which hath not disproved the misordered doings and corrupt
examples of the see and bishop of Rome from time to time, unto the
coming of this Luther? wherein this appeareth to me, and may also
appear no less to all godly disposed men to be noted, not without
great admiration, that seeing this aforesaid Romish bishop hath had
great enemies and gainsayers continually from time to time, both
speaking and working, preaching and writing against him, yet,
notwithstanding, never any could prevail before the coming of this
man. The cause whereof, although it be secretly known unto God, and
unknown unto men, yet so far as men by conjectures may suppose, it
may thus not unlikely be thought, that whereas other men before him,
speaking against the pomp, pride, whoredom, and avarice of the bishop
of Rome, charged him only, or most specially, with examples and
manners of life; Luther went further with him, charging him not with
life, but with his learning; not with his doings, but with his
doctrine; not picking at the rind, but plucking up the root; not
seeking the man, but shaking his seat; yea, and charging him with
plain heresy, as prejudicial and resisting plainly against the blood
of Christ, contrary to the true sense and direct understanding of the
sacred testament of God's holy word. For whereas the foundation of
our faith, grounded upon the Holy Scripture, teacheth and leadeth us
to be justified only by the worthiness of Christ, and the only price
of his. blood; the pope, proceeding with a contrary doctrine,
teacheth us otherwise to seek our salvation, not by Christ alone, but
by the way of men's meriting and deserving by works:  whereupon rose
divers sorts of orders and religious sects among men, some professing
one thing, and some another, and every man seeking his own
righteousness, but few seeking the righteousness of him, which is set
up of God to be our righteousness, redemption, and justification.

     Martin Luther therefore, urging and reducing things to the
foundation and touchstone of the Scripture, opened the eyes of many
who before were drowned in darkness:  whereupon it cannot be expressed
what joy, comfort, and consolation came to the hearts of men, some
lying in darkness and ignorance, some wallowing in sin, some being in
despair, some macerating themselves by works, and some presuming upon
their own righteousness, to behold that glorious benefit of the great
liberty and free justification set up in Christ Jesus. And briefly to
speak, the more glorious the benefit of this doctrine appeared to the
world after long ignorance, the greater persecution followed upon the
same. And where the elect of God took most occasion of comfort and of
salvation, thereof the adversaries took most matter of vexation and
disturbance, as commonly we see the true word of God to bring with it
ever dissension and perturbation; and therefore truly it was said of
Christ, that he came not to send peace on earth, but the sword. And
this was the cause why that after the doctrine and preaching of
Luther, so great troubles and persecutions followed in all quarters
of the world; whereby rose great disquietness amongst the prelates,
and many laws and decrees were made to overthrow the same, by cruel
handling of many good and Christian men. Thus, while authority, armed
with laws and rigour, did strive against simple verity, lamentable it
was to hear how many poor men were troubled, and went to wrack:  some
tossed from place to place, some exiled out of the land for fear,
some caused to abjure, some driven to caves in woods, some racked
with torment, and some pursued to death with faggot and fire. Of whom
we have now (Christ willing) in this history following to treat;
first beginning with certain that suffered in Germany, and then to
return to our own stories and martyrs here in England.



152. HENRY VOES AND JOHN ESCH
Friars Augustine, burnt at Brussels, A.D. 1523.
  IN the year of our Lord 1523, two young men were
burnt at Brussels, the one named Henry Voes, being of the age of
twenty-four years, and the other John Esch; who before had been of
the order of the Augustine Friars. They were degraded the first day
of July, and spoiled of their friars' weed, at the suit of Egmondanus
the pope's inquisitor, and the divines of Louvain; for that they
would not retract and deny their doctrine of the gospel, which the
papists call Lutheranism. Their examiners were Hochestratus and
other, who demanded of them, what they did believe? They said, the
books of the Old Testament and the New, wherein were contained the
articles of the Creed. Then were they asked, whether they believed
the decrees of the councils, and of the fathers? They said, such as
were agreeing to the Scripture they believed. After this they
proceeded further, asking, whether they thought it any deadly sin to
transgress the decrees of the fathers, and of the bishop of Rome?
That (said they) is to be attributed only to the precepts, of God, to
bind the conscience of man, or to loose it. Wherein when they
constantly persisted and would not turn, they were condemned and
judged to be burned. Then they began to give thanks to God their
heavenly Father, which had delivered them through his great goodness
from the false and abominable priesthood, and made them priests of
his holy order, receiving them unto him as a sacrifice of sweet
odour. Then there was a bill written, which was delivered unto them
to read openly before the people, to declare what faith and doctrine
they held. The greatest error that they were accused of was, that men
ought to trust only in God, forasmuch as men are liars, and deceitful
in all their words and deeds, and therefore there ought no trust or
affiance to be put in them.

