THE FIFTH BOOK,
CONTAINING
THE LAST THREE HUNDRED YEARS FROM THE LOOSING OUT OF SATAN.

73. THE PERSECUTIONS FORETOLD IN THE SCRIPTURES

    THUS having discoursed in these former books the order and
course of years, from the first tying up of Satan unto the year of our
Lord 1360, I have a little overpassed the stint of time in the
Scripture appointed, for the loosing out of him again. For so it is
written by St. John, Apoc. xx., that after a thousand years, Satan,
the old dragon, shall be let loose again for a season, &c.

  For the better explanation of the which mystery, let us first
consider the context of the Scripture; afterward let us examine, by
history and course of times, the meaning of the same. And first, to
recite the words of the Apocalypse, the text of the prophecy is this,
chap. xx.

  "And I saw an angel descending from heaven, having a key of the
bottomless pit and a great chain in his hand. And he took the dragon,
the old serpent, which is the devil, and Satan, and bound him for a
thousand years, and put him in the bottomless dungeon and shut him up,
and signed him with his seal, that he should no more seduce the
Gentiles, till a thousand years were expired. And after that he must
be loosed again for a little space of time. And I saw seats, and they
sat upon them, and judgment was given unto them; and the souls I saw
of them which were beheaded for the testimony of Jesus," &c.

  By these words of the Revelation, here recited, three special
times are to be noted.

  First, the being abroad of Satan to deceive the world.

  Secondly, the binding up of him.

  Thirdly, the loosing out of him again, after a thousand years
consummate, for a time.

  Concerning the interpretation of which times, I see the common
opinion of many to be deceived by ignorance of histories, and state of
things done in the church; they supposing that the chaining up of
Satan for a thousand years, spoken of in the Revelation, was meant
from the birth of Christ our Lord. Wherein I grant that spiritually
the strength and dominion of Satan, in accusing and condemning us for
sin, was cast down at the passion and by the passion of Christ our
Saviour, and locked up not only for a thousand years, but for ever.
Albeit, as touching the malicious hatred and fury of that serpent
against the outward bodies of Christ's poor saints, which is the heel
of Christ, to afflict and torment the church outwardly; that I judge
to be meant in the Revelation of St. John, not to be restrained till
the ceasing of those terrible persecutions of the primitive church; at
what time it pleased God to pity the sorrowful affliction of his poor
flock, being so long under persecution, the space of three hundred
years, and so to assuage their griefs and torments; which is meant by
binding up of Satan, worker of all those mischiefs; understanding
thereby that forasmuch as the devil, the prince of this world, had now
by the death of Christ the Son of God, lost all his power and interest
against the soul of man, he should turn his furious rage and malice,
which he had to Christ, against the people of Christ, which is meant
by the heel of the seed, Gen. iii., in tormenting their outward
bodies; which yet should not be for ever, but for a determinate time,
whenas it should please the Lord to bridle the malice and snaffle the
power of the old serpent, and give rest unto his church for the term
of a thousand years; which time being expired, the said serpent should
be suffered loose again for a certain or a small time, Apoc. xx.

  And thus to expound this prophetical place of Scripture, I am led
by three reasons.

  The first is, for that the binding up of Satan, and closing him
in the bottomless pit by the angel, importeth as much that he was at
liberty, raging and doing mischief, before. And, certes, those so
terrible and so horrible persecutions of the primitive time
universally through the whole world, during the space of three hundred
years of the church, do declare no less. Wherein it is to be thought
and supposed, that Satan all that time was not fastened and closed up.

  The second reason moving me to think that the closing up of Satan
was after the ten persecutions of the primitive church, is taken out
of the twelfth chapter of the Apocalypse; where we read, that after
the woman, meaning the church, had travailed forth her man-child, the
old dragon, the devil, the same time being cast down from heaven,
drawing the third part of the stars with him, stood before the woman
with great anger, and persecuted her, that is, the church of God, with
a whole flood of water, (that is, with abundance of all kinds of
torments,) and from thence went moreover to fight against the residue
of her seed, and stood upon the sands of the sea, whereby it appeareth
that he was not as yet locked up.

  The third reason I collect out of the Apocalypse, thirteenth
chapter, where it is written of the beast, signifying the imperial
monarchy of Rome, that he had power to make war forty and two months.
By the which months is meant, no doubt, the time that the dragon and
the persecuting emperors should have in afflicting the saints of the
primitive church. The computation of which forty-two months, counting
every month for a sabbath of years, that is, for seven years, after
the order of Scripture, riseth to the sum, counting from the passion
of the Lord Christ, of three hundred years, lacking six; at what time
Maxentius, the last persecutor in Rome, fighting against Constantine,
was drowned with his soldiers, like as Pharaoh, persecuting the
children of Israel, was drowned in the Red Sea. Unto the which forty-
two months, or sabbaths of years, if ye add the other six years
wherein Licinius persecuted in the east, ye shall find just three
hundred years, as is specified before in the first book of this
volume.

  After the which forty and two months, being expired, manifest it
is that the fury of Satan, that is, his violent malice and power over
the saints of Christ, was diminished and restrained universally
through the whole world.

  Thus then, the matter standing evident that Satan, after three
hundred years, counting from the passion of Christ, began to be
chained up, at what time the persecution of the primitive church began
to cease; now let us see how long this binding up of Satan should
continue, which was promised in the book of the Revelation to be a
thousand years; which thousand years, if ye add to the forty-two
months of years, that is, to two hundred and ninety-four years, they
make one thousand two hundred and ninety four years after the passion
of the Lord. To these, moreover, add the thirty years of the age of
Christ, and it cometh to the year of our Lord 1324, which was the year
of the letting out of Satan, according to the prophecy of the
Apocalypse.

  The first persecution of the primitive church, beginning at the
thirtieth year of Christ, was prophesied to continue forty-two months;
that is, till A. D. 294.

  The ceasing of the last persecution of the primitive church by
the death of Licinius, the last persecutor, began in the year 324 from
the nativity of Christ, which was from the thirtieth year of his age,
294.

  The binding up of Satan after peace given to the church, counting
from the thirty years of Christ, began A. D. 294, and lasted a
thousand years, that is, counting from the thirtieth year of Christ,
to the year 1294.

  About which year Pope Boniface the Eighth was pope, and made the
sixth book of the Decretals, confirmed the orders of friars, and
privileged them with great freedoms, as appeareth by his constitution,
Super Cathedram, A. D. 1294.

  Unto the which count of years doth not much disagree that which I
found in a certain old chronicle prophesied and written in the latter
end of a book; which book was written, as it seemeth, by a monk of
Dover, and remaineth yet in the custody of William Cary, a citizen of
London; alleging the prophecy of one Hayncard, a Grey Friar, grounded
upon the authority of Joachim the abbot, prophesying that antichrist
should be born the year from the nativity of Christ 1260; which is,
counting after the Lord's passion, the very same year and time when
the orders of friars both Dominics and Franciscans began first to be
set up by Pope Honorius the Third, and by Pope Gregorius the Ninth,
which was the year of our Lord, counting after his passion, 1226; and
counting after the nativity of the Lord, was the year 1260.

  These things thus premised for the loosing out of Satan,
according to the prophecy of the Apocalypse, now let us enter (Christ
willing) to the declaration of these latter times which followed after
the letting out of Satan into the world; describing the wondrous
perturbations and cruel tyranny stirred up by him against Christ's
church; also the valiant resistance of the church of Christ against
him and antichrist, as in these our books here under following may
appear.

  The argument of which books consisteth in two parts: first, to
treat of the raging fury of Satan now loosed, and of antichrist,
against the saints of Christ fighting and travailing for the
maintenance of the truth, and reformation of the church. Secondly, to
declare the decay and ruin of the said antichrist, through the power
of the word of God, being at length, either in a great part of the
world overthrown, or, at least, universally in the whole world
detected.

  Thus then to begin with the year of our Lord 1360, wherein I have
a little, as is aforesaid, transgressed the stint of the first loosing
out of Satan: we are come now to the time wherein the Lord, after long
darkness, beginneth some reformation of his church, by the diligent
industry of sundry his faithful and learned servants, of whom divers
already we have foretouched in the former book before, as namely,
Guliel. de Sancto Amore, Marsilius Patavinus, Ockam, Robertus Gallus,
Robertus Grosthead, Petrus de Cugneriis, Johannes Rupescissanus,
Conradus Hager, Johannes de Poliaco, Cesenas, with other more, which
withstood the corrupt errors and intolerable enormities of the bishop
of Rome, beside them which about these times were put to death by the
said bishop of Rome, as Castillo and Franciscus de Arcatara in the
book before recorded; also the two Franciscans, martyrs, which were
burned at Avignon, mentioned above.

  Now to these, the Lord willing, we will add such other holy
martyrs and confessors, who following after in the course of years
with like zeal and strength of God's word, and also with like danger
of their lives, gave the like resistance against the enemy of Christ's
religion, and suffered at his hands the like persecutions. First,
beginning with that godly man, whosoever he was, the author of the
book, his name I have not, entitled The Prayer and Complaint of the
Ploughman; written, as it appeareth, about this present time.

  Which book, as it was faithfully set forth by William Tindal, so
I have as truly distributed the same abroad to the reader's hands;
neither changing any thing of the matter, neither altering many words
of the phrase thereof. Although the oldness and age of his speech and
terms be almost grown now out of use, yet I thought it so best, both
for the utility of the book to reserve it from oblivion, as also in
his own language to let it go abroad, for the more credit and
testimony of the true antiquity of the same. The matter of this
complaining prayer of the ploughman thus proceedeth.



74.THE PRAYER AND COMPLAINT OF THE PLOUGHMAN.

  "Jesus Christ that was ybore of the maide Marie, have on thy
poore servants mercy and pitie, and helpe them in their great need to
fight against sinne, and against the divell that is author of sinne,
and more neednesse there never was to crie to Christ for helpe, than
it is right now. For it is fulfilled that God said by Isay the
prophet; Yee riseth up earlich to follow drunkennesse, and to drinke
till it be even, the harpe and other minstrelsies beeth in your feasts
and wine. But the worke of God ye ne beholdeth not, ne taketh no keepe
to the workes of his hands: and therefore my people is take prisoner,
for they ne had no cunning. And the noblemen of my people deyeden for
hunger, and the multitude of my people weren drie for thirst, and
therefore hell hath drawne abrode their soule, and hath yopened his
mouth without any end. And eftsoones saith Isay the prophet; The word
is floten away, and the highnesse of the people is ymade sicke, and
the earth is infect of his wonnyers, for they have broken my lawes,
and ychanged my right, and han destroyed mine everlasting bond and
forward betweene them and me. And therefore cursing shall devoure the
earth, and they that wonneth on the earthly shallen done sinne. And
therefore the earth tilyars shullen ware wood, and few men shullen ben
yleft upon the earth. And yet saith Isay the prophet, This saith God,
Forasmuch as this people nigheth me with their mouth, and glorifieth
me with their lips, and their heart is farre from me; and they han
ydrad more mens commandement, than mine, and more draw to their
doctrines, than mine; therefore will I make a great wondring unto this
people, wisedome shall perish away from wise men, and understanding of
ready men shall bee yhid. And so it seemeth that another saying of
Isay is fulfilled, here as God bad him goe teach the people, and said,
Goe forth and say to this people: Eares have ye, and understand ye
not, and eyes ye have and sight, ne know ye not. Make blind the heart
of this people, and make their eares heavie, and close their eyen,
lest he see with his eyne, and yheare with his ears, and understand
with his heart, and be yturned, and ych heale him of his sicknesse.
And Isay said to God; How long Lord shall this bee? And God said, For
to that the cities ben desolate withouten a wonnier, and an house
withouten a man.

  "Heere is mychel nede for to make sorrow, and to crie to our Lord
Iesus Christ heartilich for helpe and for succour, that hee wole
forgive us our sinnes, and give us grace and conning to serven him
better hereafter. And God of his endlesse mercie give us grace and
conning trulich to tellen which is Christs law in helping of mens
soules; for we beth lewd men and sinfull men, and unconning, and if
hee woll bee our help and our succour, we shullen well performe our
purpose. And blessed be our Lord God that hideth his wisedome from
wise men, and fro readie men, and teacheth it to small children, as
Christ teacheth in the gospell.

  "Christen men have a law to keepe, the which law hath two partes.
Beleeve in Christ that is God, and is the foundment of their law, and
upon this foundment, as he said to Peter, and the gospell beareth
witnesse, he woll byelden his church, and this is the 1. partie of
Christs law. The 2. partie of this law beth Christs commandements that
beth written in the gospell, and more verilich in Christen mens
hearts.

  "And as touching the beleve, we beleven that Christ is God, and
that there ne is no God but he. We beleven neverthelesse that in the
Godhead there bene three persons, the Father, the Sonne, and the Holy
Ghost, and all these three persons ben one God, and not many gods, and
all they beth ylich mightie, ylich good, and ylich wise, and ever have
ben, and ever shullen ben. We beleven this God made the world of
nought, and man hee made after his owne likenesse in Paradise, that
was a land of blisse, and gave him that land for his heritage, and bad
him that hee should not eate of the tree of knowledge of good and
evill, that was amid Paradise. Then the divell, that was fallen out of
heaven for his pride, had envie to man, and by a false suggestion hee
made man eate of this tree, and breake the commandement of God, and
tho was man overcome of the divell, and so hee lost his heritage, and
was put out thereof into the world that was a land of travell, and of
sorrow under the fiends thraldome, to bee punished for his trespasse.
There man followed wickednesse and sinne, and God for the sinne of man
sent a floud into this world, and drownd all mankinde, save eight
soules. And after this floud hee let men multiply in the world, and so
he assayed whether man dread him or loved him, and among other hee
found a man, that hight Abraham: this man hee proved whether hee loved
him and dread him, and bad him that he should offeren Isaac his sonne
upon an hill; and Abraham as a true servant fulfilled the Lords
commandement: and for his buxumnesse and truth, God sware unto Abraham
that hee would multiply his seed as the gravell in the sea, and as the
starres of heaven, and hee behight to him and to his heires the land
of behest for heritage for ever, gif they wolden ben his true servants
and keepe his hests. And God held him forward, for Isaac Abrahams
sonne begat Jacob and Esau: and of Iacob, that is ycleped Israel,
comen God's people that hee chose to bee his servants, and to whom he
behight the land of behest. This people was in great thraldome in
Egypt under Pharaoh that was king of Egypt: and they crieden to God
that hee should deliveren them out of that thraldome, and so hee did:
for hee sent to Pharaoh, Moses and his brother Aaron, and bad him
deliver his people to done him sacrifice: and tofore Pharaoh hee made
Moses done many wonders, or that Pharaoh would deliver his people, and
at the last by night he delivered his people out of thraldome, and led
them through a desert toward the land of behest, and there hee gave
them a law, that they shoulden liven after, when, they comen into
their country, and in their way thitherward, the ten commandements God
wrote himselfe in two tables of stone; the remnant of the law hee
taught them by Moses his servant, how they should doe everichone to
other, and gif they trespassed against the law, hee ordained how they
shoulden be punished. Also hee taught them what manner sacrifices they
should doe to him, and hee chose him a people to ben his priests, that
was Aaron and his children, to done sacrifices in the tabernacle, and
afterward in the temple also. He chose him the remnant of the children
of Levi to ben servants in the tabernacle to the priest, and hee said;
When ye come into the land of behest, the children of Levi they
shullen have none heritage amongst their brethren, for I would bee
their part, and their heritage, and they shullen serve mee in the
tabernacles by dayes and by nights, and hee ordained that priests
should have a part of the sacrifices that were offred in the
tabernacle, and the first begotten beasts, both of men and beasts and
other things, as the law telleth. And the other children of Levi, that
served in the tabernacle, should have tithings of the people to their
livelode, of the which tithings they should given the priests the
tenth party in forme of offring. The children of Levi, both priests
and other, should have houses and crofts, and lessewes for their
beasts in the land of behest, and none other heritage: and so God gave
them their land of behest, and bad them that they ne should worship no 
other than him: so hee bad them that they should keepe his
commandements; and gif they did so, all their enemies about them
should drede them, and bee their servants. And gif they worshipped
false gods, and so forsaken his lawes, hee behight them that hee would
bring them out of that land, and make them serve their enemies: but
yet he said he would not benemen his mercie away from them, if they
would crie mercy and amend their defaults; and all this was done on
Gods side.

  "And here is much love showed of God to man. And who so looketh
the Bible, hee shall finde that man showed him little love againeward:
for when they were come into their heritage, they forgatten their God,
and worshipped false gods. And God sent to them the prophets and his
servants feile times to bid them withdrawen them from their sinnes,
and other they have slowen them, or they beaten them, or they led them
in prison: and oft-times God tooke upon them great vengeance for their
sinnes; and when they cried after helpen to God, hee sent them helpe
and succour. This is the generall processe of the Old Testament, that
God gave to his people by Moses his servant. And all this Testament
and this doing ne was but a shadow and a figure of a new Testament 
that was given by Christ. And it was byhoten by Ieremie the prophet,
as Saint Paul beareth witnesse in the Epistle that hee writeth to the
Iewes. And Ieremie saith in this wise; Loe daies shall come, God
saith, and I will make a new band to the house of Israel, and to the
house of Iuda, not like the forward that I made with their fathers, in
that day that I tooke their hand to lead them out of the land of
Egypt, the which forward they maden veine, and I had lordship over
them. But this shall bee the forward that I wold make with them after
those dayes: I will give my lawes with them in their inwardnesse, and
I will writen them in their hearts, and I will bee their God, and they
should bee my people: and after that a man shall not teach his
neighbour, ne his brother. For all (God saith) from the least to the
most, should know me, for I will forgiven them their sinnes, and will
no more thinke on their sins.

  "This is the New Testament, that Christ both God and man, borne
of the maide Mary, hee taught here in this world to bring man out of
sinne, and out of the divels thraldome and service to heaven, that is
a land of blisse and heritage, to all tho that beleeven on him, and
keepen his commandements, and for his teaching hee was done to the
death. But the third day hee arose againe from death to life, and fet
Adam and Eve, and many other folke out of hell, and afterward he came
to his disciples, and comforted them. After, hee stied up to heaven to
his Father, and tho he sent the Holy Ghost amongst his disciples, and
in time comming, hee will come and demen all mankinde after their
workes, and after the words hee spake upon earth; some to blisse,
within body and in soule ever withouten end; and some to paine
withouten end, both in body and in soule.

  "This is our beleeve and all Christen mens, and this beleeve is
the first point of the New Testament, that ych Christen man is hold
stedfastly to beleeve, and rather to suffer the death, then forsaken 
this beleeve; and so this beleeve is the bread of spirituall life, in
forsaking sinne, that Christ brought us to life.

  "But forasmuch as mans living ne stondeth not all onlych by
bread, he hath ygiven us a draught of water of life to drinke. And who
that drinketh of that water he ne shall never afterward ben athurst.
For this water is the cleare teaching of the gospell, that encloseth
seven commandements.

  "The first is this: Thou shalt love thy God over all other
things, and thy brother as thy selfe, both enemy and friend.

  "The second commandement is of meeknesse, in the which Christ
chargeth us to forsake lordship upon our brethren, and other worldly
worships, and so hee did himselfe.

  "The third commandement, is in stonding stedfastlich in truth,
and forsaking all falsenesse.

  "The fourth commandement, is to suffer in this world diseases and
wrongs, withouten againstondings.

  "The fifth commandement is mercy, to forgiven our brethren their
trespasse, as often time as they gilteth, without asking of vengeance.

  "The sixth commandement is poorenesse in spirit, but not to ben a
beggar.

  "The seventh commandement, is chastitie; that is, a forsaking of
fleshlich likings displeasing to God. These commandements enclosen the
ten commandements of the old law, and somewhat more.

  "This water is a blessed drinke for Christen mens soules. But
more harme is, much folke would drinke of this water, but they mowe
not come thereto: for God saith by Ezechiel the prophet; When ich geve
to you the most cleane water to drinke, ye troubled that water with
your feet, and that water is so defouled, ye geve my sheepe to drinke.
But the cleane water is yhid fro the sheepe, and but gif God cleare
this, it is dread lest the sheepe dyen for thurst. And Christ that is
the wisedome of the Father of heaven, and well of this wisedome, that
come from heaven to earth to teach man this wisedome, through the
which man should overcome the sleights of the divell, that is the
principall enemie of mankind; have mercy and pitie of his people, and
shew, if it bee his will, how this water is troubled, and by whom; and
sith cleare this water that his sheepe mowe drinken hereof, and kele
the thirst of their soules. Blessed mote our Lord ben, for he hath
ytaught us in the gospel, that ere then he would come to the
universall dome, then should come many in his name, and sayen, that
they weren Christ; and they shoulden done many wonders, and begilen
many men; and many false prophets shoulden arisen and beguilen much
folke.

  "A Lord, yblessed mote thou ben of everich creature; which ben
they that have ysaid that they weren in Christ, and have thus begiled
thy people? Trulich Lord I trow, thilke that sayen that they ben in
thy stead, and benemen thy worship, and maken the people worshippen
them as God, and have hid thy lawes from thy people: Lord, who durst
sit in thy steed, and benemen thee thy worship and thy sacrifice, and
durst maken the people worshippen them as gods? The Sauter tels, that
God ne wole not in the day of dome demen men for bodilich sacrifices
and holocaustes; but God saith; Yeld to me sacrifice of herying, and
yeld to God thine avowes, and clepe me in the day of tribulation, and
ich wil defend thee, and thou shalt worship me.

  "The herying of God standeth in three things. In loving God over
all other things; in dreading God over all other things; in trusting
in God over all other things.

  "These three points Christ teacheth in the gospell. But I trow
men loven him but a little. For who so loveth Christ, he wole kepen
his words. But men holden his words for heresie and folly, and keepeth
mens words. Also men dreden more men and mens lawes and their
cursings, than Christ and his lawes and his cursings. Also men hopen
more in men and mens helpes, than they doe in Christ and in his helpe.
And thus hath hee, that setteth in Gods stede, bynomen God these three
heryings, and makes men loven him and his lawes, more than Christ and
Christs law, and dreaden him also. And there as the people shulden
yeeld to God their vowes, he saith, hee hath power to assoylen them of
their avowes, and so this sacrifice hee nemeth away from God. And
there as the people should cry to God in the day of tribulation, hee
letteth them of their crying to God, and bynemeth God that worship.
This day of tribulation is when man is fallen through sinne into the
divels service, and then we shulden cry to God after helpe, and axen
forgivenesse of our sinne, and make great sorrow for our sinne, and
ben in full will to doe so no more, ne none other sinne, and that our
Lord God wole forgiven vs our sinne, and maken our soule cleane. For
his mercy is endlesse.

  "But Lord, heere men haue benomen thee much worship: for men seyn
that thou ne might not cleane assoylen vs of our sinne: but if we
knowledgen our sinnes to priests, and taken of them a penance for our
sinne, gif we mowen speake with them.

  "A Lord, thou forgaue sometime Peter his shines, and also Mary
Magdalen, and many other sinfull men without shriuing to priests, and
taking penance of priests for their sinnes. And Lord thou art as
mighty now as thou were that time, but gif any man haue bynomen thee
thy might. And wee lewd men beleuen, that there is no man of so great
power, and gif any man maketh himselfe of so great power, he heighteth
himself aboue God. And S. Paul speaketh of one that sitteth in the
temple of God, and heighten him aboue God; and gif any such be, he is
a false Christ.

  "But hereto seyn priests, that when Christ made clean leprous
men, he bade them go and shew them to priests. And therefore they seyn
that it is a commandement of Christ, that a man should shewen his
sinne to priests. For as they seyn, lepre in the old law betokeneth
sinne in this new law. A Lord God, whether thine apostles knew not thy
meaning as well as men done now? And gif they hadden yknow that thou
haddest commanded men to shriuen them to priests, and they ne taught
not that commandement to the people; me thinketh they hadden ben to
blame. But I trow they knewen well that it was none of thy
commandements, ne needfull to heale of mans soule. And as me thinketh,
the law of lepre is nothing to the purpose of shriuing: for priests in
the old law hadden certaine points and tokens to know whether a man
were leprous or not: and gif they were leprous, they hadden power to
putten them away from other cleane men, for to that they weren cleane;
and then they hadden power to receiven him among his brethren, and
offeren for him a sacrifice to God.

  "This is nothing to the purpose of shriuing. For there is but one
Priest, that is Christ, that may know in certaine the lepre of the
soule. Ne no priest may make the soule cleane of her sinne, but Christ
that is Priest after Melchisedeks order: ne no priest here beneath may
ywit for certaine whether a man be clean of his sinne, or cleane
assoiled, but gif God tell it him by reuelation. Ne God ordained not
that his priests should set men a penance for their sinne, after the
quantitie of the sinne, but this is mans ordinance, and it may well be
that there commeth good thereof. But I wot well that God is much
unworshipped thereby. For men trust more in his absolutions, and in
his yeeres of grace, than in Christs absolutions, and thereby is the
people much appaired. For now the sorrow a man should make for his
sinne, is put away by this shrift: and a man is more bold to doe sinne
for trust of this shrift, and of this bodilich penance.

  "Another mischiefe is, that the people is ybrought into this
beliefe, that one priest hath a great power to assoylen a man of his
sinne and clennere, than another priest hath.

  "Another mischiefe is this, that some priest may assoylen them
both of sin and paine: and in this they taken them a power that Christ
granted no man in earth, ne he ne used it dought on earth himselfe.

  "Another mischiefe is, that these priests sellen forgiuenesse of
mens sinnes and absolutions for money; and this is an heresie accursed
that is ycleped simony: and all thilke priests that axeth price for
granting of spiritual] grace, beth by holy lawes depriued of their
priesthood, and thilke that assenteth to this heresie. And be they
ware; for Helyse the prophet toke no mony of Naaman, when he was made
cleane of his lepre; but Giesi his seruant; and therefore the lepre of
Naaman abode with him and with his heires euermore after.

  "Here is much matter of sorrow, to see the people thus farre ylad
away from God and worshupen a false god in earth, that by might and by
strength hath ydone away the great sacrifice of God out of his temple:
of which mischiefe and discomfort, Daniel maketh mention, and Christ
beareth therof witnesse in the gospell. Who that readeth it,
understand it. Thus we haue ytold apertly, how he that saith he
sitteth in Christs stede bynemeth Christ his worship, and his
sacrifice of his people, and maketh the people worshupen him as a god
on earth.

  "Cry we to God, and knowledge we our sinnes everichone to other,
as S. James teacheth, and pray wee heartilich to God everichone one
for other, and then we shulen hopen forgiuenesse of our sinnes. For
God that is endlesse in mercy saith, that he ne will not a sinfull
mans death, but that he be turned from his sin and liven. And
therefore, when he came downe to save mankind, he gaue us a law of
love and of mercy; and bade, gif a man doe a trespasse, amend him
priuilich, and gif he leue not his sinne, amend him before witnesse,
and gif he ne amendeth not, men should tell to the church; and gif he
ne amendeth not then, men should shone his company as a publican, or a
man that is misbeleeued and this law was yfigured in the law of lepre,
who that reades it, he may see the sooth.

  "But Lord God, he that sitteth in thy stede hath undoe thy law of
mercy and love; Lord, thou biddest loven enemies as our selfe; and
shewest in the gospell there as the Samaritan had mercy on the Iew.
And thou biddest us also prayen for them that cursen us, and that
defamen us, and pursuen us to death. And so Lord thou diddest, and
thine apostles also. But hee that clepeth himselfe thy vicar on earth,
and head of thy church, he hath undone thy law of love and mercy. For
gif we speaken of loving our enemies, he teacheth us to fight with our
enemies, that Christ hath forboden. He curseth and desireth vengeance
to them that so doth to him. Gif any man pursueth him, he curseth him,
that it is a sorrow a Christen man to hearen the cursings that they
maken, and blasphemies in such cursing. Of what thing that I know, I
may beare true witnesse.

  "But gif we speake of louing of our brethren, this is undone by
him that saith he is Gods vicar in earth. For Christ in the gospell
biddeth us, that we shoulden clepen us no father upon earth: but
clepen God our Father, to maken us loue perfitlich together. And he
clepeth himselfe Father of fathers, and maketh many religions, and to
euerich a father. But whether is love and charity encreased by these
fathers and by their religions, or else ymade lesse? For a frier ne 
loueth not a monke, ne a secular man neither, nor yet one frier
another that is not of the order, and it is againward.

  "A Lord, me thinketh that there is little perfection in these
religions. For Lord, what charitie hauen such men of religion, that
knowne how they mown againstand sinne, and fleen away from their
brethren that ben more uncunning than they ben, and sufferen them to
trauelen in the world withouten their counsell as beasts? Trulich
Lord, me thinketh that there is but little charitie, and then is there
little perfection. Lord God, when thou were on earth, thou were among
sinfull men to drawen them from sinne, and thy disciples also. And
Lord, I trow thou ne grantest not one man more cunning than another
all for himselfe: and I wote well that lewd men that ben laborers, ne
trauell not alonlich for himselfe. Lord our beliefe is, that thou ne
were not of the world, ne thy teaching, neither thy seruants that
linden after thy teaching. But all they forsaken the world, and so
euery Christen man must. But Lord; whether thou taughtest men to
forsake their brethrens company and trauell of the world, to liven in
ease and in rest, and out of trouble and anger of the world, by their
brethrens trauell, and so forsaken the world?

  "A Lord, thou ne taughtest not a man to forsaken a poore estate
and trauell, to ben afterward a lord of his brethren, or beene a lords
fellow, and dwelling with lords, as doth men of these new religions.
Lord thou ne taughtest not men of thy religion thus to forsake the
world, to liven in perfection by themselfe in ease, and by other mens
trauell. But Lord they sayen they ben ybound to thy seruice, and
seruen thee both night and day in singing their praiers, both for
themselfe and for the other men, that done them good both quicke and
dead, and some of them gone about to teach thy people when they hauen
leisure.

  "A Lord, gif they be thy servants; whose seruants ben we that
cannot preien as they done? And when thou were here on earth, for our
neede thou taughtest thy seruants to preien thy Father priuilich and
shortlich: and gif there had beene a better manner of preying, I trow
thou wouldest haue taught it in help of thy people. And Lord thou
reprouest hypocrites that preyen in long prayer, and in open places,
to ben yholden holy men. And thou seyst in the gospel, Wo to you
Pharisies hypocrites. And Lord thou ne chargedst not thy seruants with
such manner seruice: but thou seyst in the gospell, that the Pharisies
worshopen thee with their lips, and their heart is farre from thee.
For they chargen more mens traditions than thy commandement.

  "And Lord, we lewd men han a beliefe, that thy goodnesse is
endlesse: and gif we keepen thine hestes, then ben we thy true
seruants. And though we preyen thee but a little and shortlich, thou
wilt thinken on us, and granten us that us nedeth, for so thou
behighted us sometime. And Lord I trow, that pray a man neuer so many
quaint prayers, gif hee ne keepe not thine hests, hee is not thy good
seruant. But gif hee keepe thine bests, then hee is thy good seruant.
And so me thinketh, Lord, that praying of long praiers ne is not the
seruice that thou desirest, but keeping of thine hests: and then a
lewd man may serue God as well as a man of religion; though that the
ploughman ne may not haue so much siluer for his prayer, as men of
religion. For they kunnen not so well preisen their praiers as these
other chap-men: but Lord, our hope is, that our praiers be neuer the
worse, though it be not so well sold as other mens prayers.

  "Lord, Ezechiel the prophet saith, that when he spake to the
people thy words, they turned thy words into songs and into tales. And
so Lord men done now: they sing merilich thy words, and that singing
they clepen thy seruice. But Lord I trow that the best singers herieth
thee not most: but he that fulfilleth thy words, he herieth thee full
well, though hee weepe more than sing: and I trow that weeping for
breaking of thy commandements bee more pleasing seruice to thee than
the singing of thy words. And would God that men would serue him in
sorrow for their sins, and that they shoulden afterward seruen thee in
mirth. For Christ saith, yblessed ben they that maken sorrow, for they
shoulden ben ycomforted. And woe to them that ben merry, and haue
their comfort in this world. And Christ said, that the world should
joyen, and his seruants shulden be sorry, but their sorrow should be
turned into joy.

  "A Lord, hee that clepeth himselfe thy vicar upon earth hath
yordained an order of priests to doe thy seruice in church tofore thy
lewd people in singing mattens, euensong, and masse. And therefore hee
chargeth lewd men in paine of cursing, to bring to his priests
tithings and offrings to finden his priests, and he clepeth that Gods
part, and due to priests that seruen him in church.

  "But Lord, in the old law the tithings of the lewd people ne were
not due to priests, but to that other childer of Leui that serueden
thee in the temple, and the priest hadden their part of sacrifices,
and the first bygeten beasts and other things as the law telleth. And
Lord S. Paul thy seruant saith, that the order of the priesthood of
Aaron ceased in Christs comming and the law of that priesthood. For
Christ was end of sacrifices yoffered upon the crosse to the Father of
heauen, to bring man out of sinne, and become himselfe a priest of
Melchisedeks order. For he was both King and Priest, without beginning
and end; and both the priesthood of Aaron, and also the law of that
priesthood ben ychanged in the comming of Christ. And S. Paul saith it
is reproued, for it brought no man to perfection. For bloud of goats,
ne of other beasts ne might done away sinne, for to that Christ shad
his bloud.

  "A Lord Iesus; whether thou ordenest an order of priests to
offren in the auter thy flesh and thy bloud to bringen men out of sin,
and also out of peine? And whether thou geue them alonelich a power to
eate thy flesh and thy bloud, and whether none other man may eate thy
flesh and thy bloud withouten leue of priests? Lord, we beleuen, that
thy flesh is uery meat, and thy bloud uery drinke; and who eateth thy
flesh, and drinketh thy bloud, dwelleth in thee, and thou in him, and
who that eateth this bread shall liue without end. But Lord thine
disciples said; this is a word; but thou answerest them and saidest;
when ye seeth man soone stiuen up there he was rather, the spirit is
that maketh you liue, the words that ych haue spoken to you ben spirit
and life. Lord, yblessed mote thou be, for in this word thou teachest
us that he that keepeth thy words, and doth after them, eateth thy
flesh, and drinketh thy bloud, and hath an euerlasting life in thee.
And for we shoulden haue minde of this living, thou gauest us the
sacrament of thy flesh and blood, in forme of bread and wine at thy
supper, before that thou shouldest suffer thy death, and tooke bread
in thine hand, and saidest; Take ye this, and eate it, for it is my
body: and thou tookest wine, and blessedst it, and said; This is the
bloud of a new and an euerlasting testament, that shall be shed for
many men in forgiuenesse of sins: as oft as ye done this, do ye this
in mind of me.

  "A Lord, thou ne bede not thine disciples maken this a sacrifice,
to bring men out of peines, gif a priest offred thy body in the altar;
but thou bed them goe and fullen all the folke in the name of the
Father, and the Sonne, and the Holy Ghost, in forgiuenesse of their
sins; and teach ye them to keepe those things that ych haue commanded
you. And Lord, thine disciples ne ordained not priests principallich
to make thy body in sacrament, but for to teach the people, and good
husbandmen that well gouerne their housholds, both wives and children,
and their meiny, they ordeined to be priests to teachen other men the
law of Christ, both in word, in dede, and they lived ein as true
Christian men, euery day they eaten Christs body, and drinken his
bloud, to the sustenance of living of their soules, and other whiles
they tooken of the sacrament of his body in forme of bread and wine,
in minde of our Lord Iesus Christ.

  "But all this is turned upsedowne: for now whoso will liven as
thou taughtest, hee shall ben holden a foole. And gif he speake thy
teaching, he shall ben holden an hereticke, and accursed. Lord, haue
no longer wonder hereof, for so they seiden to thee when thou were
here sometime. And therefore we moten take in patience their words of
blasphemy as thou diddest thy selfe, or else we were to blame. And
trulich Lord I trow, that if thou were now in the world, and taughtest
as thou diddest sometime, thou shouldest ben done to death. For thy
teaching is damned for heresie of wise men of the world, and then
moten they needes ben heretikes that teachen thy lore, and all they
also that trauailen to liue thereafter.

  "And therefore Lord, gif it be thy will, helpe thine uncunning
and lewd seruants, that wolen by their power and their cunning helpe
to destroy sinne. Leue Lord, sith thou madest woman in helpe of man,
and in a more fraile degree than man is, to be gouerned by mans
reason: what perfection of charity is in these priests and in men of
religion, that haue forsaken spoushod that thou ordeinedst in Paradise
betwixt man and woman, for perfection to forsaken traueile, and liven
in ease by other mens traueile? For they mow not doe bodilich workes
for defouling of their hands, with whom they touchen thy precious body
in the altar.

  "Leue Lord, gif good men forsaken the company of woman, and needs
they moten haue the gouernaile of man, then moten they ben ycoupled
with shrewes, and therefore thy spousehood that thou madest in
cleannesse from sinne, it is now ychanged into liking of the flesh.
And Lord, this is a great mischiefe unto thy people. And young priests
and men of religion, for default of wives, maken many women horen, and
drawne through their ensample many other men to sinne, and the ease
that they liven in, and their welfare, is a great cause of this
mischiefe. And Lord me thinketh, that these ben quaint orders of
religion, and none of thy sect that wolen taken horen, whilke God
forfends, and forsaken wives that God ne forfendeth not: and forsaken
trauaile that God commands, and geuen their selfe to idlenes, that is
the mother of all naughtinesse.

  "And Lord, Mary thy blessed mother and Ioseph touched oftentimes
thy body, and wroughten with their hands, and liueden in as much
cleannes of soule, as our priests done now, and touched thy body, and
thou touchedest them in their souls. And Lord our hope is, that thou
goen not out of a poore mans soule that traueileth for his livelode
with his hands. For Lord, our beliefe is, that thine house is mans
soule, that thou madest after thine owne likenesse.

