36. HENRY I.
Henry, the first of that name, the third son of William the Conqueror, succeeding his brother Rufus, began his reign in England the year of our Lord 1100; who, for his knowledge and science in the seven liberal arts, was surnamed Clerk, or Beauclerk. In whom may well appear how knowledge and learning doth greatly conduce to the government and administration of any realm or country. At the beginning he reformed the state and condition of the clergy, released the grievous payments, reduced again King Edward's laws, with emendation thereof; he reformed the old and untrue measures, and made a measure after the length of his arm; he greatly abhorred excess of meats and drinks; many things misused before his time he reformed, and used to vanquish more by counsel than by sword. Such persons as were nice and wanton he secluded from his court. This man (as appeareth) little favoured the usurped power of the bishop of Rome. Soon after he was king, he married Matild, or Maud, daughter of Malcolme, king of Scots, and of Margaret his wife, daughter of Edward the outlaw, as is before specified, being a professed nun in Winchester; whom, not withstanding, (without the pope's dispensation,) he married by the consent of Anselm; by the which Maud he received two sons, William and Richard, and two daughters, Maud and Mary, which Maud afterward was married to Henry, the fifth emperor, &c.
In the second year of his reign, Robert his elder brother, duke of Normandy, being occupied in the Christian wars against the Turks, and being elect (as you heard) king of Jerusalem, hearing of the death of Rufus, refused the kingdom thereof; for the which (as is thought) he never sped well after. Thus the said Robert leaving off the Lord's business, and returning into Normandy, made there his preparation, and came over into England with a great host, to challenge the crown; but by mediation of the lords, it was agreed upon that Robert should have yearly during his life three thousand marks, as was likewise promised him before by King Rufus his brother; and whether of them overlived the other, to be the other's heir. And thus Robert departed again into Normandy, to the great discontentation of his lords there. But in few years after, the forenamed tribute of three thousand marks, through the means of Queen Maud, was released to the king his brother. In process of time, variance falling between King Henry and the said Robert his brother; at length Robert in his war was taken prisoner, and brought over into England, and was put into the castle of Cardiff in Wales, where he continued as prisoner while be lived.
Illustration -- A Gateway
In this time, as about the third year of this king, the hospital of St. Bartholomew in Smithfield was founded, (by means of a minstrel belonging unto the king, named Rajer,) and after it was finished by Richard Whittington, alderman and mayor of London. This place, or Smithfield, was at that day a lay-stall of all ordure or filth, and the place where the felons and other transgressors of the king's laws were put to execution.
Divers strict laws were by this king provided, especially against thieves and felons, that whosoever
taken in that fault, no money should save them from hanging.
Item, that whoso did counterfeit false money, should have both his eyes and nether parts of his body cut off.
Item, in the same council was decreed an order for priests to be sequestered from their wives, which before were not forbidden.
Item, it was then decreed, that monks and priests should bear no rule over lay persons.
Item, it was then decreed concerning broidering of hair, and wearing of garments.
Item, that the secret contract between a young lad and a young maid should not stand; with other things more concerning the excommunication of sodomites, &c.
In the story of William Rufus before was declared how Anselm, the archbishop of Canterbury, departing out of the realm, went unto the pope; who, after the death of King William, was sent for again by the foresaid King Henry, and so returned again, and was at the council of the king at Westminster, where the king in the presence of the lords, as well temporal as spiritual, ordained and invested two bishops, Roger, bishop of Salisbury, and Roger, bishop of Hereford. During which parliament or council of the king, Anselm in his convocation deposed and displaced divers abbots and other prelates from their rooms and dignities; either for that they lawfully came not by them. or uprightly did not administer the same.
After this council, and the other before set forth by Anselm, Herbert, bishop of Norwich, had much ado with the priests of his diocess; for they would neither leave theft wives, nor yet give over their benefices. Whereupon be wrote to Anselm, the archbishop, for counsel, what was to be done therein. Which Anselm required him (as he did others more the same time by writing) to persuade the people of Northfolke and Suffolke. that as they professed Christianity. they should subdue them as rebels against the church, and utterly drive both them and their wives out of the country, placing monks in their rooms, as by the epistles of the said Anselm doth appear. Whereof certain parcels shall hereafter (by the grace of Christ) ensue, for the better evidence of this and the other his acts above recited.
The like business also had Gerard, the archbishop of York, in depriving the priests of his province from their wives; which thing with all his excommunications and thunderings he could hardly bring about. Upon this ruffling of Anselm with married priests were rhyming verses made to help the matter withal, when reason could not serve.
About the end of the third year of this king, which was by computation of our Lord 1103, a variance fell between King Henry and Anselm, the occasion whereof was this. Ye heard a little before how Henry the foresaid king had of his own authority invested two bishops, one Roger, which was chancellor, bishop of Salisbury; and another bishop of Hereford. Besides them divers also he invested, and divers other like things took he upon him in the ecclesiastical state, which he might lawfully do, God's word allowing well the same; but because he was restrained by the bishop of Rome, and forbidden so to do, this Anselm swelled, fretted, and waxed so mad, that he would neither consent to it, neither yet confirm them, nor communicate nor talk friendly with them, whom the king had instituted and invested; but opprobriously called them abortives, or children of destruction; disdainfully rebuking the gentle king as a defiler of religion and polluter of their holy ceremonies; as witnesseth Polydorus. With this uncomely outrage the king was much displeased, (as he might full well,) and required Gerard, the archbishop of York, (as he owed him allegiance,) to consecrate them; who without delay did so, well performing the same; saving that one William Gifford, to whom the king had given the bishopric of Winchester, refused to take his consecration by the hands of the archbishop of York. For the which cause the king (worthily with him offended) deprived him both of bishopric and goods, and banished him the realm.
Moreover, the king required of Anselm, the archbishop of Canterbury, to do unto him homage, after the manner of his ancestors. Also it was asked of the said Anselm, whether that he would be with the king in giving investitures, as Lanfranc his predecessor was with his father. To whom Anselm said, that he promised not at any time that he would enter into this order, to keep the law or custom of his father, as Lanfranc did. Moreover, as concerning homage to be done to the king, that he refused; alleging the censures of the pope's excommunication, who, in his Council of Rome a little before, had given forth open sentence of excommunication upon all such lay persons (whatsoever they were) that should from henceforth confer or give any spiritual promotions; also upon them that received them at their hands, either yet should consecrate any such receivers. Moreover, he accursed all them that for benefices or other ecclesiastical promotions should subject themselves under the homage or service of any great man, king, prinoe, duke, or earl of the laity. For it was unseemly, (said the pope,) and a thing very execrable, that the hands which were converted into so high a working, as was granted to no angel, (that is, to create Him with their crosses which created all, and to offer up the same before the sight of the Father for the salvation of the whole world,) should be brought to such a slavery, as to be subject to those filthy hands, which both day and night are polluted with shameful touchings, robberies, and bloodshed, &o. This decree of Pope Urban Anselm alleging for himself, denied to subject himself to the king's homage, fearing (as he said) the pope's excommunication. Upon this, messengers were sent to Rome on both parts unto the pope, (then Paschalis,) who, stoutly standing to the steps and determinations of Urban his predecessor, would in no case yield to the king's investing.
