as in former ages, the Franks first, and afterwards the Saxons, coming out of that East coast of Germany (as it lies from us) I mean the more northerly parts of it; plagued France and Britain with their piracies, and at last became masters; the Franks of France, and the Saxons of Britain: so in succeeding times, the Danes first, and then the Normans, followed the same method, came from the same coast, and had the same success. As if providence had so ordered it, that those parts should constantly produce and send out a set of men, to make havoc of France and Britain, and establish new kingdoms in them.

            they had their name from the northern parts, from whence they came, (for Nordmanni signifies no more than Northern Men) in which sense they are likewise termed Nordleudi, i.e. Northern people, as being the flower of the Norwegians, Swedes, and Danes. In the time of Charles the Great, they carried on their trade of piracies in such a barbarous manner, both in Friesland, England, Holland, Ireland, and France; that that prince when he saw their vessels in the Mediterranean, cried out with a deep sigh, and tears in his eyes; How am I troubled, that they should venture upon this coast, even while I am living. I plainly foresee what a plague they are like to prove to my successors. And in the public prayers and litanies of the church, there was afterwards inserted, From the fury of the Danes, good Lord deliver us. They brought the French to such extremities, that Carolus Calvus was forced to buy a truce of Hasting, the commander of the Norman pirates, with the Earldom of Chartres: and Carolus Crassus gave Godfrid the Norman part of Neustria with his daughter. At last, by force of arms, they fixed near the mouth of the Seine, in those parts, which formerly by a corruption had been called Neustria, as being part of Westrasia, (for so the Middle Age writers term it:) the Germans styled it Westenreich, i.e. The western kingdom: it contains all between the Loire and the Seine to the sea-ward. They afterwards called it Normannia, i.e. The country of the Northern men, so soon as Carolus Simplex had made a grant of it in fee to their prince Rollo (whose godfather he was) and had given him his daughter to wife. When Rollo (as we are informed by an old manuscript belonging to the monastery of Angiers) had Normandy made over to him by Carolus Stultus, with his daughter Gisla; he would not submit to kiss Charles's foot. And when his friends urged him by all means to kiss the King's foot in gratitude for so great a favour, he made answer in the English tongue, NE SE BY GOD, that is, no by God. Upon which the King and his courtiers deriding him, and corruptly repeating his answer, called him Bigod; from whence the Normans are to this day termed Bigodi. For the same reason 'tis possible the French call hypocrites, and your superstitious sort of men, Bigods.

            this Rollo, who at his baptism was named Robert, is by some thought to have turned Christian out of design only: but by others, not without deliberation, and piety. These latter add, that he was moved to it by God in a dream; which (though dreams are a thing I do not give much heed to) I hope I may relate without the imputation of vanity, as I find it attested by the writers of that age. The story goes, that as he was asleep in the ship, he saw himself deeply infected with the leprosyFfitzoaserne; but washing in a clear spring at the bottom of a high hill, he recovered, and afterwards went up to the hill's top. This he told a Christian captive in the same ship, who gave him the following interpretation of it. That the leprosy was the abominable worship of idols, with which he was defiled; the spring was the holy laver of regeneration; wherewith being once cleansed, he might climb the mountain, that is, attain to great honour, and heaven itself.

