35. WILLIAM RUFUS
William Rufus, the second son of William the Conqueror, begun his reign in the year of our Lord 1088, and reigned thirteen years, being crowned at Westminster by Lanfranc; who, after his coronation, released out of prison, by the request of his father, divers English lords, which before had been in custody. It chanced that, at the death of Wil1iam the Conqueror, Robert Courtsey his eldest son was absent in Almany, who, hearing of the death of his father, and how William his younger brother had taken upon him the kingdom, was therewith greatly moved; insomuch that he laid his dukedom to pledge unto his brother Henry, and with that good gathered unto him an army, and so landed at Hampton, to the intent to have expelled his brother from the kingdom. But William Rufus hearing thereof sent to him fair and gentle words, promising him surrender and subjection, as to the more worthy and elder brother; this thing only requiring, that seeing he was now in place and possession, he might enjoy it during his life, paying to him yearly three thousand marks, with condition that which of them overlived the other should enjoy the kingdom. The occasion of this variance between these brethren wrought a great dissension between the Norman lords and bishops, both in England and in Normandy. Insomuch that all the Norman bishops within the realm almost rebelled against the king, taking part with Duke Robert, except only Lanfranc, and Wolstan, bishop of Worcester, above mentioned, an Englishman; who for his virtue and constancy was so well-liked and favoured of his citizens, that (imboldened with his presence and prayer) they stoutly maintained the city of Worcester against the siege of their enemies, and at last vanquished them with utter ruin. But Duke Robert at length by the advice of his council (hearing the words sent unto him, and wagging his head thereat, as one conceiving some matter of doubt or doubleness) was yet content to assent to all that was desired, and so returned shortly after into Normandy, leaving the bishops and such others in the briers, which were in England, taking his part against the king.
This Rufus was so ill liked of the Normans, that between him and his lords was oft dissension. Wherefore (well near) all the Normans took part against him; so that he was forced of necessity to draw to him the Englishmen. Again, so covetous he was, and so immeasurable in his tasks and takings, in selling benefices, abbeys, and bishoprics, that he was hated of all Englishmen.
In the third year of this king died Lanfranc, archbishop of Canterbury; from whose commendation and worthiness, as I list not to detract any thing, (being so greatly magnified of Polydorus his countryman,) so neither do I see any great cause why to add any thing thereto. This I think, unless that man had brought with him less superstition, and more sincere science into Christ's church, he might have kept him in his country still, and have confuted Berengarius at Rome. After the decease of Lanfranc, the see of Canterbury stood empty four years.
After the council of Lanfranc above mentioned, wherein was concluded for translating of bishops' sees from villages into head cities; Remigius, bishop of Dorchester, (who, as ye heard, accompanied Lanfranc unto Rome,) removed his bishop's see from Dorchester unto Lincoln, where he builded the minster there situate upon a hill within the said city of Lincoln. The dedication of which church Robert, archbishop of York, did resist, say ing that it was builded within the ground of his precinct. But after, it had his Romish dedication by Robert Blevet, next bishop that followed. By the same Remigius also was founded the cloister or monastery of Stow, &c.
In the fourth year of this king great tempests fell in sundry places of England, specially at Winchcombe, where the steeple was burned with lightning, the church wall burst through, the head and right leg of the crucifix, with the image of our lady on the right side of the crucifix, thrown down, and such a stink left in the church, that none might abide. At London the force of the weather and tempest overturned six hundred houses. In which tempest the roof of Bow-church was hurled up in the wind, and by the vehemency thereof was pitched down a great deepness into the ground.
King William, (as ye have heard,) an exceeding poller, or ravener rather, of church goods, after he had given the bishopric of Lincoln to his chancellor, Robert Blevet above minded, began to cavil; avouching the see of Lincoln to belong to the see of York; till the bishop of Lincoln had pleased him with a great sum of money of five thousand marks, &c.
And as nothing could come in those days with out money from the king, so Herbert Losinga, paying to the king a piece of money, was made bishop of Thetford, as he had paid a little before to be abbot of Ramsey. Who likewise, the same time removing his see from Thetford to the city of Norwich, there erected the cathedral church with the cloister in the said city of Norwich, where he furnished the monks with sufficient living and rents of his own charges, besides the bishop's lands. After ward, repenting of his open and manifest simony, he went to Rome, where he resigned into the pope's hands his bishopric, but so that incontinent he received it again. This Herbert was the son of an abbot called Robert, for whom he purchased of the king to be bishop of Winchester.
Ye heard a little before of the death of Pope Hildebrand, after the time of which Hildebrand the German emperors began to lose their authority and right in the pope's election, and in giving of benefices. For next after this Hildebrand came Pope Victor, by the setting up of Matilda, and the duke of Normandy, with the faction and retinue of Hildebrand, who likewise showed himself stout against the emperor. But God gave the shrewd cow short horns. For Victor being poisoned (as some say in his chalice) sat but one year and a half. Notwithstanding the same imitation and example of Hildebrand continued still in them that followed after. And like as the kings of Israel followed most part the steps of Jeroboam, till the time of their desolation; so for the greatest part all popes followed the steps and proceedings of this Hildebrand, their spiritual Jeroboam, in maintaining of false worship, and chiefly in upholding the dignity of that see, against all rightful authority, and the lawful kingdom of Zion. In the time of this Victor began the order of the monks of Charterhouse, through the means of one Hugo, bishop of Gracionople, and of Bruno, bishop of Cullen.