In the mean time, while there was long disputation on both sides for investing, the nobles of the realm contended, that investings did belong to the king's dignity; wherefore the king, calling for Anselm again, required him either to do homage to him, or else to void his kingdom. To whom Anselm replying again, required the pope's letters to be brought forth, and, according to the tenor thereof, so the matter to be decided. For now the messengers were returned from Rome with the pope's answer, altogether bearing with Anselm. Then said the king, What have I to do with the pope's letters? I will not forego the liberties of my kingdom for any pope. Thus the contention continued between them. Anselm saith, he would not out of the realm, but depart home to his church, and there see who would offer him any violence; and so did. Not long after, message came from the king to Anselm, requesting him, after a gentle sort, to repair to the king's presence again, to set an end of the controversy begun; whereunto Anselm granted and came. Then were new ambassadors sent again to the pope, that he would something qualify and moderate (or rather abolish) the straitness of the Roman decree before mentioned. On the part of Anselm went two monks, Baldwin and Alexander. On the king's behalf were sent two bishops, Robert, bishop of Lichfield, and Herbert, bishop of Norwich, with the king's letters written unto the pope.
The second letter of the king in sending about the pall was well taken of all the court of Rome, which (as mine author saith) procured such favour to Gerard, archbishop of York, and bringer thereof, that no complaint of his adversaries afterwards could hurt him with the pope. Notwithstanding he was accused grievously for divers things, and specially for not standing to the consecration of Anselm, archbishop of Canterbury.
Polydore in his eleventh book of his English history affirmeth, that Anselm also went up to Rome with Gerard about the same cause. But both the premises and sequel of the story argue that to be untrue, for what need the two monks to be sent up on Anselm's side, if he had gone up himself? Again, how could the pope write down by the said messengers to Anselm, if he had there been himself present? For so proceedeth the story by the narration of Malmesbury and others.
After the ambassadors (thus on both sides sent up to Rome) had laboured their cause with instant suit, one against the other, the pope, glad to gratify the king, (yet loth to grant his request, being against his own profit, and therefore more inclining to Anselm's side,) sendeth down his letters to the said Anselm, signifying that he would not repeal the statutes of his holy fathers for one man's pleasure; charging him, moreover, not only not to yield in the cause of investing, but constantly to adhere to the foresaid decreement of Pope Urban his predecessor, &c. Besides this letter to Anselm, he directed also another to the king himself; which letter, mine author saith, the king suppressed and did not show, only declaring by word of mouth what the ambassadors had said unto him from the pope. Which was, that he permitted unto him the licence of investing, upon condition that in other things he would execute the office of a good prince, &c. To this also the testimony of the two bishops above minded did accord; which made the matter more probable. But the two monks on the other side replied again, bringing forth the letter of Anselm to the contrary, &c. To them was answered again, that more credit was to be given to the degree and testimony of the bishops than to theirs. And as for monks, they had no suffrage nor testimony (said they) in secular matters, and therefore, they might hold their peace. But this is no secular matter, said Baldwin, abbot of Ramsey. Whereunto the nobles again of the king's part answered, saying that he was a good man, and of such demeanour as they had nothing to say against him, neither would if they might; but yet both human and Divine reason taught them so, to yield more credit and confidence to the testimony of three bishops than of two monks. Whereby may well appear that Anselm at that time went not with them. Then Anselm, seeing the king and his peers how they were set, and hearing also the testimony of the three bishops, against whom he saw he could not prevail; and also having the pope's seal, which he saw to be so evident on the contrary side; made his answer again, that he would send to Rome for a more certainty of truth. Adding moreover, that be neither would nor durst give over his cause, though it should cost him his life, to do or proceed against the determination of the Church of Rome, unless be had a perfect warrant of absolution from thence for his discharge. Then was it agreed by the king and his nobles, that he should not send, but go himself to Rome. And much entreaty was made, that he would take that journey in hand himself, in his own person, to present himself to the pope for the peace of the church and of his country. And so at length by persuasion he was content, went to Rome, and spake with the pope. In short time after followeth also the king's ambassador, (William Warlwast,) new elect bishop of Exeter, who there pleading on the king's side for the ancient customs of the realm, and for the king's right of investing, &c., first declared how England of a long continuance had ever been a province peculiar to the Church of Rome, and how it paid duly his yearly tribute unto the same. Inferring moreover how the king, as he was of nature very liberal, so also of courage a prince stout and valiant. Then what a shame would he think it should be to him, (as it were indeed,) if he, who in might and dignity far exceeded all his progenitors, should not defend and maintain the liberties and customs by them procured. Wherefore he desired the pope to see to the matter, so as might stand both with the king's honour, and also with his own profit and advantage; who otherwise no doubt should lose a great piece of money out of the realm, unless he did remit some thing of the severity of his canons and laws decretal.
With these and such other like persuasions to the same effect the court of Rome was well contented, agreeing that the king's request ought with all favour to be granted. But the pope and Anselm sat still marking their doings. The ambassador, supposing their silence to be half a yielding unto him, added moreover and said, that the king, no not for the crown of his realm, would lose the authori ty of investing or admitting his prelates within his dominion. Whereunto the proud pope answering again burst out in these words; Nor I (said he) for the price of this head (as thou sayest) will lose the giving of spiritual promotions in England, and confirming it with an oath, (Before God, saith he, I speak it,) know it for a certain, &c. Then it followeth in the story of Malmesbury, With this word of the pope the minds of the rest were changed. The king's attorney also was therewith dashed, who notwith standing yet brought to pass, that certain of the king's customs, used before of his father, were released unto him. At the which time in the same court it was decreed, that (the king only, which had invested them, being excepted) the other, which were invested by the king, should be excommunicated; the absolution and satisfaction of whom was left to Anselm the archbishop.
Thus Anselm, being dismissed from Rome, took his journey toward England. But the ambassador, pretending to go to St. Nicholas, remained behind, to see whether he could win the pope's mind to the king's purpose. Which when he saw it would not be, he overtaketh Anselm by the way, at Placentia, and opened to him the kings pleasure. The king (saith he) giveth to you in charge and commandment, that if you will come to England, and there behave yourself to him as your predecessors did to his father, you should be received and retained in the realm accordingly; if not, you are wise enough, (saith he,) ye know what I mean, and what will follow, &c. And so with these words parting from him, he returned again to the king.
In the mean while, great business there was, and much posting went to and fro between the king, the archbishop, and the pope, but nothing was done; for neither would the pope agree to the king, neither would the king condescend to the archbishop. At last the archbishop, seeing by no means he could prevail against the king, thought to revenge himself by excommunication, and so went about the same. The king, having word thereof by the Countess Adela his sister, desireth her to come to him into Normandy, and bring Anselm with her; whereupon (through the means of the countess) reconcilement was made, and the archbishop was restored to his former possessions again. Only his return into England was deferred, because he would not communicate with those whom the king had invested. So the king took his passage over into England, and Anselm made his abode at the abbey of Becke.
Then were ambassadors again directed unto Rome, William Warlwast, and Baldwin above named, abbot of Ramsey, who at length concluded the long controversy between the king and the pope upon this agreement, that the king should take homage of the bishops elect, but should not deal with investing them by staff and ring, &c. While the ambassadors were thus in their suit at Rome, divers complaints were daily brought from England to Anselm against the priests and canons, who in his absence, contrary to the late council holden at London, received their wives unto their houses again, and so were permitted by the king, paying him certain money for the same. Anselm, (the sore enemy against lawful marriage,) grieved therewith, addresseth his letters unto the king, requiring him to refrain from any more taking of such exactions; declaring moreover and affirming, that the offences of all such ecclesiastical ministers must be corrected by the instance of bishops, and not of laymen. To this the king answereth gently again by letters, tempering himself; how he pur posed shortly to come over into Normandy, and if he had done any thing amiss, either in these or other things, he would reform it by his obedience.