            This Rollo had a son called William, but surnamed Longa Spata, from a long sword he used to wear. William's son was Richard the First of that name, who was succeeded by his son and grand-child, both Richards. But Richard the Third dying without issue, his brother Robert came to the dukedom, and had a son by his concubine, named William, who is commonly called the Conqueror, and bastard. All these were princes very eminent for their achievements, both at home and abroad. Whilst William, come to man's estate, was Duke of Normandy; Edward the holy, surnamed Confessor, King of England, and last of the Saxon line, to the great grief of his subjects, departed this life. He was son of Emma, a cousin of William's, (as being daughter to Richard the First, Duke of Normandy) and whilst he lived under banishment in Normandy, had made William a promise of the next reversion of the crown of England. But Harold, the son of Godwin, and steward of the household  [under Edward] got possession of the crown: upon which his brother Tosto on one hand, and the Normans on the other, lay out their utmost endeavours to dethrone him. After he had slain his brother Tosto and Harald, King of Norway, (whom Tosto had drawn in to his assistance) in a set-battle near Stamford Bridge in Yorkshire, 1066 and so (though not without great damage) had gained the victory; within less than nine days, William surnamed Bastard, Duke of Normandy, (building upon the promises of Edward lately deceased, as also upon his adoption, and relation to Edward) raised a powerful army, and landed in England in Sussex. Harold presently advanced towards him; though his soldiers were harrassed, and his army very much weakened by the late fight. Not far from Hastings they engaged; where Harold putting himself forward into the heat of the battle, and showing great courage, lost his life. Abundance of the English were slain, though it would be almost impossible to find out the exact number. William, after he had won the day, marched through Wallingford, with a barbarous army towards London, where he was received and inaugurated. The kingdom (as himself expresses it) being by divine providence designed for him, and granted by the favour of his Lord and cousin the glorious King Edward. And a little after he adds, that the bounteous King Edward had by adoption made him heir to the crown of England. Though, if the history of St. Stephen of Caen may be credited, these were the last words he spoke upon his death-bed. The regal diadem, which none of my predecessors wore, I gained, not by any hereditary title, but by the favour of almighty God. And a little after; I name no heir to the crown of England, but commend it wholly to the eternal creator, whose I am, and in whose hands are all things. 'Twas not an hereditary right that put me in possession of this honour, but by a desperate engagement and much blood-shed, I wrested it from that perjured King Harold, and having slain or put to flight all his abettors, made myself master of it.

            but why am I thus short upon so considerable a revolution of the British state? If you can but have the patience to read it, take what I drew up ('tis possible with little accuracy or thought, but however, with the exactness of an history) when raw and young, very unfit for such an undertaking, I had a design to write the history of our nation in Latin.

            Edward the Confessor's dying without issue, put the nobility and commonalty into a great distraction about naming the new King. Edgar, commonly called Etheling, Edmund Ironside's great-great-grandchild by his son, was the only person left of the Saxon line; and as such had an hereditary title to the crown. But his tender years were thought altogether uncapable of government; and besides, his temper had in it a mixture of foreign humours, (as being born in Hungary, the son of Agatha daughter to Emperor Henry the Third, who was at too great a distance to bear out the young boy either with assistance or advice.) Upon these accounts he was not much respected by the English, who valued themselves upon nothing more, than to have a King chosen as it were out of their own body. The general inclination was towards Harold Godwin's son, much famed for his admirable conduct both in peace and war. For though the nobleness of his birth lay but on one side, (his father having by treason and plunder rendered himself eternally infamous,) yet what by his courteous language, and easy humour; his liberal temper, and warlike courage, he strangely insinuated himself into the affections of the people. As no one threw himself into danger with more cheerfulness, so in the greatest extremities no man was so ready with advice. He had so signalized his courage and success in the Welsh wars, (which he had some time before happily brought to an end) that he was looked upon as a most accomplished general, and seemed to be born on purpose to settle the English government. Moreover, 'twas hoped the Danes (who were at that time the only dread of this nation) would be more favourable to him, as being the son of Githa, sister to Sweyn King of Denmark. From what other parts soever, attempts whether foreign or domestic, might be made upon him, he seemed sufficiently secured against them by the affections of the commonalty, and his relation to the nobility. He married the sister of Morcar and Edwin, who at that time bore by much the greatest sway: and Edric, (surnamed the wild) a man of an high spirit, and great authority, was his near kinsman. It fell out too very luckily, that at the same time Sweyn the Dane should be engaged in the Swedish wars: and there was an ill understanding between William the Norman and Philip King of France. For Edward the Confessor, while he lived under banishment in Normandy, had made this William an express promise of the crown, in case himself died without issue. And Harold (who was then kept prisoner in Normandy) was bound under a strict oath to see it performed, and made this one part of the condition, that he might marry the Duke's daughter. For these reasons, a great many thought it most advisable, to make a present of the crown to the Duke of Normandy, that by discharging the promise, they might prevent both the war that then threatened them, and destruction, the certain punishment of perjury; as also, that by the accession of Normandy to England, the government might be established in the hands of so great a prince, and the interest of the nation very much advanced. But Harold quickly cut off all debates that looked that way; for finding that delays would be dangerous, the very day Edward was buried, contrary to all men's expectation he possessed himself of the government; and with the applause of those about him who proclaimed him King, without all ceremony of inauguration, put on the diadem with his own hands. This action of his very much disgusted the clergy, who looked upon it as a breach of religion. But, as he was sensible how difficult it was for a young prince to establish his government without the reputation of piety and virtue; to cancel that crime, and to settle himself on the throne, he bent all his thoughts towards promoting the interest of the church, and the dignity of monasteries. He showed Edgar Etheling Earl of Oxford, and the rest of the nobility, all the favour imaginable; he eased the people of a great part of their taxes; he bestowed vast sums of money upon the poor; and in short, what by the smoothness of his discourse, patience in hearing others, and equity in all causes, he gained himself a wonderful love and authority.