  "But Lord God, men maketh now great stonen houses full of glasen
windowes, and clepeth thilke thine houses and churches. And they
setten in these houses mawmets of stocks and stones, tofore them they
knelen priuilich and apert, and maken their praiers; and all this they
sayen is thy worship, and a great herying to thee. A Lord, thou
forbiddest sometime to make such mawmets, and who that had yworshipped
such, had ben worthy to be dead.

  "Lord in the gospel thou sayst, that true heriers of God ne
herieth him not in that hill beside Samaria, ne in Hierusalem neither,
but true heriers of God herieth him in spirit and in truth. And Lord
God, what herying is it to bilden thee a church of dead stones, and
robben thy quicke churches of their bodilich liuelood? Lord God, what
herying is it, to cloth mawmets of stocks and of stones in siluer and
in gold, and in other good colours? And Lord I see thine image gone in
cold and in hete, in clothes all to-broken, without shone and hosen,
an hungred and athurst. Lord what herying is it to teende tapers and
torches before blinde mawmets that mowen not I seyen? And hide thee
that art our light and our lantern towards heauen, and put thee under
a bushell, that for darknesse we ne may not seene our way toward
blisse? Lord what herying is it to kneele tofore mawmets that mow not
yheren, and worshepen them with preyers, and maken thine quicke images
kneele before them, and asken of them absolutions and blessings, and
worshepen them as gods, and putten thy quicke images in thraldome and
in traueile euermore as beasts, in cold and in heate, and in feeble
fare to finden them in liken of the world? Lord what herying is it to
fetch deed mens bones out of the ground, there as they shoulden
kindelich rotten, and shrinen them in gold and siluer; and suffren the
quick bones of thine images to rot in prison for default of clothings?
And suffren also thy quicke images to perish for default of
sustenance, and rooten in the hoorehouse in abominable lechery? Some
become theeues and robbers, and manquellers, that mighten ben yholpen
with the gold and siluer that hongeth about deed mens bones, and other
blind mawmets of stocks and stones.

  "Lord, here ben great abominations that thou shewdest to Ezechiel
thy prophet, that priests done in thy temple, and yet they clepen that
thine herying. But leue Lord, me thinketh that they louen thee little
that thus defoulen thy quicke images, and worshippen blinde mawmets.

  "And Lord, another great mischiefe there is now in the world, an
hunger that Amos thy prophet speaketh of; that there shall comen an
hunger in the earth, not of bread, ne thurst of drinke, but of hearing
of Gods word. And thy sheepe woulden be refreshed, but their
shepheards taken of thy sheepe their livelode, as tythings, &c. and
liuen themselfe thereby where them liketh.

  "Of such shepheards thou speaketh by Ezechiel thy prophet, and
seyest; Woe to the shepheards of Israel that feden themselfe, for the
flocks of sheepe shoulden be yfed of their shepheards: but ye eaten
the milke, and clothen you with their wolle, and the fat sheepe ye
slew, and my flocke ye ne fede not, the sicke sheepe ye ne healed not,
thilke that weren to-broken ye ne knit not together, thilke that
perished ye ne brought not againe; but ye ratled them with sternship
and with power. And so the sheepe be sprad abroad in deuouring of all
the beasts of the field. And Ieremie the prophet saith; Woe to the
shepheards that despearseth abroad and teareth the flock of my lesew.

  "A Lord, thou were a good shepheard, for thou puttest thy soule
for thy sheepe. But Lord, thou teldest that thilke that comen not in
by the dore ben night theeues and day theeues, and a theefe, as thou
seyst, commeth not but for to steal, to slein, and to destroy. And
Zechary the prophet saith; that thou wouldest reren up a shepheard
uncunning, that ne wol not hele thy sheepe that beth sicke, ne seeke
thilke that beth lost. Vpon his arme is a swerd, and upon his right
eye; his arme shall waxe dry, and his right eye shall lose his light.
O Lord, help, for thy sheep beth at great mischiefe in the shepherds
defaut.

  "But Lord, there commeth hired men, and they ne feden not thy
sheep in thy plenteous lesew, but feden thy sheepe with sweuens, and
false miracles and tales. But at thy truth they ne comen not: for
Lord, I trow thou sendest them neuer. For haue they hire of thy
sheepe, they ne careth but little of the feding and the keping of thy
sheepe. Lord, of these hired men speaketh Ieremie the prophet, and
thou seyst that word by him; I ne send them not, and they nonne bliue;
I ne speake unto them, and they propheciden. For if they hadden
stonden in my counsell, and they had made my words knowne to the
peouple, ich would haue turned them away from their yuill way, and
from their wicked thoughts. For Lord, thou seyst that thy words ben as
fire, and as an hammer breaking stones. And Lord, thou seyst; Lo. I to
these prophets meeting sweuens of lesing, that haue ytold her sweuens,
and haue begiled my people in their lesing, and in their false
miracles, when I neither sent, ne bed them. And these haue profitet
nothing to my people. And as Ieremie saith; From the least to the most
all they studien couetice, and from the prophet to the priest all they
done gile.

  "A Lord, here is much mischiefe and matere of sorrow: and yet
there is more. For gif a lewd man would teach thy people truth of thy
words, as hee is yhold by thy commandement of charity, he shall be
forboden and put in prison gif he do it. And so Lord, thilk that haue
the key of conning, haue ylockt the truth of thy teaching under many
wardes, and yhid it from thy children. But Lord, sith thy teaching is
ycome from heauen aboue, our hope is, that with thy grace it shall
breake these wards, and shew him to thy people, to kele both the
hunger and thurst of the soule. And then shall no shepheard, ner no
false hirid-man begile thy people no more. For by thy law I write, as
thou ihightest sometime, that from the least to the most, all they
shullen knowen thy will, and weten how they shullen please thee
euermore in certaine.

  "And leue Lord, gif it be thy will helpe at this need, for there
is none help but in thee. Thus Lord, by him that maketh himselfe thy
uiker in earth, is thy commandement of lone to thee and our brethren
ybroken, both to him and to thy people. But Lord God mercy and
patience, that beth tweine of thy commandements, beth destroied, and
thy poeple hath forsake mercy. For Lord, Dauid in the Sauter saith;
Blessed beth they that done dome and rightfulnesse in euerich time.

  "O Lord, thou hast ytaught vs as rightfulnesse of heauen, and
hast ybeden vs forgeuen our breathren as oft as they trespassen
against vs. And Lord, thine old law of iustice was, that such harme as
a man did his brother, such he should suffer by the law, as eye for an
eye, and tooth for a tooth. But Christ made an end of this law, that
one brother should not desire wracke of another: but not that he would
that sin should ben unpunished, for thereto hath he ordained kings and
dukes, and other lewd officers vnder them; whilke as S. Paul saith, ne
carien not the swerd in uain, for they ben the ministers of God, and
wrakers to wrath, to them that euill done. And thus hath Christ ymade
an end of this old law, that one brother may not suen another
himselfe, for that to wreken without sinne, for breaking of charity.
But this charity Lord hath thy uicar ybroke, and says that we sinnen,
but gif we suen for our right. And we see, I wot, that thou taughtest
us sometime to giue our mantell also, euer that we shoulden suen for
our coat. And so Lord beleuen we, that we ben ybonden to done by thy
law,that is all charity, and officers duty is to defenden us from
thilke theeuery, though we complainen not. But Lord, thy law is turned
upsedowne.

  "A Lord, what dome is to slean a theefe that take a mans cattell
away from him, and sufferen a spouse-breaker to liue, and a lecherour
that killeth a womans soule? And yet thy law stoned the spouse-
breakers and leacherous, and let the theeues liven and haue other
punishment.

  "A Lord, what dome is it to slean a theefe for stealing of an
horse, and to let him liue unpunished, and to mainetaine him that
robbeth thy poore people of their livelode, and the soule of his food?

  "Lord, it was never thy dome to sayen, that a man is an heretike,
and cursed for breaking of mans law, and demen him for a good man for
breaking thy hests.

  "Lord, what dome is it to curse a lewd man if he smite a priest,
and not curse a priest that smiteth a lewd man, and leeseth his
charity?

  "Lord, what dome is it to curse the lewd people for tithings, and
not curse the parson that robbeth the people of tithings, and teacheth
them not Gods law, but feedeth them with painting of stone walles, and
songs of Latine, that the people known not?

  "Lord, what dome is it to punish the poore man for his trespasse,
and suffer the rich to continue in his sinne for a quantity of mony?

  "Lord, what dome is it to slean an uncunning lewd man for his
sinne, and suffer a priest, other a clerke that doth the same sinne,
scape alive? Lord the sinne of the priest or of the clerke is greater
trespasse than it is of a lewd uncunning man; and greater ensample of
wickednesse to the common people?

  "Lord, what maner people be we, that neither keep thy domes and
thy rightfulnes of the Old Testament, that was a law of dread, nor thy
domes and thy rightfulnes of thy New Testament, that is a law of loue
and of mercy: but haue another law, and taken out of both thy lawes,
that is liking to us, and remnant of heathen mens lawes? and Lord this
is a great mischiefe.

  "O Lord, thou saiest in thy law, deme ye not and ye should not be
demed; for the same mesure that ye meten to other men, men shall meten
to yo againward: and Lord thou saiest that by their work we should
know them; and by what we know thou commanded vs not to demen mens
thought not their works, that were not against thy lawe expresly. And
yet Lord he, that saith he is thy car, will demen our thoughts, and
aske us what thinke: not of the Lord, of thy hests, for they care
little for them, but of him and of his, whilke they sate aboue thine,
and maken us accusen our selfe, or else they willen accursen us, for
our accusers mowen we not knowne. And Lord, thou saiest in thine old
law, that under two witnes at the least, or three, should stand euery
matter: and that the witnes shoulden euer be the first the shoulden
helpe to kill them.

  "And when the scribes and the Pharises sometimes brought before
thee a woman that was ytake in spouse-breaking, and exeden of thee a
dome, thou didst write on the earth, and then thou gaue this dome; He
that is without sinne, throw first at her a stone, and Lord they went
forth away from thee and the woman: and thou forgaue the woman her
trespasse, and bade her goe forth, and sinne no more.

  "Sweet Lord, if the priests tooke keepe to thy dome, they would
be agast to demen men as they done, O Lord, if one of them breake a
commandement of thy law, he will aske mercy of thee, and not a peine
that is due for the sinne, for peine of death were too little. O Lord,
how daren they demen any man to the death for breaking of their lawes,
other assent to such law? for breaking of thy law they will set
penance, or pardon them, and maintaine them as often as they
trespassen. But Lord, if a man once breake their lawes, or speake
against them, he may done penance but once, and after be burnt.
Trulich Lord thou saiest, but if euery one of us forgiue not other his
trespasse, thy Father will not forgeuen us our sinnes. And Lord when
thou hong on the crosse, thou praiedst to thy Father to haue mercy on
thy enemies.

  "And yet they sein Lord, that they demen no man to the death, for
they sein, they ne mown by their law demen any man to the death. A
leeue Lord, euen so saiden their forefathers the Pharises, that it ne
was not lawfull for them to kill any man: and yet they bidden Pilate
to done thee to the death against his owne conscience, for he would
gladly haue yquit thee, but for that they threatened him with the
emperor, and broughten against thee false witnes also: and he was an
heathen man.

  "O Lord, how much truer dome was there in Pilat, that was an
heathen justice, than in our kings and justices that woulden demen to
the death, and burne in the fire him that the priests deliueren unto
them withouten witnes, or prefe? For Pilat ne would not demen thee;
for that the Pharises sayden that gif thou ne haddest not ben a
misdoer, we ne would not deliuer him unto thee; for to, they broughten
in their false witnesse against thee. But Lord, as thou saidst
sometime that it should ben lighter at domesday to Tyre, and to Sydon,
and Gomorra, than to the cities where thou wrought wonders and
miracles: so I dred, it shall be more light to Pilat in the dome than
to our kings and domesmen, that so demen without witnes and prefe. For
Lord, to demen thy folke for heretiks, is to holden thee an heretike;
and to brennen them, is to brennen thee: for thou saidst to Paul when
he persecuted thy people; Saul, Saul, wherefore persecutest thou me?
and in the dome thou shalt say; that ye haue done to the least of
mine, ye haue don to me.

  "Thus Lord is thy mercy and justice foredone by him that saith he
is thy uicar in earth: for he neither keepeth it himselfe, nor nil not
suffer other to doe it.

  "The third commandement, that is, patience and sufferance, is
also ybroken by this uicar. Lord thou biddest sufferen both wrongs and
strokes withouten againstanding; and so thou diddest thy selfe to
geuen us ensample to sufferen of our brethren. For suffering
nourisheth loue, and againstandeth debate. All thy lawes is loue, or
else the thing that draweth to loue.

  "But Lord, men teachen, that men shoulden pleten for their right,
and fighten also therefore; and else they seyn, men ben in perill: and
thou bid in the old law men fight for their countrey. And thy selfe
haddest two swords in thy company, when thou shouldest goe to thy
passion; that as these clerkes sein, betokeneth a spirituall sword,
and a temporall sword, that thou gaue to thy uicar to rule thy church
with.

  "Lord, this is a sleight speech; but Lord we beleeuen that thou
art King of blisse, and that is thine heritage and mankinds countrey;
and in this world we ne ben but strangers and pilgrimes. For thou Lord
ne art of this world, ne thy law neither, ne thy true seruants that
keepen thy law. And Lord, thou were King of Iuda by heritage, if thou
wouldest haue yhad it; but thou forsooke it, and pletedest not
therefore, ne fought not therfore.

  "But Lord, for thy kinde heritage, and mandkindes country, that
is a land of blisse, thou foughtest mightilich. In battell thou
ouercame thy enemy, and so thou won thine heritage. For thou that were
a Lord mightiest in battle, and also Lord of uertues, are rightfullich
King of blisse; as Dauid saith in the Psalter. But Lord thine enemy
smote thee dispitefullich, and had power of thee, and hang thee upon
the crosse as thou hadst ben a theefe and benomin thee all thy
clothes, and sticked thee to the heart with a speare.

  "O Lord, this was an hard assault of a battell, and here thou
ouercome by patience mightilich thine enemies; for thou ne wouldest
not done against the will of thy Father. And thus Lord thou taughtest
thy seruants to fight for their countrey. And Lord this fighting was
in figure ytaught in the old law. But Lord, men holden now the shadow
of the old fighting and leauen the light of thy fighting, that thou
taughtest openlich both in word and in deed.

  "Lord, thou gaue us a sword to fighten against our enemies for
our countrey, that was thine holy teaching, and Christen mens law. But
Lord thy sword is put in a sheath, and in priests ward, that haue
forsake the fighting that thou taughtest. For as they seyn, it is
against their order to ben men of armes in thy batten, for it is
unseemelich, as they seyn, that thy uicar in earth, other, his priests
shulden suffer of other men. And therfore gif any man smite him, other
any of his clerks, he ne taketh it not in patience, but anon he
smiteth with his sword of cursing, and afterward with his bodelich
sword, he doth them to death. O Lord, me thinketh that this is a
fighting against kind, and much against thy teaching.

  "O Lord, whether axsedest thou after swerds in the time of thy
passion to againstond thine enemies? nay forsooth thou Lord. For
Peter, that smote for great love of thee, had no great thanke of thee
for his smiting. And Lord, thou were mighty enough to haue againstond
thine enemies, for through thy looking they fellen downe to the
ground, Lord yblessed mote thou be. Here thou teachest us that we
shoulden suffren: for thou were mighty ynow to haue againstand thine
enemies, and thou haddest wepen, and thy men weren hearty to haue
smitten.

  "O sweet Lord, how may he for shame clepen himselfe thy uicar and
head of the church, that may not for shame suffer? Sith thou art a
Lord, and sufferedst of thy subjects, to giuen us ensample, and so did
thy true seruants.

  "O Lord, whether geue thou to Peter a spirituall swerd to curse,
and a temporall swerd to sle mens bodies? Lord, I trow not, for then
Peter that loued thee so much, would haue smit with thy swerds. But
Lord, he taughten us to blessen them that cursen us, and suffren and
not smiten. And Lord, he fed thy people as thou bed him, and therefore
he suffred the death as thou didst.

  "O Lord, why clepeth any man him Peters successor, that hath
forsaken patience, and feedeth thy people with cursing, and with
smiting? Lord thou saidest in thy gospell, when thy disciples knewen
well that thou were Christ, and that thou mustest go to Ierusalem, and
sufferen of the scribes and Pharises spittings, reproofes, and also
the death. And Peter tooke thee aside, and said; God forbid that. And
Lord, thou saydest to Peter, Goe behinde me Sathanas, thou
sclaunderest me in Israel. For thou ne sauorest not thilke things that
ben of God, but thilke that ben of men. Lord to mens wit it is
unreasonable, that thou or thy uicar, gif thou madest any on earth,
shoulden suffren of your suggets.

  "A Lord, whether thou ordeinest an order of fighters to turne men
to the beliefe? Other ordeinest that knights shoulden sweare to fight
for thy words?

  "A Lord, whether bed thou, that gif any man turne to the faith,
that he should geue his goods and cattell to the uicar that hath great
lordshops, and more than him needeth? Lord I wot well, that in the
beginning the churchmen that were conuerted threwen adown their goods
afore the apostles feete. For all they weren in charity, and none of
them said this is mine, ne Peter made himselfe no lord of these goods.

  "But Lord, now he that clepeth himselfe thy uicar upon earth, and
successor to Peter, hath ybroke commandement of charity, for he is
become a lord. And hee hath also broken thy commandement of mercy, and
also of patience. Thus Lord wee be fallen into mischiefe and
thraldome, for our chiefetaine hath forsaken war and armes, and hath
treated to haue peace with our enemies.

  "A Lord, gif it be thy will, draw thy swerd out of his sheath,
that thy seruants may fight therewith against their enemies, and put
cowardise out of our hearts: and comfort us in battaile, or than thou
come with thy swerd in thy mouth, or take uengeance on thine enemies.
For gif wee ben accorded with our enemies till that time come, it is
dread lest thou take uengeance both of them and of us together. A
Lord, there is no helpe now in this great mischeife but only in thee.

  "Lord, thou geuest us a commandement of truth, in bidding us say
yea, yea, nay, nay, and sweare for nothing. Thou geue us also a
maundement of meekenesse, and another of poorenesse: but Lord, he that
clepeth himselfe thy uicar on earth, hath both ybroken these
commandements; for he maketh a law to compell men to sweare, and by
his lawes he teacheth that a man, to saue his life, may forswear and
lie. And so Lord, through comfort of him and his lawes, the people ne
dreadeth not to sweare and to lie, ne oft times to forswearen them.
Lord here is little truth.

  "O Lord, thou hast ybrought us to a lining of souls that stands
in beleeuing in thee, and keeping thy hests, and when wee breaken thy
hests, then wee slen our souls: and lesse harme it were to suffer
bodilich death.

  "Lord, King Saul brake thine hests, and thou tooke his kingdome 
from his heires euermore after him, and giue it to Dauid thy seruant,
that kept thine hests. And thou saidst by Samuel thy prophet to Saul
the king, that it is a manner of worshipping of false gods to breake
thy hests. For who that loueth thee ouer all things, and dreadeth thee
also, he nole for nothing breake thine hests.

  "O Lord, gif breaking of thine hests be herying of false gods, I
trow that hee that maketh the people breake thine hests, and
commandeth that his hests ben kept of the people, maketh himselfe a
false god on earth; as Nebugodonosor did sometime that was king of
Babylon.

  "But Lord, we forsaken such false gods, and beleuen that there ne
ben no mo gods than thou: and though thou suffer us a while to ben in
disease for knowledging of thee; we thanken thee with our heart, for
it is a token that thou louest us, to giuen us in this world some
penance for our trespas.

  "Lord, in the old law, thy true seruants tooke the death, for
they would not eaten swines flesh that thou haddest forbidde them to
eat. O Lord, what truth is in us to eaten unclean mete of the soule,
that thou hast forbid? Lord thou saidst, he that doth sinne is seruant
of sin, and then he that lieth in forswearing himselfe, is seruant of
lesing: and then he is seruant to the diuell, that is a lier and
father of lesings. And Lord, thou sayest, no man may serue two lords
at once. O Lord then, euery lier for the time that he lieth, other
forsweareth himselfe, and forsaketh thy seruice for dread of his
bodily death, becommeth the diuels seruant.

  "O Lord, what truth is in him that clepeth himselfe seruant of
thy seruants, and in his doing hee maketh him a lord of thy seruants.
Lord thou were both Lord and Master, and so thou said thy selfe; but
yet in thy works thou were as a seruant. Lord this was a great truth,
and a great meeknesse: but Lord, bid thou thy seruants that they
should not haue lordship ouer their brethren. Lord thou saydst kings
of the heathen men han lordship ouer their subjects, and they that use
their power be cleped well doers.

  "But Lord, thou saidst it should not be so amongst thy seruants.
But he that were most, should be as a seruant. Thou Lord, thou
taughtest thy disciples to be meeke. Lord in the old law thy seruants
durst haue no lordship of their brethren, but if that thou bid them:
and yet they should not doe to their brethren as they did to thralles
that serued them. But they should do to their brethren that were their
seruants, as to their owne brethren: for all they were Abrahams
children: and at a certaine time, they should let their brethren passe
from them in all freedom, but if they would wilfullich abide still in
seruice.

  "O Lord, thou gaue us in thy comming a law of perfect loue, and
in token of loue thou clepedst thy selfe our brother. And to make us
perfect in loue, thou bid that we should clepe to us no father upon
earth, but thy Father of heauen wee should clepe our Father. Alas,
Lord, how uiolently our brethren, and thy children ben now put in
bodily thraldome, and in despite as beasts euermore in grieuous
trauell to finde proud men in ease. But Lord, if we take this defoule
and this disease in patience, and in meeknesse, and keepe thine hests,
we hope to be free. And Lord giue our brethren grace to come out of
thraldome of sinne, that they fall in through the desiring and usage
of lordship upon their brethren. And Lord, thy priests in the old law
had no lordships among their brethren, but houses and pastures for
their beasts: but Lord our priests now haue great lordships, and put
their brethren in greater thraldome than lewde men that be lords. Thus
is meeknesse forsaken.

  "Lord, thou biddest in the gospell, that when a man is bid to the
feast, he should sit in the lowest place, and then he may be set
higher with worship, when the lord of the feast beholdeth how his
gucsts sitteth. Lord it is dread that they, that sit now in the
highest place, should be bid in time comming sit beneath: and that
will be shame and villany for them. And it is thy saying, those that
hyeth himselfe should be lowed, and those that loweth himselfe should
be an heyghed. O Lord, thou biddest in thy gospell to beware of the
Pharises, for it is a point of pride contrary to meeknesse. And Lord,
thou sayest that they love the first sittings at suppers, and also the
principal chaires in churches, and greetings in cheeping, and to bee
cleped masters of men. And Lord, thou sayest be yee not cleped
masters, for one is your Master, and that is Christ, and all ye be
brethren: and clepe ye to you no father upon earth, for one is your
Father that is in heauen. O Lord, this is a blessed lesson to teach
men to be meeke.

  "But Lord, he that clepeth himselfe thy uicar on earth, he
clepeth himselfe father of fathers against thy forbidding. And all
those worships thou hast forbad. He approueth them, and maketh them
masters to many, that teach thy people their owne teaching, and leaue
thy teaching that is needfull, and hidden it by quaint glosses from
thy lewd people and feede thy people with sweuens that they meete, and
tales that doth little profite but much harme to the people. But Lord,
these glosers object, that they desire not the state of masterie to be
worshipped thereby, but to profit the more to thy people, when they
preach thy word. Far as they suggen the people will beleeue more the
preaching of a master that hath taken a state of schoole, than the
preaching of another man that hath not taken the state of mastry.

  "Lord; whether it be any need that masters bearen witnesse to thy
teaching, that it is true and good? O Lord, whether may any master now
by his estate of mastry, that thou hast forboden, draw any man from
his sinne, rather then another man that is not a master, ne wole be
none; for it is forbodden him in thy gospell? Lord thou sendest to
masters to preach thy people; and thou knowledgist in the gospell to
thy Father, that he hath hid his wisedome from wise men and readie
men; and shewed it to little children. And Lord, masters of the law
hylden thy teaching folly, and saiden that thou wouldest destroy the
people with thy teaching. Trulich Lord, so these masters seggeth now;
for they haue written many bookes against thy teaching, that is truth;
and so the prophecie of Ieremy is fulfilled when he saith; Trulich the
false points of the masters of the law hath wrought lesing. And now is
the time come that S. Paul speaketh of, where he saith; Time shall
come when men shall not sustaine wholsome teaching; but they shullen
gather to hear masters with hutching eares, and from truth they
shullen turnen away their hearing, and turnen them to tales, that
masters haue maked to showne their maistry and their wisedome.

  "And Lord, a man shall beleeue more a mans workes than his words,
and the deede sheweth well of these masters, that they desiren more
maistery for their owne worship, than for profit of the people. For
when they be masters, they ne preachen not so oft as they did before.
And gif they preachen, commonlich it is before rich men, there as they
mowne beare worship and also profit of their preaching. But before
poore men they preachen but seldem, when they ben masters: and so by
their workes we may seene that they ben false glosers.

  "And Lord, me thinketh that who so wole keepen thine hests, him
needeth no gloses: but thilke that clepen themselfe Christen men, and
liven against thy teaching and thine hests, needelich they more glose
thine hests, after their lining, other elsemen shulden openlich yknow
their hypocrisie and their falshod.

  "But Lord, thou sayst that there is nothing yhid that shall not
be shewed sometime. And Lord yblessed mote thou be: for somewhat thou
shewest us now of our mischiefes that we beene fallen in through the
wisedomes of masters, that haue by sleights ylad us away from thee and
thy teaching, that thou, that were the Master of heauen, taught us for
love, when thou were here sometime to heale of our soules, withouten
error or heresie. But masters of worlds wisedome and their founder
haue ydamned it for heresie and for error.

  "O Lord, me thinketh it is a great pride thus to reproue thy
wisedome and thy teaching. And Lord, me thinketh that this
Nabugodonosor king of Babylon, that thus hath reprooued thy teaching
and thine hests, and commandeth on all wise to keepen his hests, maken
thy people hearen him as a god on earth, and maketh them his thralls
and his seruants.

  "But Lord, we lewd men knowen no God but thee, and we with thine
helpe and thy grace forsaken Nabugodonosor and his lawes. For he in
his proud estate wole haue all men under him, and he nele be under no
man. He ondoth thy lawes that thou ordainest to ben kept, and maketh
his owne lawes as him liketh: and so he maketh him king aboue all
other kings of the earth, and maketh men to worshippen him as a god,
and thy great sacrifice he hath ydone away.

  "O Lord, here is thy commandement of meeknes, mischiflich to-
broke: and thy blessed commandement of poornes is also to-broken, and
yhid from thy people. Lord, Zechary thy prophet saith, that thou that
shouldest be our King, shouldest ben a poore man, and so thou were:
for thou saidest thy selfe; Foxes haue dens, and birds of heauen
nests, and mans Sonne hath not where to ligge his head on. And thou
saidest, yblessed ben poore men in spirit, for thy kingdome of heauen
is therein: and woe to rich men, for they han their comfort in this
world. And thou bad thy disciples to ben ware of all couetise, for
thou saydest, in the abundance of mans hauing, ne is not his lifelode.
And so thou teachest, that thilke that han more then them needeth to
their liuing liuen in couetise. Also thou sayst, but gif a man forsake
all things that he oweth, he ne may not ben thy disciple. Lord, thou
sayst also, that thy word, that is sowne in rich mens hearts, bringeth
forth no fruit; for riches and the businesse of this world maken it
withouten fruit.

  "O Lord, here bene many blessed teachings to teach men to ben
poore, and loue poorenesse. But Lord harme is, poore men and
poorenesse ben ybated, and rich men ben yloued and honored: and gif a
man bee a poore man, men holden him a man withouten grace; and gif a
man desireth poorenesse, men holden him but a foole: and gif a man be
a rich man, men clepen him a gracious man, and thilke that ben busie
in getting of riches, ben yhold wise men and ready: but Lord, these
rich men sayen, that it beth lawfull to them to gather riches
togither. For they ne gathereth it for themselfe, but for other men
that ben needy, and Lord their workes shewen the truth. For if a poore
needy man would borrowen of their riches, he nele lean him none of his
good; but gif he mow be seker to haue it againe by a certaine day.

  "But Lord, thou bed that a man should lend, and not hoping
yelding againe of him that he lendeth to: and thy Father of heauen
wole quite him his mede. And gif a poore man aske a rich man any good,
the rich man will giue him but a little, and yet it shall be little
worth. And Lord me thinketh that here is little loue and charity, both
to God and to our brethren.

  "For Lord, thou teachest in thy gospell, that what men doe to thy
servants, they done to thee. A Lord, gif a poore man axe good for thy
loue, men giueth him a little of the wurst. For these rich men
ordeinen both bread and ale for Gods men of the wurst that they haue.
O Lord, sith all good that men hath, commeth of thee; how dare any man
geue thee of the wurst, and kepe to himselfe of the best? How may such
men say that they gatheren riches for others need, as well as
himselfe, sith their workes ben contrary to their words? and that is
no great truth. And be ye seker these goods that rich man han, they
ben Gods goods, ytake to your keeping, to looke how he wolen be setten
them to the worshipping of God. And Lord, thou saiest in the gospell,
that who so is true in little, he is true in that thing that is more:
and who that is false in a little thing, who wole taken him toward
things of a greater ualue? And therefore be yee ware that han Gods
goods to keepe. Spend ye thilke trulich to the worship of God, lest ye
leesen the blisse of heauen, for the untrue dispending of Gods goods
in this world.

  "O Lord, these rich men seggen that they don much for thy loue.
For many poore labourers ben yfound by them, that shoulden fare
febelich, ne we not they and their readinesse. Forsooth me thinketh
that poore laborers giueth to these rich men, moren then they given
them againeward. For the poore men more gone to his labour in cold and
in heat, in wete and dry, and spend his flesh and his bloud in rich
mens workes, upon Gods ground, to finde the rich man in ease, and in
liking, and in good fare of meate, of drinke, and of clothing. Here is
a great gift of the poore man, for he giueth his owne body. But what
giueth the rich man again-ward? Certes feeble meat, and feeble drinke,
and feeble clothing. What euer they seggen, such bee their workes, and
here is little loue. And whosoeuer looketh well about, all the world
fareth as we seggen: and all men studieth on euery side, how they may
wex rich men; and euerich man almost is ashamed to ben holden a poore
man.

  "And Lord, I trow for thou were a poore man, men token little
regard to thee, and to thy teaching. But Lord thou came to giue us a
New Testament of loue; and therefore it was semelich that thou came in
poorenesse, to proue who would love thee, and keepen thy hests. For
gif thou haddest ycome in forme of a rich man and of a lord, men wold
rather for thy dread then for thy loue, have yclept thine hests. And
so Lord, now thou might well ysee which louen thee as they should in
keeping thine hests. For who that loveth thee in thy poorenesse and in
thy lownesse, needs he mote loue thee in thy lordship and highnesse.

  "But Lord, the world is turned upse downe, and men loue poore men
but a little, ne poorenesse neither. But men be ashamed of poorenesse;
and therefore Lord, I trow that thou art a poore King. And therefore I
trow that he that clepeth himself thy uicar on earth, hath forsaken
poorenesse, as he hath do the remnant of thy law, and is become a rich
man and a lord, and maketh his treasure upon the earth, that thou
forbiddest in the gospell; and for his right and riches, he will
plete, and fight and curse. And yet Lord he will segge, that he
forsaketh all things that he oweth, as thy true disciple mete done
after thy teaching in the gospell.

  "But Lord, thou ne taughtest not a man to forsaken his goods, and
plete for them, and fight, and curse. And Lord, he taketh on him power
to assoile a man of all manner things, but if it be of debt. Truly
Lord, me thinketh he knoweth little of charity. For who that beth in
charity, possesseth thy goods in common, and not in proper at his
neighbors neede. And then shall there none of them segge this is mine,
but it is Gods that God granteth to us to spenden it to his worship.
And so if any of them borroweth a portion of those goods, and
dispendeth them to Gods worship, God is apayed of this spending, and
alloweth him this true doing. And if God is payed of that dispending,
this is the principall lord of those goods, how dare any of his
seruants axen thereof accounts, other challenge it for det? Serten, of
one thing I am incerteine, that these that charge so much det of
worldly cattell, they know little of Christs law of charity: for if
Ich am a baily of Gods goods in the world; if I see my brother in
need, I am hold by charitie to part with him of these goods to his
nede; and if he spendeth them well to the worship of God, I mote be
well apaid, as though I my selfe had spended them to the worship of
God. And if the principall Lord is well payed of my brothers doing,
and the dispending of his goods, how may I segge for shame that my
brother is dettour to mee of the goods that I tooke him to spend in
Gods worship at his nede? And if my brother spendeth amisse the goods
that I take him, I am discharged of my deliuerance of the goods, if I
take him in charity thilke goods at his nede. And I am hold to bee
sory of his euill dispending, ne I may not axen the goods, that I
tooke him to his nede in forme of debt, for at his need they were his
as well as mine. And thus is my brother yhold to done to me gif he see
me in nede, and gif we bed in charity, little should we chargen of
det. And ne we should not axen so dets, as men that knowen not God:
and then we be poore in forsaking all things that we own. For gif we
ben in charitie, we wollen nother fight nor curse, ne plete for our
goods with our brethren.

  "O Lord, thus thou taughtest thy seruants to liuen; and so they
liueden while they hadden good shepheards, that fedden thy sheep, and
robbed them not of their livelode, as Peter thy good shepheard and thy
other apostles. But Lord, he that clepeth himselfe thy vicar upon
earth, and successor to Pcter, he robbeth thy people of their bodilich
livelode, for hee ordeineth proud shepheards to liven in ease by the
tenth party of poore mens trauell: and he giueth them leaue to liven
where them liketh. And gif men ne wolen wilfullich giuen them the
tithings, they wolen han them against their will by maisterie and by
cursing, to maken them rich.

  "Lord, how may any man segge that such shepheards that loven more
the wolle than the sheepe, and fedden not thy sheepe in body, ne in
soule, ne ben such ravenors and theeves? And who may segge, that the
mainteinour of such shepheards ne is not a mainteinour of theeves and
robbers? How wole hee assoile shepheards of their robbing, without
restitutlon of their goods, that they robben thy shepe of against
their will? Lord of all shepheards, blessed mote thou bee. For thou
lovedst more the sheepe than their wolle. For thou feedest thy sheepe
both in body and, soule. And for love of thy sheepe, thou tooke thy
death to bring thy sheepe out of wolves mouthes. And the most charge
that thou Bove to Peter was to feede thy sheepe. And so hee did
truelich, and tooke the death for thee and for thy sheepe. For hee
came into the fold of sheepe by thee that were the doore. And so I
trow few other did as hee did, though they clepen themselfe successors
to Peter; for their workes showen what they ben. For they robben and
sleene and destroyen; they robben thy sheepe of the tenth part of
their trauell, and feeden themselfs in ease. They sleene thy sheepe,
for they pyenen them for hunger of their soule to the death. They
destroyen the sheepe, for with might and with sternship they rulen thy
sheepe; that for dred they ben dispersed abroad in mountaines, and
there the wilde beasts of the field destroyeth them for default of a
good shepheard.

  "O Lord, gif it be thy will deliver thy sheepe out of such
shepheards ward that watcheth not of thy sheepe, so they han their
wolle to make themselfe rich. For thy sheepe ben in great mischiefe,
and foule accombred with their shepheards.

  "But for thy shepheards wolden ben excused, they have ygetten
them hired men to feed thy people, and these comen in sheepes
clothing. But dredlesse their workes shewen that within forth they ben
but wolfes. For han they their hire, they ne retcheth but a little how
sorrilich thy sheepe ben kept. For as they seggen themselfe, they ben
but hired men that han no charge of thy sheepe. And when they shulden
feden thy sheepe in the plenteous lesew of thy teaching, they stonden
between them and their lesew, so that the sheepe ne han but a sight of
thy lesew, but eaten they shall not thereof. But they feden them in a
sorrie sowre lesew of lesings and of tales. And so thy sheepe fallen
into grievous sicknesse through this evill lesew. And gif any sheepe
breake ouer into thy lesew to tasten the sweetnesse thereof, anon
these hired men drive him out with hounds. And thus thy sheepe by
these hired men ben ykept out of their kindlich lesew, and ben yfed
with sowre grasse and sorrie barren lesew. And yet they feden but
seldome, and when they han sorrilich fed them, they taken great hire,
and gone away from thy sheepe and letten them a worth.

  "And for dread lest thy sheepe wolden in their absence goe to thy
sweet lesew, they han enclosed it all about so stronglich and so high,
that there may no sheepe comen there within, but gif it be a Walisch
leper of the mountaines, that may with his long legs lepen over the
vallys. For the hired men ben full certaine, that gif thy sheepe had
once ytasted the sweetnesse of thy lesew: they ne would no more bene
yfed of these hired men in their sowre lesewes, and therefore these
hired men kepen them out of that lesew. For haden the sheepe once
ytasted well of that lesew, they wolden without a leader goe thider to
their mete, and then mote these hired men sechen them another labor to
live by than keeping of sheepe. And they ben fell and ware ynow
thereof, and therefore they feeden thy sheepe with sowre meat that
naught is, and hiden from thy sheepe the sweetnesse of thy lesew. And
so though these hired men gon in sheepes clothing, in their workes
they ben wolves, that much harme done to thy sheepe as we have ytold.

  "O Lord, they comen as sheepe, for they seggen that they ben
poore and have forsaken the world to liven perfitlich as thou
taughtest in the gospell. Lord this is sheepes clothing. But Lord thou
ne taughtest not a man to forsaken the travellous living in poorenesse
in the world, to liven in ease with riches by other mens travell, and
have lordship on their brethren. For Lord, this is more to forsaken
thee and goe to the world.