It was not long after, (the messengers being now returned from Rome,) but the king, as he had promised, sped him into Normandy, where he, warring against his brother Robert, brought both him and the country of Normandy at the last under his subjection. But first meeting with Anselm at the abbey of Becke, he covenanted and agreed with him in all such points as the archbishop required. As, first, that all his churches which before were made tributary unto King William his brother, now should remain free from all tribute. Item, that he should require nothing of the said churches or provinces in the time of the seat being vacant. Moreover, concerning such priests and ministers as had given money to the king for their company with their wives, it was agreed that they should surcease from all ecclesiastical functions the space of three years, and that the king should take no more after such manner. Item, that all such goods, fruits, and possessions, as had been taken away before from the archbishopric, should be restored at his coming again into England, &c.
This Anselm, the stout champion of popery and superstition, after this victory gotten upon the king, for the which he so long fought, with joy and triumph saileth into England, having all his popish requests obtained. Where first he flieth like a lion upon the married priests, contrary to the word of God, divorcing and punishing that by man's authority which the eternal and Almighty God had coupled. Next, he looketh to them which did hold any church by farm under the king. Against simony likewise, and against them that married within the seventh degree, he proceedeth with his full pontifical authority.
Shortly after, as King Henry had finished his war in Normandy, and with victory returned again into England, about the sixth year of his reign, Anselm, archbishop of Canterbury, (by the permission of the king,) assembled a great council at Westminster in London of the clergy and prelates of England.
In the which (by the bishop of Rome's authority) he so wrought with the king, that at length (albeit, as the story saith, not without great difficulty) it was newly confirmed and enacted, that no temporal man after that day should make investiture with cross, or with ring, or with pastoral book. In this council, sundry and divers injunctions were given forth to priests and deacons, as divers other synodal acts also by the same Anselm had been concluded in other councils before. And because here falleth in mention of the acts synodal concluded in the time of this Anselm, I thought here good to pack them all in one general heap together, as we find them in Malmesbury, and in other sundry authors scatteringly recited.
The first thing decreed by this Anselm in his synodal councils was touching the fault of simony, whereby divers both bishops and abbots (as is aforesaid) were at the same time deposed; and laymen forbidden to confer any ecclesiastical promotion.
Also it was decreed, that no bishop should bear any office in secular men's business or meetings. And that such should not go apparelled as the laymen did, but should have their vestures decent and meet for religious persons. And that in all places they should never go without some to bear witness of their conversation.
Item, that no archdeaconries should be let out to farm.
Item, that no archdeacon should be under the degree of a deacon.
Item, that no archdeacon, priest, deacon, subdeacon, colligener, nor canon, should from thence many a wife, nor yet keep her, if he had been married to one before.
Item, that every subdeacon, being under the degree of a canon, (after the profession of chastity marrying a wife,) should he subject to the same rule.
They ordained also that a priest keeping company with his wife should be reputed unlawful, and that he should say no mass; and if he said mass, he should not be heard.
They charged that none should be admitted to orders from that time forward, from the degree of a subdeacon, unless he did profess chastity.
That priests' sons should not claim by heritage the benefices of their fathers, as the custom had always been before.
Item, that no spiritual person should sit in any secular office, as to be procurators or judges of blood.
Item, that priests should not resort to taverns or banquets, nor sit drinking by the fire-side.
That the garments of priests should be of one colour, and that their shoes should be decent.
Item, that monks, or any other of the clergy, (if they forsook their order,) either should come again, or be excommunicated.
Item, that the men of the clergy should wear broad crowns.
Item, that no tithes should be given but to the church.
Item, that no churches or prebends should be bought.
That no new chapels should be made without consent of the bishop.
That no church should be hallowed before the necessary provision were made for the priest and for the church to be maintained.
That abbots should set forth no men to war, and that they must both sleep and eat in the same house with their monks, unless some great necessity do let.
Item, that monks do enjoin no penance to any man without the knowledge of his abbot. And that their abbots may give no licence therein, but only for such persons whose charge they have of soul.
That no monks should be godfathers, nor nuns godmothers.
That monks should have no lordships to farm.
Item, that monks should take no churches but by the bishop; neither should so spoil and oppress the churches given unto them with their rents, that sufficient were not left for the ministers of the same.
That privy contracts between man and woman without witness should not stand, but be frustrate, if each party do go from the contract.
Item, that such of the clergy as wear long hair be so rounded, that part of their ear appear, and that their eyes be not covered.
Item, that there be no matrimonial connexion within the seventh degree of kindred, nor to continue if they be married, but the marriage to be broken. And if any, being privy to that incest, do not detect the same, he to be guilty of the same crime.
Item, that no funeral or buryings be without their own parish church, so that the priest thereof do lose that which to him is due.
Item, that no man upon any new-fangled rashness do attribute any reverence or opinion of holiness to dead men's bodies, to fountains, or to any other thing, (as the use hath been in times past,) without authority of the bishop.
Item, that no buying and selling be used hereafter in England of men, as of other cattle.
Item, after the restraint of priests' marriage, when filthy practices began to come in the place thereof, then were they forced also to make an act for that, which was this:
With a grievous curse we condemn both them that are guilty of ungracious vices and sins, and them also that willingly assist them, or be wicked doers with them in the same, till such time as they may deserve absolution by penance and confession.
So that whatsoever he be that is noised or proved to be of this wickedness, (if he be a religious person,) be shall from thenceforth be promoted to no degree of honour, and that which he hath shall be taken from him.
If he be a lay person, he shall be deprived of all his freedom within the land, and be no better than a foreigner.
And because it shall be known the absolution of such as be secular to belong only to bishops, it was therefore enacted, that on every Sunday, in every parish church of England, the said excommunication should be published, &c.
But mark in this great matter what followed. For, as Ranulphus Cestrensis witnesseth, this grievous general curse was soon called back again by the suit of certain, which persuaded Anselm that the publication or opening of that vice gave kindlings to the same in the hearts of lewd persons, ministering occasion of more boldness to them to do the like. And so to stop the occasion of filthy uncleanness, the publication thereof was taken away; but the forbidding and restraint of priests' lawful marriage (which chiefly was the cause thereof) remained still. And thus ever since horrible vices remained in the clergy, both for lack of marriage more used, and for lack of publication less punished.
Besides all these synodal acts above comprehended, and given out by Anselm in his councils before, here also in this present council at Westminster, in the year of this king aforesaid, he also directed other new injunctions to the priests.
First, that they and their wives should never more meet in one house, neither yet have dwelling in their territories.
Item, that the priests, deacons, and subdeacons should keep no woman in their house, unless they were of their next kin.
Item, for such as had dissevered themselves from the society of their wives, yet for some honest cause they had to commune with them, they might, so it were without door, and with two or three lawful witnesses.
Item, if any of them should be accused hy two or three witnesses, and could not purge himself again by six able men of his own order, (if he be a priest,) or, if he be a deacon, by four, or, if he be a subdeacon, by two, then he should be judged a transgressor of the statutes, deprived of his benefice, and be made infamous, or be put to open reproach of all men.
Item, he that rebelled, and in contempt of this new statute held still his wife, and presumed to say mass, upon the eighth day after (if be made not due satisfaction) should be solemnly excommunicated.