            So soon as William, Duke of Normandy, had certain intelligence of those matters, he pretended to be infinitely afflicted for the death of Edward; when all the while the thing that lay upon his stomach, was his being disappointed of England, which he had so long promised himself. Without more ado, by advice of his council, he sends over ambassadors to remind Harold of his promise and engagement; and to demand the crown. Harold, after mature deliberation, returned him this answer, that as to Edward's promise, the crown of England could not be disposed of by promise; nor was he obliged to take notice of it, since he governed by right of election, and not any hereditary claim. And for what concerned his engagement, that was plainly extorted by force, treachery, and the fear of perpetual imprisonment; did likewise tend to the manifest damage of the nation, and infringe the privileges of the nobility; and therefore he looked upon it as null in itself. That if he could make good his promise, he ought not; or if he would, that it was not in his power, being made without the knowledge of the King or concurrence of the people. That the demand seemed highly unreasonable, for him to surrender the government to a Norman prince, who was altogether a stranger; when he had been invested with it by the unanimous consent of all orders. The Norman Duke did not very well relish this answer, but plainly perceived that Harold was seeking out ways to avoid the perjury. Upon which, he sent over another embassy on the same errand, to put him in mind of the strictness of his oath; and that damnation from God, and disgrace among men, are the certain rewards of perjury. But because William's daughter (who as betrothed to Harold, was a tie upon him for the discharge of his promise) was now dead; they were entertained with so much the more coldness, and returned with the same answer as the first. In all appearance there was nothing like to ensue but open war. Harold prepares a fleet, levies soldiers, places garrisons upon the sea-coasts as he sees convenient; in short, omits nothing which may any way contribute towards repelling the Normans.

            In the meantime, what was never before so much as thought of, the first storm of the war comes from Tosto, Harold's own brother. He was a man of a high spirit and cruel temper; and had for some time presided over the kingdom of Northumberland with great insolence; till at last for his barbarous dealings with inferiors, impudent carriage towards his prince, and a mortal hatred to his own brethren, he was cashiered by Edward the Confessor, and went over into France. And at this juncture, pushed forward in all probability by Baldwin Earl of Flanders, drawn in by William Duke of Normandy, (for Tosto and William had married two of Earl Baldwin's daughters) he declares open war against his brother, whom he had for a long time mortally hated. He set out from Flanders with 60 sail of pirate-vessels, wasted the Isle of Wight, and very much infested the Kentish coast: but being frighted at the approach of the Royal Navy, he set sail, and steered his course towards the more remote parts of England, landed in Lincolnshire, and plundered that county. There he was engaged by Edgar and Morcar, and defeated: then made for Scotland, with a design to renew the war. Now were all thoughts in suspense with the expectation of a double assault, one from Scotland, another from Normandy; and their jealousies were heightened by the dreadful appearance of a comet at Easter, for about seven days together. This (as it commonly does in troublesome times) set the distracted brains of the people a-working, to presage what miseries would follow upon it. But Harold after he had curiously viewed every part of the kingdom, fortified the South coasts with garrisons. He was not apprehensive of much danger from Scotland and Tosto, because Malcom King of Scots was diverted with civil wars.