  "O Lord, thou ne taughtest not a man to forsake the world to
liven in poorenesse of begging by other mens travell that ben as
feeble as they ben. Ne Lord thou ne taughtest not a man to live in
poorenesse of begging, that were strong enough to travell for his
lifelode. Ne Lord, thou ne taughtest not a man to ben a begger to
begge of men more than him needeth, to build great castles and make
great feasts to thilke that han no neede.

  "O Lord, thou ne taughtest not men this poorenesse, for it is out
of charitie. But thy poorenesse, that thou taughtest, nourisheth
charitie. Lord, sith Paul saith, that hee that forsaketh the charge of
thilke that ben homelich with him, hath forsaken his faith and is
worse then an misbeleeven man: how then now these men seggen that they
beleeven in Christ, that han forsaken their poore feeble friends, and
let them live in travell and in disease, that travelled full sore for
them, when they weren yong and unmightie to helpen themselfe? And they
wolen live in ease by other mens travell, evermore begging withouten
shame.

  "Lord thou ne taughtest not this manner poorenesse, for it is out
of charitie. And all thy law is charitie and thing that nourisheth
charitie, and these sheepheards send about to keepe thy sheepe, and to
feden them other whiles in bareine lesewes. Lord thou ne madest none
such sheepheards, ne keepers of the sheepe that feede sorrilich thy
sheepe, and for so little travell taken a great hire, and sithen all
the yeere afterward, doe what them liketh, and let thy sheepe perish
for default of keeping.

  "But thy sheepheards abiden still with their sheepe, and feeden
them in thy plenteous lesew of thy teaching, and gone before thy
sheepe, and teachen them the way into the plenteous and sweete lesew,
and keepen thy flocke from ravening of the wilde beasts of the field.

  "O Lord deliver the sheep out of the ward of these shepheards,
and these hired men, that stonden more to keepe their riches that they
robben of thy sheepe, than they stonden in keeping of thy sheepe.

  "O Lord when thou come to Jerusalem, sometime thou drove out of
the temple sellers of beasts and of other chaffare, and saidst: Mine
house shoulden ben cleped an house of prayers, but they maden a den of
theeves of it. O Lord thou art the temple in whom we shoulden praien
thy Father of heaven. And Salomons temple, that was ybelded at
Jerusalem, was figure of this temple. But Lord, he that clepeth
himselfe thy vicar upon earth, and saith that he occupieth thy place
here on earth, is become a chapman in thy temple, and hath his chap-
men walking in diuers countries to sellen his chaffare, and to maken
him rich. And hee saith, thou gave him so great a power aboven all
other men, that whatever he bindeth other unbindeth in earth, thou
bindest other unbindest the same in heaven. And so of great power hee
selleth other men forgivenesseof their sinne. And for much money he
will assoilen a man so cleane of his sinne, that he behoteth men of
the blisse of heaven withouten any paine after that they be dead, that
given him much money.

  "Bishoprickes and chirches, and such other chaffares he selleth
also for money, and maketh himselfe rich. And thus he beguiled the
people.

  "O Lord Iesus here is much untruth, and mischiefe, and matter of
sorrow. Lord thou saidest sometime, that thou wouldest bee with thy
servants unto the end of the world. And thou saidest also, there as
tweine or three ben ygadred togedder in thy name, that thou art in the
middle of them. A Lord, then it was no need to thee to maken
liefetenant, sith thou wolte be evermore amongst thy servants.

  "Lord, thou axedst of thy disciples, who they trowed that thou
were. And Peter answered and said, that thou art Christ Gods Sonne.
And thou saidest to Peter; Thou art yblessed Simon Bariona, for flesh
and bloud ne showed not this to thee, but my Father that is in heaven.
And I say to thee that thou art Peter, and upon this stone ych would
bilde my church, and the gates of hell hee shullen not availen agens
it.

  "And to thee ych wole geve the keyes of heaven, and what ever
thou bindest upon earth shall bee bound in heaven, and what ever thou
unbindest on earth, shall be unbounden in heaven. This power also was
granten unto the other disciples, as well as to Peter, as the gospell
openlich telleth. In this place men seggen that thou granted to Peters
successours the selue power that thou gave to Peter. And therefore the
bishop of Rome, that saith he is Peters successour, taketh this power
to him to binden and unbinden in earth what him liketh. But Lord, ych
have much wonder how hee may for shame clepen himselfe Peters
successour: for Peter knowledged that thou wert Christ and God, and
kept the hests of thy law: but these han forsaken the hests of thy
law, and hath ymaken a law contrary to thine hests of thy law. And so
he maked himselfe a false Christ, and a false god in earth. And I trow
thou gave him no power to undoe thy law. And so in taking this power
upon him, maketh him a false Christ and antichrist.

  "For who may be more agens Christ, than hee that in his words 
maketh himselfe Christs vicar in earth; and in his werkes undoth the
ordinance of Christ, and maketh men beleeven that it is needfull to
the heale of mans soules, to beleeven that he is Christs vicar in
earth? And what ever he bindeth in earth, is ybounden in heaven, and
under this colour hee undoth Christs law, and maketh men alwayes to
keepen his law and hests.

  "And thus man may yseene that bee is against Christ, and
therefore hee is antichrist that maketh men worshippen him as a god on
earth, as the proud kin Nabugodonosor did sometime, that was king of
Babylon. And therefore wee lewde men that knowen not God but thee
Iesus Christ, beleeven in thee that art our God, and our King, and our
Christ, and thy lawes; and forsaken antichrist, and Nabugodonosor that
is a false god, and a false Christ, and his lawes ben contrary to thy
preaching.

  "And Lord strength thou us against our enemies. For they ben
about to maken us forsaken thee and thy law, other else to putten us
to death.

  "O Lord, onlich in thee is our trust to helpe us in this
mischiefe, for thy great goodnesse that is withouten end.

  "Lord thou ne taughtest not thy disciples to assoilen men of
their sinne, and setten them a penance for their sinne, in fasting, ne
in praying, ne other almous deed; ne thy selfe, ne thy disciples,
useden no such power here on earth. For Lord, thou forgeve men her
sinnes and bede him sinne no more. And thy disciples fulleden men in
thy name, in forgivenesse of her sinnes. Nor they tooke no such power
upon them as our priests dare now. And Lord, thou ne assoildest no man
both of his sinne and of his paine, that was due for his sinne, ne
thou grantedst no man such power here on earth.

  "And Lord, me thinketh that gif there were a purgatorie, and any
earthlich man had power to deliveren sinfull men from the peines of
purgatorie, hee should, and hee were in charitie, saven everich man
that were in way of salvation from thilke peines, sith they make them
greater than any bodilich peines of this world. Also gif the bishop of
Rome had such a power, hee himself shuld never come in purgatorie, ne
in hell. And sith we see well that hee ne hath no power to kepen
himselfe, ne other men nother out of these bodilich peines of the
world, and he may goe to hell for his sinne as another man may: I ne
beleeve not, that he hath so great power to assoylen men of their
sinne as bee taketh upon him aboven all other men. And I trow that in
this hee higheth himselfe above God.

  "As touching the selling of bishoprickes and parsonages, I trow
it be a point of falsehed. For agenst Gods ordinance hee robbeth poore
men of a portion of their sustenance, and selleth it, other giveth it,
to find proud men in idlenesse that don the lewd people little profit,
but much harme, as we told before. Thus ben thy commandements of
truth, of meeknesse, and of poorenesse undone by him, that clepeth
himselfe thy vicar here upon earth.

  "A Lord, thou gave us a commandement of chastice, that is, a
forsaking of fleshlich lusts. For thou broughtest us to a living of
soule, that is, ygoverned by the word. For Lord, thou ordeinedist
women more frele than man to ben ygoverned by mans rule, and his
helpe, to please thee and keepe thine hests. Ne thou ne ordeinedist
that a man should desire the company of a woman, and maken her his
wife, to liven with her in his lustis, as a swine doth or a horse. And
his wife ne like him not to his lustes, Lord thou ne gave not a man
leave to departen him from his wife, and taken him another.

  "But Lord, thy marriage is a common accord betweene man and
woman, to liven together to their lives end, and in thy service either
the better for others helpe, and thilke that thus ben ycome together,
ben joyned by thee, and thilke that God joyneth, may no man depart.
But Lord, thou saiest, that gif a man see a woman to coveten her, then
he doth with the woman lecherie in his heart. And so Lord, gif a man
desire his wife in covetise of such lusts, and not to flie from
whoredome, his weddins is lecherie, ne thou ne joynest them not
together. Thus was Raguels daughter ywedded to seven husbands that the
divell instrangled. But Toby tooke her to live with her in cleannesse,
and bringing up of her children in thy worship, and on him the divell
ne had no power. For the wedding was I-maked in God, for God, and
through God.

  "A Lord, the people is farre ygo from this manner of wedding. For
now men wedden their wives for fairenesse, other for riches, or some
such other fleshlich lusts. And Lord, so it preveth by them for the
most part. For a man shall not find two wedded in a land, where the
husband loues the wife, and the wife is buxum to the man, as they
shoulden after the law of marriage. But other the man loves not his
wife, or the wife is not buxum to her man. And thus Lord is the rule
of prefe, that never faileth no preue whether it bee done by thee or
no. And Lord, all this mischiefe is common among thy people, for that
they know not thy word, but their shepheards and hired men fedden them
with their sweuens and leasings. And Lord, where they shoulden gon
before us in the field, they seggen their order is too holy for thy
marriage. And Lord, he that calleth himselfe thy vicar upon earth will
not suffren priests to taken them wives, for that is against his law:
but Lord, hee will dispensen with them to kepen horen for a certaine
summe of money. And Lord, all whoredome is forfended in thy law. And
Lord, thou never forfendest priests their wiues, ner thy apostles
neither. And well I wote in our land, priests hadden wives untill
Anselmus dayes in the yeare of our Lord God 1129, as Huntingdone
writes. And Lord, this makes people for the most part beleven, that
lecherie is no sinne. Therefore wee lewd men prayen thee that thou
wolt send vs shepheards of thine own, that wolen feeden thy flocke in
thy lesew, and gon before themselfe, and so written thy law in our
hearts, that from the least to the most all they mayen knowen thee.
And Lord, geue our king and his lords heart to defenden thy true
shepheards and thy sheepe from out of the wolues mouthes, and grace to
know thee that art the true Christ, the Sonne of thy heauenly Father,
from the antichrist, that is, the sonne of pride. And Lord, geue vs
thy poore sheepe patience and strength to suffer for thy law, the
cruelnesse of the mischieuous wolues. And Lord, as thou hast promised,
shorten these daies. Lord we axen this now, for more neede was there
neuer."



75. THE PARABLE OF FRIAR RUPESCISSANUS

  I doubt not, gentle reader, but in reading this godly treatise
above prefixed, the matter is manifest and plain of itself without any
further explication, what is to be thought and judged of this vicar of
Christ, and successor of Peter, whom we call the bishop of Rome; whose
life here thou seest not only to be disordered in all points, swerving
from the steps and example of Christ, the Prince and Bishop of our
souls, but also whose laws and doctrines are so repugnant and contrary
to the precepts and rule of the gospel, that almost there is no
convenience between them; as in the perusing of this complaining
prayer thou mayest notoriously understand. Wherefore, having no need
to stand in any further expressing of this matter, but leaving it to
thine own consideration and discretion, I will speed myself (Christ
willing) to proceed toward the time of John Wickliff and his fellows,
taking by order of years as I go, such things by the way, as both
happened before the said time of Wickliff, and also may the better
prepare the mind of the reader to the entering of that story; where,
first, I think it not inconvenient to infer a prophetical parable,
written about this time, or not much before, which the author morally
applieth unto the bishop of Rome. To what author this prophecy or
moral is to be ascribed, I have not certainly to affirm: some say,
that Rupescissanus, of whom mention is made before, was the author
thereof, and allege it out of Froisart; but in Froisart, as yet, I
have not found it. In the mean season, as I have found it in Latin
expressed, because it painteth out the pope so rightly in his feathers
and colours; as I thought the thing was not to be omitted, so I took
this present place, as most fit, although, peradventure, missing the
order of years a little, to insert the same. The effect of which
parable followeth hereunder written.

  In the time of Pope Innocent the Sixth above specified, this
Johannes de Rupescissa, a friar, among other his prophecies
marvellously forespake (as allegeth Froisart, who both heard and saw
him) of the taking of John the French king prisoner, and brought forth
many other notable collections concerning the perils, mutations, and
changings in the church to come. And at what time the pope kept him at
Avignon in prison, where Froisart is said to see him, and to speak
with him, the said Froisart heard in the pope's court this example and
parable recited by the aforesaid friar Rupescissanus, to the two
cardinals, to wit, Cardinal Hostiensis, and Cardinal Auxercensis,
which followeth in these words:

  "When, on a certain time, a bird was brought into the world all
bare and without feathers, the other birds hearing thereof, came to
visit her; and for that they saw her to be a marvellous fair and
beautiful bird, they counselled together how they might best do her
good, since by no means without feathers she might either fly, or live
commodiously. They all wished her to live for her excellent form and
beauty's sake, insomuch that among them all there was not one that
would not grant some part of her own feathers to deck this bird
withal; yea, and the more trim they saw her to be, the more feathers
still they gave unto her, so that by this means she was passing well
penned and feathered, and began to fly. The other birds that thus had
adorned her with goodly feathers, beholding her to fly abroad, were
marvellously delighted therewith. In the end this bird, seeing herself
so gorgeously feathered, and of all the rest to be had in honour,
began to wax proud and haughty; insomuch that she had no regard at all 
unto them by whom she was advanced; yea, she punged them with her
beak, plucked them by the skin and feathers, and in all places annoyed
them. Whereupon the birds, sitting in council again, called the matter
in question, demanding one of another what was best to be done
touching this unkind bird, whom they lovingly with their own feathers
had decked and adorned; affirming that they gave not their feathers to
the intent that she, thereby puffed up with pride, should
contemptuously despise them all. The peacock, therefore, answereth the
first; Truly, saith he, for that she is bravely set forth with my
painted feathers, I will again take them from her. Then saith the
falcon, And I also will have mine again. This sentence at length took
place among them all, so that every one plucked from her those
feathers which before they had given, challenging to them their own
again. Now this proud bird, seeing herself thus to be dealt withal,
began forthwith to abate her haughty stomach, and humbly to submit
herself openly, confessing and acknowledging, that of herself she had
nothing, but that her feathers, her honour and other ornaments, was
their gift; she came into the world all naked and bare; they clad her
with comely feathers, and therefore of right may they receive them
again. Wherefore, in most humble wise she desireth pardon, promising
to amend all that is past, neither would she at any time hereafter
commit, whereby through pride she might lose her feathers again. The
gentle birds, that before had given their feathers, seeing her so
humble and lowly, being moved with pity, restored again the feathers
which lately they had taken away, adding withal this admonition, We
will gladly, say they, behold thy flying among us, so long as thou
wilt use thine office with humbleness of mind, which is the chiefest
comeliness of all the rest: but this have thou for certainty, that if
at any time hereafter thou extol thyself in pride, we will straightway
deprive thee of thy feathers, and reduce thee into thy former state
wherein we found thee. Even so, O you cardinals, (saith Johannes
Rupescissanus,) shall it happen unto you; for the emperors of the
Romans and Almains, and other Christian kings, potentates, and princes
of the earth, have bestowed upon you goods, lands, and riches, that
should serve God, but you have poured it out, and consumed it upon
pride, all kind of wickedness, riot, and wantonness."



76. ARMACHANUS AND THE BEGGING FRIARS

  In the catalogue of these learned and zealous defenders of Christ
against antichrist above rehearsed, whom the Lord about this time
began to raise up for the reanimation of his church, being then far
out of frame; I cannot forget nor omit something to write of the
reverend prelate, and famous clerk, Richard Armachanus, primate and
archbishop of Ireland: a man for his life and learning so memorable,
as the condition of those days then served, that the same days then,
as they had but few good, so had they none almost his better. His name
was Richard Fizraf, made primate and archbishop, as is said, of
Ireland; first brought up in the university of Oxford in the study of
all liberal knowledge, wherein he did exceedingly profit under John
Bakenthorpe, his tutor and instructor. In this time the Begging Friars
began greatly to multiply and spread, unto whom this Bakenthorpe was
ever a great enemy; whose steps the scholars also following, began to
do the like. Such was the capacity and dexterity of this Fizraf, that
he, being commended to King Edward the Third, was promoted by him,
first, to be archdeacon of Lichfield, then to be the commissary of the
University of Oxford, at length to be archbishop of Armagh in Ireland.
He being archbishop, upon a time had a cause to come up to London; at
what time here, in the said city of London, was contention between the
friars and the clergy about preaching and hearing confessions, &c.
Whereupon, this Armachanus, being requested to preach, made seven or
eight sermons; wherein he propounded nine conclusions against the
friars, for the which he was cited up by the friars before this Pope
Innocent the Sixth to appear; and so he did: who before the face of
the pope valiantly defended, both in preaching and in writing, the
same conclusions, and therein stood constantly unto the death, as the
words of John Wickliff, in this Trialogo, do well testify. The like
also Waldenus testifieth of him: also Volateranus reporteth the same.
Gulielmus Botonerus, testifying of him in like manner, saith, that
Armachanus first reproved Begging Friars for hearing the confessions
of professed nuns, without licence of their superiors, and also of
married women without knowledge of their husbands. What dangers and
troubles he sustained by his persecutors, and how miraculously the
Lord delivered him from their hands; insomuch that they, meeting him
in the open streets, and in clear daylight, yet had no power to see
him nor to apprehend him: in what peril of thieves and searchers he
was, and yet the Lord delivered him; yea, and caused his money, being
taken from him, to be restored again to him by portions in time of his
necessity and famine: and in what dangers he was of the king's
officers, which, coming with the king's letters, laid all the havens
for him; and how the Lord Jesus delivered him, showing him by what
ways, and how to escape them: moreover, what appeals were laid against
him, to the number of sixteen; and yet how the Lord gave him to
triumph over all his enemies: how the Lord also taught him and brought
him out of the profound vanities of Aristotle's subtilty, to the study
of the Scriptures of God: all this, with much more, he himself
expresseth in a certain prayer or confession made to Christ Jesus our
Lord, in which he describeth almost the whole history of his own life;
which prayer I have to show in old written hand, and hereafter (Christ
willing) intend, as time serveth, to publish the same. Thus what were
the troubles of this good man, and how he was cited up by the friars
to the pope, you have partly heard. Now what were his reasons and
arguments wherewith he defended his cause in the pope's presence,
followeth to be declared; for the tractation whereof, first, I must
put the reader in remembrance of the controversy mentioned before in
the story of Gulielmus de sancto Amore; also in the story of the
university of Paris contending against the friars; for so long did
this controversy continue in the church, from the year 1240, when the
Oxford men began first to stand against the friars, to the time of
this Armachanus, that is, to the year 1360; and after this time yet
more increased. So it pleased the secret providence of God, for what 
cause he best knoweth, to suffer his church to be entangled and
exercised sometimes with matters and controversies of no great
importance; either to keep the vanity of men's wits thus occupied from
idleness, or else to prepare their minds, by these smaller matters, to
the consideration and searching out of other things more grave and
weighty. Like as now in these our queen's days, we see what tragedies
be raised up in England about forms and fashions of ministers'
wearings, what troubles grow, what placing and displacing there is
about the same. Even so at this time happened the like stir about the
liberties and privileges of the friars, which not a little troubled
and occupied all the churches and divines almost through Christendom.
The which controversy, to the intent it may better be understood, (all
the circumstances thereof being explained,) we will first begin from
the original and foundation of the matter, to declare by order and
course of years, upon what occasion this variance first rising, in
continuance of time increased and multiplied in gathering more matter,
and burst out at length to this tumultuous contention among learned
men.

  Concerning therefore this present matter; first, it is to be
understood, that in the year of our Lord 1215, under Pope Innocent the
Third, was called a general council at Lateran, mentioned before, in
the days of King John. In the which council, among many other things,
was constituted a certain law or canon, beginning Omnis utriusque
sexus, &c., the tenor of which canon in English is thus:

  "Be it decreed, that every faithful Christian, both man and
woman, coming to the years of discretion, shall confess himself alone
of all his sins to the priest of his own proper parish, once in the
year at least; and that he shall endeavour, by his own self, to fulfil
the penance, whensoever he receiveth the sacrament of the Eucharist,
at least at the time of Easter. Unless by the assent of his minister,
upon some reasonable cause, he abstain for the time. Otherwise doing,
let him both lack the communion of the church being alive, and
Christian burial when he is dead. Wherefore be it decreed, that this
wholesome constitution shall be published accustomably in churches, to
the end that no man of ignorance or of blindness make to himself a
cloak of excuse. And if any shall confess himself to any other priest
than of his own parish upon any just cause, let him ask and obtain
first licence of his own priest; otherwise the priest shall have no
power to bind him or to loose him," &c.

  In the time of this Innocent, and of this Lateran council, was
Dominic, the first author and founder of the Preaching Friars; who
laboured to the said Pope Innocent, for the confirmation of his order,
but did not obtain in his lifetime.

  The next year after this Lateran council died Pope Innocent, A.
D. 1216, after whom came Honorius the Third, who in the first year of
his popedom confirmed the order of the friar Dominic, and gave to him
and his friars authority to preach, and to hear confessions, with
divers other privileges more. And under this pope, which governed ten
years, lived Dominic five years after the confirmation of his order,
and died A. D. 1221. About which year the order of the Franciscan
Friars began also to breed, and to spread in the world, through
preaching and hearing confessions.

    
    After this Honorius, next followed Pope Gregory the Ninth,
about the year of our Lord 1228, who, for the promoting of the
aforesaid order of Dominics, gave out this bull, in tenor as
followeth:

  "Gregorius bishop, servant of God's servants, to his reverend
brethren, archbishops, bishops, and to his well-beloved children,
abbots, priors, and to all prelates of churches, to whomsoever these
presents shall come, greeting, and apostolical blessing. Because
iniquity hath abounded, and the charity of many hath waxed cold;
behold, the Lord hath raised up the order of our well-beloved children
the Preaching Friars, who not seeing things of their own, but
pertaining to Jesus Christ, to the extirpating a swell of heresies, as
to the rooting out also of other pernicious pestilences, have
dedicated themselves to the preaching of the word of God. We
therefore, minding to advance their sacred purpose, &c. And followeth;
commanding you to see the said persons, gently to be received among
you; and that your flocks committed to your charge do receive devoutly
the seed of God's word out of their mouth, and do confess their sins
unto them, all such as list, whom we have authorized to the same, to
hear confessions, and to enjoin penance, &c. Dat. Perusii. An. Pont.
nostri 8."

  This Pope Gregory died about the year of our Lord 1241, after
whom came Celestine the Fourth, and sat but eighteen days: then came
Innocent the Fourth, and sat eleven years and six months; who,
although he began first to favour the friars, yet afterward being
altered by certain divines of universities, prelates of churches, and
curates, he debarred them of their liberties and privileges, and gave
out again precepts and excommunications, as well against friars, as
all other religious persons. And not long after the same he was
despatched and made away.

  Innocent being thus removed out of the way, about the year of our
Lord 1353, then succeeded Pope Alexander the Fourth, a great
maintainer of the friars, and sat seven years. He revoked and repealed
the acts and writings of Pope Innocent his predecessor, given forth
against the friars; wherewith the divines and students of Paris being
not well contented, stirred up four principal doctors: the first and
chief captain was Gulielmus de Sancto Amore, mentioned before, against
whom wrote Albertus Magnus, and Thomas Aquinas; and at last he was
condemned by this aforesaid Pope Alexander the Fourth, in the
Extravagant, Non sine mulcta. The second was Simon Jornalensis; the
third, Godfridus de Fontibus; the fourth, Henricus de Gandavo. These
four, with other their complices, compiled a certain book against the
begging order of friars, both Dominicans and Franciscans, entitled De
periculis Ecclesiæ, containing fourteen chapters, whereof the
fourteenth, which is the last, with thirty-nine articles against the
friars, we have already translated and expressed. Beside these thirty-
nine articles, be other seven articles, moreover, to the said book
annexed, under the name of the students of Paris against the friars,
proving why the said friars ought not to be admitted into their
society.

  "First, We say they are not to be admitted to the society of our
school, but upon our will and licence; for our company or fellowship
ought not to be co-active, but voluntary and free.

  "Secondly, We say they are not to be admitted, forasmuch as we
oft proved their community manifold ways to be hurtful and
incommodious.

  "Thirdly, Seeing they be of a diverse profession from us, (for
they are called regular, and not scholastical,) we therefore ought not
to be joined and associate together in one scholastical office;
forasmuch as the council of Spain doth say, Thou shalt not plough with
an ox and with an ass together; which is to say, Men of diverse
professions ought not together to be matched in one kind of calling,
or standing, for their studies and conditions be disagreeing and
dissevered from ours, and cannot frame or couple together in one
communion.

  "Fourthly, We affirm by the apostle that they are not to be
admitted, because they work dissensions and offences; for so saith the
apostle, Rom. xvi. We desire you, brethren, that ye observe and take
heed of such as make dissensions and offences about the doctrine which
you have learned by the apostles, and avoid them; for such serve not
the Lord, but their own belly. Gloss. 'Some they flatter, some they
backbite, whereby they might feed their bellies.' That through their
sweet and pleasant words, and by their benedictions, they may deceive
the hearts of the simple. Gloss. 'That is, with their fine sugared and
trim-couched words they set forth their own traditions, wherewith they
beguile the hearts of the simple innocents.'

  "Fifthly, We say they are not to be admitted, for that we fear
lest they be in the number of them which go about and devour men's
houses; for they thrust in themselves into every man's house,
searching and sacking the conscience and states of all persons: and
whom they find easy to be seduced, and women, such they do circumvent,
and lead them away from the counsels of their prelates, binding them
in act or oath: from such we are warned by the apostle to avoid.

  "Sixthly, We say they are to be avoided, because we fear they are
false prophets; which being neither bishops, nor parish priests, nor
yet their vicars, nor sent by them, yet they preach (not sent) against
the mind of the apostle, Rom. x., saying, How shall they preach except
they be sent? for else there appeareth in them no such great virtue,
for the which they ought to be admitted to preach uncalled. Seeing
therefore that such are so dangerous to the church, they ought to be
avoided.

  "Seventhly, We say they are not to be admitted, because they be a
people so curious in searching and inquiring of other men's doings and
spiritual demeanour. And they yet be neither apostles, nor yet
successors of the apostles, as bishops; nor of the number of the
seventy-two disciples of the Lord; nor their successors, that is,
parish priests, nor their helpers, nor yet vicars. Wherefore, seeing
they live so in no order, by the sentence of the apostle we are
commanded to avoid them, 2 Thess. iii., where he saith, We admonish
and denounce unto you, O brethren! in the name of our Lord Jesus
Christ, (that is, as the gloss saith, 'We command you by the authority
of Christ,') that you withdraw yourselves from every brother that
walketh inordinately, and not after the tradition which you have
received of us, &c. Look upon the common gloss of this place, and you
shall find, that such are to be avoided till time they amend from so
doing," &c.

  Besides these articles above rehearsed, certain propositions or
conclusions were also propounded in the schools of Paris the same
time, solemnly to be disputed and defended against the friars; which,
in a brief sum of words to collect them, were these:

  "First, That the Begging Friars were not in the state of
salvation.

  "Secondly, That they were bound to labour with their hands that
could, and not to beg.

  "Thirdly, That they ought not to exercise the office of
preaching, or to hear the confessions of them that will come unto
them, although being licensed thereunto by the bishop of Rome, or by
the diocesan, forasmuch as the same is prejudicial to the ministers
and priests of the parishes."

  All these aforesaid articles and conclusions, with the book set
forth by these Paris men, this Pope Alexander the Fourth condemned to
be abolished and burned, writing his precepts to the French king, and
also the university of Paris, in the favour of the friars, willing and
commanding the said friars to be restored to all their privileges and
liberties in as ample manner as in Pope Gregory's time before.

  Not long after Pope Alexander the Fourth followed Clement the
Fourth, A. D. 1263, and sat three years: who also gave the privilege
to the friars, beginning, Quidam temere, &c.; in which privilege he
condemneth them that say that no man without licence of his curate or
minister ought to confess him to the friars, or that a subject ought
to ask licence of their ministers so to do, which was against the
canon Omnis utriusque sexus, &c., made by Pope Innocent the Third,
before recited.

  After this Clement again came Pope Martin the Fourth, A. D. 1281,
who renewed again the canon, Omnis utriusque sexus, in the behalf of
the curates against the friars.

  Then Pope Boniface the Eighth began to sit, A. D. 1294, and sat
eight years and nine months; who, taking side with the friars, gave to
them another privilege, beginning, Supra cathedram, &c.; in the which
privilege he licensed the friars, that without licence of vicars of
churches they shall first present themselves to the prelates to be
admitted; by whom, if they be refused the second time, then they, upon
special authority of this pope, shall be privileged, without either
bishop or curate, to preach, to bury, and to hear confessions,
whosoever will come to them, revoking all that was decreed by his
predecessors before to the contrary.

  By this Pope Boniface, a certain Dominic Friar was made cardinal,
named Nicolaus de Tervisio, and after the death of Boniface he was
also made pope, A. D. 1303, surnamed Pope Benedict the Eleventh, who,
seeing the constitution of Boniface, his predecessor, to gender
dissension between the priests and friars, made another constitution,
beginning, Inter cunctas, &c., revoking the constitution of Boniface
his predecessor. Upon which constitution of Pope Benedict, Johannes
Monachus, making a gloss, revoked also his other made upon the
constitution of Pope Boniface before.
Again, after this Benedict the Eleventh followed Pope Clement the
Fifth, A. D. 1305, and sat nine years. Who, in his general council
holden at Vienna, revoked the constitution of Benedict his
predecessor, and renewed again the former decree of Boniface, by a new
constitution of his, beginning, Dudum a Bonifacio VIII., &c., which
constitution, moreover, was confirmed afterward by Pope John the
Twenty-second, A. D. 1316. Which pope also caused Johannes de Poliaco
to recant.

  Upon this variable diversity of the popes (one dissenting and
repugning from another) rose among the divines and schoolmen in
universities great matter of contention, as well in the university of
Paris as the university of Oxford, about the Begging Friars, some
holding one way, some another way. But especially five principal
opinions be noted of learned men, who, then disputing against the
friars, were condemned for heretics, and their assertions reproved.

  The first was the opinion of them which defended that the friars
might not, by the licence of the bishop of Rome and of the prelates,
preach in parishes and hear confessions. And of this opinion was
Gulielmus de Sancto Amore, with his fellows, who, as it is said, were
condemned.

  The second opinion was this, that friars, although not by their
own authority, yet by privilege of the pope and of the bishop, might
preach and hear confessions in parishes, but yet not without licence
of the parish priests. Of this opinion was Bernard, glossing upon the
canon, Omnis utriusque sexus, afore mentioned.

  The third opinion was, that friars might preach and hear
confessions without licence of the parish priests; but yet the said
parishioners, notwithstanding, were bound by the canon Omnis utriusque
sexus, to repeat the same sins again, if they had no other, to their
own proper curate. And of this opinion were many, as Godfridus de
Fontibus, Henricus de Gandavo, Johannes Monachus Cardinalis, Johannes
de Poliaco; which Johannes de Poliaco Pope John the Twenty-second
caused openly in Paris to recant and retract.

  This Johannes de Poliaco, doctor of divinity in Paris, being
complained of by the friars for certain articles or assertions, was
sent for to the pope; where, time and place being to him assigned, he,
in the audience of the pope and of friarly cardinals and other
doctors, was straitly examined of his articles. To make the story
short he, at length submitting himself to the authority of the
terrible see of Rome, was caused to recant his assertions openly at
Paris. His assertions which he did hold were these:

  First, that they which were confessed to friars, although having
a general licence to hear confessions, were bound to confess again
their sins to their own parish priest, by the constitution Omnis
utriusque sexus, &c.

  The second was, that the said constitution Omnis utriusque sexus
standing in his force, the pope could not make, but parishioners were
bound once a year to confess their sins to their priest. For the doing
otherwise importeth a contradiction in itself.

  The third was, that the pope could not give general licence to
hear confessions so, but that the parishioner so confessed was bound
to reiterate the same confession made unto his own curate; which he
proved by these places of the canon law: "Those things which be
generally ordained for public utility, ought not to be altered by any
change, &c. Item, the decrees of the sacred canons none ought to keep
more than the bishop apostolical, &c. Item, to alter or to ordain any
thing against the decrees of the fathers, is not in the authority or
power, no, not of the apostolical see."

  The fourth opinion was, that the friars by the licence of the
pope and of the bishops might lawfully hear confessions, and the
people might be of them confessed and absolved. But yet
notwithstanding, it was reason, convenient, honest, and profitable,
that once in the year they should be confessed to their curates,
(although being confessed before to the friars,) because of the
administration of the sacraments, especially at Easter. Of which
opinion was Gulielmus de Monte Landuno. Henricus de Gaudano also held
it not only to be convenient, but also that they were bound so to do.

  The fifth opinion was, that albeit the friars might at all times,
and at Easter also, hear confessions as the curates did; yet it was
better and more safe, at the time of Easter, to confess to the
curates, than to the friars. And of this opinion was this our
Armachanus, of whom we presently now treat.

  And thus have ye, as in a brief sum, opened unto you what was the
matter of contention between the friars and the churchmen; what popes
made with the friars, and what popes made against them. Moreover, what
learned men disputed against them in Paris, and other places; and what
were their opinions.
The matter of contention about the friars stood in four points; first,
preaching without licence of curates; secondly, in hearing confession;
thirdly, in burying; fourthly, in begging and taking of the people.
The popes that maintained the friars were, Honorius the Third,
Gregorius the Ninth, Alexander the Fourth, Clement the Fourth,
Boniface the Eighth, Clement the Fifth. The popes that maintained
curates, were Innocentius the Third, Innocentius the Fourth, Martinus
the Fourth, Benedictus the Eleventh.
The learned men that disputed against the friars were, Gulielmus de S.
Amore, Bernardus super capitulum, Omnis utriusque sexus, Godfridus de
Fontibus, Henricus de Gandavo, Gulielmus de Landuno, Johannes Monachus
Cardinalis, Johannes de Poliaco, and Armachanus. All these were
condemned by the popes, or else caused to recant.

  These considerations and circumstances hitherto premised, for the
more opening of this present cause of Armachanus sustained against the
idle beggarly sects of friars, in whom the reader may well perceive
antichrist plainly reigning and fighting against the church: it now
remaineth, that as I have before declared the travails and troubles of
divers godly learned men in the church striving against the said
friars, continually from the time of Gulielmus de Amore, hitherto; so
now forasmuch as this our Armachanus laboured, and in the same cause
sustained the like conflict with the same antichrist, we likewise
collect and open his reasons and arguments uttered in the consistory
and in the audience of the pope himself, wherewith he maintaineth the
true doctrine and cause of the church against the pestiferous canker
creeping in by these friars after subtle ways of hypocrisy, to corrupt
the sincere simplicity of Christ's holy faith and perfect testament;
the which reasons and arguments of his, with the whole process of his
doings, I thought good and expedient for the utility of the church
more amply and largely to discourse and prosecute, for that I note in
the sects, institutions, and doctrine of these friars, such subtle
poison to lurk, more pernicious and hurtful to the religion of Christ
and souls of Christians than all men, peradventure, do consider.

  Thus Armachanus, joining with the clergy of England, disputed and
contended with the friars here of England, A. D. 1358, about a double
matter; whereof the one was concerning confession and other excheats
which the friars encroached in parish churches against the curates,
and public pastors of churches. The other was concerning wilful
beggary and poverty, which the friars then took upon them, not upon
any necessity, being otherwise strong enough to work for their living,
but only upon a wilful and affected profession. For the which cause
the friars appealed him up to the court of Rome. The occasion whereof
thus did rise.

  It befell that Armachanus, upon certain business coming up to
London, found there certain doctors disputing and contending about the
begging of Christ our Saviour. Whereupon he, being greatly urged and
requested ofttimes thereunto, at request made seven or eight sermons
unto the people at London, wherein he uttered nine conclusions;
whereof the first and principal conclusion was, touching the matter of
the friars' privileges in hearing confessions.

  By this oration of Armachanus the learned prelate, made before
Pope Innocent and his cardinals, divers and sundry things there were,
for the utility of the church, worthy to be observed. First, what
troubles and vexations came to the church of Christ by these friars.
Also what persecution followeth after by the means of them, against so
many learned men and true servants of Christ. Furthermore, what
repugnance and contrariety was among the popes, and how they could not
agree among themselves about the friars. Fourthly, what pestiferous
doctrine, subverting well nigh the Testament of Jesus Christ. Fifthly,
what decay of ministers in Christ's church. Sixthly, what robbing and
circumventing of men's children. Seventhly, what decay of
universities, as appeareth by Oxford. Eighthly, what damage to
learning and lack of books to students came by these friars. Ninthly,
to what pride, under colour of feigned humility, to what riches, under
dissembled poverty, they grew, here is to be seen; insomuch that at
length, through their subtle and most dangerous hypocrisy, they crept
up to be lords, archbishops, cardinals, and at last also chancellors
of realms, yea, and of most secret counsel with kings and queens.

  All these things well considered, now remaineth in the church to
be marked; that forasmuch as these friars, (with their new-found
testament of friar Francis,) not being contented with the testament of
God in his Son Christ, began to spring the same time when Satan was
prophesied to be let loose by the order of the Scripture; whether
therefore it is to be doubted, that these friars make up the body of
antichrist, which is prophesied to come in the church, or not; which
is much less to be doubted, because whoso list to try shall find, that
of all other enemies of Christ, of whom some be manifest, some be
privy, all be together cruel, yet is there no such sort of enemies
which more sleightly deceiveth the simple Christian, or more deeply
drowneth him in damnation, than doth this doctrine of the friars.