Item, all archdeacons and deacons to be straitly sworn not to wink or dissemble at their meetings, nor to bear with them for money. And if they would not be sworn to this, then to lose their offices without recovery.
Item, such priests as forsaking their wives were willing to serve still and remain in their holy order, first must cease forty days from their ministration, setting vicars for them in the mean time to serve, and taking such penance upon them as by their bishop should be enjoined them.
Thus have ye heard the tedious treatise of the life and doings of Anselm, how superstitious in his religion, how stubborn against his prince, he was, what occasion of war and discord he ministered by his complaints, (if they had been taken,) what zeal without right knowledge, what fervency without cause, he pretended, what pains without profit he took. Who if he had bestowed that time and travail in preaching Christ at home to his flock, which he took in gadding to Rome to complain of his country, in my mind he had heen better occupied. Moreover, what violent and tyrannical injunctions he set forth of investing and other things ye have heard; but specially against the lawful and godly marriage of priests. Wherein what a vehement adversary he was here may appear with these minutes or pieces extracted out of his letters, which we have here annexed, in form and effect as followeth.
A letter of Anselm.
"Anselm, archbishop, to his brethren and dearest sons, the lord prior and others at Canterbury.
"As concerning priests, of whom the king commanded that they should have both their churches and their women as they had in the time of his father, and of Lanfranc, archbishop; both because the king hath revested and reseized the whole archbishopric, and because so cursed a marriage was forbidden in a council in the time of his father and of the said archbishop, boldly I command by the authority which I have by my archbishopric, not only within my archbishopric, but also throughout England, that all priests which keep women shall be deprived of their churches and ecclesiastical benefices."
A letter of Pope Paschalis to Anseirn.
"Paschal, bishop, servant of God's servants, to his reverend brother Anselm, archbishop of Canter bury, greeting and apostolical blessing.
"We believe your brotherhood is not ignorant what is decreed in the Romish Church concerning priests' children. But because there is so great multitude of such within the realm of England, that almost the greater and better part of the clerks are reckoned to be on this side; therefore we commit this dispensation to your care. For we grant these to be promoted to holy offices by reason of the need at this time, and for the profit of the church, (such as learning and life shall commend among you,) so that yet notwithstanding the prejudice of the ecclesiastical decree to be taken heed to hereafter"
Another letter of Anselm for investing.
"To the reverend lord and loving father Paschal, high bishop, Anselm, servant of Canterbury church, due subjection and continual prayers.
"After that I returned to my bishopric in England, I showed the apostolical decree; which I, being present, heard in the Romish council. I. That no man should receive investing of churches at the king's hand, or any lay person, or should become his man for it, and that no man should presume to consecrate him that did offend herein. When the king and his nobles, and the bishops themselves, and others of the lower degree, heard these things, they took them so grievously, that they said they would in no case agree to the thing, and that they would drive me out of the kingdom, and forsake the Romish Church, rather than keep this thing. Wherefore, reverend father, I desire your counsel by your letter."
Another letter of Anselm.
"Anselm, archbishop, to the Reverend Gudulphus, bishop, and to Arnulphus, prior, and to William, archdeacon of Canterbury, and to all in his diocess, greeting.
"William our archdeacon hath written unto me, that some priests that be under his custody (taking again their women that were forbidden) have fallen unto the uncleanness from the which they were drawn by wholesome counsel and commandment. When the archdeacon would amend this thing, they utterly despised with wicked pride his warning and worthy commandment to be received. Then he, calling together many religious men and obedient priests, excommunicated worthily the proud and disobedient, that beastly despised the curse, and were not afraid to defile the holy ministry as much as lay in them."
Unto these letters above prefixed I have also adjoined another of the said Anselm, touching a great ease of conscience, of a monk's whipping of himself. Wherein may appear both the blind and lamentable superstition of those religious men, and the judgment of this Anselm in the same matter.
Another letter of Anselm.
"Anselm, archbishop, to Bernard, monk of the abbey of St. Warburg, greeting and prayer.
"I heard it said of your lord abbot, that thou judgest it to be of greater merit, when a monk either beateth himself, or desireth himself to be beaten of another, than when he is beaten (not of his own will) in the chapter by the commandment of the prelacy. But it is not so as you think. For that judgment that any man commandeth to himself is kingly. But that which he suffereth by obedience in the chapter is monkish. The one is of his own will, the other is of obedience, and not of his own will. That which I call kingly, kings and rich proud men are willing to be done to themselves. But that which I call monkish, they take, not commanding, but obeying. The kingly is so much easier, by how much it agreeth to the will of the sufferer. But the monkish is so much the more grievous, by how much it differeth from the will of the sufferer. In the kingly judgment, the sufferer is judged to be his own; in the monkish, be is proved not to be his own. For although the king or rich man, when he is beaten, willingly showeth himself humbly to be a sinner; yet he would not submit himself to this humbleness at any other's commandment, but would withstand the commander with all his strength. But when a monk submitteth himself to the whip humbly in the chapter at the will of the prelate, the truth judgeth him to be of so much greater merit, by how much be humbleth himself more, and more truly, than the other. For he humbleth himself to God only, because he knoweth his sins. But this man humbleth himself to man for obedience. But he is lowlier that humbleth himself both to God and man for God's cause, than he which humbleth himself to God only, and not to God's commandment. Therefore if he that humbleth himself shall be extolled; ergo, be that more humbleth himself shall be more exalted. And where I said, that when a monk is whipped, it differeth from his will; you must not so understand it, as though he would not patiently bear it with an obedient will, but because by a natural appetite be would not suffer the sorrow. But if ye say, I do not so much, fly the open beating for the pains (which I feel also secretly) as for the shame; know then that he is stronger that rejoiceth to bear this for obedience sake. Therefore be thou sure that one whipping of a monk by obedience is of more merit than innumerable whippings taken by his own mind. But whereas he is such, that always he ought to have his heart ready without murmuring obediently to be whipped, we ought to judge him then to be of a great merit, whether he be whipped privily or openly," &c.
And thus much concerning Anselm, archbishop of Canterbury; whose stout example gave no little courage to Thurstinus and Becket his successors, and others that followed after, to do the like against their kings and princes, as in process hereafter by the grace of Christ shall appear.
About this time two famous archbishops of Mentz, being right virtuous and well-disposed prelates, were cruelly and tyrannously dealt withal, and treated by the bishop of Rome; their names were Henry and Christian. This Henry, having intelligence that he was complained of to the pope, sent a learned man (as special friend of his) to excuse him, named Arnold, one for whom he had done much, and promoted to great livings and promotions. But this honest man Arnold, in stead of an excuser, became an accuser, bribing the two chiefest cardinals with good gold; by which means he obtained of the pope those two cardinals to be sent as inquisitors, and only doers in that present ease. The which (coming to Germany) summoned the said Henry, and deposed him of his archbishopric, (for all he could do either by law or justice,) substituting in his place the foresaid Arnold, upon hope (truly) of the ecclesiastical gold. Whereupon that virtuous and honourable Henry (as the story telleth) spake unto those his perverse judges on this wise: If I should appeal unto the apostolic see for this your unjust process had against me, perhaps the pope would attempt nothing more therein than ye have, neither should I win any thing by it, but only toil of body, loss of goods, affliction of mind, care of heart, and missing of his favour.