            In the meantime, William was continually thinking of a descent into England. He now and then advised with his officers, and found them cheerful and full of hopes, but all the difficulty was how to procure money to carry on so important a war. For upon a proposal made at a public meeting of the states of Normandy about raising a subsidy, it was urged, that the nation was so exhausted by their former wars with France, that if they should engage in a new war, they should have much ado even to act defensively: that their business was rather to secure their own, than to invade another's dominions; that how just soever the war might be, there was no great necessity for it, and that in all probability it would prove of dangerous consequence: and lastly, that the Normans were not bound by their allegiance to serve in foreign wars. No considerations could bring them to raise a supply of money, though William FitzOsbern, a man generally beloved both by Duke and people, promoted it with the utmost zeal; and to encourage others, engaged to build 40 ships at his own charge for the service of the war. The Duke finding himself disappointed in a public meeting, tries other methods; and sending for the wealthiest of them one by one, speaks them fair, and desires that each would contribute something towards the war. This drove them to a sort of emulation, who should be most assisting to his prince, and made them promise largely; and an account being taken of all the contributions, a sum beyond what could reasonably be expected, was raised almost in an instant. After matters were thus far dispatched, he solicites his neighbouring princes for aids, the Earl of Anjou, Poictou, Maine, and Boulogne, with this encouragement, that they should have their share of lands in England. Next, he applies himself to Philip King of France, and promises, that in case he contributes his assistance, he will take an oath of fealty, and hold England under him. But considering that it was not by any means the interest of France, that the neighbouring Norman, who already did not seem much to value them, should be strengthened by the addition of England, (as princes are always jealous of the growing power of their neighbours) Philip was so far from encouraging the design, that he used all means to divert him from invading of England. But nothing could draw him off his resolution; wherein he was now confirmed and justified by the authority of Pope Alexander. (This Pope about that time begun to usurp a jurisdiction over princes: and he approved the cause, sent him a consecrated banner as a token of his victory and empire, and excommunicated all that should oppose him.) Upon this he raised what forces he could, and got together a vast fleet to St. Valeric's (a town at the mouth of the River Somme) where he lay windbound for some time; and in order to have a fair wind, he spared neither prayers, nor offerings to St. Valeric, the saint of that place. Harold, after he had a long time watched his coming, had resolved to disband his army, lay up his ships, and leave the sea-coasts; partly because provisions began to fail him, and partly because the Earl of Flanders had assured him that William had no design upon England that year. Which he the rather believed, because at that time of year, putting to sea would be very dangerous, when the equinox was just at hand. While he was settling these matters, all on a sudden an unexpected invasion puts him under a necessity of getting his army together. For Harold surnamed Durus, and Harfager, King of Norway (who had for a long time preyed upon the northern parts of Britain, and possessed himself of the Isles of Orkney) was drawn over by Tosto, out of a prospect of the kingdom of England, and entered the river Tyne with about 500 rovers, where he was joined by Tosto. After they had for some time been making havoc of those parts, they weighed anchor, and sailing along the coasts of Yorkshire, came into Humber; where they plundered all round them, with the utmost cruelty of an enemy. But to stop their progress, Edwin and Morcar, two earls, attacked them with a confused, undisciplined army; which being overpowered by the Norwegians, ran away. A good many, amongst whom were the two earls, made a shift to get off, but the greatest number was drowned in their passage over the river Ouse. The Norwegians, without more ado, resolve to lay siege to York; but upon hostages given on both sides, the place was surrendered. Not long after, Harold having got his whole army in a body, marches towards York; and from thence, towards the Norwegians; who had encamped in a very advantageous place. Behind, they were secured by the sea; on the left, by the river Humber, where their fleet rid at anchor; on the right and front, by the River Derwent. Notwithstanding all this, Harold attacked them very vigorously, and the first skirmish was at a bridge over the River Derwent, where 'tis said one single Norwegian bore up for some time against the whole English army, till at last he was shot dead. Next the battle was removed to the camp, where the advantages on both sides were equal for a while. At last on the Norwegians side the ranks were broken; and Harold King of Norway, with Tosto, and the greatest part of their army was slain. The booty which Harold got by this victory was very considerable; gold and silver in great plenty, and every ship of that large fleet, except twenty small vessels, which he gave Paul Earl of the Orcades, and Olavus, (son of Harold who was slain) to carry off their wounded; first taking an oath of them that they should never again disturb England. Harold was exceedingly heartened with the victory, and begun to hope that he should be a terror to the Normans; though his own subjects began to hate him for not distributing the spoil amongst the soldiers. All his thoughts were spent in the settlement of the nation, which especially in those parts was in a miserable condition.