  But of this oration of Armachanus enough. Which oration what
success it had with the pope, by story it is not certain: by his own
life declared, it appeareth that the Lord so wrought that his enemies
did not triumph over him. Notwithstanding, this by story appeareth,
that he was seven or eight years in banishment for the same matter,
and there died in the same at Avignon, of whom a certain cardinal
hearing of his death openly protested, that the same day a mighty
pillar of Christ's church was fallen.

  After the death of Armachanus, the friars had contention likewise
with the monks of Benedict's order about the same year, 1360, and so
removed their cause, both against the monks and against the university
of Oxford, unto the court of Rome; wherein, saith the author, they
lacked another Richard. By this that appeareth to be true, which is
testified in the first tome of Waldenus, that long debate continued
between the friars and the university of Oxford. Against whom first
stood Robert Grosthead, bishop of Lincoln, above mentioned, then
Sevallus of York, Johannes Baconthorpe, and now this Armachanus, of
whom here presently we treat; and after him again John Wickliff, of
whom (Christ willing) we will speak hereafter. Against this aforesaid
Armachanus wrote divers friars; Roger Conaway, a Franciscan, John
Heyldesham, a Carmelite, Galfridus Hardby, a friar Augustine. Also
friar Engelbert, a Dominican, in a book entitled Defensorium
Privilegiorum, and divers other. I credibly hear of certain old Irish
Bibles translated long since into the Irish tongue, which, if it be
true, it is not other like but to be the doing of this Armachanus. And
thus much of this learned prelate and archbishop of Ireland, a man
worthy, for his Christian zeal, of immortal commendation.

  After the death of this Innocent, next was poped in the see of
Rome Pope Urban the Fifth, who by the father's side was an Englishman.
This Urban had been a long waiter in the court of Rome; and when he
saw no promotion would light upon him, complaining to a certain friend
of his, he made to him his moan, saying, That he thought, verily, if
all the churches of the world should fall, yet none would fall in his
mouth. The which friend after seeing him to be pope, and enthronized
in his threefold crown, cometh to him, and putting him in remembrance
of his words to him before, saith, That where his Holiness had moaned
his fortune to him, that if all the churches in the world would fall,
none would fall upon his head; now (saith he) God hath otherwise so
disposed, that all the churches in the world are fallen upon your
head, &c.

  This pope maintained and kindled great wars in Italy, sending
Egidius, his cardinal and legate, and after him Arduinus, a
Burgundian, his legate and abbot, with great puissance and much money,
against sundry cities in Italy; by whose means the towns and cities
which before had broken from the bishop of Rome, were oppressed; also
Barnabes and Galeaceus, princes of Milan, vanquished. By whose example
other, being sore feared, submitted themselves to the Church of Rome;
and thus came up that wicked church to her great possessions, which
her patrons would needs father upon Constantine, the godly emperor.

  In the time of this Pope Urban the Fifth, and in the second year
of his reign, about the beginning of the year of our Lord 1364, I find
a certain sermon of one Nicholas Orem, made before the pope and his
cardinals, on Christmas even. In the which sermon the learned man doth
worthily rebuke the prelates and priests of his time, declaring their
destruction not to be far off, by certain signs taken of their wicked
and corrupt life. All the sayings of the prophets, spoken against the
wicked priests of the Jews, he doth aptly apply against the clergy of
his time, comparing the church then present to the spiritual strumpet
spoken of in the 16th chapter of the prophet Ezekiel. And proveth, in
conclusion, the clergy of the church then to be so much worse than the
old synagogue of the Jews, by how much it is worse to sell the church
and sacraments, than to suffer doves to be sold in the church. With no
less judgment also and learning he answereth to the old and false 
objections of the papists, who, albeit they be never so wicked, yet
think themselves to be the church which the Lord cannot forsake.

  This sermon was made by master Nicholas Orem before Pope Urban
and his cardinals, upon the even of the nativity of the Lord, being
the fourth Sunday of Advent, in the year of our Lord 1364, and the
second of his popedom.

  In the fifth year of this forenamed Pope Urban began first the
order of the Jesuits. And unto this time, which was about the year of
our Lord 1367, the offices here in England, as the lord chancellor,
lord treasurer, and of the privy seal, were wont to be in the hands of
the clergy; but about this year, through the motion of the lords in
the parliament, and partly (as witnesseth mine author) for hatred of
the clergy, all the said offices were removed from the clergy to the
lords temporal.



77. POPE GREGORY THE ELEVENTH AND KING EDWARD THE THIRD

    
    After the death of Pope Urban, next succeeded Pope Gregory the
Eleventh,who,among his other acts, first reduced again the papacy out
of France unto Rome, which had from thence been absent the space now
of seventy years; being thereto moved (as Sabellicus recordeth) by the
answer of a certain bishop,whom, as the pope saw standing by him, he
asked, why he was so long from his charge and church at home, saying,
that it was not the part of a good pastor, to keep him from his flock
so long. Whereunto the bishop answering again, said, And you yourself
being the chief bishop, who may and ought to be a spectacle to us all,
why are you from the place so long where your church doth lie? By the
occasion whereof the pope sought all means after that to remove and to
rid his court out of France again to Rome, and so he did.

  This Gregory the Eleventh, in a certain bull of his sent to the
archbishop of Prague, maketh mention of one named Militzius, a
Bohemian, and saith in the same bull, that this Militzius should hold
opinion and teach, A. D. 1366, that antichrist was already come. Also
that the said Militzius had certain congregations following him; and
that in the same congregations were certain harlots, who, being
converted from their wickedness, were brought to a godly life; which
harlots being so converted, he used to say, were to be preferred
before all the holy religious virgins. And therefore he commanded the
archbishop to excommunicate and persecute the said Militzius, which in
foretime had been a religious man of Prague, and after forsook his
order, and gave himself to preaching, and at length was by the
aforesaid archbishop imprisoned.

  Jacobus Misnensis, a learned man and a writer in the time of John
Huss, maketh mention of this Militzius, and calleth him a worthy and a
famous preacher. Also he citeth many things out of his writings, in
the which writings this good Militzius thus declareth of himself, how
he was moved and urged by the Holy Ghost to search out by the sacred
Scriptures, concerning the coming of antichrist. And that he was
compelled by the same Holy Spirit publicly to preach at Rome, and also
before the inquisitor there to protest plainly, that the same great
antichrist, which is prophesied of in the Holy Scriptures, was already
come. Moreover his saying was, That the church through negligence of
the pastors was desolate, did abound in temporal riches, but in
spiritual riches was empty. Also, That in the church of Christ were
certain idols which destroyed Jerusalem, and defaced the temple, but
hypocrisy caused that those idols could not be, seen. Also, That many
there were which denied Christ, because that knowing the truth, yet
for fear of men they durst not confess their conscience, &c. And thus
much of good Militzius, living in the time of Gregory the Eleventh,
and King Edward the Third, A. D. 1370. The which king of England,
holding a parliament in the third year of this pope, sent his
ambassadors to him, desiring him, that he from henceforth would
abstain from his reservations of benefices used in the court of
England; and that spiritual men within this realm promoted unto
bishoprics, might freely enjoy their elections within the realm, and
be confirmed by their metropolitans, according to the ancient custom
of the realm. Wherefore, upon these, and such other like, wherein the
king and the realm thought themselvcs much grieved, he desired of the
pope some remedy to be provided, &c. Whereunto the pope returned a
certain answer again unto the king, requiring by his messengers to be
certified again of the king's mind concerning the same. But what
answer it was it is not in the story expressed, save that the year
following, which was 1374, there was a tractation at Bruges upon
certain of the said articles between the king and the pope, which did
hang two years in suspense; and so at length it was thus agreed
between them, that the pope should no more use his reservations of
benefices in England, and likewise the king should no more confer and
give benefices upon the writ, Quare impedit, &c.; but as touching the
freedom of elections to be confirmed by the metropolitan, mentioned in
the year before, thereof was nothing touched.

  As touching these reservations, provisions, and collations, with
the elections of the archbishops, bishops, beneficed men, and other,
wherewith the pope vexed this realm of England, as before you have
heard; the king, by the consent of the lords and commons, in the
twenty-fifth year of his reign, enacted, that according to a statute
made in the thirtieth year of his grandfather, Edward the First,
wherein was made an act against the ravenous pillage of the pope,
through the same provisions, reservations, and collations, &c., but
not put in execution; by the which provisions, the state of the realm
decreased more and more, the king's royalty and prerogative was
greatly obscured and diminished, innumerable treasure of the realm
transported, aliens and strangers placed in the best and fattest
bishoprics, abbeys, and benefices within the realm; and such, as
either for their offices in Rome, as cardinalships and such like,
could not be here resident, or, if resident, yet better away for
causes infinite, as partly have been touched before; he not only
revived the said statute made by Edward the First, his grandfather,
but also enlarged the same; adding thereunto very strait and sharp
penalties against the offenders therein, or in any part thereof, as
exemption out of the king's protection, loss of all their lands,
goods, and other possessions, and their bodies to be imprisoned at the
king's pleasure; and further, whosoever was lawfully convict, or
otherwise, for want of appearance by process directed forth, were
within the lapse of this statute of Præmunire, for so bare the name
thereof, should suffer all and every such molestations and injuries,
as men exempted from the protection of the king. Insomuch, that
whosoever had killed such men, had been in no more danger of law
therefore, than for the killing of any outlaw, or one not worthy to
live in a commonwealth. Like unprofitable members were they then, yea,
in that time of ignorance, esteemed in this commonwealth of England,
which would offer themselves to the wilful slavery and servile
obedience of the pope; which thing in these days, yea, and that
amongst no small fools, is counted more than evangelical holiness. He
that list to peruse the statute, and would see every branch and
article thereof at large discussed and handled, with the penalties
therefore due, let him read the statute of Provision and Præmunire,
made in the twenty-fifth year of this king's days. And let him read in
the statutes made in the parliaments holden the twenty-seventh year
and thirty-eighth year of his reign; and under the same title of
Provision and Præmunire he shall find the pope's primacy and
jurisdiction within this realm more nearly touched, and much of his
papal power restrained: insomuch that whosoever, for any cause or
controversy in law, either spiritual or temporal, the same being
determinable in any of the king's courts, as all matters were, whether
they were personal or real citations, or other, should either appeal,
or consent to any appellation to be made, out of the realm to the pope
or see of Rome, should incur the said penalty and danger of Præmunire.
Divers other matters wherein the pope is restrained of his usurped
power, authority, and jurisdiction within this realm of England, are
in the said titles and statutes expressed, and at large set forth,
whoever list to peruse the same, which for brevity's sake I omit,
hastening to other matters.



78. ANTI-PAPAL WRITERS, 1370-1390

  About this time, being the year of our Lord 1370, lived holy
Bridget, whom the Church of Rome hath canonized not only for a saint,
but also for a prophetess; who, notwithstanding, in her book of
revelations, which hath been oftentimes imprinted, was a great rebuker
of the pope, and of the filth of his clergy, calling him a murderer of
souls, a spiller and a piller of the flock of Christ, more abominable
than the Jews, more cruel than Judas, more unjust than Pilate, worse
than Lucifer himself. The see of the pope, she prophesieth, shall be
thrown down into the deep, like a millstone, and that his assister
shall burn with brimstone; affirming that the prelates, bishops, and
priests, are the cause why the doctrine of Christ is neglected, and
almost extinguished. And that the clergy have turned the ten
commandments of God in two words, to wit, Da pecuniam, that is, Give
money. It were long and tedious to declare all that she against them
writeth. Among the rest which I omit, let this suffice for all;
whereas the said Bridget affirmeth in her revelations, that when the
holy virgin should say to her Son, how Rome was a fruitful and fertile
field; Yea, said he, but of weeds only and cockle, &c.

  To this Bridget I will join also Catharina Senensis, a holy
virgin, which lived much about the same time, A. D. 1379. This
Catharine, having the spirit of prophecy, was wont much to complain of
the corrupt state of the church, namely, of the prelates of the court
of Rome, and of the pope; prophesying before of the great schism which
then followed in the Church of Rome, and dured to the council of
Constance, the space of thirty-nine years; also of the great wars and
tribulation, which ensued upon the same. And moreover, declared before
and foretold of this so excellent reformation for religion in the
church now present. The words of Antoninus be these: After this
virgin, in her going to Rome, had told her brother of the wars and
tumults that should rise in the countries about Rome, after the schism
of the two popes; I, then curious to know of things to come, and
knowing that she understood by revelation on what should happen,
demanded of her; I pray you, (good mother,) said I, and what shall
befall after these troubles in the church of God? And she said, "By
these tribulations and afflictions, after a secret matter unknown unto
man, God shall purge his holy church, and stir up the spirit of his
elect. And after these things shall follow such a reformation of the
holy church of God, and such a renovation of holy pastors, that the
only cogitation and remembrance thereof maketh my spirit to rejoice in
the Lord. And, as I have oftentimes told you heretofore, the spouse,
which now is all deformed and ragged, shall be adorned and decked with
most rich and precious ouches and brooches. And all the faithful shall
be glad and rejoice to see themselves so beautified with so holy
shepherds. Yea, and also the infidels then, allured by the sweet
savour of Christ, shall return to the catholic fold, and be converted
to the true Bishop and Shepherd of their souls. Give thanks therefore
to God; for after this storm he will give to his a great calm." And
after she had thus spoken, she staid, and said no more.

  Besides these aforenamed, the Lord, which never ceaseth to work
in his church, stirred up against the malignant Church of Rome the
spirits of divers other good and godly teachers, as Matthew Paris, a
Bohemian born, who, about the year of our Lord 1370, wrote a large
book of antichrist, and proveth him to be already come, and noteth the
pope to be the same; which book one Illiricus, a writer in these our
days, hath, and promiseth to put it in print. In this book he doth
greatly inveigh against the wickedness and filthiness of the clergy,
and against the neglecting of their duty in governing the church. The
locusts mentioned in the Apocalypse, he saith, be the hypocrites
reigning in the church. The works of antichrist, he saith, be these,
the fables and inventions of men reigning in the church, the images
and feigned relics that are worshipped every where. Item, That men do
worship every one his proper saint and saviour beside Christ, so that
every man and city almost hath his diverse and peculiar Christ. He
taught and affirmed, moreover, that godliness and true worship of God
are not bound to place, persons, or times, to be heard more in this
place than in another, at this time more than at another, &c. He
argueth also against the cloisterers, which, leaving the only and true
Saviour, set up to themselves their Franciscans, their Dominics, and
such other, and have them for their saviours, glorying and triumphing
in them, and feigning many forged lies upon them. He was greatly and
much offended with monks and friars for neglecting or rather burying
the word of Christ, and instead of him, for celebrating and setting up
their own rules and canons; affirming it to be much hurtful to true
godliness, for that priests, monks, and nuns do account themselves
only spiritual, and all other to be lay and secular, attributing only
to themselves the opinion of holiness, and contemning other men, with
all their politic administration, and the office as profane in
comparison of their own. He further writeth that antichrist hath
seduced all universities and colleges of learned men, so that they
teach no sincere doctrine, neither give any light to the Christians
with their teaching. Finally, he forewarneth that it will come to
pass, that God yet once again will raise up godly teachers, who, being
fervent in the spirit and zeal of Elias, shall disclose and refute the
errors of antichrist, and antichrist himself, openly to the whole
world. This Matthew, in the said book of antichrist, allegeth the
sayings and writings of the university of Paris, also the writings of
Gulielmus de Sancto Amore, and of Militzius, afore noted.

  About the same time, or shortly after, A. D. 1384, we read also
of Johannes of Mountziger, rector of the university of Ulm, who openly
in the schools, in his oration, propounded that the body of Christ was
not God, and therefore not to be worshipped as God with that kind of
worship called Latria, as the sophister termeth it, meaning thereby
the sacrament not to be adored, which afterward he also defended by
writing; affirming also, that Christ in his resurrection took to him
again all his blood which in his passion he had shed. Meaning thereby
to infer, that the blood of Christ, which in many places is
worshipped, neither can be called the blood of Christ, neither ought
to be worshipped. But by and by he was resisted and withstood by the
monks and friars, who by this kind of idolatry were greatly enriched,
till at length the senate and council of the city was fain to take up
the matter between them.

  Nilus was archbishop of Thessalonica, and lived much about this
time. He wrote a long work against the Latins; that is, against such
as took part and held with the Church of Rome. His first book being
written in Greek was afterward translated into Latin, and lately now
into English, in this our time. In the first chapter of this book, he
layeth all the blame and fault of the dissension and schism between
the East and the West Church upon the pope. He affirmed that the pope
only would command what him listed, were it never so contrary to all
the old and ancient canons; that he would hear and follow no man's
advice; that he would not permit any free councils to be assembled,
&c. And that therefore it was not possible that the controversies
between the Greek Church and Latin Church should be decided and
determined.

  In the second chapter of his book, he purposely maketh a very
learned disputation. For first, he declareth that he no whit at all by
God's commandment, but only by human law, hath any dignity, more than
hath other bishops; which dignity the councils, the fathers, and
emperors, have granted unto him: neither did they grant the same for
any other consideration more, or greater ordinance, than for that the
same city then had the empire of all the whole world, and not at all
for that Peter ever was there, or not there.

  Secondarily he declareth, that the same primacy or prerogative is
not such and so great as he and his sycophants do usurp unto
themselves. Also he refuteth the chiefest propositions of the papists
one after another. He declareth that the pope hath no dominion more
than other patriarchs have, and that he himself may err as well as
other mortal men; and that he is subject both to laws and councils as
well as other bishops. That it belonged not to him, but to the
emperor, to call general councils; and that in ecclesiastical causes
he could establish and ordain no more than all other bishops might.
And lastly, that he getteth no more by Peter's succession, than that
he is a bishop, as all other bishops after the apostles be, &c.

  I cannot, among other, following here the occasion of this matter
offered, leave out the memory of Jacobus Misuensis, who also wrote of
the coming of antichrist. In the same he maketh mention of a certain
learned man, whose name was Militzius, which Militzius, saith he, was
a famous and worthy preacher in Prague. He lived about the year 1366,
long before Huss, and before Wickliff also. In the same his writings
he declareth, how the same good man Militzius was by the Holy Spirit
of God incited, and vehemently moved, to search out of the Holy
Scriptures the manncr and coming of antichrist, and found that now in
his time he was already come. And the same Jacobus saith, that the
said Militzius was constrained by the Spirit of God to go up to Rome,
and there publicly to preach. And that afterward, before the 
inquisitor, he affirmed the same; that the same mighty and great
antichrist, the which the Scriptures made mention of, was already
come.

  He affirmed also, that the church, by the negligence of the
pastors, should become desolate; and that iniquity should abound, that
is, by reason of Mammon, master of iniquity. Also, he said that there
were in the church of Christ idols, which should destroy Jerusalem,
and make the temple desolate, but were cloaked by hypocrisy. Further,
that there be many which deny Christ, for that they keep silence;
neither do they hear Christ, whom all the world should know, and
confess his verity before men; which also wittingly do detain the
verity and justice of God.

  There is also a certain bull of Pope Gregory the Eleventh to the
archbishop of Prague; wherein he is commanded to excommunicate and
persecute Militzius and his auditors. The same bull declareth that he
was once a canon of Prague, but afterward he renounced his canonship,
and began to preach; who also, for that he so manifestly preached of
antichrist to be already come, was of John, archbishop of Prague, put
in prison, declaring what his error was; to wit, how he had his
company or congregation to whom he preached, and that amongst the same
were certain converted harlots, which had forsaken their evil life,
and did live godly and well, which harlots he accustomed in his
sermons to prefer before all the blessed virgins that never offended.
He taught also openly, that in the pope, cardinals, bishops, prelates,
priests, and other religious men, was no truth, neither that they
taught the way of truth, but that only he, and such as held with him,
taught the true way of salvation. His postil in some places is yet to
be seen. They allege unto him certain other inconvenient articles,
which, notwithstanding, I think the adversaries, to deprave him
withal, have slanderously invented against him. He had, as appeared by
the aforesaid bull, very many of every state and condition, as well
rich as poor, that cleaved unto him.

  About the year of our Lord 1371, lived Henricus de Iota, whom
Gerson doth much commend, and also his companion Henricus de Hassia,
an excellent learned and famous man. An epistle of this Henricus de
Hassia, which he wrote to the bishop of Normacia, Jacobus Cartsiensis
inserted in his book De Erroribus Christianorum. In the same epistle
the author doth greatly accuse the spiritual men of every order, yea,
and the most holy of all other, the pope himself, of many and great
vices. He said, that the ecclesiastical governors in the primitive
church were compared to the sun shining in the day time; and the
political governors, to the moon shining in the night. But the
spiritual men, he said, that now are, do neither shine in the day
time, nor yet in the night time, but rather with their darkness do
obscure both the day and the night; that is, with their filthy living,
ignorance, and impiety. He citeth also out of the prophecy of
Hildegard these words: "Therefore doth the devil in himself speak of
you priests: Dainty banquets and feasts, wherein is all
voluptuousness, do I find amongst these men; insomuch that mine eyes,
mine ears, my belly, and my veins be even filled with the froth of
them, and my breasts stand astrut with the riches of them, &c. Lastly,
saith he, they every day more and more, as Lucifer did, seek to climb
higher and higher; till that every day with him, more and more, they
fall deeper and deeper."

  About the year of our Lord 1390, there were burned at Bringa
thirty-six citizens of Moguntina, for the doctrine of Waldensis, as
Brussius affirmeth; which opinion was nothing contrary to that they
held before, wherein they affirmed the pope to be that great
antichrist which should come; unless, peradventure, the pope seemed
then to be more evidently convicted of antichristianity, than at any
other time before he was revealed to be.

  For the like cause, many other beside these are to be found in
stories, which sustained the like persecutions by the pope, if leisure
would serve to peruse all that might be searched. As where Masseus
recordeth of divers to the number of one hundred and forty, which in
the province of Narbonne chose rather to suffer whatsoever grievous
punishment by fire, than to receive the decretals of the Romish
church, contrary to the upright truth of the Scripture.

  What should I here speak of the twenty-four which suffered at
Paris, A. D. 1210? Also in the same author is testified that, A. D.
1211, there were four hundred under the name of heretics burned,
eighty beheaded, Prince Americus hanged, and the lady of the castle
stoned to death.

  Moreover, in the chronicles of Hoveden, and of other writers, be
recited a marvellous number, which in the countries of France were
burned for heretics; of whom, some were called Publicans, some
Catharites, some Paterines, and other by other names. What their
assertions were, I find no certain report worthy of credit.

  In Trithemius it is signified of one Eckhard, a Dominican friar,
who, not long before Wickliff's time, was condemned and suffered for
heresy at Heidelburgh, A. D. 1330, who as he differeth not much in
name, so may he be supposed to be the same, whom other do name
Beghard, and is said to be burned at Erphord.

  Of Albigenses, because sufficient mention is made before, of whom
a great number were burned about the time of King John, I pass them
over.

  Likewise, I let pass the hermit, of whom John Bacon maketh
relation, who, disputing in Paul's church, affirmed that those
sacraments, which were then used in the church, were not instituted by
Christ, A. D. 1306. Peradventure, it was the same Ranulphus, mentioned
in the Flower of Histories, and is said to die in prison; for the time
of them doth not much differ.

  In Boetius, why the pope should so much commend a certain king,
because for one man he had slain four hundred, cutting away the
genitals from the rest, I cannot judge, except the cause were that
which the pope calleth heresy.



79. JOHN WICKLIFF
Illustration: Portrait of John Wickliff
Illustration: Another Portrait of John Wickliff

  But to let these things overpass that be uncertain, because
neither is it possible to comprehend all them which have withstood the
corruption of the pope's see, neither have we any such firm testimony
left of their doings, credibly to stay upon, we will now, Christ 
willing, convert our story to things more certain and undoubted,
grounding upon no light reports of feeble credit, nor upon any
fabulous legends without authority, but upon the true and substantial
copies of the public records of the realm, remaining yet to be seen
under the king's most sure and faithful custody: out of the which
records such matter appeareth against the popish Church of Rome, and
against his usurped authority, such open standing and crying against
the said see, and that not privily, but also in open parliament, in
the days of this King Edward the Third; that neither will the Romish
people of this our age easily think it to be true when they see it,
neither yet shall they be able to deny the same, so near standeth the
force of those records.

  Besides the truths and notes of the king's parliaments, wherein
may appear the toward proceedings of this king and all his commons
against the pretended Church of Rome; this is, moreover, to be added
to the commendation of the king, how in the volumes of the Acts and
Rolls of the king it appeareth, that the said King Edward the Third
sent also John Wickliff, reader then of divinity lecture in Oxford,
with certain other lords and ambassadors, over into the parts of
Italy, to treat with the pope's legates concerning affairs betwixt the
king and the pope, with full commission; the tenor whereof here
followeth expressed.

  "The king, to all and singular to whom these presents shall come,
greeting. Know ye, that we, reposing assured confidence in the
fidelity and wisdom of the reverend father, John, bishop of Bangor,
and other our loving and faithful subjects, Master John Wickliff,
reader of the divinity lecture, Master John Guntur, dean of Segobyen,
and Master Simon Moulton, doctor of the law, Sir William Burton,
knight, Master John Belknape, and Master John Honnington, have
directed them as our ambassadors and special commissioners to the
parts beyond the seas. Giving to the said our ambassadors and
commissioners, to six or five of them, of whom I will that the said
bishop shall be one, full power and authority, with commandment
special, to treat and consult mildly and charitably with the legates
and ambassadors of the lord pope, touching certain affairs; whereupon,
of late, we sent heretofore the said bishop, and William Ughtred, monk
of Durham, and Master John Shepy, to the see apostolical: and hereof
to make full relation of all things done and passed in the said
assembly, that all such things which may tend to the honour of holy
church and the advancement of our crown and this our realm, may, by
the assistance of God and the wisdom of the see apostolical, be
brought to good effect, and accomplished accordingly. Witness
ourselves, &c., at London, dated the twenty-sixth day of July, in the
forty-eighth year of our reign."

  By the which it is to be noted, what good-will the king then bare
to the said Wickliff, and what small regard he had to the sinful see
of Rome.

  Of the which John Wickliff, because we are now approached to his
time, it remaineth consequently for our story to treat of, so as we
have heretofore done of other like valiant soldiers of Christ's church
before him.

  After all these heretofore recited, by whom, as ye have heard, it
pleased the Lord something to work against the bishop of Rome, and to
weaken the pernicious superstition of the friars, it now remaineth
consequently, following the course of years, orderly to enter into the
story and tractation of John Wickliff, our countryman, and other more
of his time and same country, whom the Lord (with the like zeal and
power of spirit) raised up here in England, to detect more fully and
amply the poison of the pope's doctrine, and false religion set up by
the friars. In whose opinions and assertions, albeit some blemishes
perhaps may be noted; yet such blemishes they be, which rather declare
him to be a man that might err, than which directly did fight against
Christ our Saviour, as the pope's proceedings and the friars' did. And
what doctor or learned man hath been from the prime age of the church
so perfect, so absolutely sure, in whom no opinion hath sometime
swerved awry? And yet be the said articles of his, neither in number
so many, nor yet so gross in themselves and so cardinal, as those
cardinal enemies of Christ perchance do give them out to be; if his
books, which they abolished, were remaining, to be conferred with
those blemishes, which they have wrested to the worst, as evil-will
never said the best.

  This is certain and cannot be denied, but that he, being the
public reader of divinity in the university of Oxford, was, for the
rude time wherein he lived, famously reputed for a great clerk, a deep
school-man, and no less expert in all kind of philosophy; the which
doth not only appear by his own most famous and learned writings and
monuments, but also by the confession of Walden, his most cruel and
bitter enemy, who, in a certain epistle written unto Pope Martin the
Fifth, saith, that he was wonderfully astonished at his most strong
arguments, with the places of authority which he had gathered, with
the vehemency and force of his reasons, &c. And thus much out of
Walden. It appeareth by such as have observed the order and course of
times, that this Wickliff flourished about the year of our Lord 1371,
Edward the Third reigning in England; for thus we do find in the
Chronicles of Caxton: "In the year of our Lord 1371, saith he, Edward
the Third, king of England, in his parliament was against the pope's
clergy: he willingly hearkened and gave ear to the voices and tales of
heretics, with certain of his council, conceiving and following
sinister opinions against the clergy; wherefore (afterward) he tasted
and suffered much adversity and trouble. And not long after, in the
year of our Lord (saith he) 1372, he wrote unto the bishop of Rome,
that he should not by any means intermeddle any more within his
kingdom, as touching the reservation or distribution of benefices; and
that all such bishops as were under his dominion should enjoy their
former and ancient liberty, and be confirmed of their metropolitans,
as hath been accustomed in times past," &c. Thus much writeth Caxton.
But as touching the just number of the year and time, we will not be
very curious or careful about it at this present. This is out of all
doubt, that at what time all the world was in most desperate and vile
estate, and that the lamentable ignorance and darkness of God's truth
had overshadowed the whole earth, this man steppeth forth like a
valiant champion, unto whom it may justly be applied that is spoken in
the book called Ecclesiasticus, of one Simon, the son of Onias: Even
as the morning star being in the midst of a cloud, and as the moon
being full in her course, and as the bright beams of the sun; so doth
he shine and glister in the temple and church of God.

  Thus doth Almighty God continually succour and help, when all
things are in despair: being always (according to the prophecy of the
Psalm) a helper in time of need; the which thing never more plainly
appeared, than in these latter days and extreme age of the church,
whenas the whole state and condition, not only of worldly things, but
also of religion, was depraved and corrupted; that, like as the
disease named lethargy amongst the physicians, even so the state of
religion amongst the divines, was past all men's help and remedy. The
name only of Christ remained amongst Christians, but his true and
lively doctrine was as far unknown unto the most part, as his name was
common unto all men. As touching faith, consolation, the end and use
of the law, the office of Christ, of our impotency and weakness, of
the Holy Ghost, of the greatness and stength of sin, of true works, of
grace and free justification by faith, of liberty of a Christian man,
wherein consisteth and resteth the sum and matter of our profession,
there was no mention, nor any word almost spoken of Scripture,
learning, and divinity, were known but unto a few, and that in the
schools only, and there also turned and converted almost all into
sophistry. Instead of Peter and Paul, men occupied their time in
studying Aquinas and Scotus, and the Master of Sentences. The world,
leaving and forsaking the lively power of God's spiritual word and
doctrine, was altogether led and blinded with outward ceremonies and
human traditions, wherein the whole scope, in a manner, of all
Christian perfection did consist and depend. In these was all the hope
of obtaining salvation fully fixed; hereunto all things were
attributed; insomuch that scarcely any other thing was seen in the
temples or churches, taught or spoken of in sermons, or finally
intended or gone about in their whole life, but only heaping up of
certain shadowy ceremonies upon ceremonies; neither was there any end
of their heaping.

  The people were taught to worship no other thing but that which
they did see; and did see almost nothing which they did not worship.

  The church, being degenerated from the true apostolic institution
above all measure, reserving only the name of the apostolic church,
but far from the truth thereof in very deed, did fall into all kind of
extreme tyranny; whereas the poverty and simplicity of Christ was
changed into cruelty and abomination of life. Instead of the apostolic
gifts and continual labours and travails, slothfulness and ambition
had crept in amongst the priests. Beside all this, there arose and
sprung up a thousand sorts and fashions of strange religions; being
only the root and well-head of all superstition. How great abuses and
depravations were crept into the sacraments, at what time they were
compelled to worship similitudes and signs of things for the very
things themselves, and to adore such things as were instituted and
ordained only for memorials! Finally, what thing was there in the
whole state of Christian religion so sincere, so sound and pure, which
was not defiled and spotted with some kind of superstition? Besides
this, with how many bonds and snares of daily newfangled ceremonies
were the silly consciences of men, redeemed by Christ to liberty,
snared and snarled; insomuch that there could be no great difference
almost perceived between Christianity and Jewishness, save only the
name of Christ: so that the state and condition of the Jews might seem
somewhat more tolerable than ours! There was nothing sought for out of
the true fountains, but out of the dirty puddles of the Philistines;
the Christian people were wholly carried away as it were by the noses,
with mere decrees and constitutions of men, even whither as pleased
the bishops to lead them, and not as Christ's will did direct them.
All the whole world was filled and overwhelmed with errors and
darkness; and no great marvel: for why, the simple and unlearned
people, being far from all knowledge of the Holy Scripture, thought it
sufficient enough for them to know only these things which were
delivered them by their pastors and shepherds, and they on the other
part taught in a manner nothing else but such things as came forth of
the court of Rome; whereof the most part tended to the profit of their
order, more than to the glory of Christ.

  The Christian faith was esteemed or counted none other thing
then, but that every man should know that Christ once suffered, that
is to say, that all men should know and understand that thing which
the devils themselves also knew. Hypocrisy was counted for wonderful
holiness. All men were so addict unto outward shows, that even they
themselves, which professed the most absolute and singular knowledge
of the Scriptures, scarcely did understand or know any other thing.
And this did evidently appear, not only in the common sort of doctors
and teachers, but also in the very heads and captains of the church,
whose whole religion and holiness consisted, in a manner, in the
observing of days, meats, and garments, and such like rhetorical
circumstances, as of place, time, person, &c. Hereof sprang so many
sorts and fashions of vestures and garments; so many differences of
colours and meats, with so many pilgrimages to several places, as
though St. James at Compostella could do that, which Christ could not
do at Canterbury; or else that God were not of like power and strength
in every place, or could not be found but being sought for by running
and gadding hither and thither. Thus the holiness of the whole year
was transported and put off unto the Lent season. No country or land
was counted holy, but only Palestine, where Christ had walked himself
with his corporal feet. Such was the blindness of that time, that men
did strive and fight for the cross at Jerusalem, as it had been for
the chief and only force and strength of our faith. It is a wonder to
read the monuments of the former times, to see and understand what
great troubles and calamities this cross hath caused almost in every
Christian commonwealth; for the Romish champions never ceased by
writing, admonishing, and counselling, yea, and by quarrelling, to
move and stir up princes' minds to war and battle, even as though the
faith and belief of the gospel were of small force or little effect,
without that wooden cross. This was the cause of the expedition of the
most noble prince King Richard unto Jerusalem; who, being taken in the
same journey, and delivered unto the emperor, could scarcely be
ransomed home again for thirty thousand marks. In the same enterprise
or journey, Frederic, the emperor of Rome, a man of most excellent
virtue, was much endamaged, A. D. 1179; and also Philip, the king of
France, scarcely returned home again in safety, and not without great
losses: so much did they esteem the recovery of the holy city and
cross.

  Upon this alone all men's eyes, minds, and devotions were so set
and bent; as though either there were no other cross but that, or that
the cross of Christ were in no other place but only at Jerusalem. Such
was the blindness and superstition of those days, which understood or
knew nothing but such as were outwardly seen; whereas the profession
of our religion standeth in much other higher matters and greater
mysteries. What is the cause why that Urban did so vex and torment
himself? Because that Antioch, with the holy cross, was lost out of
the hands of the Christians; for so we do find it in the chronicles,
at what time as Jerusalem with King Guido and the cross of our Lord
was taken, and under the power of the sultan, Urban took the matter so
grievously, that for very sorrow he died. In whose place succeeded
Lambert, which was called Gregory the Eighth, by whose motion it was
decreed by the cardinals, that (setting apart all riches and
voluptuousness) they should preach the cross of Christ, and by their
poverty and humility first of all should take the cross upon them, and
go before others into the land of Jerusalem. These are the words of
the history, whereby it is evident unto the vigilant reader, unto what
grossness the true knowledge of the spiritual doctrine of the gospel
was degenerate and grown in those days; how great blindness and
darkness was in those days, even in the first primacy and supremacy of
the bishop of Rome; as though the outward succession of Peter and the
apostles had been of greater force and effect to the matter. What doth
it force in what place Peter did rule or not rule? It is much more to
be regarded that every man should labour and study with all their
endeavour to follow the life and confession of Peter; and that man
seemeth unto me to be true successor of Peter against whom the gates 
of hell shall not prevail. For if that Peter in the Gospel do bear the
type and figure of the Christian church, as all men in a manner do
affirm, what more foolish or vain thing can there be, than through
private usurpation to restrain and to bind that unto one man, which by
the appointment of the Lord is of itself free and open to so many?

  Thus, in these so great and troublous times and horrible darkness
of ignorance, what time there seemed in a manner to be no one so
little a spark of pure doctrine left or remaining, this aforesaid
Wickliff, by God's providence, sprang and rose up, through whom the
Lord would first waken and raise up again the world, which was
overmuch drowned and whelmed in the deep streams of human traditions.
Thus you have here the time of Wickliff's original.

  Which Wickliff, after he had now a long time professed divinity
in the university of Oxford, and perceiving the true doctrine of
Christ's gospel to be adulterate and defiled with so many filthy
inventions of bishops, sects of monks, and dark errors; and that he,
after long debating and deliberating with himself, (with many secret
sighs, and bewailing in his mind the general ignorance of the whole
world,) could no longer suffer or abide the same; he at the last
determined with himself to help and to remedy such things as he saw to
be wide, and out of the way. But, forasmuch as he saw that this
dangerous meddling could not be attempted or stirred without great
trouble, neither that these things, which had been so long time with
use and custom rooted and grafted in men's minds, could be suddenly
plucked up or taken away, he thought with himself that this matter
should be done by little and little. Wherefore he, taking his original
at small occasions, thereby opened himself a way or mean to greater
matters. And first he assailed his adversaries in logical and
metaphysical questions, disputing with them of the first form and
fashion of things, of the increase of time, and of the intelligible
substance of a creature, with other such-like sophisms of no great
effect; but yet, notwithstanding, it did not a little help and furnish
him, which minded to dispute of greater matters. So in these matters
first began Keningham (a Carmelite) to dispute and argue against John
Wickliff.