Wherefore I do appeal unto the Lord Jesus Christ, as to the most high and just Judge, and cite you before his judgment, there to answer me before the high Judge. For neither justly nor godly (but by corruption, as it pleaseth you) you have judged. Whereunto they scoffingly answered, Go you first, and we will follow. Not long after (as the story is) the said Henry died. Whereof the said two cardinals having intelligence said one to the other jestingly, Behold, he is gone before, and we must follow according to our promise. And verily they said truer than they were aware of; for within a while they died in one day. For the one, sitting upon a jakes to ease himself, voided out all his entrails into the draught, and miserably ended his life. The other, gnawing off the fingers of his hands, and spitting them out of his mouth, (all deformed in devouring himself,) died. And in like wise, not long after the end of these men, the foresaid Arnold (most horribly) in a sedition was slain; and certain days (lying stinking above the ground unburied) lay open to the spoil of every rascal and harlot. The historiographer in declaring hereof crieth upon the cardinals in this manner: O ye cardinals, ye are the beginning and authors hereof. Come ye hither therefore, come ye hither, and heap and carry unto your countries the devil, and offer yourselves to him with that money, whereof ye have been most gluttonous and insatiable.
About the same time and year when King Henry began his reign Pope Paschalis entered his papacy, succeeding after Urbanus, about the year of our Lord 1100, nothing swerving from the steps of Hildebrand his superior. This Paschalis being elected by the cardinals, after that the people had cried thrice, St. Peter hath chosen good Rainerus, he then putting on a purple vesture, and a tire upon his head, was brought upon a white palfrey into Lateran, where a sceptre was given him, and a girdle put about him, having seven keys, with seven seals hanging thereupon for a recognisance or token of his sevenfold power, according to the sevenfold grace of the Holy Ghost, of binding, loosing, shutting, opening, sealing, resigning, and judging, &c. After this Paschalis was elected pope, Henry the Fourth, the foresaid emperor, (of courage most valiant, if the time had served thereto,) thought to come up to Italy, to salute the new pope. But, understanding the pope's mind bent against him, he changed his purpose. In the mean time, Paschalis, to show himself inferior to Hildebrand in no point, began first to depose all such abbots and bishops whom the emperor had set up. Also he banished Albertus, Theodoricus, and Maginuiphus, striving at the same time for the papacy. I spake before of Guibert, whom Henry the emperor had made pope against Hildebrand. Against this Guibert Paschalis made out an army; who, being put to flight, not long after departed.
About the same time, A.D. 1101, the bishop of Fluence began to teach and to preach of antichrist then to be born and to be manifest, as Sabellicus testifieth; whereupon Paschalis assembling a council put to silence the said bishop, and condemned his books. In this council at Trecas, priests that were married were condemned for Nicolaitans. Item, according to the decree of Hildebrand, all such, of what degree or estate soever they were, (being laymen,) that gave any ecclesiastical dignities, were condemned of simony. Furthermore, the statute of priests' tithes there he renewed, counting the selling away thereof as a sin against the Holy Ghost. Concerning the excommunication and other troubles that Hildebrand wrought against Henricus, the fourth emperor, it is declared sufficiently before. This excommunication Paschalis the pope renewed afresh against the said Henry. And not only that, but also conventing the princes of Germany unto a general assembly, set up his own son against him, causing the bishop of Mentz, of Cullen, and of Wormes to deprive him of his imperial crown, and to place his son Henrieus the Fifth in his father's kingdom, and so they did. Coming to the place at Hilgeshem, first they required his diadem, his purple, his ring, and other ornaments pertaining to the crown, from him. The emperor demandeth the cause, being then excommunicate and void of friends. They pretending again (I can not tell what) for selling of bishoprics, abbacies, and other ecclesiastical dignities for money; also alleging the pope's pleasure, and of other princes. Then required he first of the bishop of Mentz, (and likewise of the other two, whom he had preferred to their bishoprics before,) asking them in order if he had received of them any penny for his promoting them to their dignities. This, when they could not deny to be so, Well, (saith he) and do you requite me again with this? with divers other words of exhortation, admonishing them to remember their oath and allegiance to their prince. But the perjured prelates, neither reverencing his majesty, nor moved with his benefits, nor regarding their fidelity, ceased not for all this, but first plucked from him (sitting in his throne) his crown imperial, then disrobed him, taking from him his purple and his sceptre. The good emperor, being left desolate and in confusion, saith to them, Let God see and judge. Thus leaving him, they went to his son to confirm him in his kingdom, and caused him to drive his father out. Who then being chased of his son, (having but nine persons about him,) did fly by the dukedom of Limburgh, where the duke, being then in hunting, perceiving and hearing of him, made after to follow him. The emperor fearing no other but present death, (for he had displaced the same duke before out of his dukedom,) submitted himself, craving of him pardon, and not revengement. The duke full of compassion, and pitying his estate, not only remitted all his displeasure, but also received him to his castle. Moreover, collecting his soldiers and men of war, he brought him to Cullen, and there he was well received. His son hearing this besieged the city of Cullen. But the father, by night escaping, came to Leodium, where resorted to him all such as were men of compassion and of constant heart. Insomuch that his power, being strong enough, he was now able to pitch a field against his enemies, and so did; desiring his friends, that if he had the victory, they would spare his son. In fine, (the battle joined,) the father had the victory, the son was put to flight, many being slain on both sides. But shortly after the battle renewed again, the son prevailed, the father was overcome and taken. Who then, being utterly dispossessed of his kingdom, was brought to that exigent, that, coming to Spire, he was fain to crave of the bishop there (whom he had done much for before) to have a prebend in the church; and for that he had some skill of his book, he desired to serve in our Lady's choir. Yet could he not obtain so much at his hand, who swore by our Lady he should have none there. Thus the woeful emperor (most unkindly bandied and repulsed on every side) came to Leodium, and there for sorrow died, after he had reigned fifty years; whose body Paschalis, after his funeral, caused to be taken up again, and to be brought to Shires, where it remained five years unburied.
After the decease of this emperor Henry the Fourth, his son, Henricus the Fifth, reigned the space of twenty years. Who, coming to Rome to be crowned of the pope, could not obtain it before he would fully assent to have this ratified, that no emperor should have any thing to do with the election of the Roman bishop, or with other bishoprics. Besides that, (about the same time,) such a stir was made in Rome by the said bishop, that if the emperor had not defended himself with his own hands, he had been slain. But as it happened, the emperor having the victory, amongst many other Romans, (which were partly slain, partly taken in the same skirmish,) he taketh also the pope, and leadeth him out of the city; where he intendeth with him upon divers conditions, both of his coronation, and of recovering again his right and title in the election of the pope, and of other bishops; whereunto the pope assenting, agreed to all. So the emperor (being crowned of Paschalis) returned again with the pope to Rome.
All the conditions between the emperor and the pope (so long as the emperor remained at Rome) stood firm and ratified. But as soon as the emperor was returned again to Germany, forthwith the pope, calling a synod, not only revoked all that he had agreed to before, but also excommunicated Henricus the emperor, as he had done his father before, reproving the former privilegium for pravilegium. The emperor, returning from Rome to France, there married Mathild, daughter to King Henry. Who then bearing what the pope had done, (grieved not a little,) with all expedition marched to Rome, and putteth the pope to flight, and finally placeth another in his stead. In the mean time, the bishops of Germany (the pope's good friends) slept not their business, incensing the Saxons all that they might against their Cæsar; inso much that a great commotion was stirred up, and it grew at length to a pitched field; which was fought in the month of February, by the wood called Sylva Catulaira, in the year of our Lord one thousand one hundred and fifteen.