            In the meantime, William the Norman got a favourable wind: he set sail about the end of September, and having a gentle gale, landed with his whole fleet at Pevensey in Sussex. He found the coast clear; and to cut off all encouragement for running away, fired the ships. After he had built a castle there for retreat, he went forwards to Hastings, where he built another, and put in it a garrison. Next, he published the reasons of invasion; to revenge the death of his kinsman Alfred, whom among a great many other Normans, Godwin, Harold's father, had slain; to take satisfaction for the injuries Harold had done, in banishing Robert Archbishop of Canterbury, and accepting the crown of England, contrary to his own express oath. He gave out a strict order among his men, that none should plunder the English in a hostile manner.

            News of his whole proceeding were quickly brought to Harold, who judging it most advisable to engage the Norman as soon as possible, dispatches messengers to all parts, desires his subjects to stand true to him, gets his whole army together, and marches with all speed to London. William sent an ambassador to him there, who with a great deal of importunity demanding the crown, did so incense him, that he very hardly restrained himself from violence. His late victory had wrought him into so much insolence and assurance, that it was a difficult thing to bring him down. Forthwith he sends ambassadors to William, with very severe threatenings of what he was to expect, unless he returned immediately to Normandy. William dismissed them with a gentle answer, and a great deal of civility. Harold in the meantime makes a general muster at London, and finds his forces considerably lessened by the late battle with the Norwegians; but however makes up a strong body out of the nobility and others, whose concern for the public good had invited them to take up arms. Presently he marches into Sussex, though altogether contrary to the advice of his mother; and with a firm resolution encamps scarce seven miles from the Norman. William with his army advanced towards him. Spies were sent out by both sides. Those of the English, either out of ignorance or design, gave a prodigious account of the number, preparations, and discipline of the Normans. Upon this, Gythus, Harold's younger brother, a very noted soldier, did not think it advisable to run the hazard of a decisive battle. He told the King, the issue of all engagements was dubious; that the victory depended more upon fortune than courage; that mature deliberation was the greatest part of military discipline. He advised him, in case he had made any such promise to William of the reversion of the kingdom, at least not to fight in person; because no forces could guard him against his own conscience, and God would certainly punish every breach of promise: that nothing could cast a greater damp upon the Normans, than to see a new army raised to engage them afresh. He farther promised, that if he would but trust him with the management of the fight, he would discharge the duty of a faithful brother, and a stout general: that as he had the support of a good conscience, he might the more easily defeat the enemy, or at least die more happily in the service of his country. The King did not like such language, as thinking that it plainly tended to the dishonour of his person. For as he could be very well content to run the hazard of a battle, so the imputation of cowardice was a thing he could not bear. As for the character of the Normans, he made light of it; and could not think it consisted with his dignity or former behaviour, now he was come to the last hazard, like a coward to run away, and so to bring upon himself an eternal scandal. Thus, whom God has marked out for destruction, he always infatuates.

            While these things were going forward, William, out of a pious care for the interest of Christendom, and to prevent the effusion of Christian blood, sent out a monk as a mediator between both. He proposed these terms to Harold; either wholly to resign up the government; or own it a tenure in fee from the Norman; or decide the matter in a single combat with William; or at least stand to the Pope's determination. But he, like a man that had no government over himself, rejected all propositions, and referred his cause entirely to the tribunal of God. Next day (which was the 14th of October) he promised to give them battle; foolishly flattering himself with success, because 'twas his birthday. That night the English spent in revels, feasting, and shouting; but the Normans, in prayers for the safety of their army, and for a victory. Next morning by break of day they drew up both armies. In Harold's, the Kentish men with their halberds were in the van (for by an old custom they claimed the front of the battle;) in the rear was Harold and his brother, the Midland English and the Londoners. The van of the Norman army was led up by Roger of Montgomery and William FitzOsbern; and consisted of the horse of Anjou, Perch, Maine, and Little Britain; most whereof had served under Fergentas the Briton. The main battle, made up of Poitevins and Germans, was commanded by Geffrey Martel, and a German stipendiary. In the rear was the Duke himself with a strong body of Normans, and the flower of the nobility. The archers were mixed through the whole army.