  By these originals the way was made unto greater points, so that
at the length he came to touch the matters of the sacraments, and
other abuses of the church; touching which things this holy man took
great pains, protesting (as they said) openly in the schools, that it
was his chief and principal purpose and intent, to revoke and call
back the church from her idolatry, to some better amendment,
especially in the matter of the sacrament of the body and blood of
Christ. But this boil or sore could not be touched without the great
grief and pain of the whole world; for first of all, the whole glut of
monks and Begging Friars were set on a rage or madness, which (even as
hornets with their sharp stings) did assail this good man on every
side; fighting (as is said) for their altars, paunches, and bellies.
After them the priests, and then after them the archbishop,took the
matter in hand, being then Simon Sudbury; who, for the same cause,
deprived him of his benefice, which then he had in Oxford.

  Notwithstanding, he being somewhat friended and supported by the
king, as appeareth, continued and bare out the malice of the friars,
and of the archbishop, all this while of his first beginning, till
about the year of our Lord 1377; after which time, now to prosecute
likewise of his troubles and conflicts, first I must fetch about a
little compass, as requisite is, to infer some mention of John of
Gaunt, duke of Lancaster, the king's son, Lord Henry Percy, which were
his special maintainers.

  As years and time grew on, King Edward the Third, which had
reigned now about fifty-one years, after the decease of Prince Edward
his son, who departed the year before, was stricken in great age, and
in such feebleness withal, that he was unwieldy through lack of
strength, to govern the affairs of the realm. Wherefore, a parliament
being called the year before his death, it was there put up by the
knights and other the burgesses of the parliament, because of the
misgovernment of the realm, (by certain greedy persons about the king,
raking all to themselves, without seeing any justice done,) that
twelve sage and discreet lords and peers, such as were free from note
of all avarice, should be placed as tutors about the king, to have the
doing and disposing under him (six at one time, and in their absence,
six at another) of matters pertinent to the public regiment. Here, by
the way, I omit to speak of Alice Perris, the wicked harlot which, as
the story reporteth, had bewitched the king's heart, and governed all,
and sat upon causes herself, through the devilish help of a friar
Dominic; who by the duke of Lancaster was caused to be taken, and was
convicted, and should have suffered for the same, had not the
archbishop of Canterbury and the friars (more regarding the liberty of
their church than the punishing of vice) reclaimed him for their own
prisoner. This Alice Perris, notwithstanding she was banished by this
parliament from the king, yet afterward she came again, and left him
not, till at his death she took all his rings upon his fingers and
other jewels from him, and so fled away like a harlot. But this of her
by the way.

  These twelve governors, by parliament aforesaid being appointed
to have the tuition of the king, and to attend to the public affairs
of the realm, remained for a certain space about him; till afterward
it so fell out, that they being again removed, all the regiment of the
rcalm, next under the king, was committed to the duke of Lancaster,
the king's son For as yet Richard, the son of Prince Edward lately
departed, was very young and under age.

  This duke of Lancaster had in his heart of long time conceived a
certain displeasure against the popish clergy; whether for corrupt and
impure doctrine joined with like abominable excess of life, or for
what other cause, it is not precisely expressed; only by story the
cause thereof may be guessed to rise by
  William Wickham, bishop of Winchester. The matter is this:
The bishop of Winchester, as the saying went then, was reported to
affirm, that the aforesaid John of Gaunt, duke of Lancaster, was not
the son of King Edward, nor of the queen; who, being in travail at
Gaunt, had no son (as he said) but a daughter, which the same time, by
lying upon of the mother in the bed, was there smothered. Whereupon
the queen, fearing the king's displeasure, caused a certain man-child
of a woman of Flanders (born the very same time) to be conveyed, and
brought unto her instead of her daughter aforesaid; and so she brought
up the child whom she bare not, who now is called duke of Lancaster.
And this, said the bishop, did the queen tell him, lying in extremes
on her death-bed under seal of confession; charging him, if the said
duke should ever aspire to get the crown, or if the kingdom by any
means should fall unto him, he then should manifest the same, and
declare it to the world, that the said duke of Lancaster was no part
of the king's blood, but a false heir of the king. This slanderous
report of the wicked bishop, as it savoureth of a contumelious lie, so
seemeth it to proceed of a subtle zeal toward the pope's religion,
meaning falsehood. For the aforesaid duke, by favouring of Wickliff,
declared himself to be a professed enemy against the pope's
profession; which thing was then not unknown, neither unmarked of the
prelates and bishops then in England. But the sequel of the story thus
followed:

  This slanderous villany of the bishop's report being blazed
abroad, and coming to the duke's ear; he therewith not being a little
discontented (as no marvel was) sought again, by what means he could,
to be revenged of this forenamed bishop. In conclusion the duke,
having now all the government of the realm under the king his father,
in his own hands, so pursued the bishop of Winchester, that by act of
parliament he was condemned and deprived of all his temporal goods;
which goods were assigned to Prince Richard of Bourdeaux, the next
inheritor of the crown after the king; and furthermore he inhibited
the said bishop not to approach near to the court by twenty miles.
Further as touching this bishop, the story thus proceedeth: Not long
after, in the year of our Lord 1377, a parliament was called by the
means of the duke of Lancaster, upon certain causes and respects; in
which parliament great request and suit was made by the clergy for the
deliverance of the bishop of Winchester. At length, when a subsidy was
asked in the king's name of the clergy, and request also made in the
king's behalf, for speedy expedition to be made for the dissolving of
the parliament, the archbishop therefore accordingly convented the
bishops for the tractation thereof. To whom the bishops with great
lamentation complaining for lack of their fellow and brother, the
bishop of Winchester, whose injury, said they, did derogate from the
liberties of the whole church; and therefore denied to join themselves
in tractation of any such matters, before all the members together
were united with the head; and (seeing the matter touched them all
together in common, as well him as them) they would not otherwise do.
And seemed, moreover, to be moved against the archbishop for that he
was not more stout in the cause, but suffered himself so to be cited
of the duke.

  The archbishop, although having sufficient cause to excuse
himself, wherefore not to send for him, as also he did, because of the
perils which might ensue thereof, yet being enforced and persuaded
thereunto by the importunity of the bishops, directed down his letters
to the aforesaid bishop of Winchester, willing him to resort unto the
convocation of the clergy; who being glad to obey the same, was
received with great joy of the other bishops. And at length, by the
means of Alice Perris, the king's paramour above mentioned, giving to
her a good quantity of money, the said Winchester was restored to his
own temporalities again.

  As the bishops had thus sent for Winchester, the duke in the mean
time had sent for John Wickliff, who, as is said, was then the
divinity reader in Oxford, and had commenced in sundry acts and
disputations, contrary to the form and teaching of the pope's church
in many things; who also for the same had been deprived of his
benefice, as hath been afore touched. The opinions which he began in
Oxford, in his lectures and sermons, first to treat of, and wherefore
he was deprived, were these: That the pope had no more power to
excommunicate any man, than hath another. That if it be given by any
person to the pope to excommunicate, yet to absolve the same is as
much in the power of another priest, as in his. He affirmed, moreover,
that neither the king nor any temporal lord could give any perpetuity
to the church, or to any ecclesiastical person; for that when such
ecclesiastical persons do sin, habitualiter, continuing in the same
still, the temporal powers ought and may meritoriously take away from
them that before hath been bestowed upon them. And that he proved to
have been practised before here in England by William Rufus; which
thing, said he, if he did lawfully, why may not the same also be
practised now? if he did it unlawfully, then doth the church err,
saith he, and doth unlawfully in praying for him. But of his
assertions more shall follow, Christ willing, hereafter. The story
which ascribeth to him these assertions, being taken out, as I take
it, of the monastery of St. Alban's, addeth withal: That in his
teaching and preaching he was very eloquent, but a dissembler, saith
he, and a hypocrite. Why he surmiseth him to be a hypocrite, the cause
was this:

  First, Because he resorted much to the orders of the Begging
Friars, frequenting and extolling the perfection of their poverty.

  Secondly, Because he and his fellows usually accustomed in their
preaching to go barefoot, and in simple russet gowns.

  By this, I suppose, may efficiently appear to the indifferent,
the nature and condition of Wickliff, how far it was from the ambition
and pride, which the slanderous pen of Polydore Virgil reporteth in
his 19th book of him, that because he was not preferred to higher
honours and dignities of the church, (conceiving therefore indignation
against the clergy,) he became their mortal enemy. How true was this,
He only knoweth best, that rightly shall judge both the one and the
other.

  In the mean time, by other circumstances and parts of his life,
we may also partly conjecture what is to be thought of the man. But
howsoever it was in him either true or false, yet it had been
Polydore's part, either not so intemperately to have abused his pen,
or at least to have showed some greater authority and ground of that
his report. For to follow nothing else but flying fame, so rashly to
defame a man whose life he knoweth not, is not the part of a faithful
story-writer.

  But to return from whence we digressed. Beside these his opinions
and assertions above recited, with other more, which are hereafter to
be brought in order, he began also then something nearly to touch the
matter of the sacrament, proving that in the said sacrament the
accidents of bread remained not without the subject of substance; both
by the Holy Scriptures, and also by the authority of the doctors, but
specially by such as were most ancient. As for the later writers, that
is to say, such as have written upon that argument under the thousand
years since Christ's time, he utterly refused, saying, That after
these years Satan was loosed and set at liberty; and that since that
time the life of man hath been most subject, and in danger of errors;
and that the simple and plain truth doth appear and conlist in the
Scriptures, whereunto all human traditions, whatsoever they be, must
be referred, and specially such as are set forth and published now of
late years. This was the cause why he refused the later writers of
decretals, leaning only to the Scriptures and ancient doctors; most
stoutly affirming out of them, that in the sacrament of the body which
is celebrate with bread, the accidents not to be present without the
substance; that is to say, that the body of Christ is not present
without the bread, as the common sort of priests in those days did
dream. As for his arguments, what they were, we will shortly, at more
opportunity, by God's grace, declare them in another place. But herein
the truth, as the poet speaketh very truly, had gotten John Wickliff
great displeasure and hatred at many men's hands; and specially of the
monks and richest sort of priests.

  Albeit through the favour and supportation of the duke of
Lancaster and Lord Henry Percy, he persisted hitherto in some mean
quiet against their wolfish violence and cruelty: till at last, about
the year of our Lord 1376, the bishops still urging and inciting their
archbishop Simon Sudbury, who before had deprived him, and afterward
prohibited him also not to stir any more in those sorts of matters,
had obtained, by process and order of citation, to have him brought
before them; whereunto both place and time for him to appear, after
their usual form, was to him assigned.

  The duke, having intelligence that Wickliff his client should
come before the bishops, fearing that he, being but one, was too weak
against such a multitude, calleth to him, out of the orders of friars,
four bachelors of divinity, out of every order one, to join them with
Wickliff also, for more surety. When the day was come, assigned to the
said Wickliff to appear, which day was Thursday, the nineteenth of
February, John Wickliff went, accompanied with the four friars
aforesaid, and with them also the duke of Lancaster, and Lord Henry
Percy, lord marshal of England; the said Lord Percy also going before
them to make room and way where Wickliff should come.

  Thus Wickliff (through the providence of God) being sufficiently
guarded, was coming to the place where the bishops sat; whom, by the
way, they animated and exhorted not to fear nor shrink a whit at the
company of the bishops there present, who were all unlearned, said
they, in respect of him; for so proceed the words of my aforesaid
author, whom I follow in this narration; neither that he should dread
the concourse of the people, whom they would themselves assist and
defend, in such sort as he should take no harm. With these words, and
with the assistance of the nobles, Wickliff, in heart encouraged,
approached to the church of St. Paul in London, where a main press of
people was gathered to hear what should be said and done. Such was
there the frequency and throng of the multitude, that the lords,
notwithstanding all the puissance of the high marshal, and only with
great difficulty could get way through; insomuch that the bishop of
London, whose name was William Courtney, seeing the stir that the lord
marshal kept in the church among the people, speaking to the Lord
Percy, said, That if he had known before what masteries he would have
kept in the church, he would have stopped him out from coming there;
at which words of the bishop, the duke, disdaining not a little,
answered to the bishop again, and said, That he would keep such
mastery there, though he said nay.

  At last, after much wrestling, they pierced through and came to
our Lady's chapel, where the dukes and barons were sitting together
with the archbishops and other bishops; before whom the aforesaid John
Wickliff, according to the manner, stood to know what should be laid
unto him. To whom first spake the Lord Percy, bidding him to sit down,
saying, that he had many things to answer to, and therefore had need
of some softer seat. But the bishop of London, cast eftsoons into a
fumish chafe with those words, said, He should not sit there. Neither
was it, said he, according to law or reason, that he, which was cited
there to appear to answer before his ordinary, should sit down during
the time of his answer, but should stand. Upon these words a fire
began to heat and kindle between them; insomuch that they began so to
rate and revile one the other, that the whole multitude, therewith
disquieted, began to be set on a hurry.

  Then the duke, taking the Lord Percy's part, with hasty words
began also to take up the bishop. To whom the bishop again, nothing
inferior in reproachful checks and rebukes, did render and requite not
only to him as good as he brought, but also did so far excel him in
this railing art of scolding, that the duke blushed and was ashamed,
because he could not overpass the bishop in brawling and railing, and
therefore fell to plain threatening; menacing the bishop, that he
would bring down the pride not only of him, but also of all the
prelacy of England. And speaking, moreover, unto him: Thou, said he,
bearest thyself so brag upon thy parents, which shall not be able to
help thee; they shall have enough to do to help themselves; for his
parents were the earl and countess of Devonshire. To whom the bishop
again answered, that to be bold to tell truth, his confidence was not
in his parents, nor in any man else, but only in God in whom he
trusted. Then the duke softly whispering in the ear of him next by
him, said, That he would rather pluck the bishop by the hair of his
head out of the church, than he would take this at his hand. This was 
not spoken so secretly, but that the Londoners overheard him.
Whereupon, being set in a rage, they cried out, saying, that they
would not suffer their bishop so contemptuously to be abused. But
rather they would lose their lives than that he should so be drawn out
by the hair. Thus that council, being broken with scolding and
brawling for that day, was dissolved before nine of the clock; and the
duke, with the Lord Percy, went to the parliament, where the same day,
before dinner, a bill was put up in the name of the king by the Lord
Thomas Woodstock and Lord Henry Percy, that the city of London should
no more be governed by a mayor, but by a captain, as in times before;
and that the marshal of England should have all the ado in taking the
arrests within the said city, as in other cities besides, with other
petitions more, tending to the like derogation of the liberties of
London. Which bill being read, John Philpot, burgess then for the
city, standeth up, saying to them which read the bill, that that was
never seen so before; and adding, moreover, that the mayor would never
suffer any such things, or other arrest to be brought into the city,
with more such words of like stoutness.

  The next day following the Londoners assembled themselves in a
council, to consider among them upon the bill for changing the mayor,
and about the office of the marshal, also concerning the injuries done
the day before to their bishop.

  In which mean time, they being busy in long consultation of this
matter, suddenly and unawares entered in the place two certain lords,
whether to come to spy, or for what other cause, the author leaveth it
uncertain, the one called Lord Fitz-Walter, the other Lord Guy Bryan.
At the first coming in of them the vulgar sort was ready forthwith to
fly upon them as spies, had not they made their protestation with an
oath, declaring that their coming in was for no harm toward them. And
so they were compelled by the citizens to swear to the city their
truth and fidelity; contrary to the which oath, if they should rebel,
they would be contented to forfeit whatsoever goods and possessions
they had within the city.

  This done, then began the Lord Fitz-Walter, in this wise, to
persuade and exhort the citizens, first declaring how he was bound and
obliged to them and to their city, not for the oath only now newly
received, but of old and ancient good-will from his great-
grandfather's time. Besides other divers duties, for the which he was
chiefly bound to be one of their principal favourers; forasmuch as
whatsoever tendeth to their damage and detriment, redounded also no
less unto his own, for which cause he could not otherwise choose, but
that what he did understand to be attempted against the public profit
and liberties of the city, he must needs communicate the same to them;
who, unless they, with speedy circumspection, do occur, and prevent
perils that may and are like to ensue, it would turn in the end to
their no small incommodity. And as there were many other things which
required their vigilant care and diligence, so one thing there was
which he could in no wise but admonish them of; which was this,
necessary to be considered of them all, how the lord marshal Henry
Percy, in his place within himself, had one in ward and custody,
whether with the knowledge or without the knowledge of them, he could
not tell: this he could tell, that the said lord marshal was not
allowed any such ward or prison in his house, within the liberties of
the city; which thing, if it be not seen to in time, the example
thereof being suffered, would, in fine, breed to such a prejudice unto
their customs and liberties, as they should not hereafter, when they
would, reform the injury thereof.

  These words of the Lord Fitz-Walter were not so soon spoken, but
they were as soon taken of the rash citizens; who, in all hasty fury,
running to their armour and weapons, went incontinently to the house
of the Lord Percy, where, breaking up the gates, by violence they took
out the prisoner, and burned the stocks wherein he sat, in the midst
of London. Then was the Lord Percy sought for, whom, saith the story,
they would doubtless have slain if they might have found him. With
their bills and javelins, all corners and privy chambers were
searched, beds and hangings torn asunder. But the Lord Percy, as God
would, was then with the duke, whom one John Yper the same day, with
great instance, had desired to dinner.

  The Londoners not finding him at home, and supposing that he was
with the duke at Savoy, in all hasty heat turned their power thither,
running as fast as they could to the duke's house; where also in like
manner they were disappointed of their cruel purpose. In the mean
while, as this was doing, cometh one of the duke's men running in post
haste to the duke and to the Lord Percy, declaring what was done. The
duke, being then at his oysters, without any further tarrying, and
also breaking both his shins at the form for haste, took boat with the
Lord Percy, and by water went to Kingston, where then the princess,
with Richard the young prince, did lie; who there declared unto the
princess all the whole matter concerning the outrage of the Londoners,
as it was. To whom she promised again, that such an order should be
taken in the matter, as should be to his contentation. At what time
the commons of London thus, as is said, were about the duke's house at
Savoy, there meeteth with them a certain priest, who, marvelling at
the sudden rage and concourse, asked what they sought. To whom answer
was given again of some, that they sought for the duke and the lord
marshal, to have of them the Lord Peter de la Mare, whom they
wrongfully had detained in prison. To this the priest answered again
more boldly than opportunely: That Peter (said he) is a false traitor
to the king, and worthy long since to be hanged. At the hearing of
these words, the furious people, with a terrible shout, cried out upon
him, that he was a traitor, and one that took the duke's part, and so
falling upon him with their weapons, strove who might first strike
him; who, after they had wounded him very sore, so being wounded they
had him into prison; where, within few days, upon the soreness of his
wounds, he died.

  Neither would the rage of the people thus have ceased, had not
the bishop of London, leaving his dinner, come to them at Savoy, and
putting them in remembrance of the blessed time, as they term it, of
Lent, had persuaded them to cease and to be quiet.

  The Londoners, seeing that they could get no advantage against
the duke, who was without their reach, to wreak their anger they took
his arms, which in most despiteful ways they hanged up in the open
places of the city, in sign of reproach, as for a traitor. Insomuch
that when one of his gentlemen came through the city, with a plate
containing the duke's arms hanging by a lace about his neck, the
citizens not abiding the sight thereof, cast him from his horse, and
plucked his escutcheon from him, and were about to work the extremity
against him, had not the mayor rescued him out of their hands, and
sent him home safe unto the duke his master. In such hatred was then
the duke among the vulgar people of London.

  After this the princess, understanding the hearts and broil of
the Londoners, set against the aforesaid duke, sent unto London three
knights, Sir Albred Lewer, Sir Simon Burley, and Sir Lewis Clifford,
to entreat the citizens to be reconciled with the duke. The Londoners
answered, that they, for the honour of the princess, would obey and do
with all reverence what she would require; but this they required and
enjoined the messengers to say to the duke by word of mouth: that he
should suffer the bishop of Winchester afore mentioned, and also the
Lord Peter de la Mare, to come to their answer, and to be judged by
their peers; whereby either they might be quit, if they were
guiltless; or otherwise, if they be found culpable, they might
receive, according to their deserts after the laws of the realm, what
grief and displeasure the duke conceived and retained in his mind
hereof. Again, what means and suit the Londoners for their part made
to the old king for their liberties; what rhymes and songs in London
were made against the duke; how the bishops, at the duke's request,
were moved to excommunicate those malicious slanderers; and, moreover,
how the duke at last was revenged of those contumelies and injuries;
how he caused them to be brought before the king; how sharply they
were rebuked for their misdemeanour by the worthy oration of the lord
chamberlain, Robert Aston, in the presence of the king, archbishops,
bishops, with divers other states, the king's children, and other
nobilities of the realm; in conclusion, how the Londoners were
compelled to this at length, by the common assent and public charges
of the city, to make a great taper of wax, which, with the duke's arms
set upon it, should be brought with solemn procession to the church of
St. Paul, there to burn continually before the image of our Lady; and,
at last, how both the said duke and the Londoners were reconciled
together, in the beginning of the new king, with the kiss of peace,
and the same reconcilement publicly announced in the church of
Westminster, and what joy was in the whole city thereof: these,
because they are impertinent and make too long a digression from the
matter of Wickliff, I cut off with brevity, referring the reader to
other histories, namely, of St. Alban's, where they are to be found at
large.

  As these aforesaid, for brevity' sake, I pass over, so will I not
be long, and yet cannot omit that which happened the same time and
year to the bishop of Norwich, to the intent that this posterity now
may see to what pride the clergy of the pope's church was then grown.
The same time as this broil was at London, the bishop of Norwich, a
little after the time of Easter, coming to the town of Lennam,
belonging to his lordship; being not contented with the old accustomed
honour due unto him, and used of his predecessors before in the same
town, required, moreover, with a new and unused kind of magnificence
to be exalted: insomuch that when he saw the chief magistrate or mayor
of that town to go in the streets with his officer going before him,
holding a certain wand in his hand tipped at both ends with black
horn, as the manner was, he, reputing himself to be lord of that town,
as he was, and thinking to be higher than the highest, commanded the
honour of that staff due to the mayor, to be yielded and borne before
his lordly personage. The mayor or bailiff, with other the townsmen,
courteously answered to him again, that they were right willing and
contented with all their hearts to exhibit that reverence unto him;
and would so do, if he first of the king and council could obtain that
custom, and if the same might be induced, after any peaceable way,
with the good-wills of the commons and body of the town; otherwise,
said they, as the matter was dangerous, so they durst not take in hand
any such new alteration of ancient customs and liberties, lest the
people, (which is always inclinable and prone to evil,) do fall upon
them with stones, and drive them out of the town. Wherefore, kneeling
on their knees before him, there humbly they besought him that he
would require no such thing of them; that he would save his own honour
and their lives, who, otherwise, if he intended that way, were in
great danger. But the bishop, youthful and haughty, taking occasion,
by their humbleness, to swell the more in himself, answered, that he
would not be taught by their council, but that he would have it done,
though all the commons (whom he named ribalds) said nay. Also he
rebuked the mayor and his brethren for mecocks and dastards, for so
fearing the vulgar sort of people.

  The citizens perceiving the wilful stoutness of the bishop,
meekly answering again, said, They minded not to resist him, but to
let him do therein what he thought good: only they desired him that he
would license them to depart, and hold them excused for not waiting
upon him, and conducting him out of the town with that reverence which
he required; for if they should be seen in his company, all the
suspicion thereof would be upon them, and so should they be all in
danger, so much as their lives were worth. The bishop, not regarding
their advice and counsel, commanded one of his men to take the rod
borne before the mayor, and to carry the same before him. Which being
done, and perceived of the commons, the bishop after that manner went
not far, but the rude people running to shut the gates, came out with
their bows, some with clubs and staves, some with other instruments,
some with stones, and let drive at the bishop and his men as fast as
they might, in such sort, that both the bishop and his horse under
him, with most part of his men, were hurt and wounded. And thus the
glorious pride of this jolly prelate, ruffling in his new sceptre, was
received and welcomed there. That is, he was so pelted with bats and
stones, so wounded with arrows and other instruments fit for such a
skirmish, that the most part of his men, with his mace-bearer, all
running away from him, the poor wounded bishop was there left alone,
not able to keep his old power, which went about to usurp a new power
more than to him belonged. Thus, as it is commonly true in all, so is
it well exemplified here, which is commonly said, and as it is
commonly seen, that pride will have a fall, and power usurped will
never stand. In like manner, if the citizens of Rome, following the
example of these Lennam men, as they have the like cause, and greater,
to do by the usurped power of their bishop, would after the same sauce
handle the pope, and unsceptre him of his mace and regality, which
nothing pertaineth to him; they, in so doing, both should recover
their own liberties, with more honour at home, and also win much more
commendation abroad.

  This tragedy, with all the parts thereof, being thus ended at
Lennam, which was a little after Easter, as is said, about the month
of April, A. D. 1377, the same year, upon the twelfth day of the month
of June next after, died the worthy and victorious prince, King Edward
the Third, after he had reigned fifty-one years; a prince not more
aged in years than renowned for many singular and heroical virtues,
but principally noted and lauded for his singular meekness and
clemency towards his subjects and inferiors, ruling them by gentleness
and mercy, without all rigour or austere severity. Among other noble
and royal ornaments of his nature, worthily and copiously set forth of
many, thus he is described by some, which may briefly suffice for the
comprehension of all the rest: to the orphans he was a father,
compassionate to the afflicted, mourning with the miserable, relieving
the oppressed, and to all them that wanted a helper in time of need,
&c. But chiefly, above all other things in this prince, in my mind, to
be commemorate is this, that he above all other kings of this realm,
unto the time of King Henry the Eighth, was the greatest bridler of
the pope's usurped power and outrageous oppressions: during all the
time of which king, neither the pope could greatly prevail in this
realm, and also John Wickliff was maintained with favour and aid
sufficient.

Illustration: Portrait of Edward III.
Illustration: Seal of Edward III.
Illustration: Tomb of Edward III.


  But before we close up the story of this king, there cometh to
hand that which I thought good not to omit, a noble purpose of the
king in requiring a view to be taken in all his dominions of all
benefices and dignities ecclesiastical remaining in the hands of
Italians and aliens, with the true valuation of the same, directed
down by commission; whereof the like also is to be found in the time
of King Richard the Second, the tenor of which commission of King
Edward I thought hereunder to set down for worthy memory.

The king directed writs unto all the bishops of England in this form.

  "Edward, by the grace of God, king, &c. To the reverend father in
Christ N., by the same grace bishop L., greeting. Being willing upon
certain causes to be certified what and how many benefices, as well
archdeaconries and other dignities, as vicarages, parsonages,
prebends, and chapels, within your diocese, be at this present in the
hands of Italians and other strangers, what they be, of what value,
and how every of the said benefices be called by name; and how much
every of the same is worth by the year, not as by way of tax or
extent, but according to the true value of the same; and likewise of
the names of all and singular such strangers being now incumbents or
occupying the same and every of them; moreover, the names of all them,
whether Englishmen or strangers, of what state or condition soever
they be, which have the occupation or disposition of any such
benefices with the fruits and profits of the same, in the behalf, or
by the authority, of any the aforesaid strangers, by way of farm, or
title, or procuration, or by any other ways or means whatsoever, and
how long they have occupied or disposed the same; and withal if any
the said strangers be now residents upon any benefices: we command
you, as heretofore commanded you, that you send us a true certificate
of all and singular the premises, into our high court of chancery
under your seal distinctly and openly, on this side the feast of the
Ascension of our Lord next coming, without further delay: returning
unto us this our writ withal. Witness ourself at Westminster the 16th
day of April in the 48th year of our reign of England, and over France
the 35th year." A. D. 1375.

  By virtue hereof, certificate was sent up to the king into his
chancery, out of every diocese of England, of all such spiritual
livings as were then in the occupation either of priors aliens, or of
other strangers; whereof the number was so great, that being all set
down, it would fill almost half a quire of paper. Whereby may appear
that it was high time for the king to seek remedy herein, either by
treaty with the pope or otherwise; considering so great a portion of
the revenues of his realm was by this means conveyed away, and
employed either to the relief of his enemies, or maintenance of the
foreigners; amongst which number the cardinals of the court of Rome
lacked not their share.

  [Fox subjoins to this statement a long list of the rich and
numerous preferments enjoyed by the cardinals of Rome. In fact the
chief part of the church revenues was reaped, by men who had no
connexion whatever with the country.]
Illustration: John Wicliff defending himself.


    After King Edward the Third, succeeded his grandson, Richard
the Second, being yet but young, of the age of eleven years: who, in
the same year of his father's decease, with great pomp and solemnity
was crowned at Westminster, A. D. 1377, who, following his father's
steps, was no great disfavourer of the way and doctrine of Wickliff:
albeit at the first beginning, partly through the iniquity of time,
partly through the pope's letters, he could not do that he would.
Notwithstanding something he did in that behalf, more perhaps than in
the end he had thank for from the papists, as more (by the grace of
Christ) shall appear. But as times do change, so changeth commonly the
cause and state of man. The bishops now seeing the aged king to be
taken away, during the time of whose old age all the government of the
realm depended upon the duke of Lancaster; and now the said bishops
again seeing the said duke, with the Lord Percy, the lord marshal, to
give over their offices, and to remain in their private houses without
intermeddling, thought now the time to serve them, to have some
advantage against John Wickliff; who hitherto, under the protection of
the aforesaid duke and lord marshal, had some rest and quiet.
Concerning the story of this Wickliff, I trust, gentle reader, it is
not out of thy memory what went before, how he being brought before
the bishops, by the means of the duke and of Lord Henry Percy, the
council was interrupted, and brake before nine of the clock. By reason
whereof Wickliff at that time escaped without any further trouble.
Who, notwithstanding his being by the bishops forbidden to deal in
that doctrine any more, continued yet with his fellows, going barefoot
and in long frieze gowns, preaching diligently unto the people. Out of
his sermons these articles most chiefly at that time were collected.

  "That the holy eucharist, after the consecration, is not the very
body of Christ, but figuratively.

  "That the Church of Rome is not the head of all churches more
than any other church is; nor that Peter hath any more power given of
Christ, than any other apostle hath.

  "Item, That the pope of Rome hath no more part in the keys of the
church, than hath any other within the order of priesthood.

  "Item, If God be, the lords temporal may lawfully and
meritoriously take away their temporalties from the churchmen
offending habitualiter.

  "Item, If any temporal lord do know the church so offending, he
is bound, under pain of damnation, to take the temporalties from the
same.

  "Item, That the gospel is a rule sufficient of itself to rule the
life of every Christian man here, without any other rule.

  "Item, That all other rules, under whose observances divers
religious persons be governed, do add no more perfection to the
gospel, than doth the white colour to the wall.

  "Item, That neither the pope, nor any other prelate of the
church, ought to have prisons wherein to punish transgressors."

  Besides these articles, divers other conclusions afterward were
gathered out of his writings and preachings by the bishops of England,
which they sent diligently to Pope Gregory at Rome; where the said
articles being read and perused, were condemned for heretical and
erroneous by three and twenty cardinals.

  In the mean time the archbishop of Canterbury, sendeth forth his
citations, as is aforesaid, called before him the said John Wickliff
in the presence of the duke of Lancaster and Lord Percy; who, upon the
declaration of the pope's letters made, bound him in silence,
forbidding him not to treat any more of those matters. But then,
through the disturbance of the bishop of London, and the duke, and
Lord Percy, that matter was soon despatched, as hath been above
recorded. And all this was done in the days and last year of King
Edward the Third, and Pope Gregory the Eleventh.

  In the year following, A. D. 1378, being the first year of King
Richard the Second, the said Pope Gregory taking his time, after the
death of King Edward, sendeth his bull by the hands and means,
peradventure, of one Master Edmund Stafford, directed unto the
university of Oxford, rebuking them sharply, imperiously, and like a
pope, for suffering so long the doctrine of John Wickliff to take
root, and not plucking it up with the crooked sickle of their catholic
doctrine. When the bull came to be delivered into their hands by the
pope's messenger aforesaid, the proctors and masters of the
university, joining together in consultation, stood long in doubt,
deliberating with themselves whether to receive the pope's bull with
honour, or to refuse and reject it with shame.

  I cannot here but laugh in my mind to behold the authors of this
story whom I follow; what exclamations, what wonderings and marvels,
they make at these Oxford men, for so doubting at a matter so plain,
so manifest of itself, as they say, whether the pope's bull sent to
them from Rome was to be received or not; which thing to our monkish
writers seemed then such a prodigious wonder, that they with blushing
cheeks are fain to cut off the matter in the midst with silence.

  The copy of this wild bull, sent to them from the pope, was this:

  "Gregory the bishop, the servant of God's servants, to his well-
beloved sons, the chancellor and university of Oxford, in the diocese
of Lincoln, greeting and apostolical benediction.

  "We are compelled not only to marvel, but also to lament, that
you, considering the apostolical seat hath given unto your university
of Oxford so great favour and privilege, and also for that you flow,
as in a large sea, in the knowledge of the Holy Scriptures, and ought
to be champions and defenders of the ancient and catholic faith,
without the which there is no salvation, by your great negligence and
sloth will suffer wild cockle, not only to grow up among the pure
wheat of the flourishing field of your university, but also to wax
strong and choke the corn. Neither have ye any care, as we are
informed, to extirpate and pluck the same up by the roots, to the
great blemishing of your renowned name, the peril of your souls, the
contempt of the Church of Rome, and to the great decay of the ancient
faith. And further, which grieveth us, the increase of that filthy
weed was more sharply rebuked and judged of in Rome, than in England
where it sprang. Wherefore let there be means sought, by the help of
the faithful, to root out the same. Grievously it is come to our ears,
that one John Wickliff, parson of Lutterworth, in Lincoln diocese, a
professor of divinity, (would God he were not rather a master of
errors,) is run into a kind of detestable wickedness, not only and
openly publishing, but also vomiting out of the filthy dungeon of his
breast, divers professions, false and erroneous conclusions, and most
wicked and damnable heresies; whereby he might defile the faithful
sort, and bring them from the right path headlong into the way of
perdition, overthrow the state of the church, and utterly subvert the
secular policy. Of which his mischievous heresies some seem to agree,
certain names and terms only being changed, with the perverse opinions
and unlearned doctrine of Marsilius of Padua, and of John of Ganduno,
of unworthy memory, whose books were utterly abolished in the realm of
England, by our predecessor of happy memory, John the Twenty-second,
which kingdom doth not only flourish in power, and abundance of
faculties, but is much more glorious and shining in pureness of faith;
accustomed always to bring forth men excellently learned in the true
knowledge of the Holy Scriptures, ripe in gravity of manners, men
notable in devotion, and defenders of the catholic faith. Wherefore we
will and command you, by our writing apostolical, in the name of your
obedience, and upon pain of privation of our favour, indulgences and
privileges granted unto you and your university from the said see
apostolical; that hereafter ye suffer not those pestilent heresies,
and those subtle and false conclusions and propositions, misconstruing
the right sense of faith and good works, (howsoever they term it, or
what curious implication of words soever they use,) any longer to be
disputed of, or brought in question; lest if it be not withstood at
the first, and plucked up by the roots, it might perhaps be too late
hereafter to prepare medicines, when a greater number is infected with
the contagion. And further, that ye apprehend immediately, or cause to
be apprehended, the said John Wickliff, and deliver him to be detained
in the safe custody of our well-beloved brethren, the archbishop of
Canterbury and the bishop of London, or either of them. And if you
shall find any gainsayers corrupted with the said doctrine, which God
forbid, in your said university within your jurisdiction, that shall
obstinately stand in the said errors, that then in like manner ye
apprehend them, and commit them to safe custody, and otherwise to do
in this case as it shall appertain unto you; so as by your careful
proceedings herein, your negligence past concerning the premises may
now fully be supplied and recompensed with present diligence. Whereby
you shall not only purchase unto you the favour and benevolence of the
seat apostolical, but also great reward and merit of Almighty God.

  "Given at Rome, at St. Mary's the Greater, xi. kalends of June,
and in the 7th year of our consecration."

  Beside this bull sent to the university of Oxford, the said Pope
Gregory directed moreover his letters the same time to the archbishop
of Canterbury, Simon Sudbury, to the bishop of London, named William
Courtney, with the conclusions of John Wickliff therein enclosed,
commanding them, by virtue of those his letters apostolical, and
straitly enjoining them to cause the said John Wickliff to be
apprehended and cast into prison, and that the king and the nobles of
England should be admonished by them, not to give any credit to the
said John Wickliff, or to his doctrine in any wise.

  Beside this bill or bull of the pope, sent unto the archbishop of
Canterbury and to the bishop of London, bearing the date, 11th kal.
June, and the seventh year of the reign of the pope; I find, moreover,
in the said story two other letters of the pope concerning the same
matter, but differing in form, sent unto the same bishops, and all
bearing the same date, both of the day, year, and month of the reign
of the said Pope Gregory. Whereby it is to be supposed, that .the pope
either was very exquisite and solicitous about the matter, to have
Wickliff to be apprehended, which wrote three divers letters to one
person, and all in one day, about one business; or else that he did
suspect the bearers thereof; the solution whereof I leave to the
judgment of the reader.

  Furthermore, beside these letters written to the university, and
to the bishops, he directeth also another epistle bearing the same
date unto King Edward, as one of my stories saith, but as another
saith, to King Richard, which soundeth more near to the truth,
forasmuch as in the seventh year of Pope Gregory the Eleventh, which
was A. D. 1378, King Edward was not alive.

The copy of the epistle sent by the bishop of Rome to Richard, king of
England, to persecute John Wicliff:

  "Unto his well-beloved son in Christ, Richard the most noble king
of England, health, &c.