The emperor, seeing no end of these conflicts, (unless he would yield to the pope,) was fain to give over, and forego his privilege, falling to a composition not to meddle with matters pertaining to the pope's election, nor with investing, nor such other things belonging to the church and churchmen. And thus was the peace between them concluded, and proclaimed to no small rejoicing of both the armies, then lying by Wormes, near the river of Rhene.
In the time of this Paschalis lived Bernardus, called Abbas Claravallensis, in the year 1108, of whom sprang the Bernardine monks.
About what time the city of Worcester was consumed almost all with fire, A.D. 1109.
All this while Henricus the emperor had no issue, (having to wife Mathildis, the daughter of Henry the First, king of England,) and that by the just judgment of God, as it may appear. For as he, having a father, persecuted him by the pope's setting on, contrary to the part of a natural son; so God's providence did not suffer him to be the father of any child naturally to love him, or to succeed him.
After the death of Paschalis, A.D. 1118, succeeded Pope Gelasius, chosen by the cardinals, but without the consent of the emperor, whereupon rose no little variance in Rome. And at length another pope was set up by the emperor called Gregorius the Eighth, and Gelasius driven away into France, and there died. After whom came Calixtus the Second, (chosen likewise by a few cardinals, without the voice of the emperor,) who, coming up to Rome to enjoy his seat, first sent his legate into Germany to excommunicate the emperor Henricus, who then having divers conflicts with his fellow Pope Gregorius, at length drave him out of Rome. At this time by this occasion great disputation and controversy was between the emperor and the pope's court, whether of them in dignity should excel the other.
In conclusion, the emperor being overcome so much with the vain reasons of the pope's side, and fearing the dangerous thunderbolt of his curse, (talking with princes, and persuaded by his friends,) was fain to condescend to the unreasonable conditions of the pope. First, to ratify his election, notwithstanding the other pope (whom the said emperor had set up) yet was alive. Secondly, that he should resign up his right and title in matters pertaining to the election of the pope, and investiture of bishops.
This being done and granted, and the writings thereof set up in the church of Lateran, for a tri umph of the emperor thus subdued, the pope maketh out after Gregorius, his fellow pope, being then in a town called Sutrium; which being besieged and taken, Gregorius also was taken. Whom Calixtus the pope setting upon a camel (his face to the camel's tail) brought him so through the streets of Rome, holding the tail in his hand instead of a bridle; and afterward, being shorn, he was thrust into a monastery.
Amongst many other acts done by this glorious pope, first he established the decrees of the papal see against this emperor. He brought in the four quarter fasts, called Ember days.
By the same Calixtus the order of monks, called Præmonstratenses, were brought in.
Further, by him it was decreed to be judged for adultery, if any person (by his lifetime) had put from him either bishopric or benefice, grounding upon this scripture of St. Paul to the Romans: "The wife is bound to the law of her husband, so long as the husband liveth; after he is dead, she is loose from the law of her husband," &c.
Item, the same Calixtus, holding a general council at Rhemis, decreed that priests, deacons, and subdeacons should put away their concubines and wives; and whosoever was found to keep his wife, should be deprived of benefice, and all other ecclesiastical livings.
And thus much of the Roman matters. Now to our country story again, After the death of Anselm before mentioned, (who deceased the year of Christ 1109, after he had been in the see sixteen years,) the church of Canterbury stood void five years, and the goods of the church were spent to the king's use. And when he was prayed to help the church, that was so long without a pastor, his answer was, pretending that as his father and brother had accustomed thereto to set the best tried and approved men that might be found, so to the intent that he might do the same, (in choosing such, which either should equal the former examples of them before, or at least follow their footsteps as near as they could,) he took therein the more time and leisure. And so with shift of answer he delayed out the time, while he had filled his coffers with the commodities of that benefice. The same year (after the death of Anselm) the king converted the abbey of Ely to a bishopric, which before was under the bishopric of Lincoln, placing there Henry, bishop Bangor, the first bishop of that see. And as of late years before this divers wonders were seen, as stars falling from heaven so thick that they could not be numbered. at the setting forth of the Christians to the Holy Land; a blazing star over Constantinople; a spring boiling out blood (seen at Finchamsted in Berkshire) three weeks together, A.D. 1090; after that, the firmament appearing so red as it had been all on fire; also two full moons appearing together, one in the east, the other in the west, (on Maundy Thursday,) with a blazing star in the same year appearing about the taking of Duke Robert, having a white circle enclosing it, A.D. 1106; also with an eclipse of the sun darkened after that: so likewise about this present year, A.D. 1110, was seen the flood of Trent, about Nottingham, so dried up from morning to three of the clock at afternoon, that men migbt go over it dryshod. Also in Shrewsbury a great earthquake happened, and after that followed a sharp winter, great murrain of beasts, and pestilence of men, as Gualterus Gisburnensis recordeth. Moreover, the same author mentioneth, that about the same year the like voiding of water also happened in the flood of Medway; and in the Thames (between the bridge and the tower, and under the bridge, from midnight to the next evening) was so great an ebb, that an innumerable sort of people and children waded over, scarce knee deep in the water, the sea withdrawing his tide ten miles from his accustomed course. In the which year also, as the said author and Jornalensis do testify, the city of Worcester by casualty was consumed with fire; also the city of Chester, A.D. 1114.
The next year following, Rodulphus, bishop of Rochester, (an Englishman,) was promoted to be archbishop of Canterbury, and Thurstinus, the king's chaplain, was elected archbishop of York. Who being content to receive his benediction or consecration of the see of Canterbury; yet, because he refused to make his profession of obedience to the same see, he was by the king deprived of his dignity.
Then Thurstin (by the instigation of certain his clerks at York) took his journey to Rome; who, there making his complaint to Pope Paschalis, brought with him a letter from the pope to the king, where, among other words, was contained as followeth:
"We hear and understand, that the archbishop elect of the church of York (a discreet and industrious man) is sequestered from the church of York; which standeth against both Divine justice, and the institution of holy fathers. Our purpose is, that neither the church of Canterbury should be impaired, nor again that the church of York should suffer any prejudice; but that the same constitution, which was by blessed Gregory (the apostle of the English nation) set and decreed between those two churches, should remain still in force and effect unviolate. Wherefore, as touching the foresaid elect, let him be received again by any means, as right and meet it is, unto his church. And if there be any question between the foresaid churches, let it be handled and decided in your presence, both the two parties being there present."
Upon the occasion of this letter, a solemn assembly there was appointed at Salisbury, about the hearing of this controversy. The variance between these two prelates still increased more and more. Rodulph, archbishop of Canterbury, in no case would yield or condescend to give imposition of hands unto him, unless he would make his profession of obedience. Thurstin again said, he would willingly receive and embrace his benediction; but as touching the profession of his subjection, that he would not agree unto. Then the king, declaring his mind therein, signified unto Thurstin, that, without his subjection and obedience professed to the archbishop of Canterbury, he should not enjoy his consecration to be archbishop of York. Whereunto Thurstin, nothing replying again, renounced his archbishopric, promising, moreover, to make no more claim unto it, nor to molest them that should enjoy it.