Next to Victor sat Urban the Second, by whom the acts of Hildebrand were confirmed, and also new decrees enacted against Henry the emperor. In this time were two popes at Rome, Urbanus, and Clemens the Third, whom the emperor set up. Under Pope Urban came in the white monks of the Cistereian order, by one Stephen Harding, a monk of Shireborne, (an Englishman,) by whom this order had his beginning in the wilderness of Cistery, with in the province of Burgoin, as witnesseth Cestrensis. Others write that this Harding was the second abbot of that place, and that it was first founded by the means of one Robert, abbot of Molism in Cestercium, a forest in Burgundy, A.D. 1098, persuaded perchance by Harding; and afterwards, in the year of our Lord 1135, it was brought into England by a certain man called Espeke, which builded an abbey of the same order called Merinale. In this order the monks did live by the labour of their hands; they paid no tithes nor offerings, they wore no fur nor lining, they wore red shoes, their cowls white, and coats black, all shorn save a little circle, they ate no flesh but only in their journey. Of this order was Bernardus, &c.
This Urban held divers councils; one at Rome, where he excommunicated all such lay persons as gave investiture of any ecclesiastical benefice; also all such of the clergy as abjected themselves to be underlings or servants to lay persons for ecclesiastical benefices, &c.
Another council he held at Cleremount in France, where among other things the bishop made an oration to the lords being there present, concerning the voyage and recovering the Holy Land from the Turks and Saracens. The cause of which voyage first sprang by one Peter, a monk or hermit, who being in Jerusalem, and seeing the great misery of the Christians under the pagans, made thereof declaration to Pope Urban, and was therein a great solicitor to all Christian princes. By reason where of, after the foresaid oration of Pope Urban, thirty thousand men (taking on them the sign of the cross for their cognizance) made preparation for that voyage, whose captains were Godfrey, duke of Loraine, with his two brethren, Eustace and Baldwin, the bishop of Pody, Bohemund, duke of Puel, and his nephew Tancredus, Raimund, earl of St. Egidius, Robert, earl of Flanders, and Hugh Ie Grand, brother of Philip the French king. To whom also was joined Robert Curthose, duke of Normandy, with divers other noblemen, with the foresaid Peter the hermit, who was the chief causer of that voyage.
At that time many of the said noblemen laid their lands and lordships to mortgage to provide for the forenamed voyage; as Godfrey, duke of Loraine, who sold the dukedom of Boulogne to the bishop of Eburone for a great sum of money. Also Robert Curthose, duke of Normandy, laid his dukedom to pledge to his brother William, king of England, for ten thousand pounds, &e.
Thus the Christians, which passed first over Bosphorus, having to their captain Peter the hermit, (a man perchance more devout than expert to guide an army,) being trapped of their enemies, were slain and murdered in great numbers among the Bulgars, and near to the town called Civitus.
When the nobles and the whole army met together at Constantinople, (where Alexius was emperor,) passing over by Hellespontus going to Jerusalem, they took the cities of Nicea, Eraclea, Tarsis, and subdued the country of Cicilia, appointing the possession thereof to certain of their captains.
Antioch was besieged, and in the ninth month of the siege it was yielded to the Christians by one Pyrrhus; about which season were fought many strong batties, to the great slaughter and desolation of the Saracens, and not without loss of many Christian men. The governance of this city was committed to Bohemund, duke of Puell, whose martial knighthood was often proved in time of the siege thereof.
And not long after, Corbona, master of the Persians' chivalry, was vanquished and slain, with a hundred thousand infidels. In which discomfiture were taken fifteen thousand camels.
Jerusalem, on the nine and thirtieth day of the siege, was conquered by the Christians. Robert also, duke of Normandy, was elect to be king thereof. Howbeit he refused it, hearing of the death of King William Rufus of England; wherefore he never sped well in all his affairs after the same. Then Godfrey, captain of the Christian army, was proclaimed the first king of Jerusalem. At the taking of the city was such a murder of men, that blood was congealed in the street the thickness of a foot. Then after Godfrey reigned Baldwin his brother; after him Baldwin the second nephew; then Gaufridus, duke of Gaunt, and after him Gaufridus his son, by whom many great battles there were fought against the Saracens, and all the country thereabout subdued, save Ascalon, &c. And thus much hitherto touching the voyage to the Holy Land. Now to our own land again.
About this time (as Matt. Parisiensis writeth) the king of England favoured not much the see of Rome, because of their impudent and unsatiable exactions which they required; neither would he suffer any of his subjects to go to Rome, alleging these words, because they follow not the steps of Peter, hunting for rewards; neither have they the power and authority of him, whose holiness they declare themselves not to follow, &c.