  The kingdom of England, which the Most Highest hath put under
your power and governance, being so famous and renowned in valiancy
and strength, so abundant and flowing in all kind of wealth and
riches, but much more glorious, resplendent, and shining through the
brightness and clearness of all godliness and faith, hath been
accustomed always to bring forth men endued with the true knowledge
and understanding of the Holy Scriptures, grave in years, fervent in
devotion, and defenders of the catholic faith: the which have not only
directed and instructed their own people through their wholesome
doctrine and precepts into the true path of God's commandments, but
also we have heard by the report and information of many credible
persons, to our great grief and heart sorrow, that John Wickliff,
parson of Lutterworth, in the diocese of Lincoln, professor of
divinity, (I would to God he were no author of heresy,) hath fallen
into such a detestable and abominable madness, that he hath propounded
and set forth diverse and sundry conclusions full of errors, and
containing most manifest heresy, which do tend utterly to subvert and
overthrow the state of the whole church. Of the which, some of them
(albeit under coloured phrase and meech) seem to smell and savour of
perverse opinions, the foolish doctrine of condemned memory of
Marsilius of Padua, and John of Ganduno, whose books were by Pope John
the Twenty-second, our predecessor, a man of a most happy memory,
reproved and condemned," &c.

  itherto, gentle reader, thou hast heard how Wickliff was accused
by the bishop. Now you shall also hear the pope's mighty reasons and
arguments, by the which he did confute him, to the king. It followeth:

  "Therefore, forasmuch as our reverend brethren, the archbishop of
Canterbury and the bishop of London, have received a special
commandment from us, by our authority to apprehend and commit the
forenamed John Wickliff unto prison, and to transport his confession
unto us; if they shall seem in the prosecution of this their business
to lack your favour or help, we require and most earnestly desire your
Majesty, even as your most noble predecessors have always been most
earnest lovers of the catholic faith, (whose case or quarrel in this
matter is chiefly handled,) that you would vouchsafe, even for the
reverence of God, and the faith aforesaid, and also of the apostolic
seat, and of our person, with your help and favour to assist the said
archbishop and all other that go about to execute the said business.
Whereby, besides the praise of men, you shall obtain a heavenly reward
and great favour and good will at our hand, and of the see aforesaid.
Dated at Rome, at St. Mary the Greater, the 11th kal. of June, in the
7th year of our bishopric, A. D. 1378."

  The articles included in the pope's letters, which he sent to the
bishops and to the king against Wickliff, were these which in order do
follow.

The conclusions of John Wickliff, exhibited in the convocation of
certain bishops at Lambeth.

  "1. All the whole race of mankind here on earth, besides Christ,
hath no power simply to ordain that Peter and all his offspring should
politically rule over the world for ever.

  "2. God cannot give to any man for him and his heirs any civil
dominion for ever.

  "3. All writings invented by men, as touching perpetual heritage,
are impossible.

  "4. Every man, being in grace justifying, hath not only right
unto the thing, but also for his time hath right indeed above all the
good things of God.

  "5. A man cannot only ministratoriously give any temporal or
continual gift, either as well to his natural son, or to his son by
imitation.

  "6. If God be, the temporal lords may lawfully and meritoriously
take away the riches from the church when delinquent.We know that
Christ's vicar cannot, neither is able by his bulls, neither by his
own will and consent, neither by the consent of his college, either to
enable or disable any man.

  "7. A man cannot be excommunicated to his hurt or undoing, except
he be first principally excommunicate by himself.

  "8. No man ought, but in God's cause alone, to excommunicate,
suspend, or forbid, or otherwise to proceed to revenge, by any
ecclesiastical censure.

  "9. A curse or excommunication doth not simply bind, but in case
it be pronounced and given out against the adversary of God's law.

  "10. There is no power given by any example of Christ or his
apostles to excommunicate any subject, specially for denying of any
temporalties, but rather contrariwise.

  "11. The disciples of Christ have no power to exact, by any civil
authority, temporalties by censures.

  "12. It is not possible by the absolute power of God, that if the
pope or any other Christian do pretend by any means to bind or to
loose, that thereby he doth so bind and loose.

  "13. We ought to believe that the vicar of Christ doth only bind
and loose, when he worketh conformably to the law and ordinance of
Christ.

  "14. This ought universally to be believed, that every priest
rightly and duly ordered, according unto the law of grace, hath power
according to his vocation, whereby he may minister the sacraments, and
consequently absolve any man confessing his fault, he being contrite
for the same.

  "15. It is lawful for kings, in causes licensed by the law, to
take away the temporalties from the spiritualty, sinning habitualiter,
that is, which continue in the custom of sin, and will not amend.

  "16. Whether they be temporal lords, or any other men whatsoever
they be, which have endowed any church with temporalties, it is lawful
for them to take away the same temporalties, as it were by way of
medicine, to avoid sin, notwithstanding any excommunication or other
ecclesiastical censure; forasmuch as they are not given but under a
condition.

  "17. An ecclesiastical minister, and also the bishop of Rome, may
lawfully be rebuked of his subjects, and for the profit of the church
be accused either of the clergy or of the laity."

  These letters, with the articles enclosed, being received from
the pope, the bishops took them no little to heart, thinking and fully
determining with themselves, and that in open profession before their
provincial council, that, all manner respects of fear or favour set
apart, no person neither high nor low should hinder them, neither
would they be seduced by the entreaty of any man, nor by any
threatenings or rewards, but that in this cause they would execute
most surely upright justice and equity; yea, albeit even if danger of
life should follow thereupon. But these so fierce brags and stout
promises, with the subtle practices of these bishops, who thought them
so sure before, the Lord, against whom no determination of man's
counsel can prevail, by a small occasion, did lightly confound and
overthrow. For the day of the examination being come, a certain
personage of the prince's court, and yet of no great noble birth,
named Lewis Clifford, entering in among the bishops, commanded them
that they should not proceed with any definitive sentence against John
Wickliff. With which words all they were so amazed, and their combs so
cut, that (as in the story is mentioned) they became mute and
speechless, as men having not one word in their mouths to answer. And
thus, by the wondrous work of God's providence, escaped John Wickliff
the second time out of the bishops' hands, and was by them clearly
dismissed upon this declaration made of his articles, as anon shall
follow.

  Moreover, here is not to be passed over, how, at the same time,
and in the said chapel of the archbishop at Lambeth, where the bishops
were sitting upon John Wickliff, the historian, writing of the doing
thereof, addeth these words, saying, "I say not only that the citizens
of London, but also the vile abjects of the city, presumed to be so
bold in the same chapel at Lambeth, where the bishops were sitting
upon John Wickliff, as both to entreat for him, and also to let and
stop the said matter; trusting, as I suppose, to the negligence which
they saw before in the bishops," &c.

    
   



80. HERFORD, REPPINGTON AND ASHTON

  Item, the twelfth day of June, in the year aforesaid, in the
chamber of the Friars Preachers, the aforesaid Master Robert Rigges,
chancellor of the university of Oxford, and Thomas Brightwell,
professors of divinity, being appointed the same day and place, by the
aforesaid reverend father in God, archbishop of Canterbury, appeared
before him in the presence of the reverend father in God, Lord
William, by the grace of God, bishop of Winchester, and divers other
doctors and bachelors of divinity, and of the canon and civil law,
whose names are before recited. And first, the said chancellor, by the
said lord archbishop of Canterbury, being examined what his opinion
was touching the aforesaid articles, publicly affirmed and declared,
that certain of those conclusions were heretical, and certain
erroneous, as the other doctors and clerks aforementioned had
declared. And then immediately next after him the aforesaid Thomas
Brightwell was examined, who upon some of the conclusions at first
somewhat staggered, but in the end being by the said archbishop
diligently examined upon the same, did affirm and dispute the same to
be heretical and erroneous, as the aforesaid chancellor had done.
Another bachelor of divinity, also, there was, named N., stammering
also at some of those conclusions, but in the end affirmed that his
opinion therein was as was the judgment of the aforesaid chancellor
and Thomas, as is above declared. Whereupon the said lord archbishop
of Canterbury, willing to let and hinder the peril of such heresies
and errors, delivered unto the aforesaid chancellor, there being
publicly read, his letters patent to be executed, the tenor whereof in
these words doth follow.

  "William, by the grace of God archbishop of Canterbury, primate
of all England, and legate of the apostolic see: To our well-beloved
son in Christ, the chancellor of the university of Oxford, within the
diocese of Lincoln, greeting, grace, and benediction. The prelates of
the church, about the Lord's flock committed to their charge, ought to
be so much more vigilant as that they see the wolf, clothed in sheep's
attire, fraudulently go about to worry and scatter the sheep.
Doubtless, the common fame and rumour is come unto our ears. We will,
therefore, and command, straitly enjoining you, that the church of our
blessed Lady in Oxford, upon those days in the which accustomably the
sermon is made, as also in the schools of the said university upon
those days the lectures be read, ye publish, and cause by others to be
published, to the clergy and people; as well in their vulgar tongue,
as in the Latin tongue, manifestly and plainly, without any curious
implication, the same heretical and erroneous conclusions, so
repugnant to the determination of holy church, as is aforesaid, to
have been and be condemned; which conclusions we also declare by these
our letters to be utterly condemned. And furthermore that you forbid,
and canonically admonish, and cause to be admonished, as we by the
tenor of these presents do forbid and admonish you, once, twice, and
thrice, and that peremptorily, that none hereafter hold, teach, and
preach, or defend the heresies and errors above said, or any of them,
either in school or out of school, by any sophistical cavilling or
otherwise; or that any admit to preach, hear, or hearken unto, John
Wickliff, Nicholas Herford, Philip Reppington, canon regular, or John
Ashton, or Lawrence Redman, who be vehemently and notoriously
suspected of heresy, or else any other whatsoever, so suspected or
defamed; or that either privately or publicly they either aid or
favour them or any of them, but that immediately they shun and avoid
the same as a serpent which putteth forth most pestiferous poison. And
furthermore, we suspend the said suspected persons from all
scholastical act, till such time as they shall purge themselves before
us in that behalf; and we enjoin that you denounce the same publicly
by us to have been and be suspended; and that ye diligently and
faithfully inquire of all their abettors and favourers, and cause to
be inquired throughout all the halls of the said university. And that
when you shall have intelligence of their names and persons, that ye
compel all, and every of them, to abjure their outrages by
ecclesiastical censures and other pains canonical whatsoever, under
pain of the greater curse, the which against all and singular the
rebellious in this behalf, and disobeying our monitions, we pronounce;
so that their fault, deceit, and offence in this behalf deserve the
same, (the said monition of ours being first sent,) which in this
behalf we esteem and allow canonical, that then and again, according
to the effect of these our letters, &c., the absolution of all and
singular such, which shall incur the sentence of this instrument by us
sent forth, (which God forbid,) we specially reserve unto ourselves;
exhorting you, the chancellor, by the sprinkling of the blood of Jesus
Christ, that to the uttermost of your power hereafter you do your
endeavour, that the clergy and people being subject unto you, if there
be any which have strayed from the catholic faith by such errors, may
be brought home again to the laud and honour of His name that was
crucified, and preservation of the true faith. And further, our will
is, that whatsoever you shall do in the premises, in manner and form
of our process in this behalf it be had and done; and that you, for
your part, when you shall be required thereunto, plainly and
distinctly do certify us by your letters patent, having the tenor
hereof."

  The conclusions and articles here mentioned in this letter are
above prefixed. Of which some were condemned for heretical, some for
erroneous. After this, within few days the aforesaid archbishop,
William Courtney, directed down his letters of admonition to Robert
Rigges, commissary of Oxford, for the repressing of this doctrine;
which still notwithstanding, both then, and yet to this day (God be
praised) doth remain.

The examination of Nicholas Herford, Philip Reppington, and John
Ashton.

  The eighteenth day of the month and year aforesaid, in the
chamber of the Preaching Friars before mentioned, before the aforesaid
archbishop, in the presence of divers doctors and bachelors of
divinity, and many lawyers both canon and civil, whose names are
underwritten, appeared Master Nicholas Her-ford, Philip Reppington,
and John Ashton, bachelors of divinity, who, after a corporal oath
taken to show their judgment upon the conclusions aforesaid, were
examined severally, each one by himself, before the archbishop; who
there required day and place to deliberate upon the conclusions
aforesaid, and to give their answer unto the same in writing; and also
required to have a copy of the said conclusions to be delivered unto
them. The which copy the said Nicholas and Philip (being openly read
unto them) received. Also the aforesaid Master John Ashton likewise
was examined, and judicially admonished by the said archbishop by
virtue of his oath, that he, setting aside all sophistical words and
subtleties, would say his mind fully and plainly upon the conclusions
aforesaid. And being asked, moreover, by the said archbishop whether
he would have a further day to deliberate upon his answers, as the
aforesaid Nicholas and Philip had before, he said expressly that he
would not, but would answer presently to those conclusions; and so for
final answer said, as concerning all these conclusions, (containing
them all together,) that his judgment was in this behalf to hold his
peace. Wherefore, the aforesaid archbishop, reputing the said John
herein to be suspected, admonished him in form of words as followeth:
"We admonish thee, John Ashton, whom we repute to be defamed, and
notoriously suspected of heresy, the first, the second, and third
time, that in our province of Canterbury hereafter thou do not preach
publicly or privately, without our special licence, under pain of the
greater curse, which we denounce here by these presents against thy
person, if thou obey not our monitions, for now as for then." And
consequently, forasmuch as the said John, being asked of the
archbishop, confessed that he had heard before of the publication of
the archbishop's mandate, wherein was contained, that no person
prohibited or not sent should preach hereafter, the aforesaid
archbishop assigned to him Friday next following, which was the
twentieth day of the same month, after dinner, to appear before him
either at Lambeth, or in the same place, to say for himself wherefore
he might not be pronounced for a heretic, and for such a one to be
denounced through his whole province. Also the said archbishop
assigned to the aforesaid Nicholas and Philip, the said day and place
to answer peremptorily, and to say fully and plainly to the
conclusions aforesaid, all sophistication of words and disputation set
apart.

  The names of the friars that sat upon them -- Friars Preachers,
seven: Thomas Barnewell, William Swinherd, William Pickworth, Thomas
Whately, Lawrence Grenham, John Leigh, John Haker. Carmelites, three:
Walter Dish, John Kiningham, John Lovey. Augustine Friar: Thomas
Ashborne, doctor.

  At the time and place above prefixed, before the aforesaid
archbishop, sitting in his tribunal seat, in the presence of divers
doctors of divinity, and lawyers both civil and canon, personally
appeared Master Nicholas Herford, and Philip Reppington, bachelors of
divinity, and John Ashton, master of arts. The aforesaid Nicholas and
Philip, being required by the said archbishop to answer, and say fully
and plainly their judgment upon the conclusions prefixed, to which
purpose the archbishop had assigned to the said Nicholas and Philip
the same term, did exhibit to the archbishop, there judicially
sitting, certain answers in writing, contained after the manner of
indenture. The tenor of which indenture, containing the aforesaid
conclusions, followeth in these words.

The protestation of Nicholas Herford, Philip Reppington, and John
Ashton, with their articles and answers.

    
    WE protest here as before, publicly in these presents, that we
intend to be humble and faithful children to the church and Holy
Scripture, and to obey in all things the determinations of the church.
And if it shall chance to us at any time, which God forbid, to swerve
from this our intention, we submit ourselves humbly to the correction
of our reverend father, lord archbishop of Canterbury, and primate of
all England, and of all other who have interest to correct such
swervers. This protestation premised, thus we answer to the
conclusions aforesaid.

  "'That the substance of material bread and wine remaineth in the
sacrament of the altar after consecration.'

  "After the sense contrary to the decretal, beginning Firmiter
credimus:-- We grant that it is heresy.

  "'That the accidents do not remain without the subject after
consecration of the sacrament.'

  "After the sense contrary to that decretal, Cum Marthe:-- We
grant that it is heresy.

  "'That Christ is not in the sacrament of the altar truly and
really in his own corporal presence.'

  "Although this conclusion, as the words stand, sound to be
probable and intelligible, yet, in the sense contrary to the decretal
in Cle. Si dudum, we grant that it is heresy. And, briefly, concerning
this whole matter of the sacrament of the altar, as touching also all
other things, we profess that we will both in word and sense hold with
the Holy Scripture, with the determination of the holy church, and
sayings of the holy doctors.

  "Obstinately to affirm that it hath no foundation in the gospel,
that Christ ordained the mass:' -- We grant that it is heresy.

  "'That God ought to obey the devil.'
     "In this sense, that God in his own person or essence, ought to
obey the devil with the obedience of necessity:-- We grant that it is
heresy.

  "'If a man be duly contrite, that all external confession is to
him superfluous and unprofitable:' --We grant that it is heresy.

  "'If the pope be a reprobate and an evil man, and consequently a
member of the devil, he hath no power over the faithful of Christ
given to him of any, unless it be of Cæsar:' -- We grant that it is
heresy.

  "That after Pope Urban the Sixth, none is to be received for
pope, but that we ought to live after the manner of the Grecians,
under our own laws:' -- We grant that it is heresy.

  "That it is against the Holy Scripture for ecclesiastical persons
to have temporal possessions:' -- If obstinacy be joined withal, we
grant that it is heresy.

  "'That no prelate ought to excommunicate any man, unless he know
him before to be excommunicate of God:' -- - We grant that it is an
error; understanding this knowledge to signify an experimental
knowledge; so that herewith may stand the decree of the church.

  "'That he who doth so excommunicate, is thereby a heretic or
excommunicate:' -- After the sense, agreeing with the other before, we
grant this to be an error.

  "'That a prelate excommunicating a clerk, which appealeth to the
king or council of the realm, in so doing is a traitor to God, the
king, and the realm: '-- We grant it is an error.

  "'That they which leave off to preach, or to hear the word of
God, and the gospel preached, for the excommunication of men, are
excommunicate, and in the day of judgment shall be counted traitors to
God:' -- Understanding this conclusion universally, so as Scripture
and laws do understand such indefinite propositions, we grant it is an
error.

  "'That it is lawful for any deacon or priest to preach the word
of God without the authority of the see apostolic, or catholic bishop,
or of any other whose authority he knoweth sufficient:' -- We grant it
is an error.

  "'That there is no civil lord, no bishop, nor prelate, whilst he
is in mortal sin:' -- We grant it is an error.

  "'That temporal lords may at their pleasure take away the
temporal goods from churches offending habitualiter: -- We grant it is
an error, after this sense, that they may so take away temporal goods
of the churches, without the cases limited in the laws of the church
and kingdoms.

  "'That the vulgar people may correct the lords offending at their
pleasure:' -- Understanding by this word 'may,' that they may do it by
the law, we grant it is an error, because that subjects have no power
over their lords.

  "'That tithes are pure alms, and that parishioners may, for the
offences of their curates, detain the same, and bestow them on others
at their pleasure: '-- Understanding by this word 'may,' as before, to
be, 'may by the law,' we grant it is an error. "'

  "'That special prayers applied to any one person by prelates or
religious men, do no more profit than the general prayers if there be
no let by the way to make them unlike:' -- Understanding this
conclusion universally negative, and understanding by special prayers,
the prayers made upon special devotion, and general prayers of general
devotion; then, after this sense, no such special prayers, applied to
any one person, by special orators, do profit more specially the said
person, than general prayers do, which are made of the same, and for
the same persons, we grant it is an error.

  "'That he that giveth alms to the friars, or to any friar that
preacheth, is excommunicate; both he that giveth, and he that taketh:
'-- Understanding this proposition universally or conditionally, as is
aforesaid, we grant it to be an error.

  "'That whoso entereth into any private religion whatsoever is
thereby made more unapt and unmeet to obey the commandments of God:' -
- We grant it is an error.

  "'That such holy men as did institute any private religions
whatsoever, as well of secular having possessions, as of friars having
none, in so instituting did sin:' -- Understanding this
reduplicatively or universally, we grant it an error, after this
sense, that what saint soever did institute private religion,
instituting the said religion upon that consideration as they did, did
sin.

  "'That religious men, living in private religions, be not of the
religion of Christ:' -- Understanding the proposition universally, as
is aforesaid, we grant it is an error.

  "'That friars are bound to get their living by the labour of
their hands, and not by begging:' -- Understanding this proposition
universally, as before, we grant it is an error.

  "These things have we spoken, reverend father and lord, in all
humility, under your gracious supportation and benign correction,
according to our abilities and slender capacities for this present,
(the honour of God, the verity of our belief, and safe conscience in
all points reserved,) more humbly yet beseeching you, that if any
other thing there be, that seemeth meet unto your excellency and
discretion to be more or otherwise said and spoken, that your gracious
fatherhood would vouchsafe to inform us as children, by the sacred
Scriptures, by the determination of the church, or authorities of the
holy doctors. And, doubtless, with ready wills and obedient minds, we
will consent and agree unto your wholesome doctrine. May it therefore
please your fatherhood, right reverend in God, according to the
accustomed manner of your benignity, favourably to accept these our
words and sayings, forasmuch as the aforesaid conclusions were never
by us either in schools affirmed, or else in sermons publicly
preached."

Further examinations and proceedings against the aforesaid Nicholas
Herford, Philip Reppington, and John Ashton.

  When all these answers were made unto the said lord archbishop of
Canterbury, the said Nicholas and Philip, for that they answered not
unto the meaning and words of the first conclusion expressly, but
contrary to the sense of the decretal Firmiter credimus, were there
judicially examined what their sense and meaning was; but they would
not express the same. Then was it demanded of them, according to the
sense of the same conclusion declared on the behalf of the said lord
of Canterbury, whether the same material bread in numero, which before
the consecration is laid upon the altar, remain in proper substance
and nature, after the consecration in the sacrament of the altar; and
likewise of the wine? To this the said Nicholas and Philip answered,
that for that time they could say no more therein, than that they had
already answered, as is before alleged in writing. And for that unto
the sense and words of the second conclusion they answered not fully
and expressly, but in a sense contrary to the decretal Cum Marthe;
being asked what was their meaning, they would not express the same:
therefore it was demanded of them, according to the sense of the same
conclusion, declared in the behalf of the said lord of Canterbury,
whether those corporal accidents which formally were in the bread and
wine before the consecration of them, were in the same bread and wine
after the consccration, or else were subjected in any other substance?
To this they answered: that to answer better than, before in their
writings, they already had, for that time they could not. To the
meaning also and words of the third conclusion, for that they answered
not plainly and expressly, but in sense contrary to the decretal in
the Clementines, Si dudum, being asked what was that sense and
meaning, would not declare the same. Wherefore it was then demanded of
them, according to the sense of the same conclusion, declared on the
behalf of the said lord of Canterbury, whether the same body of
Christ, which was assumed of the Virgin, be in the sacrament of the
altar, secundum seipsum, even as he is really in carnal substance,
proper essence, and nature? To this they answered, that for that time
they could say no more than that they had said, as before is specified
in writing.

  Furthermore, to the sense and text of the sixth conclusion, for
that they answered not fully and expressly, being asked whether God
owed any manner of obedience to the devil or not? they said, Yea, as
the obedience of love, because he loveth him, and punished him as he
ought. And to prove that God ought so to obey the devil, they offered
themselves to the fire.

  To the eleventh conclusion, for that they answered not expressly,
being asked whether a prelate might excommunicate any man being in the
state of grace? they said, Yea.

  Unto the twentieth conclusion, for that they answered not fully,
simply, and expressly; being demanded whether special or general
prayers did most profit, and were of greater force, they would not say
but that special did.
Unto the last conclusion, for that they answered neither simply, nor
expressly; and being demanded particularly, whether any friar were
bound to get his living with his manual labour, so that it might not
be lawful for him to live by begging, they would make no answer at
all.

  After that, the aforesaid lord archbishop of Canterbury demanded
of all the aforesaid doctors, what their judgment was touching the
answers that were made upon all and singular such conclusions. All
which doctors and every of them severally said, that all the answers
given unto the first, second, third, and sixth conclusions, (as is
before recited,) were insufficient, heretical, and subtle; and that
all the answers made specially to the ninth, tenth, and last
conclusions, as is above mentioned, were insufficient, erroneous, and
perverse. Whereupon the said lord archbishop of Canterbury,
considering the said answers to be heretical, subtle, erroneous, and
perverse, accordingly as the said doctors (as is aforesaid) had
weighed and considered, admonished the said Nicholas and Philip
sufficiently under this form of words.
Illustration: Trial of Herford, Reppington and Ashton

  "The name of Christ being called upon, we, William, by God's
permission, archbishop of Canterbury, metropolitan of all England, and
legate of the apostolic see, and through all our province of
Canterbury, inquisitor of all heretical pravity, do sufficiently and
lawfully admonish and cite you, Nicholas Herford, and Philip
Reppington, professors of divinity, having this day and place assigned
you by your own consent and our appointment, peremptorily to answer
and to say fully and plainly your opinions touching these conclusions,
whereunto we do refer you, (all subtle, sophistical, and logical words
set apart,) being thereunto sworn, cited, and commanded. Which thing
to do, without cause reasonable or any licence given thereunto, you
neither have been willing, nor are willing; nay, rather ye
contemptuously refused to answer to some of those conclusions before
us judicially, according to the effect of our monition, citation, and
commandment aforesaid. But for that ye have answered unto some of them
heretically, and to other some erroneously, although not fully; we
admonish and cite you once, twice, and thrice, and that peremptorily,
that plainly and fully (all subtle, sophistical, and logical words set
apart) you and every of you answer unto the same conclusions, and unto
that sense and meaning by us limited, under the pain that otherwise
such conclusions by you confessed deserve, and that for the same
conclusions you ought to have."

  Which admonition being made and done, for that the aforesaid
Nicholas and Philip would make none other answer, the said lord
archbishop of Canterbury concluded that business, prefixing and
assigning unto the aforesaid Nicholas and Philip eight days' space;
that is to say, until the twenty-seventh day of the same month, and
that then they should appear before the said lord archbishop of
Canterbury, wheresoever within the same his province of Canterbury he
should fortune to be, to hear his decree that should be made in that
behalf. This done, the aforesaid archbishop of Canterbury admonished
and cited lawfully and sufficiently John Ashton, under the tenor of
these words following.

  "In the name of God; we, William, by God's mission, archbishop of
Canterbury, primate of all England, legate of the see apostolical, and
through all our province of Canterbury, of all heretical pravity chief
inquisitor, do admonish and cite thee, John Ashton, master of arts,
and student in divinity, appearing before us, judicially to say and
speak the plain verity touching these conclusions, to the which we do
refer thee, and to the which we have caused thee to swear, laying thy
hand upon a book; as being also otherwise by us admonished and
commanded to keep this day and place by us appointed, for the third
time peremptorily, to propone such reasonable cause (if thou hast any)
wherefore thou oughtest not to be pronounced a heretic. And
sufficiently and lawfully we admonish and cite thee, the first,
second, and third time, and that peremptorily, that thou fully and
plainly (all subtle, sophistical, and logical words set apart) do
answer unto the same conclusions under the pain that unto such
conclusions belong, and on thy part confessed, and that thou for such
conclusions oughtest to suffer." Which monition being thus premised,
the said archbishop read the first conclusion, and of the said John
inquired what was his opinion and meaning therein? and hereupon he
said his mind concerning the aforesaid monition. Then the aforesaid
John Ashton, being often required by the archbishop, that he would
answer in the Latin tongue to those questions which were demanded of
him, because of the lay people that stood about him; he, crying out in
the English tongue, uttered frivolous and opprobrious contumelies to
move and excite the people against the said archbishop, as it should
seem. Neither did he unto the first conclusions, nor unto any of these
other conclusions, effectually and pertinently seem to them to answer;
but rather by subtleties and shifts, saying oftentimes, and as
expressly as Luke said, it was sufficient for him to believe as the
holy church believed. Then the said archbishop examined him upon the
first conclusion touching the sacrament of the altar; whether that
after the words of consecration there remaineth material bread,
particular bread, or universal bread? He said the matter passed his
understanding, and therefore said, he would in that form and manner
answer, and otherwise not: but amongst other things, he spake in 
deriding-wise unto the said archbishop against this word material,
saying, You may put that in your purse, if you have any. Whereupon the
said archbishop calling that an unwise and foolish answer, as the rest
of the doctors did, (of whom mention was made before,) the rather for
that he was a graduate in the schools, further proceeded against the
said John Ashton in this wise.

  "And thou John Ashton, admonished and commanded by us, as is
aforesaid, after thine oath taken, without any reasonable cause or any
other licence, neither wouldest thou, nor yet wilt, but refusedst, and
yet dost contemptuously, to answer unto such conclusions before us;
judicially, according to our monition and commandment aforesaid, we do
hold all such conclusions to be by thee confessed, and thee, the
aforesaid John, with all thy aforesaid conclusions, convicted. And
therefore we do pronounce and declare by sentence giving, that thou
John Ashton, concerning those conclusions, whichby us with good
deliberation of divers prelates our suffragans, and also divers and
sundry professors of divinity, and other wise men and learned in the
law, according to the canonical sanctions, being condemned and
declared for a heretic and heretical, hast been and still art a
heretic, and thy conclusions heretical. And as touching thy other
conclusions, by us heretofore counted erroneous, and for erroneous
condemned, we do pronounce and declare sententially by these our
writings, both that thou hast erred, and dost err."

  Upon the same twentieth day of June, in the year and place above
recited, the aforesaid lord of Canterbury being desirous, as he
pretended, to be informed by Thomas Hilman, bachelor of divinity,
there being present, and somewhat favouring the said Master John
Ashton, what his judgment and opinion was touching the aforesaid
conclusions, prefixed and assigned unto the said Thomas (for that time
demanding the same deliberation and day) eight days after, that is to
say, the twenty-eighth of the said month, to appear before the
archbishop of Canterbury, wheresoever within his said province of
Canterbury he should then happen to be, to declare plainly and fully
what his judgment and opinion was touching the aforesaid conclusions.

  The Friday next following, that is to say, the twenty-eighth day
of June, A. D. 1382, the aforesaid Nicholas Herford, Philip
Reppington, and Thomas Hilman, appeared before the said archbishop and
lord inquisitor of Canterbury, in the chapel of his manor of Otford,
in the diocese of Canterbury, there sitting in his tribunal seat; to
whom the said bishop of Canterbury saying, that because at that time
he had not the presence and assistance of the doctors in divinity and
of the canon and civil law, he continued the said business touching
the said Nicholas, Philip, and Thomas, in the same state wherein then
it was, till Tuesday next and immediately ensuing, that is to say, the
first day of July, the year of our Lord aforesaid; and prefixed unto
the said Nicholas, Philip, and Thomas Hilman the same day to appear
before him, wheresoever within his province of Canterbury he should
then chance to be, to do that which upon the said twenty-eighth day
they were purposed to do together or apart.

  Which Tuesday being come, the aforesaid archbishop, in the chief
house of his church at Canterbury, before the hour of nine, with the
doctors whose names are under contained, and other clerks a great
multitude, expected the aforesaid Nicholas, Philip, and Thomas a long
time, the beadle calling them and looking after them; who,
nevertheless, appeared not before two of the clock after dinner the
same day, continuing the aforesaid business in the pristine state till
the same hour; at which hour the aforesaid archbishop of Canterbury,
having assistants the doctors and clerks under recited, examined the
aforesaid Master Thomas Hilman, then and there judicially appearing,
what his opinion was touching the aforesaid conclusions; who, at them
and the meaning of them somewhat stammering, at last, to all and
singular the same conclusions then to him read and expounded, thus
answered: "I suppose and judge all and singular those conclusions
lately condemned by my lord of Canterbury that now is, together with
the counsel and consent of his clerks, to be heretical and erroneous,
even as the same my lord of Canterbury and other doctors of divinity,
of the canon and civil law, by common consent and counsel, have
supposed and thought. And the same, being for heresies and errors, as
before is said, condemned, I do, as much as in me is, condemn;
protesting that I will hold and affirm the contrary of those
conclusions, and in the same faith live and die." Then the said
archbishop of Canterbury, then and there sitting as tribunal or judge,
pronouncing the said Masters Nicholas and Philip, long in court called
before and tarried for, and yet not appearing, guilty of contumacy and
disobedience, excommunicated them for the penalty of this their
contumacy.

  Against this blind excommunication of the said archbishop the
parties excommunicate commenced and exhibited their appeal unto the
bishop of Rome; which appeal of theirs, as insufficient, or rather to
him unpleasant, the said archbishop utterly rejected, (as might
oftentimes overcometh right,) proceeding in his preconceived
excommunication against them, and writing moreover his letters to him
that should preach next at Paul's Cross, as is aforesaid, to denounce
and to publish openly the said Nicholas Herford and Philip Reppington
to be excommunicate, for not appearing at their term assigned, which
was in the thirteenth day of the month of July.

  This archbishop, moreover, the said year, the month and day
aforesaid, sent also another letter to Master Rigges, commissary of
Oxford, straitly enjoining and charging him, not only to denounce the
said sentence of excommunication, and to give out public citation
against them, but also to make diligent search and inquisition through
all Oxford for them, to have them apprehended and sent up to him,
personally before him to appear at a certain day, prescribed for the
same. Whereby may appear how busy this bishop was in disquieting and
persecuting these poor men, whom rather he should have nourished and
cherished as his brethren. But as his labour is past, so his reward
will follow, at what day the great Archbishop of our souls shall
judicially appear in his tribunal seat, to judge both the quick and
the dead.

  The archbishop, not yet contented with this, doth moreover by all
means possible solicit the king to join withal the power of his
temporal sword; for that he well perceived, that hitherto as yet the
popish clergy had not authority sufficient, by any public law or
statute of this land, to proceed unto death against any person
whatsoever, in case of religion, but only by the usurped tyranny and
example of the court of Rome. Where note (gentle reader) for thy
better understanding, the practice of the Romish prelates in seeking
the king's help to further their bloody purpose against the good
saints of God. Which king being but young, and under years of ripe
judgment, partly induced, or rather seduced, by importune suit of the
aforesaid archbishop, partly also either for fear of the bishops, (for
kings cannot always do in their realms what they will,) or else
perhaps enticed by some hope of subsidy to be gathered by the clergy,
was content to adjoin his private assent (such as it was) to the
setting down of an ordinance, which was indeed the very first law that
is to be found made against religion and the professors thereof,
bearing the name of an act made in the parliament holden at
Westminster, in the fifth year of Richard the Second; where among
sundry other statutes then published, and yet remaining in the printed
books of statutes, this supposed statute is to be found, cap. 5, et
ultimo.

    
    Item, forasmuch as it is openly known that there be divers evil
persons within the realm, going from country to country, and from town
to town, in certain habits under dissimulation of great holiness, and
without the licence of the ordinaries of the places, or other
sufficient authority, preaching not only in churches and churchyards,
but also in markets, fairs, and other open places where a great
congregation of people is, divers sermons containing heresies and
notorious errors, to the great emblemishing of Christian faith, and
destruction of the laws and of the estate of holy church, to the great
peril of the souls of the people, and of all the realm of England, as
more plainly is found, and sufficiently proved before the reverend
father in God, the archbishop of Canterbury, and the bishops and other
prelates, masters of divinity, and doctors of canon and of civil law,
and a great part of the clergy, of the said realm, specially assembled
for this great cause; which persons do also preach divers matters of
slander, to engender discord and dissension betwixt divers estates of
the said realm, as well spiritual as temporal, in exciting of the
people to the great peril of all the realm; which preachers being
cited or summoned before the ordinaries of the places, there to answer
to that whereof they be impeached, they will not obey to their summons
and commandments, nor care for their monitions, or censures of the
holy church, but expressly despise them; and moreover, by their subtle
and ingenious words, do draw the people to hear their sermons, and do
maintain them in their errors by strong hand, and by great routs; it
is ordained and assented in this present parliament, that the king's
commissions be made and directed to the sheriffs and other ministers
of our sovereign lord the king, or other sufficient persons learned,
and according to the certifications of the prelates thereof, to be
made in the chancery from time to time, to arrest all such preachers,
and also their favourers, maintainers, and abettors, and to hold them
in arrest and strong prison, till they will justify themselves
according to the law and reason of holy church. And the king willeth
and commandeth that the chancellor make such commissions at all times,
that he, by the prelates, or any of them, shall be certified and
thereof required, as is aforesaid.

An examination of the aforesaid supposed statute, and of the
invalidity thereof.

  Which supposed statute, forasmuch as it was the principal ground
whereupon proceeded all the persecution of that time, it is therefore
not impertinent to examine the same more particularly, whereby it
shall appear, that as the same was fraudulently and unduly devised by
the prelates only, so was it in like manner most injuriously and
unorderly executed by them. For immediately upon the publishing of
this law, without further warrant either from the king or his council,
commissions under the great seal of England were made in this form:
"Richard, by the grace of God," &c.; ut patet act., above; "witness
myself, at Westminster, the twenty-sixth day of June, in the sixth
year of our reign;" without more words of warrant underwritten, such
as in like cases are both usual and requisite; viz. per ipsum regem:
per regem et concilium; per breve de privato sigillo: all or any which
words being utterly wanting in this place, as may be seen in the
king's records of that time, it must therefore be done either by
warrant of this aforesaid statute, or else without any warrant at all.
Whereupon it is to be noted, that whereas the said statute appointed
the commissions to be directed to the sheriff, or other ministers of
the king's, or to other sufficient persons learned, for the arresting
of such persons; the said commissions are directed to the archbishop
and his suffragans, being, as it appeareth, parties in the case,
authorizing them further, without either the words or reasonable
meaning of the said statute, to imprison them in their own houses, or
where else pleased them.

  Besides also, what manner of law this was, by whom devised, and
by what authority the same was first made and established, judge by
that that followeth: viz.

  In the Utas of St. Michael next following, at a parliament
summoned and holden at Westminster, the sixth year of the said king,
among sundry petitions made to the king by his commons, whereunto he
assented, there is one in this form, article 52.