Shortly after this, it happened that Pope Paschalis died; after whom, as is above rehearsed, succeeded Pope Gelasius, who lived not past a year, and died in France. Whereupon the cardinals (which then followed the said Pope Gelasius unto Cluniake) created another pope of their choosing, whom they called Calixtus the Second. The other cardinals which were at Rome did choose another pope, called Gregory, as mention before is made; about which two popes much stir there was in Christian realms. As this Calixtus was remaining in France, and there calling a general council at Rheims, as ye heard before, Thurstin, the archbishop of York, desired licence of the king to go to the council, purposing there to open the cause of his church, which eftsoons he obtained; first promising to the king that he should there attempt nothing that should be prejudicial to the church of Canterbury. In the mean time, the king had sent secret word unto the pope, by Rodulph and other procurators, that in no case he would consecrate Thurstin. Yet, notwithstanding the faithful promise of the pope made to the king, so it fell out, that the said pope, through the suit of his cardinals, whom Thurstinus had won to him, was inclined to consecrate him, and gave him the pall. For this deed the king was sore discontented with Thurstin, and warned him the entry of his land.
In this council at Rheims, (above mentioned,) where were gathered four hundred and thirty-four prelates, these five principal acts were concluded.
1. That no man should either buy or sell any bishopric, abbotship, deanery, archdeaconship, priesthood, prebendship, altar, or any ecclesiastical promotion, or benefice, orders, consecration, church hallowing, seat or stall within the choir, or any office ecclesiastical, under danger of excommunication, if he did persist.
2. That no lay person should give investiture, or any ecclesiastical possession; and that no spiritual man should receive any such at any layman's hand, under pain of deprivation.
3. That no man should invade, take away, or detain the goods or possessions of the church; but that they should remain firm and perpetual, under pain of perpetual curse.
4. That no bishop or priest should leave any ecclesiastical dignity or benefice to any by way of inheritance. Adding moreover, that for baptism, chrism, anointing, or burial, no money should be exacted.
5. Item, that all priests, deacons, and subdeacons should be utterly debarred and sequestered from company of their wives and concubines, under pain of excluding from all Christian communion.
The acts thus determined were sent eftsoons to Henricus the emperor, to see and try, before the breaking up of the council, whether he would agree to the canonical elections, free consecration, and investing of spiritual persons, and to other acts of the said council. The emperor maketh answer again, that he would lose nothing of that ancient custom which his progenitors had given him. Notwithstanding, because of the authority of the general council, he was content to consent to the residue, save only the investing of ecclesiastical function to be taken from him, to that he would never agree. Upon this, at the next return of the pope to the council, the emperor was appointed to be excommunicated. Which thing, when divers of the council did not well like, and therefore did separate themselves from the rest; the pope applying against them the multitude of the seventy disciples, which were offended at the Lord, when he taught them of eating of his flesh and blood, and therefore divided themselves from him, declaring moreover to them, how they which gathered not with him scattered, and they that were not with him were against him; by these and such-like persuasions reduced them again to his side; and so by that council Henricus the emperor was excommunicated.
It was not long after but the pope came to Gisortium, where Henry king of England resorted to him, desiring and also obtaining of him, that he would send henceforth no legate, nor permit any to be sent from Rome to England, unless the king himself should so require, by reason of some occasion of strife, which else could not be otherwise decided by his own bishops at home. The cause why the king required this of the pope was, for that certain Roman legates had heen in England a little before, to wit, one Guido, and another Roman named Anselmus, and another also called Petrus, who had spoiled the realm of great treasure, as the accustomed manner of the proud pope's legates is wont to be. Also he required of the pope, that he might use and retain all the customs used before of his forefathers in England and in Normandy.
To these petitions the pope did easily consent, requiring again of the king, that he would license Thurstiaus, the archbishop above minded, to return with favour into his realm. But that the king utterly denied, unless he would profess subjection to the church of Canterbury, as his predecessors had done before; and excused himself by his oath which he before had made. To this the pope answered again, that be, by his authority apostolical, both might and would also easily dispense with him for his promise or oath. Then the king said that he would talk with his council thereof, and so send him an answer of his mind. Which answer was this, that for the love and request of the pope, he was content that Tburstinus should re-enter his realm, and quietly enjoy his prelateship, upon this condition, that he would (as his predecessors did) profess his subjection to the church of Canterbury. Otherwise, (said he,) so long as he was king, he should never sit archbishop of the church of York. And thus ended that meeting between the king of! England and the pope for that time.
The year following after that, which was A.D. 1120, the foresald Pope Calixtus directeth his letters for Thurstin to the king, and to Rodulph, archbishop of Canterbury. In which epistle, by his full power apostolical, he doth interdict both the church of Canterbury and the church of York, with all the parish churches within the same cities, from all Divine service, from the burial also of the dead, except only baptizing of children, and absolution of them that lie dying; unless, within a month after the receipt of the same, Thurstin (without any exaction of subjection made) were received and admitted to the see of York, and that the king likewise should doubtless be excommunicated, except he would consent unto the same. Whereupon Thurstin, for fear of the pope's curse, was immediately sent for and reconciled to the king, and was placed quietly in his archiepiscopal see of York.
It followed not long after (within two years) Rodulph, archbishop of Canterbury, departed, in whose see succeeded after him Gulielmus de Turbine. About which time (in the seven and twentieth year of the king's reign) the grey friars, by procuring of the king, came first into England, and had their house first at Canterbury. About the same season, or a little before, the king called a council at London, where the spirituality of England (not knowing to what purpose it was required) condescended to the king to have the punishment of married priests; by reason of which grant (where of the spirituality afterwards much repented) the priests, paying a certain sum to the king, were suffered to retain their wives still, whereby the king gathered no small sum of money. At this time began first the foundation of the monastery called Gisburne in Cleveland.
lt was above touched, how Matild, or Maud, daughter to King Henry, was married to Henry the Fifth, emperor; who, after the decease of the said emperor her husband, returned about this present time with the imperial crown to her father in Normandy, bringing with her the hand of St. James. For the joy whereof the king builded the abbey of Reading, where the said hand was reposed. This Matild was received by the said council to be next heir to the king her father in possession of the English crown, for lack of issue male. And soon after upon the same she was sent over to Normandy, to marry with Geoffrey Plantagenet, earl of Anjou, of whom came Henry the Second, who (after Stephen) was King of England. And about this time also was founded the priory of Norton, in the province of Chester, by one William the son of Nichelle. In the story of Polychronicon, Jornalensis, and Polydore it is declared, how the king was troubled greatly with three sundry visions appearing unto him by night. The first was of a great multitude of husbandmen of the country, which appeared to fly upon him with their mattocks and instruments, requiring of him his debt which he did owe unto them. In the second, he saw a great number of soldiers and harnessed men to come fiercely upon him. In the third, he saw a company of prelates and churchmen, threatening him with their bishops' staves, and fiercely approaching upon him. Whereupon (being dismayed) in all haste he ran and took his sword to defend himself, finding there none to strike; who afterward, asking counsel concerning these visions, was monished by one of his physicians, (named Grimbald,) by repentance, alms, and amendment of life to make some atonement to God, and to his country whom he offended. Which three vows thus being made, the next year after he went to England, where he, being upon the seas in a great tempest with his daughter Matild, remembered there his three vows. And so, coming to the land, (for performance of the same,) first released unto the commons the Danegelt which his father and his brother before had renewed. Secondly, he went to St. Edmundsbury, where he showed great benefits to the churchmen. Thirdly, be procured.justice to be administered more rightly throughout his realm, &c. Also he ordained and erected a new bishopric, at Carlisle.
In the three and thirtieth year of the king's reign, (as witnesseth a certain author,) a great part of the city of London, with the church of St. Paul, was burned with fire in Whitsun-week.