By the same Urbanus the seven hours, which we call Septem horas canonicas, were first instituted in the church.
Item, by this pope was decreed, no bishop to be made but under the name and title of some certain place.
Item, that matins and hours of the day should every day be said.
Also every Saturday to be said the mass of our Lady, and all the Jews' sabbath to be turned to the service of our Lady, as in the Council of Turon, to the which service was appointed the anthem, Ora pro populo, interveni pro clero, intercede pro de voto f?mineo sexu.
Item, all such of the clergy as had wives to be deprived of their order.
Item, to be lawful for subjects to break their oath of allegiance with all such as were by the pope excommunicate.
Item, not to be lawful both for husband and wife to christen one child both together; with many more matters.
In the sixth year of this king's reign, Malcolme, king of Scots, which former times before had made great slaughter of old and young in the north parts, as is before showed, burst into Northumberland with all the power he could make, and there by the right judgment of God was slain, with his son Edward, and also Margaret his wife, sister to Edgar Adeling above minded, a virtuous and devout lady, within three days after.
The same year he gave the archbishopric of Canterbury (after that he had detained the same in his own hands four years) to Anselm, abbot of Beck in Normandy.
This Anselm was an Italian, in the city of Augusta born, and brought up in the abbey of Beck, in Normandy; where he was so strict a follower of virtue, that (as the story recordeth) he wished rather to be without sin in hell, than in heaven with sin. Which saying and wish of his (if it were his) may seem to proceed out of a mind, neither speaking orderly according to the phrase and understanding of the Scripture, nor yet sufficiently acquainted with. the justification of a Christian man. Further, they report him to be so far from singularity, that he should say it was the vice which thrust the angels first out of heaven, and man out of paradise.
Of this Anselm it is moreover reported, that he was so ill-willing to take the archbishopric, that the king had much ado to thrust it upon him; and he was so desirous to have him take it, that the city of Canterbury (which before Lanfranc did hold but at the king's good will and pleasure) he gave now to Anselm wholly, which was about the year of our Lord 1093. But as desirous as the king was then to place the said Anselm, so much did he repent it afterward, seeking all manner of means to defeat him if he might. Such strife and contention rose between them two for certain matters, the ground and occasion whereof first was this:
After that Anselm had been thus elected to the see of Canterbury, before he was fully consecrate, the king communed with him (assaying by all gentle manner of words to entreat him) that such lands and possessions of the church of Canterbury as the king had given and granted to his friends since the death of Lanfranc, they might still enjoy the same as their own lawful possessions through his grant and permission. But to this Anselm in no case would agree. Whereupon the king, conceiving great displeasure against him, did stop his consecration a great season; till at length in long process of time the king, enforced by the daily complaints and desires of his people and subjects for lack of an archbishop to moderate the church, was constrained to admit and authorize him unto them. Thus Anselm with much ado taking his consecration, and doing his homage to the king, went to his see of Canterbury. And not long after the king sailed over to Normandy.
About this time there were two striving in Rome for the popedom, as is afore touched, Urbanus and Guibertus; divers realms diversely consenting, some to the one, some to the other. England, taking part with their king, was rather inclined to Guibertus, called Clement the Third; but Anselm did fully go with Urbanus, making so his exception with the king, entering to his bishopric. After the king was returned again from Normandy, the archbishop cometh to him, and asked leave to go to Rome, to fetch his pall of Pope Urban; which when he could not at first obtain, he maketh his appeal from the king to the pope. Whereat the king being justly displeased, chargeth the archbishop with breach of his fealty, contrary to his promise made; that is, if he without his licence should appeal either to Urban or to any other pope. Anselm answereth again, that it was to be referred unto some greater council, where it is to be disputed, whether this be to break a man's allegiance to a terrene prince, if he appeal to the vicar of St. Peter. And here much arguing and contending was on both sides. The king's reason proceedeth thus: The custom (saith he) from my father's time hath been in England, that no person should appeal to the pope without the king's licence. He that breaketh the customs of the realm violateth the power and crown of the kingdom. He that violateth and taketh away my crown is a traitor and enemy against me, &c. To this Anselm replieth again: The Lord (saith he) easily discusseth this question, briefly teaching what fidelity and allegiance we ought to give unto the vicar of St. Peter, where he saith, Thou art Peter, and upon this rock will I build my church, &c. And to thee will I give the keys of the kingdom of heaven; and whatsoever thou shalt bind in earth, it shall be bound in heaven; and whatsoever thou loosest in earth, shall be loosed in heaven, &c. Again, to them all in general he saith, He that heareth you heareth me; and whoso despiseth you despiseth me. And in another place, He that toucheth you toucheth the apple of mine eye. On the other side, what duty we owe to the king, he showeth also: Give (saith he) to the emperor what belongeth to the emperor, and to God give that which to God belongeth. Wherefore in such things as belong to God I will yield, and must yield by good right and duty, my obedience to the vicar of St. Peter; and in such things as belong again to terrene dignities of my prince, in those I will not deny to him my faithful help and counsel, so far as they can extend.