            The Normans, after a regular shout, sounded an alarm, and advanced forwards. They first charged them with a volley of arrows from all parts; and that being a sort of attack to which the English were altogether strangers, did very much affright them; for they fell so thick, that they thought the enemy was got into the midst of their army. Next, they vigorously charged the front of the English, who resolving rather to die upon the spot, than retreat, kept their ranks, and repulsed them with great loss. The Normans attacked them a second time; so they bore up stoutly one against the other. Thus foot to foot, and man to man, they were for some time very warmly engaged; but the English keeping close in one body, maintained their ground with so much bravery, that the Normans after they had been miserably harrassed, were for retreating, had not William acted the part as well of a common soldier as a general, and by his authority prevented them. By this means was the battle continued, and the Norman horse sent with all speed to reinforce them, whilst the English were in a manner over-whelmed with the arrows: yet for all this they kept their ranks. For Harold behaving himself in every respect like a brave general, was always ready with succours; and William on the other side was nothing inferior. He had two horses killed under him; and after he saw that nothing could be done by bare force, he begun to act by stratagem. He ordered his men to sound a retreat, and to give ground, but still to keep their ranks. The English taking this for flight, thought the day was certainly their own: whereupon they broke their ranks, and never so much as doubting of the victory, pursued the enemy in great disorder. But the Normans, rallying their troops on a sudden, renewed the battle, and falling upon the disordered English, killed great numbers of them, whilst they stood doubtful whether they should run or fight. But the greatest part posting themselves on the higher grounds, got into a body, encouraged one another, and opposed the enemy with great resolution, as if they had made choice of that place for an honourable death. At last, Harold was shot through the head with an arrow, and there with his two brothers, Githus and Leofwine, lost his life. Upon this, Edwin and Morcar, with some few who had saved their lives, made their escape by flight (giving way to the hand of providence, and the present necessity) after they had fought without intermission from seven o'clock in the morning to the dusk of the evening. The Normans lost in this battle about 6000 men, and the English a far greater number. William overjoyed with his victory, ordered a solemn thanksgiving to almighty God, and fixed his tent in the middle of the slain; where he stayed that night. Next day, after he had buried his men, and granted leave to the English to do the like; he returned to Hastings to consider of proper methods how to prosecute his victory, and to refresh his soldiers. So soon as the news of this victory reached London, and other cities of England, the whole nation was in a surprise, and in a manner struck dead. Githa, the King's mother, was so overcome with grief, that no way could be found to comfort her. She humbly desired of the Conqueror to grant her the bodies of her sons; which she buried in Waltham Abbey. Edwin sent away Queen Algitha his sister, into the more remote parts of the kingdom. The nobility desired the people not to despair, and begun to consider of methods how to settle the nation. The Archbishop of York, with the city of London, and sea-soldiers, (commonly called botescarles) were for making Edgar King, and renewing the war with William. Edwin and Morcar were secretly contriving how to get the government into their their own hands. But the bishops, prelates, and others upon whom the Pope's anathema  made a deeper impression, thought it most advisable to surrender, and not to incense the Conqueror with a second battle, the issue whereof was but at best doubtful; nor resist God, who for the crying sins of the nation, seemed to have delivered up England into the hands of the Normans. William, leaving a strong garrison in Hastings, resolved to march in a hostile manner directly towards London; but to diffuse a greater terror through the nation, and to make all sure behind him, he divided his forces, and marched through part of Kent, Sussex, Surrey, Hampshire, and Berkshire. Where he came, he burnt villages and towns, plundering them; passed the Thames at Wallingford, and filled all places with horror.