  "Item, praying the commons, that whereas a statute was made the
last parliament, in these words: It is ordained in this present
parliament, that commissions from the king be directed to the sheriffs
and other ministers of the king, or to other sufficient persons
skilful, and according to the certificates of the prelates thereof, to
be made unto the chancery from time to time, to arrest all such
preachers, and their favourers, maintainers, and abettors; and them to
detain in strong prison, until they will justify themselves according
to reason, and law of holy church: and the king willeth and commandeth
that the chancellor make such commissions at all times as he shall be
by the prelates or any of them certified, and thereof required, as is
aforesaid.' The which was never agreed nor granted by the commons; but
whatsoever was moved therein, was without their assent: That the said
statute be therefore disannulled. For it is not in any wise their
meaning, that either themselves, or such as shall succeed them, shall
be further justified or bound by the prelates, than were their
ancestors in former times: whereunto is answered, Il plaist al roy,
that is, 'The king is pleased.'"

  Hereby, notwithstanding the former unjust law of the fifth of
Richard the Second was repealed, and the fraud of the framers thereof
sufficiently discovered, yet such means was there made by the
pre.lates, that this act of repeal was never published, nor ever since
imprinted with the rest of the statutes of that parliament; insomuch
as the said repeal being concealed, like commissions and other process
were made from time to time, by virtue of the said bastard statute, as
well during all the reign of this king, as ever since, against the
professors of religion, as shall hereafter, by the grace of God,
appear in the second year of King Henry the Fourth, where the clergy
pursued the like practice. And now again to the story of our Oxford
divines, and of the archbishop, to whom the king writeth his letters
patent, first to the archbishop, then to the vice-chancellor of
Oxford, in form as followeth.

The king's letters patent to the archbishop.

    RICHARD, by the grace of God, king of England, and lord of
Ireland, to all those to whom these present letters shall come,
greeting. By the petition of the reverend father in God, William,
archbishop of Canterbury, primate of England, exhibited unto us, we
right well understand: That divers and sundry conclusions, very
contrary to wholesome doctrine, and redounding both to the subversion
of the Catholic faith, the holy church, and of his province of
Canterbury, in divers and sundry places of the same his province, have
been openly and publicly preached, although damnably preached: of the
which conclusions, some as heresies, other some as errors, have been
condemned, but not before good and mature deliberation first therein
had and used; and by common counsel of the said archbishop, his
suffragans, and many doctors in divinity, and other clerks and learned
men in the Holy Scriptures, were sententially and wholesomely
declared. Whereupon the said archbishop hath made his supplication
unto us; that both for the coercion and due castigation of such as
shall henceforth, of an obstinate mind, preach or maintain the
aforesaid conclusions, we would vouchsafe to put to the arm and
helping hand of our kingly power. We therefore, moved by the zeal of
the Catholic faith, whereof we be and will be defenders, and unwilling
that any such heresies or errors should spring up within the limits of
our dominion, give and grant special licence and authority, by the
tenor of these presents, unto the aforesaid archbishop, and to his
suffragans, to arrest and imprison, either in their own prisons or any
other, all and every such person and persons, as shall either privily
or apertly preach and maintain the aforesaid conclusions, so
condemned; and the same persons, so imprisoned there, at their
pleasures to detain, till such time as they shall repent them and
amend them of such heretical pravities, or else it shall be of such
arrests, by us and our council otherwise determined and provided:
further charging and commanding all and singular our liegemen,
ministers, and subjects, of what state and condition soever they be,
upon their fidelity and allegiance, wherein they stand bound to us,
that by no means they either favour, counsel, or help the preachers or
maintainers of the said conclusions so condemned, or their favourers,
upon pain and forfeiture of all that ever they have; but that they
obey and humbly attend upon the said archbishop, his suffragans, and
ministers, in the execution of these presents; so that due and
manifest publication against the aforesaid conclusions and their
maintainers, without any perturbation, may be done and executed, as
for the defence of our realm and Catholic faith shall be thought most
mect and requisite. In witness whereof, we have caused these our
letters patent to be made.
Witness ourself at Westminster, the sixteenth of June, and sixth year
of our reign.

The king's letters patent to the vice-chancellor.

    THE king, to the chancellor and the procurators of the
university of Oxford which now be, or for the time being shall be,
greeting. Moved by the zeal of Christian faith, whereof we be, and
always will be, defenders, and for our soul's health induced
thereunto, having a great desire to repress, and by condign punishment
to restrain the impugners of the aforesaid faith, which newly and
wickedly go about, and presume to sow their naughty and perverse
doctrine within our kingdom of England, and to preach and hold
damnable conclusions, so notoriously repugnant and contrary to the
same faith, to the perverting of our subjects and people, as we
understand; before they any further proceed in their malicious errors,
or else infect others, we have by these presents appointed you to be
inquisitor-general, all the chief divines of the said university being
your assistants, and the same likewise to be done of all and singular
the graduates, divines, and lawyers of the same university. And if
they shall know any which be of the jurisdiction of the said
university of Oxford, which be probably of them suspected to be in the
favour, belief, or defence of any heresy or error, and specially of
any one of the conclusions publicly condemned by the reverend father,
William, archbishop of Canterbury, by the counsel of his clergy, or
else of any other conclusion like unto any of them in meaning, or in
words; and that if henceforth you shall find any that shall believe,
favour, or defend any of the aforesaid heresies or errors, or any
other such-like, or else which shall be so bold to receive into their
houses and inns, Master John Wickliff, Master Nicholas Herford, Master
Philip Reppington, or Master John Ashton, or any other noted by
probable suspicion of any the aforesaid heresies, or errors, or any
other like unto them in meaning, or in word; or that shall presume to
communicate with any of them, or else to defend or favour any of such
favourers, receivers, communicants, and defenders, within seven days
after the same shall appear and be manifest unto you, that you banish
and expel them from the university and town of Oxford, till such time
as they shall declare their innocency before the archbishop of
Canterbury for the time being, by manifest purgation. So,
notwithstanding, that such as be compelled to purge themselves, you
certify us and the said archbishop, under your seals, from time to
time within one month, that they be such manner of men. Commanding
furthermore, that through all the halls of the said university ye
cause diligently to be searched and inquired out of hand, if any man
have any book or tractation of the edition, or compiling of the
aforesaid Master John Wickliff, or Nicholas Herford; and that, when
and wheresoever ye shall chance to find any such book or tractation,
ye cause the same to be arrested and taken, and unto the aforesaid
archbishop within one month, (without correction, corruption, or
mutation whatsoever,) word for word, and sentence for sentence, to be
brought and presented. And therefore we straitly enjoin and command
you, upon your fidelity and allegiance wherein ye stand bound unto us,
and upon the pain of forfeiture of all and singular your liberties and
privileges of your said university, and of all that ever you have
besides; that you give your diligent attendance upon the premises, and
that well and faithfully you execute the same in manner and form
aforesaid. And that you obey the aforesaid archbishop, and his lawful
and honest mandates, that he shall think good to direct unto you in
this behalf, as it is meet ye should. And we give in charge unto the
vice-chancellor and mayor of Oxford for the time being, and to all and
singular our sheriffs, and under-sheriffs, bailiffs, and subjects, by
these presents, that they aid, obey, and be attendant upon you in the
execution of the premises. In witness whereof, &c., witness the king
at Westminster, the thirteenth day of July, the sixth year of his
reign.

  Besides these letters patent, the said young king, moved by the
unquiet importunity of the archbishop, sendeth, moreover, another
special letter to the vice-chancellor and proctors of the university
of Oxford. Wherein, under a pretended zeal of defence of Christian
faith, he straitly and sharply enjoineth and assigneth them (for the
utter abolishing of those conclusions and opinions) to make a general
inquisition through the whole university, as well for the parties
aforesaid, John Wickliff, Nicholas Herford, Philip Reppington, John
Ashton, and such others, as also for all other whom they know or judge
to be suspected of that doctrine, or to be maintainers, receivers, and
defenders of the aforesaid parties, or their conclusions any manner of
way; to the intent that they being so apprehended through their
diligent search, may be, within seven days of their admonitions,
expulsed the university, and cited up to the archbishop of Canterbury,
before him to appear and to stand to their answers; willing, moreover,
and commanding the said vice-chancellor and proctors, with other
regents, their assisters, that if any person or persons in any house,
hall, or college, or in any other place, shall be found to have any of
their books or treatises compiled by the said John Wickliff, Nicholas
Herford, &c., they will cause without delay the said person or
persons, with their books, to be arrested and attached, and presented
within one month, without correction, corruption, or mutation, to the
aforesaid archbishop, upon their faith and allegiance, as they will
avoid the forfeiture of all and singular the liberties and privileges
of the university appertaining. And that they will be obedient to the
archbishop aforesaid in the ordering hereof, and all other his
injunctions to be obeyed in all things lawful and honest. Giving,
moreover, in these our letters, charge and commandment to the mayor,
bailiffs, and other the inhabitants of Oxford, to be assistant and
attendant unto the aforesaid vice-chancellor and proctors, touching
the execution of the premises, bearing the date of the fourteenth day
of July, which was the year of our Lord 1382.

Matters incident of Robert Rigges, vice-chancellor of Oxford, Nicholas
Herford, and Philip Reppington, with others.

  The vice-chancellor the same time in Oxford was Master Robert
Rigges; the two proctors were John Huntman and Walter Dish; who then,
as far as they durst, favoured the cause of John Wickliff and that
side; insomuch that the same time and year, which was A. D. 1382, when
certain public sermons should be appointed customably at the feast of
the Ascension, and of Corpus Christi, to be preached in the cloister
of St. Frideswide (now called Christ's Church) before the people, by
the vice-chancellor aforesaid and the proctors; the doings thereof the
vice.chancellor aforesaid and proctors had committed to Philip
Reppington and Nicholas Herford, so that Nicholas Herford should
preach on the Ascension day, and Reppington upon Corpus Christi day.
First, Herford beginning, was noted to defend John Wickliff openly to
be a faithful, good, and innocent man; for the which no small ado with
outcries was amongst the friars. This Herford, after he had long
favoured and maintained Wickliff's part, grew first in suspicion
amongst the enemies of the truth. For as soon as he began somewhat
liberally and freely to pronounce and utter any thing, which tended to
the defence of Wickliff; by and by the Carmelites, and all the orders
of religion, were on his top, and laid not a few heresies unto his
charge; the which they had strained here and there out of his sermons,
and had compiled together in a certain form, by the hands of certain
notaries, through the industry and diligence of one Peter Stokes, a
Carmelite; a kind of people prone and ready to all kind of mischief,
uproars, and debate, and dissension. After this the feast of Corpus
Christi drew near; upon which day it was looked for that Reppington
should preach. This man was a canon of Leicester, and had before taken
his first degree unto doctorship, who preaching the same time at
Broadgate, for the same sermon he became first suspected, and hated of
the Pharisaical brood of the friars: but through the great and notable
dexterity of his wit, (which all men did behold and see in him,)
accompanied with like modesty and honesty, he did so overcome, or at
the least assuage, this cruelty and persecution which was towards him,
that shortly after, by the consent of the whole fellowship, he was
admitted doctor. Who as soon as he had taken it upon him, by and by he
stepped forth in the schools, and began immediately to show forth and
utter that which he had long hidden and dissembled, protesting openly,
that in all moral matters he would defend Wickliff; but as touching
the sacrament he would as yet hold his peace, until such time as the
Lord shall otherwise illuminate the hearts and minds of the clergy.

  Now the day of Corpus Christi aforesaid approaching near, when
the friars understood that this man should preach, fearing lest that
he would rub the galls of their religion, they convented with the
archbishop of Canterbury that the same day, a little before that
Philip should preach, Wickliff's conclusions, which were privately
condemned, should be openly defamed in the presence of the whole
university. The doing of which matter was committed to Peter Stokes,
friar, standard-bearer and chief champion of that side against
Wickliff.

  There were also letters sent unto the commissary, that he should
help and aid him in publishing of the same conclusions, as is before
declared.

  These things thus done and finished, Reppington at the hour
appointed proceeded to his sermon. In the which sermon, among many
other things, he was reported to have uttered these sayings, or to
this effect.

  That the popes or bishops ought not to be recommended above
temporal lords.

  Also that in moral matters he would defend Master Wickliff as a
true Catholic doctor.

  Moreover, that the duke of Lancaster was very earnestly affected
and minded in this matter, and would that all such should be received
under his protection; besides many things more, which touched the
praise and defence of Wickliff.

  And finally, in concluding his sermon, he dismissed the people
with this sentence; I will (said he) in
the speculative doctrine, as appertaining to the matter of the
sacrament of the altar, keep silence and hold my peace, until such
time as God otherwise shall instruct and illuminate the hearts of the
clergy.

    When the sermon was done, Reppington entered into St.
Frideswide's church, accompanied with many of his friends; who, as the
enemies surmised, were privily weaponed under their garments, if need
had been. Friar Stokes, the Carmelite aforesaid, suspecting all this
to be against him, and being afraid of hurt, kept him within the
sanctuary of the church, not daring as then to put out his head. The
vice-chancellor and Reppington, friendly saluting one another in the
church porch, sent away the people, and so departed every man home to
his own house. There was not a little joy through the whole university
for that sermon; but in the mean time, the unquiet and busy Carmelite
slipt not his matter. For first, by his letters he declared the whole
order of the matter unto the archbishop, exaggerating the perils and
dangers that he was in, requiring and desiring his help and aid,
pretermitting nothing thereby to move and stir up the archbishop's
mind, which of his own nature was as hot as a toast, as they say, and
ready enough to prosecute the matter of his own accord, though no man
had pricked him forward thereunto. Besides all this, three days after,
with a fierce and bold courage, the said friar, breathing out
threatenings and heresies against them, took the way into the schools,
minding there to prove, that the pope and the bishops ought to be
prayed for before the lords temporal. Whilst this friar was thus
occupied in the schools, he was mocked and derided of all men, and
shortly after he was sent for by the archbishop to London; whom,
immediately after, the vice-chancellor and Brightwell followed up, to
purge and clear themselves and their adherents from the accusations of
this Friar Peter. At the length, they being examined upon Wickliff's
conclusions that were condemned, they did all consent that they were
worthily condemned. The vice-chancellor being afterward accused for
the contempt of the archbishop's letters, whenas he perceived and saw
that no excuse would prevail to avoid that danger, humbling himself
upon his knees, he desired pardon. The which when he had now again,
(as is aforesaid,) albeit very hardly, obtained, by the help of the
bishop of Winchester he was sent away again with certain commandments,
and suspensions of heretics. Then began the hatred on either part
somewhat to appear and show, and especially, men were offended, above
all, with the friars and religious men, unto whom, whatsoever trouble
or mischief was raised up, they did impute it, as to the authors and
causers of the same. Amongst whom there was one Henry Crompe, a monk
Cistercian, a well learned divine, which afterward was accused by the
bishops of heresy. He at that time was openly suspected by the
commissary, because in his lectures he called the heretics Lollards,
or rather in his acts (as they term them) in the school. Then he,
coming by and by up to London, made his complaint unto the archbishop
and to the king's council.

  Whereupon he obtained the letters of the king, and of his
council, by virtue whereof he (returning again to the university) was
released and restored again to his former state.
Illustration: Oxford

  Mention was made, as you heard a little before, how Master
Rigges, vice-chancellor of Oxford, coming up with Master Brightwell to
the archbishop of Canterbury, was there straitly examined of the
conclusions of Wickliff, where he, notwithstanding,through the help of
the bishop of Winchester, obtained pardon, and was sent away again
with commandments and charges, to seek out all the favourers of John
Wickliff. This commandment being received, Nicholas Herford and Philip
Reppington (being privily warned by the vice-chancellor) in the mean
season conveyed themselves out of sight, and fled to the duke of
Lancaster for succour and help; but the duke, whether for fear, or for
what cause else I cannot say, in the end forsook his poor and
miserable clients.

  In the mean time, while they were fled thus to the duke, great
search and inquisition was made for them, to cite and to apprehend
them wheresoever they might be found. Whereupon the archbishop of
Canterbury, William Courtney, directed out his letters first to the
vice-chancellor of Oxford, then to the bishop of London, named Robert
Braybroke; charging them not only to excommunicate the said Nicholas
and Philip within their jurisdiction, and the said excommunication to
be denounced likewise throughout all the diocese of his suffragans;
but also, moreover, that diligent search and watch should be laid for
them, both in Oxford and in London, that they might be apprehended;
requiring, moreover, by them to be certified again, what they had done
in the premises. And this was written the fourteenth day of July, A.
D. 1382.

  Unto these letters received from the archbishop, diligent
certificate was given accordingly, as well of the bishop of London his
part, as also of the vice-chancellor.

  In the mean time, Nicholas Herford and Reppington, being repulsed
of the duke, and destitute, as was said, of his support, whether they
were sent, or of their own accord went, to the archbishop, it was
uncertain. This I find in a letter of the aforesaid archbishop,
contained in his register; that Reppington, the twenty-third day of
October, the same year, 1382, was reconciled again to the archbishop,
and also by his general letter was released, and admitted to his
scholastical acts in the university; and so was also John Ashton, of
whom (Christ willing) more shall follow hereafter. Of Nicholas Herford
all this while I find no special relation.

  In the mean time, about the twenty-third of the month of 
September, the said year, the king sent his mandate to the archbishop
for collecting of a subsidy, and to have a convocation of the clergy
summoned against the next parliament, which should begin the
eighteenth day of November. The archbishop likewise, on the fifteenth
day of October, directed his letters monitory, as the manner is, to
Robert Braybroke, bishop of London, to give the same admonition to all
his suffragans, and other of the clergy within his province, for the
assembling of the convocation aforesaid. All which done and executed,
the parliament begun, being holden at Oxford the eighteenth day of
November, where the convocation was kept in the monastery of
Frideswide, in Oxford. In the which convocation the archbishop, with
other bishops there sitting in their pontificalibus, declared two
causes of that their present assembly: the one, said he, to repress
heresies, which began newly in the realm to spring, and for correcting
other excesses in the church: the other cause, said he, was to aid and
support the king with some necessary subsidy of money to be gathered,
which thus declared, the convocation was continued till the day
following, which was the nineteenth of November.

  At the said day and place, the archbishop with the other prelates
assembling themselves as before, the archbishop, after the used
solemnity, willed the procurators of the clergy, appointed for every
diocese, to consult within themselves, in some convenient several
place, what they thought for their parts touching the redress of
things, to be notified and declared to him and to his brethren, &c.

  Furthermore, forasmuch, saith he, as it is so noised through all
the realm, that there were certain in the university of Oxford, which
did hold and maintain conclusions, as he calleth them, heretical and
erroneous, condemned by him, and by other lawyers and doctors of
divinity; he therefore assigned the bishops of Sarum, Hereford, and
Rochester, with William Rugge, then vice-chancellor of the university
of Oxford, (for perhaps Robert Rigges was then displaced,) as also
William Berton, and John Middleton, doctors; giving them his full
authority, with cursing and banning to compel them to search and to
inquire with all diligence and ways possible, over all and singular
whatsoever, either doctors, bachelors, or scholars of the said
university, which did hold, teach, maintain, and defend, in schools or
out of schools, the said conclusions heretical (as he called them) or
erroneous, and afterward to give certificate truly and plainly
touching the premises. And thus for that day the assembly brake up to
the next, and so to the next, and the third, being Monday, the twenty-
fourth day of November.

  On the which day, in the presence of the prelates and the clergy
in the chapter-house of St. Frideswide, came in Philip Reppington,
otherwise called by the brethren, afterward, Rampington, who there
abjured the conclusions and assertions aforesaid, in this form of
words as followeth:

  "I Philip Reppington, canon of the house of Leicester,
acknowledging one catholic and apostolic faith, do curse and also
abjure all heresy, namely, these heresies and errors underwritten,
condemned and reproved by the decrees canonical, and by you, most
reverend father, touching which hitherto I have been defamed;
condemning, moreover, and reproving both them and the authors of them,
and do confess the same to be catholically condemned. And I swear
also, by these holy evangelists, which here I hold in my hand, and do
promise, never by any persuasions of men, nor by any way hereafter, to
defend or hold as true any of the said conclusions underwritten; but
do and will stand and adhere in all things to the determination of the
holy catholic church, and to yours, in this behalf. Over and besides,
all such as stand contrary to this faith, I do pronounce them, with
their doctrine and followers, worthy of everlasting curse. And if I
myself shall presume at any time to hold or preach any thing contrary
to the premises, I shall be content to abide the severity of the
canons. Subscribed with mine own hand, and of mine own accord,

  "PHILIP REPPINGTON."

  And thus the said Rampington was discharged, who afterward was
made bishop of Lincoln, and became at length the most bitter and
extreme persecutor of this side, of all the other bishops within the
realm, as in process hereafter may appear.

  After the abjuration of this Reppington, immediately was brought
in John Ashton, student of divinity; who being examined of those
conclusions, and willed to say his mind, answered, that he was too
simple and ignorant, and therefore would not, and could not, answer
any thing clearly or distinctly to those conclusions. Whereupon the
archbishop assigned to him Doctor William Rugge, the vice-chancellor,
and other divines, such as he required himself, to be instructed in
the mystery of those conclusions against the afternoon; who then,
appearing again after dinner before the archbishop and the prelates,
did in like sort and form of words abjure, as did Reppington before.

  Of this John Ashton we read, that afterward, by Thomas Arundel,
archbishop of Canterbury, he was cited and condemned; but whether he
died in prison, or was burned, we have yet no certainty to show. This
is certain by the plain words of the Chronicle of St. Alban's, that
when the archbishop with his doctors and friars sat in examination
upon this said John Ashton, in London, the Londoners brake open the
door of the conclave, and did hinder the archbishop himself sitting in
the city of London, when he would have made process against John
Ashton, A. D. 1382. And thus much of John Ashton.

  As touching Nicholas Herford, during the time of this convocation
he did not appear; and therefore had the sentence of excommunication,
against which he put in his appeal from the archbishop to the king and
his council. The archbishop would not admit it, but finding stays and
stops, caused him to be apprehended and enclosed in prison.
Notwithstanding, through the will of God and good means, he escaped
out of the prison, returning again to his former exercise and
preaching as he did before, albeit in as covert and secret manner as
he could.

  Whereupon the archbishop, thundering out his bolts of
excommunication against him, sending to all pastors and ministers,
willing them in all churches, and on all festival days, to divulge the 
said excommunication against him to all men; he writeth moreover, and
sendeth special charge, to all and singular of the laity, to beware
that their simplicity be not deceived by his doctrine, but that they,
like catholic children, will avoid him, and cause him of all other to
be avoided.

  Furthermore, not contented with this, he addresseth also his
letter unto the king, requiring also the aid of his temporal sword to
chop off his neck, whom he had already cast down. See and note,
reader, the seraphical charity of these priestly prelates towards the
poor redeemed flock of Christ. And yet these be they which, washing
their hands with Pilate, say, and pretend, Nobis non licet interficere
quenquam, It is not our parts to kill any man. The copy of the letter
written to the king is this:

  "To the most excellent prince in Christ, &c.: William, &c.,
greeting in Him by whom kings do reign and princes bear rule. Unto
your kingly celsitude by the tenor of these presents we intimate, that
one Master Nicholas Herford, doctor of divinity, for his manifest
contumacy and offence in not appearing before us, being called at the
day and place assigned, is therefore enwrapped in the sentence of the
greater curse, publicly by our ordinary authority; and in the same
sentence hath continued now forty days, and yet still continueth with
indurate heart, wickedly contemning the keys of the church, both to
the greater peril of his soul, and to the pernicious example of other.
Forasmuch, therefore, as the holy mother the church hath not to do, or
to proceed, any further in this matter, we humbly desire your kingly
majesty to direct out your letters for the apprehending of the said
excommunicate, according to the custom of this realm of England,
wholesomely observed and kept hitherto; to the intent that such, whom
the fear of God doth not restrain from evil, the discipline of the
secular arm may bridle and pluck back from offending. Your princely
celsitude the Lord long continue. From Lambeth, the fifteenth of
January."



81. JOHN WICKLIFF (CONTD.)

  And thus far concerning Nicholas Herford, and the other
aforesaid. But all this mean while what became of John Wickliff is not
certainly known; albeit, so far as may be gathered out of Walden, it
appeareth that he was banished and driven to exile. In the mean time
it is not to be doubted, but he was alive during all this while,
wheresoever he was, as by his letter may appear, which he about this
time wrote to Pope Urban the Sixth. In the which letter he doth purge
himself, that being commanded to appear before the pope at Rome, he
came not; declaring also in the same a brief confession of his faith:
the copy of which epistle here followeth, A. D. 1382.

  "Verily I do rejoice to open and declare unto every man the faith
which I do hold; and especially unto the bishop of Rome; the which,
forasmuch as I do suppose to be sound and true, he will most willingly
confirm my said faith, or, if it be erroneous, amend the same.

  "First, I suppose that the gospel of Christ is the whole body of
God's law; and that Christ, which did give that same law himself, I
believe to be very God and very man, and in that point to exceed the
law of the gospel, and all other parts of the Scripture. Again, I do
give and hold the bishop of Rome, forasmuch as he is the vicar of
Christ here in earth, to be bound most of all other men unto that law
of the gospel. For the greatness amongst Christ's disciples did not
consist in worldly dignity or honours, but in the near and exact
following of Christ in his life and manners: whereupon I do gather out
of the heart of the law of the Lord, that Christ for the time of his
pilgrimage here was a most poor man, abjecting and casting off all
worldly rule and honour, as appeareth by the Gospel of St. Matthew,
the 8th chapter, and the Second Epistle to the Corinthians, the 8th
chapter.

  "Hereby I do fully gather, that no faithful man ought to follow,
either the pope himself, or any of the holy men, but in such points as
he hath followed the Lord Jesus Christ. For Peter and the sons of
Zebedee, by desiring worldly honour contrary to the following of
Christ's steps, did offend, and therefore in those errors they are not
to be followed.

  "Hereof I do gather, as a counsel, that the pope ought to leave
unto the secular power all temporal dominion and rule, and thereunto
effectually to move and exhort his whole clergy; for so did Christ,
and especially by his apostles. Wherefore, if I have erred in any of
these points, I will most humbly submit myself unto correction, even
by death, if necessity so require; and if I could labour according to
my will or desire in mine own person, I would surely present myself
before the bishop of Rome; but the Lord hath otherwise visited me to
the contrary, and hath taught me rather to obey God than men.
Forasmuch then as God hath given unto our pope just and true
evangelical instincts, we ought to pray that those instincts be not
extinguished by any subtle or crafty device. And that the pope and
cardinals be not moved to do any thing contrary unto the law of the
Lord.

  "Wherefore let us pray unto our God, that he will so stir up our
Pope Urban the Sixth, as he began, thathe with his clergy may follow
the Lord Jesus Christ in life and manners; and that they may teach the
people effectually, and that they, likewise, may faithfully follow
them in the same. And let us specially pray, that our pope may be
preserved from all malign and evil counsel, which we do know that evil
and envious men of his household would give him. And seeing the Lord
will not suffer us to he tempted above our power, much less then will
he require of any creature to do that thing which it is not able;
forasmuch as that is the plain condition and manner of antichrist."

    Thus much wrote John Wickliff unto Pope Urban. But this Pope
Urban, otherwise termed Turbanus, was so hot in his wars against
Clement, the French pope, his adversary, that he had no leisure, and
less list, to attend unto Wickliff's matters. By the occasion of which
schism, God so provided for poor Wickliff, that he was in some more
rest and quietness. Concerning which schismatical wars of these popes,
forasmuch as we have here entered into the mention thereof, it shall
not be impertinent from the order of our story, digressing a little
from the matter of John Wickliff, to touch something of the tragical
doings of these two holy popes, striving for the triple crown; to the
intent that the Christian reader, judging by their fruits and
proceedings, may see and understand what difference is between these
popes, and Christ and his apostles. For though in the story of the
gospel it is read, that certain of the disciples did strive which
should be the greater, yet neither do we read that one of them took
ever weapon against the other; and moreover, in the said story of the
gospel it doth appear, that they, for so striving as they did, were
therefore sharply rebuked of our Saviour Christ, and were taught by
him another lesson.

  About the beginning of the next year following, which was A. D.
1383, Pope Urban setting all his study how to repress and conquer the
contrary pope, his adversary, being then at Avignon, seeing all his
other means to fail, and that his cross keys could do no good, took to
him the sword of Romulus, and set upon him with open war. And first
devising with himself whom he might best choose for his chief
champion, he thought none meeter for such affairs than Henry Spencer,
being then bishop of Norwich, a young and stout prelate, more fitting
for the camping cure, than for the peaceable church of Christ, as
partly also might appear before by his acts done at Lennam, in
striving for the mayor's mace, mentioned before. Unto this bishop of
Norwich the pope had sent his bulls about this time, to croisy
whomsoever would go with him into France, to destroy the antipope,
which named himself Clement, and to make war against all those that
took his part. Which bulls, for that they gave unto him such great
authority, he caused to be published in the parliament house, and
caused the copies of the same to be sent all about, and to be set up
and fastened upon all the church doors and monastery gates, that all
men might read them. In the which bulls many privileges were granted.

  This courageous or rather outrageous bishop, armed thus with the
pope's authority, and prompt with his privileges, in the year
aforesaid, 1383, about the time of Lent, came to the parliament; where
great consultation and contention, and almost no less schism, was
about the voyage of this popish bishop in the parliament, than was
between the popes themselves. In the which parliament many there were,
which thought it not safe to commit the king's people and subjects
unto a rude and unskilful priest. So great was the diversity of
judgments in that behalf, that the voyage of the said bishop was
protracted unto the Saturday before Passion Sunday. In the which
Sunday was sung the solemn anthem, Behold the cross of the Lord, fly
away, all you adversaries. After which Sunday the parties so agreed
amongst themselves by common decree, that the bishop should set forth
in his voyage, having given to him the fifteenth, which was granted to
the king in the parliament before. Which things thus concluded in the
parliament, this warlike bishop, preparing before all things in
readiness, set forward in his pope-holy journey. Who about the month
of May, being come to Canterbury, and there tarrying for a wind in the
monastery of St. Augustine, received a writ from the king that he
should return to him, to know further of his pleasure. The bishop
fearing that, if he turned again to the king, his journey should be
staid, and so all his labour and preparation lost with great derision
and shame unto him, thought better to commit himself to fortune with
that little army he had, than, by tarrying, to be made a laughing-
stock to his adversaries. Wherefore he sent word back again to the
king, that he was now ready prepared, and well forward on his journey;
and that it was not expedient now to protract the time for any kind of
talk, which, peradventure, should be to no manner of purpose; and that
it was more convenient for him to hasten in his journey to God's
glory, and also to the honour of the king. And thus he, calling his
men unto him, entered forthwith the seas, and went to Calais; where he
waiting a few days for the rest of his army, after the receipt of
them, took his journey first to the town of Gravelines; which he
besieged so desperately, without any preparation of engines of war, or
counsel, or of politic men skilful in such affairs, that he seemed
rather to fly upon them, than to invade them. At length, through the
superstition of our men, trusting upon the pope's absolution, he so
harshly approached the walls and invaded the enemies, that a great
number of them were piteously slain with shot and wildfire; till at
the end (the inhabiters being oppressed and vanquished) our men
entered the town with their bishop, where they, at his commandment,
destroying both man, woman, and child, left not one alive of all them
which remained in the whole town. And so it came to pass by the virtue
of the cross, that the enemies of the cross were so utterly destroyed
that not one of them remained alive.

  From Gravelines this warlike bishop set forward to Dunkirk, where
not long after the Frenchmen meeting with him, joined with them in
battle; in which battle, if the story be true, twelve thousand of the
Frenchmen were slain in the chase, and of our men but seven only
missing. It would require a long tractation here to discourse all
things done in these popish wars; also it would be no less ridiculous
to view and behold the glorious temerity of this new upstart captain.
  But certes, lamentable it is to see the pitiful slaughter and
murder of Christ's people by the means of these pitiless popes, during
these wars in France; as when the bishop coming from Dunkirk to the
siege of Ypres, a great number of Englishmen there were lost, and much
money consumed, and yet nothing done effectually, to the great shame
and ignorance of the bishop. Again, after the siege of Ypres, thus
with shame broke up, the same bishop proceeding with a small power to
fight with the French king's camp, contrary to the counsel of his
captains, which counted him rash and unskilful in his attempt, was
fain to break company with them; whereby part of the army went unto
Burburgh, and the bishop with his part returned to Gravelines; which
both towns shortly after were besieged by the French army, to the
great loss both of the English and French men. In fine, when the
bishop could keep Gravelines no longer, the said bishop with his
croysies, crossing the seas, came home again as wise as he went. And
thus, making an end of this pontifical war, we will return again from
whence we digressed, to the story and matter of John Wickliff.

  Which John Wickliff returning again within short space, either
from his banishment, or from some other place where he was secretly
kept, repaired to his parish of Lutterworth, where he was parson; and
there, quietly departing this mortal life, slept in peace in the Lord,
in the beginning of the year 1384, upon Silvester's day.

  Here is to be noted the great providence of the Lord in this man,
as in divers other, whom the Lord so long preserved in such rages of
so many enemies from all their hands, even to his old age. For so it
appeareth by Thomas Walden, writing against him in his tomes entitled,
De Sacramentis contra Wiclevium, that he was well aged before he
departed; by that which the aforesaid Walden writeth of him in his
epilogue, speaking of Wickliff in these words; "so that the same thing
pleased him in his old age, which did please him being young." Whereby
it seemeth that Wickliff lived till he was an old man, by this report.
Such a Lord is God, that whom he will have kept, nothing can hurt.

  This Wickliff had written divers and sundry works, the which, in
the year of our Lord 1410, were burnt at Oxford, the abbot of
Shrewsbury being then commissary, and sent to oversee that matter. And
not only in England, but in Bohemia likewise, the books of the said
Wickliff were set on fire, by one Subincus, archbishop of Prague, who
made diligent inquisition for the same, and burned them; the number of
the volumes, which he is said to have burned, most excellently
written, and richly adorned with bosses of gold, and rich coverings,
(as Æneas Silvius writeth,) were about the number of two hundred.

  Johannes Cocleus, in his book De historia Hussitarum, speaking of
the books of Wickliff, testifieth, that he wrote very many books,
sermons, and tractations. Moreover, the said Cocleus, speaking of
himself, recordeth also, that there was a certain bishop in England
which wrote unto him, declaring that he had yet remaining in his
custody two huge and mighty volumes of John Wickliff's works, which
for the quantity thereof might seem to be equal with the works of St.
Augustine.

  Among other of his treatises I myself also have found out
certain, as De sensu et veritate Scripturæ; item, De Ecclesia; item,
De Eucharistia confessio Wicklevi; which I intend hereafter, the Lord
so granting, to publish abroad.

  By his words of this blessed man, whom the whole church doth
reverence and worship, it doth appear that the pope hath not power to
occupy the church goods, as lord thereof; but as minister, and
servant, and proctor for the poor. And would to God that the same
proud and greedy desire of rule and lordship, which this seat doth
challenge unto it, were not a preamble to prepare a way unto anti-
christ; for it is evident by the gospel, that Christ through his
poverty, humility, and suffering of injury, got unto him the children
of his kingdom.

  And moreover, so far as I remember, the same blessed man,
Bernard, in his third book writeth also thus unto Eugenius; "I fear no
other greater poison to happen unto thee, than greedy desire of rule
and dominion."

  This Wickliff, albeit in his lifetime he had many grievous
enemies, yet was there none so cruel unto him as the clergy itself.
Yet, notwithstanding, he had many good friends, men not only of the
base and meanest sort, but also of the nobility, amongst whom these
men are to be numbered, John Clenbon, Lewis Clifford, Richard Stury,
Thomas Latimer, William Nevil, John Montague, who plucked down all the
images in his church. Besides all these, there was the earl of
Salisbury; who, for contempt in him noted towards the sacrament in
carrying it home to his house, was enjoined by Ralph Ergom, bishop of
Salisbury, to make in Salisbury a cross of stone, in which all the
story of the matter should be written, and he every Friday during his
life to come to the cross barefoot and bareheaded in his shirt, and
there kneeling upon his knees to do penance for his fact.

  The Londoners at this time, somewhat boldly, trusting to the
mayor's authority, who for that year was John of Northampton, took
upon them the office of the bishops, in punishing the vices, belonging
to civil law, of such persons as they had found and apprehended in
committing both fornication and adultery. For first, they put the
women in the prison, which, amongst them, was then named Dolium; and
lastly, bringing them into the marketplace, where every man might
behold them, and cutting off their golden locks from their heads, they
caused them to be carried about the streets, with bagpipes and
trumpets blown before them, to the intent they should be the better
known, and their companies avoided; according to the manner then of
certain thieves that were named appellatores, accusers or appeachers
of others that were guiltless, which were so served. And with other
suchlike opprobrious and reproachful contumelies, did they serve the
men also that were taken with them, in committing the forenamed
wickedness and vices. Here the story recordeth how the said Londoners
were encouraged hereunto by John Wickliff, and others that followed
his doctrine, to perpetrate this act, in the reproach of the prelates
being of the clergy; for they said, that they did not only abhor to
see the great negligence of those to whom that charge belonged, but
also their filthy avarice they did as much detest; which for
greediness of money were choked with bribes, and, winking at the
penalties due to such persons by the laws appointed, suffered such
fornicators and incestuous persons favourably to continue in their
wickedness. They said furthermore, that they greatly feared, lest for
such wickedness perpetrated within the city, and so apparently
dissimulated, that God would take vengeance upon them and destroy
their city. Wherefore they said, that they could do no less than purge
the same; lest by the sufferance thereof God would bring a plague upon
them, or destroy them with the sword, or cause the earth to swallow up
both them and their city.

  This story, gentle reader, albeit the author thereof, whom I
follow, doth give it out in reproachful wise, to the great
discommendation of the Londoners for so doing, yet I thought not to
omit, but to commit the same to memory, which seemeth to me rather to
tend unto the worthy commendation both of the Londoners that so did,
and to the necessary example of all other cities to follow the same.
After these things thus declared, let us now adjoin the testimonial of
the university of Oxford of John Wickliff.