Thus have ye the grounded arguments of this prelate to stand so stiffly against his prince, where unto peradventure was joined also some piece of a stubborn heart. But in this conclusion none of his fellow bishops durst take his part, but were all against him; namely, William, bishop of Duresme, to whom Anselm thus protesteth, saying, Whosoever he were that would presume to prove it any breach of allegiance or fealty to his sovereign, if he appealed to the vicar of St. Peter, he was ready to answer at all times to the contrary. The bishop of Duresme answered again, that he which would not be ruled by reason must with force be constrained, &c. The king, having on his part the agreement of the bishops, thought to deprive the archbishop both of his pastoral see, and to expel him out of the realm. But he could not perform his purpose; for Anselm, as he was ready to depart the realm, said, whensoever he went, he would take his office and authority with him, though he took nothing else. Whereupon that matter was deferred till a longer time. In the mean season the king had sent privily two messengers unto Pope Urban, to entreat him to send his pall to the king, for him to give it where he would. Which messengers by this time were returned again, bringing with them from Rome Gualter, bishop of Alban, the pope's legate, with the pall to be given unto Anselm. This legate, first landing at Dover, from thence came privily (unknown to Anselm) to the king; declaring and promising, that if Urban was received pope in England, whatsoever the king required to be obtained, he by his privilege from the apostolical see would ratify and confirm the same; save only that when the king required of the legate that Anselm might be removed, the legate thereunto would not agree, saying that it was unpossible to be obtained, that such a man as he, being lawfully called, should be expelled without manifest cause. In conclusion, so it followed, that although he could not obtain his request of the legate, yet the legate so wrought with the king, that Urban was proclaimed lawful pope throughout all the realm.
Then were sent to Anselm certain bishops to move and prove his mind, declaring what charges and pains the king had been at in his behalf to procure the pall for him from Rome, which otherwise would have stood him in great expenses, and that all this the king had done for his sake. Wherefore it were good reason and convenient that he (to gratify the king) should something condescend to his request again. But with all this Anselm, the stout archbishop, would not be moved. Wherefore the king, seeing none other remedy, was compelled to grant unto him the full right of his archbishopric. And so the day appointed when the pall should be brought to Canterbury, (being carried with all solemnity in a thing of silver,) the archbishop, with a great concourse of people, came forth barefoot with his priestly vestments, after a most goodly manner, to meet the same; and so being brought in, it was laid upon the altar, while Anselm (spreading over his shoulders his popish vestments) proceeded unto his popish mass.
Thus agreement being made between the king and the bishop, so long as it would hold, it happened the year following the king with his army entered into Wales, to subdue such as there rebel led against him. After the victory gotten, the king returned home again with triumph; to whom Anselm thought to have come to congratulate his prosperous success. But the king prevented him by messengers, laying to the bishop's charge both the small number and the evil service of his soldiers sent to him at his need. At the hearing hereof, all the hope of Anselm was dashed, who at the same present had thought to have obtained and done many great matters with the king touching the state of the church. But here all turned contrary to his expectation; insomuch that he was charged, against the next court of parliament, to make his answer. But he avoided that by appealing to Rome. Wherefore he made his suit and friends to the king for licence to go to the pope. Unto the which suit the king answered again, that he should not go, neither was there any cause for him so to do; for that both he knew him to be of so sound a life, that he had done no such offence whereof he needed to crave absolution at Rome, neither was there any such lack of science and knowledge that he needed to borrow any counsel there: insomuch (saith the king) I dare say Pope Urban rather hath to give place to the wisdom of Anselm, than Anselm to have need of Urban. Wherefore as he hath no cause to go, so I charge him to tarry. And if he continue in his stubbornness still, I will assuredly seize upon his possessions, and convert his archbishopric into my coffers; for that he transgresseth and breaketh his fidelity and obeisance, promising before to observe all the customs of my kingdom. Neither is it the fashion in this realm, that any of my nobles should go to Rome without my sending. And therefore let him swear unto me, that he shall neither for any grievance appeal hereafter to the see of Rome, or else let him void my realm.
Against these words of the king Anselm, thinking not best to reply again by any message, but by word of mouth, coming himself personally to the king, he placeth himself (after his order) on the right hand of the prince, where he made his reply unto the message sent to him by the king. Whereas you say I ought not to go to Rome either in regard of any trespass, or for abundance of counsel and knowledge in me, (albeit I grant neither of them to be true,) yet what the truth is therein I refer it to the judgment of God. And whereas ye say that I promised to keep and observe your customs, that I grant, but with a condition, so far to keep them, and such of them to observe, as were consonant to the laws of God, and ruled with right and equity. Moreover, whereas ye charge me with breach of my fidelity and allegiance, for that contrary to your customs I appeal to the see apostolic, (my reverence and duty to your sovereignty reserved,) if another would say it, that is untrue. For the fidelity and obeisance that I owe to thee, O king, I have it of the faith and fidelity of God, whose vicar St. Peter is, to whose seat I do appeal. Further, whereas ye require me to swear, that I shall for no cause hereafter at any time appeal to Rome, I pronounce openly that a Christian prince requireth such an oath of his archbishop unjustly. For if I should forswear St. Peter, I should deny Christ. And when I shall at any time deny Christ, then shall I be content and ready to stand to the satisfaction of my transgression to you, for asking licence to go to Rome. And peradventure when I am gone, the goods of the church shall not so serve your temporal desires and commodities as ye ween for. At these words of the bishop the king and his nobles were not a little incensed; they defending again, that in his promise of observing the king's customs, there was neither condition nor any clause put in, either of God or right. Nowise? said Anselm. If so be that in your customs was neither mention made of God nor of right, whereof was there mention then? For God forbid that any Christian should be bound to any customs which go contrary to God and to right. Thus on both sides passed much altercation between them.