            The nobility all this while were at a stand what to do, nor could they be persuaded to lay aside private animosities, and consult the public interest of the nation. The clergy, to avoid the curses of the church, and censures of the Pope (by which he did at that time sway both the minds of men and whole kingdoms) and considering that the affairs of the nation were not only decayed but quite ruined; stood so firm to their resolution of surrendering, that many, to save themselves, withdrew privately out of the city. But Alfred, Archbishop of York, Wolstan, Bishop of Worcester, along with some other bishops, and Edgar Etheling, Edwin, and Morcar, met the Norman Conqueror at Berkhamsted. He made them most glorious promises; upon which, hostages were given; and they submitted themselves to his protection. Forthwith he went to London, where he was received with great joy and acclamations, and saluted under the title of King. Next he prepares all necessaries for the inauguration, which he had appointed to be on Christmas Day; and in the meantime employed all his care and thoughts upon the settlement of the nation.

            this was the period of the Saxon's government in Britain, which lasted six hundred and seven years. The revolution that happened in the kingdom, some imputed to the avarice of magistrates, others to the superstitious laziness of the clergy; a third sort, to the comet which then appeared, and the influence of the stars; a fourth attributed it to God, who for hidden, but always just reasons, disposes of kingdoms. But others, who looked nearer into the immediate causes, threw it upon the imprudence of King Edward, who under the specious colour of religious chastity, neglected to secure a succession, and so exposed the kingdom as a prey to ambition.

            what an insolent and bloody victory this was, the monks, who writ about it, do fully inform us. Nor can we question but in this, as in all others, villany had the upper hand. William, as a token of his conquest, laid aside the greatest part of the English laws, brought in Norman customs, and ordered that all causes should be pleaded in French. The English were dispossessed of their hereditary estates, and the lands and farms divided among his soldiers; but with this reserve, that he should still remain the direct proprietor, and oblige them to do homage to him and his successors: that is, that they should hold them in fee, but the King alone be chief Lord, and they feudatory lords, and in actual possession. He made a seal, on the one side whereof was engraven,

hoc Normannorum Gulielmum nosce patronum.
by this the Norman owns great William, Duke.

on the other side,

hoc Anglis signo regem fatearis eundem.
by this too, England owns the same, their King.

            further (as William of Malmesbury tells us) in imitation of Caesar's policy, who would not have those Germans (that skulked in the forest of Ardenna, and by their frequent excursions very much disturbed his army) suppressed by the Romans, but the Gauls; that whilst foreigners destroyed one another, himself might triumph without blood-shed: William took the same methods with the English. For there were some, who after the first battle of that unfortunate Harold, had fled over into Denmark and Ireland; where they got together a strong body of men, and returned three years after. To oppose them, he dispatched away an English army and general, and let the Normans live at their ease. For which side soever got the best, he found his interest would go forward. And so it proved: for after the English skirmished for some time one with another, the victory was presented the King without any trouble. And in another place: after the power of the laity was destroyed, he made a positive declaration, that no monk or clergy-man of the English nation, should pretend to any place of dignity: wherein he quite receded from the easiness of King Canute, who maintained the conquered party in full possession of their honours. By which means it was, that after his death, the natives found so little difficulty in driving out the foreigners, and recovering their ancient freedom.

            after he had setled those matters, his principal care was to avoid the storm of the Danish war, which he saw hanging over him; and even to purchase a peace. On this occasion, he made Adalbert, Archbishop of Hamburg, his instrument. For Adam Bremensis says, there was a perpetual quarrel between Sweyn and the bastard; but our Archbishop being bribed to it by William, made it his business to strike up a peace between the two kings. And indeed 'tis very probable there was one concluded; for from that time, England was never apprehensive of the Danes. William, however, made it his whole business to maintain the dignity of his government, and to settle the kingdom by wholesome laws. For Gervasius Tilburiensis tells us, that after the famous conqueror of England (King William) had subdued the furthest parts of the island, and brought down the rebels' hearts by dreadful examples; lest they might be in a condition of making outrages for the future, he resolved to bring his subjects under the obedience of written laws. Whereupon laying before him the laws of England, according to their threefold division, that is Merchanlage, Denelage, and West-Sexenlage, some of them he laid aside, but approved others, and added to them such of the foreign Norman laws, as he found most conducive to the peace of the kingdom. Next (as we are assured by Ingulphus, who lived at that time) he made all the inhabitants of England do him homage, and swear fealty to him against all others. He took a survey of the whole nation, so that there was not a single hide of land through all England, but he knew both the value of it, and its owner. Not a lake, or any other place whatsoever, but it was registered in the King's rolls, with its revenue, rent, tenure, and owner; according to the relation of certain taxers, who were picked out of each county to describe the places belonging to it. This roll was called the roll of Winchester, and by the English Domesday, as being an universal and exact account of every tenement in the whole nation. I the rather make mention of this book, because I shall have occasion to quote it hereafter, under the name of William's Tax-Book, the Notice of England, the Cessing-Book of England, the Public Acts, and the Survey of England.