     As they were led unto the place of execution, which was the
first of July, they went joyfully and merrily, making continual
protestation that they died for the glory of God, and the doctrine of
the gospel, as true Christians, believing and following the holy
church of the Son of God; saying also, that it was the day which they
had long desired. After they were come to the place where they should
be burned, and were despoiled of their garments, they tarried a great
space in their shirts; and joyfully embraced the stake that they
should be bound to, patiently and joyfully enduring whatsoever was
done unto them; praising God with Te Deum laudamus, and singing
psalms, and rehearsing the Creed, in testimony of their faith. A
certain doctor, beholding their jollity and mirth, said unto Henry,
that he should take heed so foolishly to glorify himself. To whom he
answered, "God forbid that I should glory in any thing, but only in
the cross of my Lord Jesus Christ." Another counselled him to have
God before his eyes:  unto whom he answered, "I trust that I carry him
truly in my heart." One of them, seeing that fire was kindled at his
feet, said, "Methinks ye do strew roses under my feet." Finally the
smoke and the flame, mounting up to their faces, choked them.

     Henry being demanded, amongst other things, whether Luther had
seduced him or no:  "Yea," said he, "even as Christ seduced his
apostles." He said also, that it was contrary to God's law, that the
clergy should be exempted from the power and jurisdiction of the
magistrate ordained of God; for such as were ordained in office by
the bishops, have no power but only to preach the word of God, and to
feed their flock therewithal. After their death, their monastery was
dissolved at Antwerp; the president whereof, by the papists called
Jacob the Lutheran, after divers and sundry troubles and afflictions,
was forced to recant at Brussels; but afterwards, his mind being
renewed by the Holy Ghost, embracing that again which before he had
renounced, he fled unto Luther.



153. HENRY SUTPHEN, MONK, A MARTYR, AT DITHMARSCH.

     The next year after the burning of those two Christian martyrs
at Brussels, above-mentioned, with like tyranny also was martyred and
burned without all order of judgment or just condemnation, about the
city of Dithmarsch, on the borders of Germany, one Henry Sutphen,
monk, A.D. 1524, of whom mention is partly touched in the
commentaries of John Sleiden, lib. iv.; but his history is more amply
described by Luther, by Paulus Eberus in his calendar, by Ludovicus,
by Rabus Crispinus, and others. This Sutphen had been before with
Martin Luther, and afterward coming to Antwerp, was from thence
excluded for the gospel, and so came to Bremen, not to the intent
there to preach, but for that he was minded to go to Wittenberg,
being driven from Antwerp, as is above said; who, being at Bremen,
was there required, by certain godly citizens of Bremen, to make one
or two brief exhortations upon the gospel; whereunto, through the
earnest love and zeal that was in him, he was easily allured and
persuaded. He made his first sermon unto the people the Sunday before
St. Martin's day. When the people heard him preach the word of God so
sincerely, they desired him again the second time, and were so in
love with his doctrine, that the whole parish required him to tarry
amongst them to preach the gospel; which thing, for fear of danger,
for a time he refused. When the religious rout had understanding
hereof, specially the canons, monks, and priests, they went about
with all endeavour to oppress him, and thrust both him, and also the
gospel of Christ, out of the city; for that was their chief seeking: 
whereupon they went unto the senate, desiring that such a heretic
might be banished the town, which, in his doctrine, preached against
the catholic church. Upon the complaint of the canons, the senate
sent for the wardens and head men of the parish where Henry had
preached, who being come together, the senate declared unto them the
complaint of the canons and all the other religious men. Whereunto
the citizens of B