At length the king, after many threatening words, told him he should carry nothing out of the realm with him. Well, said the bishop, if I may neither have my horse nor garments with me, then will I walk on foot; and so addressed him toward his journey, (all the other bishops forsaking him,) whereof none would take his part; but if he came to them for counsel, they said he was wise enough, and needed not their counsel, as who for his prudence knew best what was to be done, as also for his holiness was willing and able to persecute the same that he did know. As for them, they neither durst nor would stand against the king their lord; whose favour they could not lack, for the peril that might happen both to themselves and their kindred. But for him, because he was both a stranger, and void of such worldly corruption in him, they willed him to go forward as he had begun; their secret consent he should have, but their open voice they would not give him. Thus Anselm, remaining at Dover fifteen days tarrying for wind, at last sped him toward his passage. But his packing being secretly known in the court, the king's officer, William Warlwast, prevented his purpose, searching by the king's commandment all his trusses, coffers, satchels, sleeves, purse, napkin, and bosom for letters, and for money, and so let him pass. Who, sailing into France, first rested awhile at Lyons, from thence came to Rome to Pope Urban, according to the tenor and form of a certain epistle of his; wherein. among many other things in the same epistle contained, these words he writeth to Pope Paschalis, the third year after his banishment, after the death of Urban, and a little before the death of the king.
"To the lord and rererend father Paschalis, high bishop, Anselm, servant of the church of Canterbury, offereth due subjection from his heart, and prayers, if they can stand in any stead.
"I see in England many evils, whose correction belongeth to me, and which I could neither amend, nor suffer without mine own fault. The king desireth of me, that under the name of right I should consent to his pleasures, which were against the law and will of God. For he would not have the pope received nor appealed unto in England without his commandment; neither that I should send a letter unto him, or receive any from him, or that I should obey his decrees. He suffered not a council to be kept in his realm now these thirteen years, since he was king. In all these things, and such like, if I asked any counsel, all my suffragan bishops of his realm denied to give me any counsel, but according to the king's pleasure. After that I saw these and such other things that are done against the will and law of God, I asked a licence of him to go to Rome unto the see apostolical, that I might there take counsel for my soul, and the office committed unto me. The king said that I offended against him for the only asking of licence; and propounded to me, that either I should make him amends for the same as a trespass, (assuring him never to ask his licence any more to appeal to the pope at any time here after,) or else that I should quickly depart out of his land. Wherefore, choosing rather to go out of the land than to agree to so wicked a thing, I came to Rome, as you know, and declared the whole matter to the Lord Pope. The king by and by (as soon as I went out of England) invaded the whole archbishopric, and turned it to his own use, taxing the monks only with bare meat, drink, and cloth. The king, being warned and desired of the Lord Pope to amend this, contemned the same, and yet continueth in his purpose still. And now is the third year since I came thus out of England, and more. Some men, not understanding, demand why I did not excommunicate the king. But the wiser sort, and such as have understanding, counsel me that I do not this thing; because it belongeth not unto me both to complain and to punish. To conclude, I was forewarned by my friends that are under the king, that mine excommunication (if it should be done) would be laughed to scorn and despised," &c.
By these here above prefixed, appeareth how Anselm, the archbishop, coming unto Rome, made his complaint to Pope Urban of the king; and how the pope, writing unto the king in the behalf of Anselm, his letters and commandments were despised. And now to our story. In the mean time, while the pope's letters were sent to the king, Anselm was bid to wait about the pope to look for answer back. Who perceiving at length how little the king reputed the pope's letters, began to be weary of his office, desiring the pope that he might be discharged thereof; but the pope in no case would thereto consent, charging him upon his obedience, that wheresoever he went, he should bear with him the name and honour of the archbishop of Canterbury. Whereunto Anselm again said his obedience he neither durst nor would refuse, as who for God's cause was ready to suffer whatsoever should happen, (yea, though it were death itself,) as he thought no less would follow thereof. But what should we think, saith he, is there to be done, where justice not only taketh no place, but is utterly oppressed? And whereas my suffragans do not only not help (for dread) the righteous cause, but also for favour do impugn the same. Well, (saith the pope,) as touching these matters, we shall sufficiently provide at the next council to be holden at Baion, whereat I will you the same time and place to be present.