            but as to Polydore Virgil's assertion, that William the Conqueror first brought in the jury of twelve, there is nothing can be more false. For 'tis plain from Ethelred's laws, that it was used many years before that. Nor can I see any reason, why he should call it a terrible jury. Twelve men, who are freeholders, and qualified according to law, are picked out of the neighbourhood; these are bound by oath to give in their real opinion as to matter of fact; they hear the counsel on both sides plead at the bar, and the evidence produced; then they take along with them the depositions of both parties, are close confined, denied meat, drink, and fire till they can agree upon their verdict (unless want of these may endanger some of their lives.) As soon as they have delivered it in, he gives sentence according to law. And this method was looked upon by our wise forefathers to be the best for discovering truth, hindering bribes, and cutting off all partiality.

            how great the Norman courage was, I refer you to other writers; I shall only observe, that being seated in the midst of warlike nations, they never made submission their refuge, but always arms. By force of these they possessed themselves of the noble kingdoms of England and Sicily. For Tancred, nephew to Richard the Second, Duke of Normandy, and his successors, did many glorious exploits in Italy, drove out the Saracens, and set up there a kingdom of their own. So that a Sicilian historian ingenuously confesses, that the Sicilians enjoying their native soil, their freedom, and Christianity, is entirely owing to the Normans. Their behaviour also in the wars of the holy land, got them great honour. Which gave Roger Hoveden occasion to say, that bold France, after she had experienced the Norman valour, drew back; fierce England submitted; rich Apulia was restored to her flourishing condition; famous Jerusalem, and renowned Antioch were both subdued. Since that time, England has been equal for warlike exploits, and genteel education, to the most flourishing nations of the Christian world. So that the English have been peculiarly made choice of for Emperor of Constantinople's guards. For (as our country man Malmesbury has told us) he very much admired their fidelity, and recommended them to his son, as men deserving of respect; and they were formerly for many years together Emperor's guards. Nicetas Choniata calls them Inglini Bipenniferi, and Curopalata, Barangi. These attended the Emperor wherever he went, with halberds upon their shoulders, as often as he stired abroad out of his closet; and prayed for his long life, clashing their halberds one against another, to make a noise. As to the blot which Chalcondilas has cast upon our nation, of having wives in common, truth itself wipes it off, and confronts the extravagant vanity of the Grecian. For, (as my most learned and excellent friend Ortelius has observed upon this very subject) Things related by any persons concerning others, are not always true.

            These are the people which have inhabited Britain; whereof there remain unto this day the Britons, the Saxons or Angles, with a mixture of Normans; and towards the North, the Scots. Whereupon the two kingdoms of this island, England and Scotland, which were long divided, are now in the most potent prince, King James, happily united under one imperial diadem.

            it is not material here to take notice of the Flemings, who about four hundred years ago, came over hither,in the county and got leave of the King to settle in Wales; since we shall mention them in another place. Let us then conclude this part with that of Seneca; From hence it is manifest, that nothing has continued in its primitive state. There's a continual floating in the affairs of mankind. In this vast orb there are daily revolutions: new foundations of cities laid, new names given to nations, either by the utter ruin of the former, or by its change into that of a more powerful party. And considering that all these nations which invaded Britain were Northern, as were also others, who, about that time, overran Europe, and after it, Asia: Nicephorus' observation, founded upon the authority of scripture, is very true. As God very often sends terrors upon men from heaven, such are thunder, fire, and storms; and from earth, as opening of the ground, and earthquakes; as also out of the air, such as whirlwinds, and immoderate rains: so those northern terrors are as it were reserved by God, to be sent out for a punishment, when, and upon whom the divine providence shall think fit.

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