After Calixtus, (whose story and time is before discoursed,) succeeded Pope Honorius the Second; notwithstanding that the cardinals had elected another, yet he by the means of certain citizens obtained the papacy, A.D. 1125. About the second year of his induction (as is to be read in Mat. Paris.) there was a certain legate of his, called Johannes Cremensis, sent down to England from the pope, for the redress I cannot well tell whereof. But indeed the chiefest purpose of his coming, as of all others after him in those days, was to fill their pouches with English money, as may further appear by their proceedings. This legate coming then with the pope's letters, directed both into England and into Scotland, after he had well refreshed himself in bishops' houses, and amongst the abbots, at length resorted to London, where he assembled the whole clergy together, inquired of priests' concubines, otherwise called their wives, and made thereupon a statute in the said synod of London, after this tenor: "To priests, deacons, subdeacons, and canons, we do utterly inhibit, by authority apostolical, all manner society and conversation with all kind of women, except only their mother, sister, or aunt, or such whereof can rise no suspicion. And whosoever shall be found to violate this decree, being convict thereof, shall sustain thereby the loss of all that he hath by his order. Moreover, amongst kindred, or such as be joined in affinity, we forbid matrimony unto the seventh generation." But see how God worketh against such ungodly proceedings. The next night after it happened the same cardinal (ruffling and revelling with his concubines) to be apprehended in the same vice, whereof he had so strictly given out precepts the next day before, to the no little slander and shame, as Matthew Paris doth write, of the whole clergy.
Unto this time lived Henricus the Fifth, emperor, after he had reigned twenty years, dying without issue, as is before mentioned. Next after Henricus the imperial crown came unto Lotharius, duke of Saxon, in the year one thousand one hundred twenty and seven.
Certain histories make mention of one Arnulphus, in the time of this Pope Honorius the Second. Some say he was archbishop of Lugdune, as Hugo, Platina, Sabellicus. Tritemius saith he was a priest, whose history, as it is set forth in Tritemius, I will briefly in English express. About this time, saith he, in the days of Honorius the Second, one Arnulphus, priest, a man zealous and of great devotion, and a worthy preacher, came to Rome; which Arnulphus in his preaching rebuked the dissolute and lascivious looseness, incontinency, avarice, and immoderate pride of the clergy, provoking all to follow Christ and his apostles in their poverty rather, and in pureness of life. By reason whereof this man was well accepted, and highly liked of the nobility of Rome for a true disciple of Christ; but of the cardinals and the clergy he was no less hated than favoured of the other. Inso much that privily in the night season they took him and destroyed him. This his martyrdom, saith he, was revealed to him before from God by an angel, he being in the desert, when he was sent forth to preach; whereupon he said unto them publicly with these words: I know (saith he) ye seek my life, and know you will make me away privily; but why? Because I preach to you the truth, and blame your pride, stoutness, avarice, incontinency, with your unmeasurable greediness in getting and heaping up of riches, therefore you be displeased with me. I take here heaven and earth to witness, that I have preached unto you that which I was commanded of the Lord. But you contemn me and your Creator, who by his only Son hath redeemed you. And no marvel if you seek my death, being a sinful person, preaching unto you the truth, whenas if St. Peter were here this day and rebuked your vices, which do so multiply above all measure, you would not spare him neither. And as he was expressing this, with a loud voice he said moreover, For my part, I am not afraid to suffer death for the truth's sake; but this I say unto you, that God will look upon your iniquities, and will be revenged. You, being full of all impurity, play the blind guides to the people committed unto you, leading them the way to hell: a God he is of vengeance. Thus the hatred of the clergy being incensed against him for preaching truth, they conspired against him, and so, laying privy wait for him, took him and drowned him, Sabellieus and Platina say they hanged him.
In the second time of the General Councils imprinted at Cullen, is mentioned a certain book called Opus Tripartitum, written, as the author supposeth, about four hundred years ago, either of this Arnulphus, or just about the same time. In this book the writer complaineth of many enormities and abuses in the church. First, of the number of holy-days, declaring what occasions of vice grew thereby, according unto the common saying of courtezans and naughty women, which say they profit more in one holy-day than in fifty other days besides.
Item, he complaineth of the curious singing in cathedral churches, whereby many be occasioned to bestow much good time, yea, many years about the same, which otherwise they might give to the learning of better sciences.
Likewise he complaineth of the rabble and the multitude of begging friars, and religious men and professed women, showing what great occasion of idle and uncomely life cometh thereof.
Also of the inconsiderate promotion of evil prelates, and of their great negligence in correcting and reforming the evil demeanour of the people.
Item, of the great wantonness and lasciviousness in their servants and families, concerning their excessive wearing of apparel.
Item, he complaineth also of the outrageous and excessive gains that prelates and other under them take for their seal, especially of officials, scribes, and such like; which give out the seal they care not how, nor wherefore, so they may gain money.
He complaineth, in like manner, that prelates be so slack and negligent in looking to the residents in their benefices.
Further, he lamenteth the rash giving of benefices to parsons, viears, and curates, not for any godliness or learning in them, but for favour, or friendship, or intercession, or else for hope of some gain, whereof springeth this great ignorance in the church.
After this, he noteth in prelates, how they waste and expend the goods of the church in superfluities, or upon their kinsfolks, or other worse ways, which should rather be spent on the poor.
Next, in the tenth chapter he complaineth, for that, through the negligence of men of the church, (especially of the Church of Rome,) the books and monuments of the old councils, and also of the new, are not to be found; which should be reserved and kept in all cathedral churches.
Item, that many prelates be so cold in doing their duties. Also he reproacheth the unchaste and voluptuous demeanour of ecclesiastical persons by the example of storks, whose nature is, (saith he,) that if any of their company, leaving his own mate, joineth with any other, all the rest lieth upon him, whether it be he or she, beate and plucketh his feathers off: what then, said he, ought good prelates to do to such a person of their company, whose ifithiness and corrupt life both defileth so many, and stinketh in the whole church?
Again, forsomuch as we read in the book of Esdras, that he, purging Israel of strange women, began first with the priests; so now likewise in the purging aad correcting of all sorts of men, first the purgation ought to begin with these, according as it is written by the prophet Ezekiel; "Begin first with the sanctuary."
Moreover, how that in the time of Philip, king of France, the whole realm was interdicted, for that the king had but one woman instead of his wife, which was not his wife by law. And again, seeing in these our days the king of Portugal hath been sequestered from his dominion, by the authority of the church, being thought not sufficient to govern: what then ought to be said to that prelate who abuseth other men's wives, virgins, and nuns, which also is found unable and insufficient to take upon him the charge of souls?
About the year of our Lord 1128, the orders of the knights of Rhodes, or of St. John, also the order of Templars, rose up.
After Honorius, next in the same usurpation succeeded Pope Innocentius the Second, A.D. 1130. But as it was with his predecessors before him, that at every mutation of new popes came new perturbations, and commonly never a pope was elected but some other was set up against him (sometimes two, sometimes three popes together); so likewise it happened with this Innocentius; for after he was chosen, the Romans elected another pope, named Anacletus. Betwixt these two popes there was much ado, and great conflicts, through the partaking of Rogerius, duke of Sicile, taking Anacletus's part against Innocentius, until Lotharius the emperor came; who, rescuing Innocentius, drove Rogerius out of Italy. Our stories record, that King Henry was one of the great helps in setting up and maintaining this Pope Innocentius against Anaeletus.
Amongst many other things, this pope decreed that whosoever did strike a priest or clerk, being shaven, he should be execommunicated, and not be absolved, but only of the pope himself.