When the time of the council was come, Anselm amongst others was called for, who, first sitting in an utter side of the bishops, afterwards was placed at the right foot of the pope. Whereupon the same place after him was appointed to the successors of the see of Canterbury, in every general council, by the decree of Pope Urban, to sit at the right foot of the pope. In this said council great stir and much reasoning there was against the Grecians, concerning the matter and order of proceeding of the Holy Ghost. Where is to be noted, that the Greek Church hath of long time dissented from the Latin Church in many and sundry points, to the number of twenty, or almost twenty-nine, articles, as I have them collected out of the register of the church of Hereford; whereof like as occasion hereafter may serve (God willing) for a further and more ample tractation to be made; so here, by the way, partly I mean to touch some.
The first is, Wherein the Greek Church differeth from the Latin.
The articles wherein the Greek Church altereth from the Latin or Romish Church are these:
1. They are not under the obedience of the Church of Rome, because that the Church of Constantinople is not subject, but equal to the same.
2. They hold that the bishop of the apostolic see of Rome hath not greater power than the four patriarchs. And whatsoever the pope doth beside their knowledge, or without their approbation, it is of no value.
3. Item, they say whatsoever hath been done or concluded since the second general council, is of no full authority; because from that time they recount the Latins to he in error, and to be excluded out of the holy church.
4. Item, they hold the eucharist consecrated by the Church of Rome not to be the very body of Christ. Also where the Romish Church dotb consecrate in unleavened bread, they consecrate in bread leavened.
5. Item, they say that the Romish Church doth err in the words of baptism, for saying, I baptize thee; when they should say, Let this creature of God be baptized, &c.
6. They hold, moreover, to be no purgatory, nor that the suffrages of the church do avail the dead, either to lessen the pain of them that be destinate to hell, or to increase the glory of them that be ordained to salvation.
7. Item, they hold that the souls out of the bodies departed (whether they have done good or evil) have not their perfect pain nor glory; but are reserved in a certain place till the day ofjudgment.
8. Item, they condemn the Church of Rome for mixing cold water in their sacrifice.
9. Item, they condemn the Church of Rome, for that as well women as priests anoint children (when they baptize them) on both shoulders.
10. Item, they call our bread panagia.
11. Item, they blame the Church of Rome for celebrating their mass on other days besides Sun days, and certain other feasts appointed.
12. Also in this the Greek Church varieth from the Latin; for they have neither cream, nor oil, nor sacrament of confirmation.
13. Neither do they use extreme unction, or anointing, after the manner of the Roman Church, expounding the place of St. James of the spiritual infirmity, and not corporal.
14. Item, they enjoin no satisfaction for penance, but only that they show themselves to the priests, anointing them with simple oil, in token of remission of sins.
15. Item, only on Maundy Thursday they consecrate for the sick, keeping it for the whole year after, thinking it to be more holy on that day consecrated than upon any other. Neither do they fast any Saturday through the whole year, but only on Easter-eve.
16. Item, they give but only five orders, as of clerks, subdeacons, deacons, priests, and bishops; whenas the Roman Church giveth nine orders, after the nine orders of angels.
17. Moreover, the Greeians in their orders make no vow of chastity, alleging for them the fifth canon of Nice. I, N., priest, or deacon, will not forsake my wife for honesty sake.
18. Item, every year the Grecians use upon certain days to excommunicate the Church of Rome and all the Latins as heretics.
19. Item, among the said Grecians they are excommunicate that beat or strike a priest. Neither do their religious men live in such priestly chastity as the Roman priests do.
20. Item, their emperor amongst them doth ordain patriarchs, bishops, and other of the clergy, and deposeth the same at his pleasure; also he giveth benefices to whom be listeth, and retaineth the fruits of the same benefices as pleaseth him.
21. Item, they blame the Latin Church, because they eat no flesh, eggs, and cheese on Fridays, and do eat flesh on Saturdays.
22. Item, they hold against the Latin men for celebrating without the consecrated church, either in the house or in the field; and fasting on the sabbath day; and for permitting menstruous women to enter into the church before their purifying; also for suffering dogs and other beasts to enter into the church.
23. The Grecians use not to kneel in all their devotions, yea, not to the body of Christ, (as the register termeth it,) but one day in the whole year; saying and affirming, that the Latins be goats and beasts, for they are always prostrating themselves upon the ground in their prayers.
24. The Grecians moreover permit not the Latins to celebrate upon their altars. And if it chance any Latin priest to celebrate upon their altar, by and by they wash their altar, in token of abomination and false sacrifice. And diligently they observe, that whensoever they do celebrate, they do but one liturgy or mass upon one altar or table that day.
25. Item, they dissent from the Church of Rome touching the order and manner of the proceeding of the Holy Ghost.
These articles, wherein is declared the difference between the East and West Church, of the Grecians and Romans, as I found them articulated and collected in an ancient and authentical register of the church of Hereford; so I thought here to insert them, and leave them to the consideration of the reader. Other four articles more in the same re gister be there expressed, concerning simony, usury, not with them forbidden; and touching also their emperor, and how they teach their children to hurt or damnify by any manner of way the Latin priests, &c. Which articles, for that either they seem not truly collected out of their teachings, or else not greatly pertinent to the doctrine of religion, I overpass them. To the purpose now of our story again.
When certain of these above prefixed were moved in the foresaid council to be discussed, namely, concerning the assertion of proceeding of the Holy Ghost, and concerning leavened bread in the ministration of the Lord's supper, Anselm, as is above said, was called for, who, in the tractation of the same articles, so bestirred him in that council, that he well liked the pope and them about him, as mine author recordeth. Whereupon, touching the matter of unleavened bread, how indifferently he seemed there to reason, and what he writeth to Waltram, bishop of Nurenburgh, thereof ye shall hear by a piece of his letter sent to the said bishop, the copy whereof ensueth.
Anselm, servant to the church of Canterbury, to Waltram, bishop of Nurenburgh.
"As concerning the sacrifice, in which the Grecians think not as we do, it seemeth to many reasonable catholic men that which they do not to be against the Christian faith; for both he that sacrificeth unleavened and leavened sacrificeth bread. And where it is read of our Lord, (when he made his body of bread,) that he took bread and blessed, it is not added unleavened or leavened. Yet it is certain that he blessed unleavened bread, (peradventure,) not because the thing that was done required that, but because the supper, in which this was done, did give that. And whereas in another place he called himself and his flesh bread, because that as man liveth temporally with this bread, so with that bread he liveth for ever, he saith not unleavened or leavened, because both alike are bread; for unleavened and leavened differ not in substance, as some think; like as a new man afore sin, and an old man rooted in the leaven of sin, differ not in substance. For this cause, therefore, only he might be thought to call himself and his flesh bread, and made his body of bread, because that this bread (unleavened or leavened) giveth a transitory life; and his body giveth everlasting life, not for that it is either leavened or unleavened. Al though it be a commandment in the law to eat unleavened bread in the passover, where all things are done in a figure, that it might be declared that Christ, whom they looked for, was pure and clean; and we that should eat his body were admonished to be likewise pure from all leaven of malice and wickedness. But now, after we are come from the old figure to the new truth, and eat the unleavened flesh of Christ, that old figure in bread (of which we make that flesh) is not necessary for us. But manifest it is to be better sacrificed of unleavened than of leavened," &c.
To this letter I have also adjoined another epistle of his to the said Waltram, appertaining to matters not much unlike to the same effect, wherein he treats touching the variety and divers usages of the sacraments in the church; whereby such as call and cry for so much uniformity in the church, may note peradventure in the same something for their better understanding.
A piece of another letter of Anselm to the said
Waltram, bishop of Nurenburgh.
"To the reverend father and his friend, Waltram, by the grace of God, the worshipful bishop of Nurenburgh, Anselm, the servant of the church of Canterbury, greeting, &c.
"Your worship complaineth of the sacraments of the church, that they are not made every where after one sort, but are handled in divers places after divers sorts. And truly, if they were ministered after one sort, and agreeing through the whole church, it were good and laudable. Yet notwithstanding, because there be many diversities which differ not in the sum of the sacrament, in the strength of it, or in the faith, or else can be gathered into one custom, I think that they are rather to be borne with in agreement of peace, than to be condemned with offence. For we have this from the holy fathers, that if the unity of charity be kept in the catholic faith, the diversity of customs hurteth no thing. But if it be demanded whereof this diversity of customs doth spring, I perceive no other cause thereof but the diversity of men's wits, which although they differ not in strength and truth of the thing, yet they agree not in the fitness and comeliness of the ministering. For that which one judgeth to be meeter, oftentimes another thinketh less meet; wherefore not to agree in such diversities, I think it not to swerve from the truth of the thing."
Then in the story it followeth, after long debating and discussing of these matters in the council, when they had given forth their determination upon the same, and the pope had blasted out his thundering excommunications against the Grecians, and all that took their part; at length were brought in the com plaints and accusation against the king of England. Upon the hearing whereof, Pope Urban with his adherents was ready to proceed in excommunication against the king. But Anselm kneeling be fore the pope, after he had first accused his king, then after obtained for him longer time to be given upon further trial.
Thus the council breaking up, the pope, returning again to Rome, directeth down his letters to the king, commanding him that Anselm, with all his partakers, (in speedy wise.) should be revested again into his archbishopric, and all other possessions thereunto appertaining. To this the king sendeth answer again by messengers; who, coming to the pope, declared in the king's behalf on this wise: that the king their master did not a little marvel what came in his mind to command Anselm to be revested and reseated again into his former archbishopric; seeing he told him before plainly, that if he went out of England without his leave, he would so do unto him. Well, (saith the pope,) have ye no other matter against Anselm but only this? No (quoth they). And have ye taken all this travail (saith the pope) to come hither so far to tell me this, that the primate of your country is therefore disseized and dispossessed, because he hath appealed to the see and judgment apostolical? Therefore if thou lovest thy lord, speed thee home and tell him, if he will not be excommunicated, that he quickly revest Anselm again to all that he had before. And lest I make thee to be hanged for thy labour, look to thy term, and see that thou bring me answer again from him into this city against the next council, the third week after Easter. The messenger or speaker, being somewhat astonied at the bearing of this so tragical answer, thinking yet to work something for his king and master, came secretly to the pope, saying that he would confer a certain mystery from his king privately with his Holiness between them two. What mystery that was, or what there passed from the king to the pope and the court of Rome, mine author doth not show; but so cunningly that mystery was handled, that, with a full consent both of the pope and all the court of Rome, a longer day was given, from Easter to Michaelmas, and the pope's choleric heat so assuaged, that when the council came, (which then was holden at St. Pe ter's church in Rome,) albeit great complaints were then denounced against the king; yet such favour was found, that he took no harm. Only the sentence of excommunication was there pronounced against such lay persons as gave investiture of churches, and them that were so invested. Also against them that do consecrate such, or which give themselves in subjection to laymen for ecclesiastical livings, as is before touched, &c.
This council being finished, the archbishop seeing the unstedfastness of the pope, (which pleased him but a little,) took his journey to Lyons, where he continued his abode a long time, till the death first of Pope Urban, then after of the king.
Of this King William many things be diversely recorded, some to his commendation, and some to his discommendation; whereof this is one, which some will ascribe to hardiness, but I rather to rashness in him. As this king upon a time was in his disport of hunting, suddenly word came to him that Cenourona (a city in Normandy) was besieged. The king, without longer tarrying or advisement, took the straight way toward the sea-side, sending to his lords that they should follow after. They, being come to his presence, advised him to stay till the time his people were assembled; but he would not be stayed, saying, that such as him loved (he knew) would follow him shortly, and so went to take ship. The shipmaster, seeing the weather so dark and cloudy, was afraid, and counselled the king to tarry till the wind did turn about, and the weather more favourable. But the king, persisting in his journey, commanded him to make all the speed he night for his life; saying, that he never heard that any king yet was ever drowned. And so passed the sea in safety, and came to Normandy.
The thirteenth year of his reign the said King William, having the same time in his hand three bishoprics, Canterbury, Winchester, and Sarum; also twelve abbeys in farm; as he was in his disport of hunting in the New Forest, by glancing of an arrow (shot of a knight named Walter Tirrel) was wounded to death, and so speechless was carried to Westminster, and there was buried. Where also is to be noted, that Richard, the cousin-german of King William, and son to Duke Robert his brother, was likewise slain in the foresaid forest. See the just hand of God upon kings usurping wrongfully upon other men's grounds, as did William the Conqueror, their father, in making this New Forest, plucking down divers churches and townships the compass of thirty miles about. Here therefore appeareth, that although men cannot revenge, yet God revengeth either in them, or in their posterity, &c. This king, as he always used concubines, so left he no issue legitimate behind him. His life was such, that it is hard for a story, that should tell the truth, to say whether he was more to be commended or reproved. Among other vices in him, especially is to be rebuked in him unmeasurable and unreasonable covetousness; insomuch that he coveted (if he might) to be every man's heir. This one example of a liberal and princely nature I find in him; that upon a time, when a certain abbot of a place was dead, there came to his court two monks of the same house, who before had gathered much money, and made their friends to the king, and offered large offers, either of them to be promoted to that dignity. There was also the third monk of the same place, which of meekness and humility followed the other two, to the intent that upon him, whom the king had admitted for abbot, he should give attendance, and as his chaplain with him return. The king called before him the two monks severally, of whom the one outproffered the other. As the king cast his eye aside, he espied the third monk standing by, supposing that his coming had been also for the like cause. Then the king, calling him, asked what he would do, whether he would give more than his brethren had offered to be abbot? He answered to the king, and said that he neither had nor would (if he might) offer any penny for it, by any such unlawful mean.
When the king had well pondered this third monk's answer, he said that he was best worthy to he abbot, and to have the rule of so holy a charge; and so gave unto him that benefice without taking any penny.
Urban, bishop of Rome, who (as is said) succeeded after Victor, ruled the Church of Rome about the space of twelve years; and amongst his other acts he excommunicated the emperor Henry, the fourth of that name, as a man not much devout to that see of Rome, But yet a worthy and victorious prince he was; in whom, albeit some vice perchance might be noted, yet none such wherefore any prelate or minister of Christ ought to excite his subjects to rebel against public authority of God appointed. This emperor Henry the Fourth was by four popes severally excommunicate; first by Hildebrand, by Victor, Urban, and Paschal. Which excommunication wrought so in the ignorant and blind hearts of the people, that many (as well of the nobles as of the multitude, contrary to their sworn allegiance) rebelliously conspired against their king and emperor. In number of whom, amongst the rest, was one certain earl named Ludovicus, to whom Waltram, bishop of the church of Nurenburgh, (a godly and faithful man, as appeareth,) doth write letters of fatherly admonition, exhorting and instructing him in the office of obedience. Unto the which letters he likewise doth answer again by cavilling sophistication, and by mere affection, rather disposed to discord, than seeking sincerity of truth.
After the time of this King William, the name of kings ceased in the country of Wales among the Britons, since King Ris, who in the reign of this king, the year of our Lord 1093, was slain in Wales.