The public testimony given out by the university of Oxford, touching
the commendation of the great learning and good life of John Wickliff.

  "Unto all and singular the children of our holy mother the
church, to whom this present letter shall come, the vice-chancellor of
the university of Oxford, with the whole congregation of the masters,
with perpetual health in the Lord. Forasmuch as it is not commonly
seen, that the acts and monuments of valiant men, nor the praise and
merits of good men, should be passed over and hidden with perpetual
silence, but that true report and fame should continually spread
abroad the same in strange and far distant places, both for the
witness of the same, and example of others; forasmuch also as the
provident discretion of man's nature, being recompensed with cruelty,
hath devised and ordained this buckler and defence against such as do
blaspheme and slander other men's doings, that whensoever witness by
word of mouth cannot be present, the pen by writing may supply the
same.

  "Hereupon it followeth, that the special good will and care which
we bear unto John Wickliff, sometime child of this our university, and
professor of divinity, moving and stirring our minds, as his manners
and conditions required no less, with one mind, voice, and testimony,
we do witness, all his conditions and doings throughout his whole life
to have been most sincere and commendable; whose honest manners and
conditions, profoundness oflearning, and most redolent renown and
fame, we desire the more earnestly to be notified and known unto all
faithful, for that we understand the maturity and ripeness of his
conversation, his diligent labours and travails, to tend to the praise
of God, the help and safeguard of others, and the profit of the
church.

  "Wherefore we signify unto you by these presents, that his
conversation, even from his youth upward, unto the time of his death,
was so praiseworthy and honest, that never at any time was there any
note or spot of suspicion noised of him. But in his answering,
reading, preaching, and determining, he behaved himself laudably, and
as a stout and valiant champion of the faith, vanquishing, by the
force of the Scriptures, all such who by their wilful beggary
blasphemed and slandered Christ's religion. Neither was this doctor
convicted of any heresy, either burned of our prelates after his
burial. God forbid that our prelates should have condemned a man of
such honesty for a heretic; who, amongst all the rest of the
university, had written in logic, philosophy, divinity, morality, and
the speculative arts, without peer. The knowledge of which all and
singular things, we do desire to testify and deliver forth; to the
intent that the fame and renown of this said doctor may be the more
evident and had in reputation, amongst them unto whose hands these
present letters testimonial shall come.

  "In witness whereof, we have caused these our letters testimonial
to be sealed with our common seal. Dated at Oxford, in our
congregation-house, the first day of October, in the year of our Lord
1406."

  Now as we have declared the testimony of the university of
Oxford, concerning the praise of John Wickliff, it followeth likewise
that we set forth and express the contrary censures and judgments of
his enemies, blinded with malicious hatred and corrupt affections
against him, especially of the pope's council gathered at Constance,
proceeding first in condemning his books, then of his articles, and
afterward burning of his bones. The copy of which their sentence given
against him by that council here followeth.

The sentence given by the Council of Constance, in condemning the
doctrine and five and forty articles of John Wickliff.

  "The most holy and sacred Council of Constance, making and
representing the catholic church, for the extirpation of this present
schism, and of all other errors and heresies, springing and growing
under the shadow and pretence of the same, and for the reformation and
amendment of the church, being lawfully congregate and gathered
together in the Holy Ghost, for the perpetual memory of the time to
come.

  "We are taught by the acts and histories of the holy fathers,
that the catholic faith, without the which, as the holy apostle St.
Paul saith, it is impossible to please God, hath been always defended
by the faithful and spiritual soldiers of the church, by the shield of
faith, against the false worshippers of the same faith, or rather
perverse impugners; which, through their proud curiosity, will seem to
know more and to be wiser than they ought to be, and for the desire of
the glory of the world have gone about ofttimes to overthrow the same.
These kinds of wars and battles have been prefigured to us before, in
those carnal wars of the Israelites against the idolatrous people. For
in those spiritual wars the holy catholic church, through the virtue
and power of faith, being illustrate with the beams of the heavenly
light, by the providence of God, and being holpen by the help and
defence of the saints and holy men, hath always continued immaculate,
and the darkness of errors, as her most cruel enemies, being put to
flight she hath most gloriously triumphed over all. But in these our
days, the old and unclean enemy hath raised up new contentions and
strifes, that the elect of this world might be known, whose prince and
captain in time past was one John Wickliff, a false Christian; who,
during his lifetime, taught and sowed very obstinately many articles
contrary and against the Christian religion, and the catholic faith.
And the same John Wickliff wrote certain books which he called a
Dialogue, and a Trialogue, besides many other treatises and works, the
which he both wrote and taught, in the which he wrote the aforesaid
and many other damnable and execrable articles; the which his books,
for the publication and advancement of his perverse doctrine, he did
set forth openly for every man to read. Whereby, beside many offences,
great hurt and damage of soul hath ensued in divers regions and
countries, but specially in the kingdom of England and Bohemia.
Against whom the masters and doctors of the universities of Oxford and
Prague, rising up in truth and verity of God, according to the order
of schools, within a while after, did reprove and condemn the said
articles.

  "Moreover, the most reverend fathers the archbishops and bishops,
for that time present, of Canterbury, York, and Prague, legates of the
apostolic see, in the kingdom of England and Bohemia, did condemn the
books of the said Wickliff to be burned. And the said archbishop of
Prague, commissary of the apostolic see, did likewise in this behalf
determine and judge. And, moreover, he did forbid thatany of those
books, which did remain unburned, should be hereafter any more read.
And again, these things being brought to the knowledge and
understanding of the apostolic see, and in the general council, the
bishop of Rome in his last council condemned the said books,
treatises, and volumes, commanding them to be openly burned; most
straitly forbidding that any men, which should bear the name of
Christ, should be so hardy either to keep, read, or expound any of the
said books or treatises, volumes or works, or by any means to use or
occupy them, or else to allege them openly or privily, but to their
reproof and infamy. And to the intent that this most dangerous and
filthy doctrine should be utterly wiped away out of the church, he
gave commandment throughout all places, that the ordinaries should
diligently inquire and seek out, by the apostolic authority and
ecclesiastical censure, for all such books, treatises, volumes, and
works; and the same so being found, to burn and consume them with
fire; providing withal, that if there be any such found, which will
not obey the same, process to be made against them, as against the
favourers and maintainers of heresies. And this most holy synod hath
caused the said forty-five articles to be examined and oftentimes
perused, by many most reverend fathers of the Church of Rome,
cardinals, bishops, abbots, masters of divinity, and doctors of both
laws, besides a great number of other learned men; the which articles
being so examined, it was found as in truth it was no less that many,
yea, and a great number of them, be notoriously for heretical reproved
and condemned by the holy fathers; other some not to be catholic, but
erroneous; some full of offence and blasphemy; certain of them
offensive unto godly ears, and many of them to be rashful and
seditious. It is found, also, that his books do contain many articles
of like effect and quality, and that they do induce and bring into the
church unsound and unwholesome doctrine, contrary unto the faith and
ordinance of the church. Wherefore, in the name of our Lord Jesus
Christ, this sacred synod, ratifying and approving the sentences and
judgments of the archbishops and council of Rome, do by this their
decree and ordinance perpetually for evermore condemn and reprove the
said articles, and every one of them, his books which he entitled his
Dialogue and Trialogue, and all other books of the same author,
volumes, treatises, and works, by what name soever they be entitled or
called, the which we will here to be sufficiently expressed and named.
Also we forbid the reading, learning, exposition, or alleging of any
of the said books unto all faithful Christians, but so far forth as
shall tend to the reproof of the same; forbidding all and singular
catholic persons, under the pain of curse, that from henceforth they
be not so hardy openly to preach, teach, or hold, or by any means to
allege the said articles, or any of them, except (as is aforesaid)
that it do tend unto the reproof of them; commanding all those books,
treatises, works, and volumes aforesaid, to be openly burned, as it
was decreed in the synod at Rome, as is afore expressed. For the
execution whereof duly to be observed and done, the said sacred synod
doth straitly charge and command the ordinaries of the place
diligently to attend and look unto the matter, according as it
appertaineth unto every man's duty by the canonical laws and
ordinances."

  What these articles were, here condemned by the council,
collected out of all his works, and exhibited to that said council, to
the number of forty-five, the copy of them following underwritten
declareth.
Certain other articles gathered out of Wickliff's books by his
adversaries, to the number of forty-five, exhibited up to the council
of Constance after his death, and in the same council condemned.
Besides the twenty-four articles above mentioned, there were others
also gathered out of his books, to the number of forty-five in all,
which his malicious adversaries, perversely collecting, and
maliciously expounding, did exhibit up to the Council of Constance;
all which to repeat, though it be not here needful, yet to recite
certain of them as they stand in that council, it shall not be
superfluous.

  25. All such as be hired for temporal living to pray for other,
offend, and sin of simony.

  26. The prayer of the reprobate prevaileth for no man.

  27. Hallowing of churches, confirmation of children, the
sacrament of orders, be reserved to the pope and bishops only, for the
respect of temporal lucre.

  28. Graduations and doctorships in universities and colleges, as
they be used, conduce nothing to the church.

  29. The excommunication of the pope and his prelates is not to be
feared, because it is the censure of antichrist.

  30. Such as found and build monasteries do offend and sin; and
all such as enter into the same be members of the devil.

  31. To enrich the clergy is against the rule of Christ.

  32. Silvester the pope, and Constantine the emperor, were
deceived in giving and taking possessions into the church.

  33. A deacon or a priest may preach the word of God without the
authority of the apostolical see.

  34. Such as enter into orders, or religion monastical, are
thereby unable to keep God's commandments, and also to attain to the
kingdom of heaven, except they return from the same.

  35. The pope, with all his clergy, having those great possessions
as they have, be heretics in so having, and the secular powers in so
suffering them do not well.

  36. The church of Rome is the synagogue of Satan; neither is the
pope immediately the vicar of Christ, nor of the apostles.

  37. The decretals of the pope be apocryphal, and seduce from the
faith of Christ, and the clergy that study them be fools.

  38. The emperor and secular lords be seduced, which so enrich the
church with such ample possessions.

  39. It is not necessary to salvation to believe the Church of
Rome to be supreme head over all churches.

  40. It is but folly to believe the pope's pardon.

  41. All oaths, which be made for any contract or civil bargain
betwixt man and man, be unlawful.

  42. Benedict, Francis, Dominic, Bernard, with all such as have
been patrons of private religion, except they have repented, with such
also as have entered into the same, be in a damnable state, and so,
from the pope to the lowest novices, they be altogether heretics.

  Besides these articles, to the number of forty and five,
condemned as is said by the council of Constance, other articles also
I find diversely collected, or rather wrested out of the books and
writings of Wickliff; some by William Woodford, some by Walden, by
Friar Tissington, and other, whom they in their books have impugned
rather than confuted.

  Besides this William Woodford aforementioned, divers other there
were which wrote against these articles of Wickliff aforesaid,
maintaining the pope's part, as seemeth, for flattery, rather than
following any just cause so to do, or showing forth any reason or
learning in disproving the same. Notwithstanding, on the contrary
part, some there were again, both learned and godly, which taking the
part of Wickliff, without all flattery, defended the most of the said
articles openly in schools and other places; as appeareth by the works
of John Huss, who, in his public determinations in the university of
Prague, stood in defence of the same against all his adversaries.

  John Huss prosecuted Wickliff's articles with long arguments and
reasons; and it were too long a travail, neither agreeable for this
place, to allege all the whole order of his reasons and proofs, which
he used in that disputation, above the number of twenty more, besides
the testimonies of all the writers before recited, the which he
allegeth out of the Scriptures, decretals, St. Ambrose in his book of
offices, St. Augustine in his fifth book and fifth question, and also
unto Macedo, Isidore, the Council of Nice, Gregory his eleventh
question, Bernard unto Eugene in his third book, and out of
Lincolniensis, the threescore and one epistle, besides many other
more. The sum of all which testimonies tend unto this end, that he
might utterly take away all earthly rule and dominion from the clergy,
and to bring them under the subjection and censure of kings and
emperors, as it were within certain bonds, the which is not only
agreeable unto equity and God's word, but also profitable for the
clergy themselves. He teacheth it also to be necessary, that they
should rather be subject under the secular power, than to be above
them; because that else it were dangerous, lest that they, being
entangled with such kind of business, should be an easier prey unto
Satan, and sooner trapped in his snares. And thereby it should come to
pass, that the governance and principality of all things being at the
length brought into the hands of the clergy, the lawful authority of
kings and princes should not only be given over unto them, but in a
manner as it were grow out of use; especially forasmuch as already, in
certain kingdoms and commonwealths, the ecclesiastical power is grown
unto such height, that not only in Bohemia, but also almost throughout
all the commonwealths, they do occupy the third, or at least the
fourth part of the rents and revenues. And last of all, he allegeth
the example of Gregory and of Mauritius, and afterward the prophecy of
Hildegard, writing in this manner:

  "As the ecclesiastical ministers do willingly receive reward and
praise of kings and rulers for their good deeds; so also ought they,
when they do offend, willingly suffer and receive punishment at their
hands for their evil doings. The consequence holdeth thus; forasmuch
as the punishment meekly and humbly received for his offence doth more
profit a man than his praise received for any good work: whereupon St.
Gregory writeth thus unto Mauritius the emperor, when he did persecute
him, saying, 'I believe that you do please Almighty God so much the
better, in so cruelly afflicting me, which have been so evil a servant
unto him.' If then this holy pope did so humbly and meekly, without
any offence, suffer this affliction of the emperor, why should not any
of the clergy, when they do offend, meekly sustain punishment at the
king's or ruler's hands, under whom they are bound to be subject,
whenas the true vicar of Christ saith, 1 Pet. ii., Be ye subject unto
every creature for God's cause, whether it be unto the king, as most
excellent, or unto the rulers, as men sent of God for the punishing of
the wicked, and to the praise of the good; for so is the good will of
God?

  "Whereupon Pope Leo, leaning unto this rule, submitted himself
unto Louis, the emperor, as it is written in the second question, 7 
par., in these words, 'If we have done any thing incompetently, or if
we have not observed the upright path and way of equity among
subjects, we will amend the same, either by your own judgment, or else
by the advice or judgment of those which you shall appoint for that
purpose. For if we, which ought to correct and punish other men's
faults, do commit more grievous ourselves, we are not then the
disciples of the truth, but, with sorrow we speak it, we shall be
above all other the masters of error.'

  "And in the tenth distinction he writeth thus, touching the
obedience unto the emperor: As concerning the precepts and
commandments of our emperors, and our predecessors bishops, (the which
the Gloss nameth emperors, which are anointed after the manner of
bishops,) to be observed and kept unbroken, we do profess ourselves by
all means possible, as much as in us lieth, or that we may and can, we
will by the help of God preserve and keep them both now and ever. And
if peradventure any man do inform, or hereafter shall inform, you
otherwise, know you him assuredly to be a liar and slanderer.'

  Mark how this devout and holy pope, calling the emperors bishops,
submitted himself, according to the rule of St. Peter the apostle,
under the obedience, and also punishment, of the emperor. Wherefore
then should not the clergy of the kingdom of Bohemia submit themselves
under the obedience of their king, for God's cause, to be punished if
they do offend; and not only submit themselves unto the king, but also
unto the rulers; and not only unto the rulers, but unto every other
creature? For by how much they do so humble and abase themselves in
this world for God's sake, so much the more shall they be exalted with
him: but what is the let thereof, but only pride, whereby antichrist
doth exalt himself above the most humble and meek Lord Jesus Christ?

  "Also it seemeth to appear by that which is aforesaid upon the
taking away of the temporalties, out of the prophecy of Hildegard, the
virgin, the which she writeth in her books under Eugene the pope, in
the Council of Treves, approved and allowed by many bishops of France,
Italy, and Almain, which were there present, where also St. Bernard
himself was present; the which virgin prophesying, spake in this
manner: 'The kings and other rulers of the world, being stirred up by
the just judgment of God, shall set themselves against them, and run
upon them, saying, We will not have these men to reign over us with
their rich houses, and great possessions, and other worldly riches,
over the which we are ordained to be lords and rulers; and how is it
meet or comely that those shavelings, with their stoles and chisils,
should have more soldiers, or more or richer armour or artillery, than
we? So is it not convenient that one of the clergy should be a man of
war, neither a soldier to be one of the clergy. Wherefore let us take
away from them that, which they do not justly, but wrongfully
possess.' And immediately after she saith, 'The omnipotent Father
equally divided all things, that is to say, the heavens he gave unto
the heavenly creatures, and the earth unto the earthly. And by this
means was there a just division made between the children of men, that
the spiritualty should have such things as belong unto them, and the
secular people, such things as are meet and necessary for them, so
that neither of these two sorts should oppress each other by violence;
for God doth not command, that the one son or child should have both
the cloak and the coat, and the other should go naked, but he willed
that the one should have the cloak and the other the coat. Wherefore
the secular sort ought to have the cloak for the greatness of their
worldly cares, and for their children, which daily increase and
multiply. The coat he giveth unto the spiritualty, that they should
not lack clothing, and that they should not possess more than
necessity doth require. Wherefore we judge and think it good, that all
these aforesaid be divided by reason and equity; and that where the
cloak and the coat are both found, there the cloak should be taken
away, and given unto the needy, that they do not perish for lack or
want.' These aforesaid spake the virgin Hildegard, plainly foreshowing
the taking away of the temporalties from the clergy by the secular
lords; and showing for what cause they shall he so taken away, and
what manner of division shall be made of those things that are taken
away, that they be not consumed, and spent unprofitably."

  Hugo, also, in his second book of Sacraments, in the second part,
and third chapter, saith, "The laity, forasmuch as they intermeddle
with earthly matters necessary unto an earthly life, they are the
least part of the body of Christ. And the clergy, forasmuch as they do
dispose those things which pertain unto a spiritual life, are, as it
were, the right side of the body of Christ."
  And afterward, interpreting both these parts himself, he saith,
"A spiritual man ought to have nothing but such as pertaineth unto
God, unto whom it is appointed to be sustained by the tithes and
oblations which are offered unto God; but unto the Christian and
faithful laity the possession of the earth is granted; and unto the
clergy the whole charge of spiritual matters is committed, as it was
in the Old Testament." And in his seventh chapter he declareth how
that certain things are given unto the church of Christ by the
devotion of the faithful, the power and authority of the secular power
reserved, lest there might happen any confusion; forasmuch as God
himself cannot allow any disordered thing. Whereupon oftentimes the
worldly princes do grant the bare use of the church, and oftentimes
use and power to exercise justice, which the clergy cannot exercise by
any ecclesiastical minister, or any other person of the clergy.
Notwithstanding they may have certain lay persons ministers unto that
office; "but in such sort," saith he, "that they do acknowledge the
power which they have to come from the secular prince or ruler, and
that they do understand their possessions can never be alienated away
from the king's power; but (if that necessity or reason do require)
the same possessions, in all such case of necessity, do owe him
obeisance and service. For like as the king's power ought not to turn
away the defence or safeguard which he oweth unto another; so likewise
the possessions obtained and possessed by the clergy, according to the
duty and homage which is due unto the patronage of the king's power,
cannot by right be denied." Thus much writes Hugo.

  And thus, hitherto, I may peradventure seem to have made
sufficient long recital out of John Huss, but so, notwithstanding,
that the commodity of those things may abundantly recompense the
prolixity thereof. Wherefore, if I shall seem unto any man, in the
rehearsal of this disputation, to have passed very far the bounds of
the history, let him think thus of me, that in what time I took in
hand to write of these ecclesiastical matters, I could not omit these
things which were so straitly joined with the cause of the church. Not
that I did make more account of the history which I had taken in hand,
than of the common utility whereunto I had chief respect.

  There were, besides these, certain other articles, whereupon the
said John Huss had very wisely and learnedly disputed; but these shall
suffice us for this present. And for the residue, we will pass them
over, to the intent we may the more speedily return whereas our story
left; declaring what cruelty they used not only against the books and
articles of John Wickliff, but also in burning his body and bones,
commanding them to be taken up forty-one years after he was buried, as
appeareth by the decree of the said synod, the form whereof we thought
hereunto to annex.

The decree of the synod of Constance, touching the taking up of the
body and bones of John Wickliff to be burned forty-one years after he
was buried in his own parish at Lutterworth.
Illustration: The Burning of the bones of John Wickliff

  "Forasmuch as by the authority of the sentence and decree of the
Council of Rome, and by the commandment of the church and the
apostolical see, after due delays being given, they proceeded unto the
condemnation of the said John Wickliff and his memory, having first
made proclamation, and given commandment to call forth whosoever would
defend the said Wickliff, or his memory, if there were any such (but
there did none appear, which would either defend him or his memory).
And moreover witnesses being examined, by commissioners appointed by
Pope John, and his council, upon the impenitency and final obstinacy
and stubbornness of the said John Wickliff, (reserving that which is
to be reserved, as in such business the order of the law requireth,)
and his impenitency and obstinancy, even unto his end, being
sufficiently proved by evident signs and tokens, and also by lawful
witnesses, and credit lawfully given thereunto: wherefore, at the
instance of the steward of the treasury, proclamation being made to
hear and understand the sentence against this day, the sacred synod
declareth, determineth, and giveth sentence, that the said John
Wickliff was a notorious obstinate heretic, and that he died in
heresy: cursing and condemning both him and his memory.

  "This synod also decreeth and ordaineth, that the body and bones
of the said John Wickliff, if it might be discerned and known from the
bodies of other faithful people, should be taken out of the ground,
and thrown away far from the burial of any church, according unto the
canon laws and decrees. Which determination and sentence definitive
being read and pronounced, the lord president, and the aforesaid
presidents of the four nations, being demanded and asked whether it
did please them or no, they all answered, (and first Hostiensis the
president, and after him the other presidents of the nations,) that it
pleased them very well; and so they allowed and confirmed all the
premises, &c."

  What Heraclitus would not laugh, or what Democritus would not
weep, to see these so sage and reverend Catos, to occupy their heads
to take up a poor man's body, so long dead and buried before, by the
space of forty-one years; and yet, peradventure, were not able to find
his right bones, but took up some other body, and so of a catholic
made a heretic! Albeit, herein Wickliff had some cause to give them
thanks, that they would at least spare him so long till he was dead,
and also to give him so long respite after his death, forty-one years
to rest in his sepulchre before they ungraved him, and turned him from
earth to ashes; which ashes also they took and threw into the river.
And so was he resolved into three elements, earth, fire, and water,
thinking thereby utterly to extinguish and abolish both the name and
doctrine of Wickliff for ever. Not much unlike to the example of the
old Pharisees and sepulchre-knights, which, when they had brought the
Lord unto the grave, thought to make him sure never to rise again. But
these and all other must know, that as there is no counsel against the
Lord, so there is no keeping down of verity, but it will spring and
come out of dust and ashes, as appeared right well in this man: for
though they digged up his body, burned his bones, and drowned his
ashes, yet the word of God, and truth of his doctrine, with the fruit
and success thereof, they could not burn; which yet to this day, for
the most part of his articles, do remain, notwithstanding the
transitory body and bones of the man were thus consumed and dispersed,
as by this picture here above set forth to thine eyes, gentle reader,
may appear.

  These things thus finished and accomplished, which pertain to the
story and time of Wickliff, let us now, by the supportation of the
Lord, proceed to treat and write of the rest, which either in his time
or after his time, springing out of the same university, and raised up
(as ye would say) out of his ashes, were partakers of the same
persecution; of whom speaketh Thomas Walden in his book, De
Sacramentis et Sacramentalibus, cap. 53, where he saith, that after
Wickliff many suffered most cruel death, and many more did forsake the
realm; in the number of whom were William Swinderby, Walter Brute,
John Purvey, Richard White, William Thorp, and Reynold Peacock, bishop
of St. Asaph, and afterward of Chichester.

  To this catalogue also pertaineth (mentioned in ancient writers)
Lawrence Redman, master of arts; David Sautre, a divine; John
Ashwarby, vicar, as they call him, of St. Mary's church at Oxford;
William James, an excellent young man, well learned; Thomas
Brightwell, and William Hawlam, a civilian; Rafe Greenhurst, John
Scut, and Philip Norise; which, being excommunicated by Pope Eugenethe
Fourth, in the year of our Lord 1446, appealed unto a general or
œcumenical council.

  Peter Paine also, who, flying from Oxford unto Bohemia, did
stoutly contend against the sophisters, as touching both kinds of the
sacrament of the last supper; who, afterward, among the rest of the
orators, was one of the fourteen that was sent unto the Council of
Basil; where, by the space of three days, he disputed upon the fourth
article, which was touching the civil dominion of the clergy, A. D.
1438. Also the Lord Cobham, &c., with divers others besides, whose
names are mentioned in the king's writ, sent to the sheriff of
Northampton, which writ of the king followeth in this tenor:

  "Forasmuch as John Attyate of Chepingwarden, John Warryner, R.
Brewood, &c. being receivers and abettors of heretics, and especially 
of John Woodward, priest, publicly defamed and condemned of heresy,
will not be justified by the censures of the church, as the reverend
father, John, bishop of Lincoln, hath certified us; we therefore,
willing to withstand all defenders and abettors of such heresies, do
will and command as well the fore named, as namely, the aforesaid John
Woodward to be apprehended, straitly charging the same to be
imprisoned by their bodies, or otherwise punished, as shall seem good
to the justices, until they and every of them shall submit themselves
to the obedience of the aforesaid bishop in that behalf accordingly.
Whereof fail you not, under pain of a hundred pounds. Witness
ourselves: Given at our manor of Langley, the eighth day of March, the 
twelfth year of our reign."

  To these above rehearsed, and other favourers of Wickliff, within
this our country of England, we may add also the Bohemians; forasmuch
as the propagation of the said doctrine of Wickliff in that country
also took root, coming from England to Bohemia by this occasion, as in
story here followeth.

  There chanced at that time a certain student of the country of
Bohemia to be at Oxford, one of a wealthy house, and also of a noble
stock, who, returning home from the university of Oxford to the
university of Prague, carried with him certain books of Wickliff, De
Realibus Universalibus, De Civili Jure et Divino, De Ecclesia, De
Quæstionibus Variis contra Clerum, &c. It chanced the same time, a
certain nobleman in the city of Prague had founded and builded a great
church of Matthias and Matthew, which church was called Bethlehem,
giving to it great lands, and finding in it two preachers every day,
to preach both holy day and working day to the people. Of the which
two preachers this John Huss was one, a man of great knowledge, of a
pregnant wit, and excellently favoured for his worthy life amongst
them. Thus John Huss having familiarity with this young man in reading
and perusing these books of Wickliff, took such pleasure and fruit in
reading thereof, that not only he began to defend this author openly
in the schools, but also in his sermons; commending him for a good
man, a holy man, and heavenly man, wishing himself, when he should 
die, to be there placed, where the soul of Wickliff should be. And
thus for the spreading of Wickliff's doctrine enough.

  And thus much briefly concerning the favourers and adherents of
John Wickliff in general. Now, particularly and in order, let us, by
Christ's grace, prosecute the stories and persecutions of the said
parties aforenamed, as the course of their times shall require, first
beginning with the valiant champions William Swinderby and Walter
Brute.



82. WILLIAM SWINDERBY.

  In the year 1389, William Swinderby, priest, within the diocese
of Lincoln, being accused and detected upon certain opinions, was
presented before John, bishop of Lincoln, and examined upon certain
articles in the church of Lincoln, after the form and order of the
pope's law, according to their usual rite observed; his denouncers
were these, Friar Frisby, an observant, Friar Hincely, an Augustine,
and Thomas Blaxton, Dominican. The articles wherewith they charged
him, although in form of words, as they put them up, they might seem
something strange here to be recited; yet to the intent that all men
may see the spiteful malice of these spider friars, in sucking all
things to poison, and in forging that which is not true, as in process
(Christ willing) hereafter shall better appear by his answers, I
thought good to notify the same.

  That men may ask their debts by charity, but in no manner for
debt to imprison any man; and that he so imprisoning is accursed.

  That if parishioners do know their curate to be a lecher,
incontinent, and an evil man, they ought to withdraw from him their
tithes, or else they be abettors of his sins.

  That tithes be purely alms, and in case that curates be evil men,
the same may lawfully be conferred to other men.

  That for an evil curate to curse his subject for withholding of
tithes, is nothing else, but to take with extortion wickedly and
unduly from them their money.

  That no prelate may curse a man, except he know before that he is
cursed of God.

  That every priest may absolve any sinner being contrite; and is
bound (notwithstanding the inhibition of the bishop) to preach the
gospel unto the people.

  That a priest, taking any annual pension upon covenant, is in so
doing a simoniac and accursed.

  That any priest being in deadly sin, if he give himself to
consecrate the body of the Lord, committeth idolatry rather than doth
consecrate.

  That no priest entereth into any house, but to evil entreat the
wife, the daughter, or maid; and therefore he admonished the good man
of the house to take heed what priest he let into his house.

  Another conclusion falsely to him objected, That a child is not
truly baptized, if the priest that baptizeth, or the godfather or
godmother, be in deadly sin.

  Item, that no man living against the law of God is a priest,
however he were ordained priest of any bishop.

  These articles or conclusions, untruly collected, were as cruelly
exhibited against him by the friars in the bishop of Lincoln's court.
The which articles, although he never preached, taught, or at any time
defended, as appeareth more in the process following; yet the friars
with their witnesses standing forth against him, declared him to be
convict; bringing also dry wood with them to the town to burn him, and
would not leave him before they made him promise and swear, for fear
of death, never to hold them, teach them, nor preach them privily nor
apertly, under pain of relapse; and that he should go to certain
churches to revoke the aforesaid conclusions, which he never affirmed:
as first in the church of Lincoln; then in St. Margaret's church of
Leicester; also in St. Martin's church in Leicester; and in our Lady's
churches at Ncwark; and in other parish churches also, of Melton-
Mowbray, of Helhoughton, Hareborough, and Lent-borough. Which penance,
being to him enjoined, he did obediently accomplish; with this form of
revocation, which they bound him unto, under these words.

  "I, William Swinderby, priest, although unworthy, of the diocese
of Lincoln, acknowledging one true catholic and apostolic faith of the
holy Church of Rome, do abjure all heresy and error repugning to the
determination of the holy mother church, whereof I have been hitherto
defamed; namely, the conclusions and articles above prefixed, and
every one of them, to me judicially objected, by the commissary of the
reverend father in Christ and Lord, Lord John, by the grace of God,
bishop of Lincoln; and do revoke the same, and every one of them, some
as heretical, some as erroneous and false; and do affirm and believe
them to be so, and hereafter will never teach, preach, or affirm 
publicly or privily the same. Neither will I make any sermon within
the diocese of Lincoln, but asking first and obtaining the licence of
the aforesaid reverend father and lord, the bishop of Lincoln.
Contrary to the which if I shall presume hereafter to say or do, to
hold or preach, I shall be content to abide the severity of the canon,
as I have judicially, by the necessity of the law, sworn, and do
swear," &c.

  Thus have you the conclusions and articles of this good man,
falsely objected to him by the malicious and lying friars; and also
the retractation whereunto they by force compelled him; whereby it may
likewise be conjectured what credit is to be given to the articles and
conclusions which these cavilling friars, wresting all things to the
worst, have objected and imputed both to Wickliff and all other of
that sort, whom they so falsely do defame, so slanderously do belie,
and so maliciously do persecute. After these things thus done and
wrought in the diocese of Lincoln, it so befell, that the said William
Swinderby removed to the diocese and county of Hereford; where he was
as much, or more, molested by the friars again, and by John Tresnant,
bishop of Hereford, as by the process and story here ensuing, set out
at large out of their own registers, may appear.

The process of John Tresnant, bishop of Hereford, had against the
aforesaid William Swinderby in the cause of heretical pravity, as the
popish heretics call it.

  "The glorious name of the Prince of Peace, and his counsel (whose
counsellor no man is, and whose providence in his disposition is never
deceived) being invocated, To all and singular believers of Christ,
which shall see or hear this our process underwritten, John, by the
sufferance of God, bishop of Hereford, greeting, and peaceable charity
in the, Lord. Forasmuch as God, the Creator of all things, the keeper
of justice, the lover of right, and the hater of malice, beholding
from the high throne of his providence the sons of men, now, through
the fall of their first father, prone and declining to dishonest, and
filthy, and detestable mischiefs, and to keep under their malice,
which wicked transgression did first gender, hath appointed divers
presidents of the world stablished in sundry degrees, by whom, and
their circumspect providence, man's audacity should be restrained,
innocency should be nourished amongst the good, and terror should be
stricken into the wicked not to deceive; also that their power to hurt
and their insolency should be bridled in all places: and whereas,
amongst many kinds of cares which come to our thoughts, by the duty of
the office committed unto us, we are specially bound to extend our
strength, chiefly that the catholic faith may prosper in our times,
and heretical pravity may be rooted from out of the borders of the
faithful. We, therefore, being excited, through the information of
many credible and faithful Christians of our diocese, to root out
pestiferous plants, as sheep diseased with an incurable sickness,
going about to infect the whole and sound flock, are by the care of
the shepherd to be removed from the flock, that is to say, preachers,
or more truly execrable offenders of the new sect, vulgarly called
Lollards; which, under a certain cloaked show of holiness, running
abroad through divers places of our diocese, and endeavouring to cut
asunder the Lord's unsewed coat, that is to say, to rend the unity of
the holy church, and of the catholic faith, and also to tear in pieces
with their tempestuous blasts the power of St. Peter, that is to say,
to weaken the strength of the ecclesiastical states and degrees, and
the determination of the same holy church, have wickedly presumed and
do presume from day to day to speak, to teach, to maintain, and, that
which is more horrible to be uttered, to preach openly many things
heretical, blasphemies, schisms, and slanderous defamings, even quite
contrary to the sacred canons and decrees of the holy fathers, so that
they know not to direct their paths in the ways of righteousness and
truth, in that they expound to the people the Holy Scripture as the
letter soundeth, after a judicial sort, otherwise than the Holy Ghost
will have it, whereas the words wander from their proper
significations, and appear to bring in, by guessing, new meanings;
whereas the words must not be judged by the sense that they make, but
by the sense whereby they be made, where the construction is not bound
to the Donates' rules, where faith is far placed from the capacity of
reason; but they labour, by their pernicious doctrines and teachings,
public and privy, to boil out the poison of schisms between the clergy
and the people. We, to encounter against such kind of preachers, nay
rather deceivers, and horrible seducers amongst the people, advancing
and rousing up ourselves in God's behalf, and holy mother church, with
the spiritual sword, which may strike them wisely, and wound them
medicinally, for their health and welfare; and namely, William
Swinderby, priest, so pretending himself to be, as a teacher of such
kind of pernicious doctrine, and a horrible seducer amongst the
people; to whom personally appearing before us on the Wednesday, to 
wit, the fourteenth of the month of June, in the parish church of
Kingston, of our diocese, in the year of our Lord 1391, he being
vehemently defamed to us of heresy, schism, and his perverse doctrines
both manifest and privy; we, therefore, have caused many cases and
articles concerning the catholic faith to be ministered unto him, that
he should answer to the same at a day and place for him meet and
convenient, of his own choice and free will; that is to say, on the
Friday, being the last of the same month of June next following;
assigned to him, at the church of Bodenham of the same our diocese: of
which cases and articles exhibited unto us by many of Christ's
faithful people, zealous followers of the catholic faith, to make
information to our office, which cases and articles also were by us
administered, as is before said, to the same William Swinderby, the
tenor thereof followeth, and is thus:

  "Reverend father and high lord, Lord John, by God's sufferance
bishop of Hereford, it is lamentably declared unto your reverend
fatherhood on the behalf of Christ's faithful people, your devout
children of your diocese of Hereford, that notwithstanding the
misbelief of very many Lollards, which have too long a time sprung up
here in your diocese, there is newly come a certain child of
wickedness, named William Swinderby; who, by his horrible persuasions
and mischievous endeavours, and also by his open preachings and
private teachings, doth pervert as much as in him is the whole
ecclesiastical state, and stirreth up, with all his possible power,
schism between the clergy and the people. And that your reverend
fatherhood may be the more fully informed, who and what manner of man
the same William Swinderby is, there be proposed and exhibited
hereafter to the same your fatherhood, on the behalf of the same
faithful people of Christ, against the same William Swinderby, cases
and articles. Which if the same William shall deny, then shall the
same cases and articles most evidently be proved against him by
credible witness worthy of belief, and by other lawful proof and
evidences, to the end that those being proved, the same fatherhood of
yours may do and ordain therein, as to your pastoral office belongeth.

  "Imprimis, the same William Swinderby, pretending himself priest,
was openly and publicly convicted of certain articles and conclusions,
being erroneous, schismatical, and heretical, preached by him at
divers places and times before a multitude of faithful Christian
people. And the same articles and conclusions did he by force of law
revoke and abjure, some as heretical, and some as erroneous and false;
avouching and believing them for such, as that from thenceforth he
would never preach, teach, or affirm openly or privily any of the same
conclusions: and if, by preaching or avouching, he should presume to
do the contrary, that then he shouldbe subject to the severity of the
canons, accordingly as he did take a corporal oath, judicially, upon
the holy Gospels.

  "2. Also the conclusions, which by the same William were first
openly taught and preached, and afterward abjured and revoked, as is
aforesaid, are contained before in the process of the bishop of
Lincoln, even as they be there written word by word. And, for the
cases and articles, they were consequently exhibited by the forenamed
faithful Christian people against the said William Swinderby, together
with the conclusions beforesaid, and hereafter written: of which cases
and articles the tenor here ensueth.

  "3. Item, The said William, contrary to the former revocation and
abjuration, not converting to repentance, but perverted from ill to
worse, and given up to a reprobate sense, came into your diocese,
where he, running about in sundry places, hath presumed to preach, or
rather to pervert and to teach of his own rashness, many heretical,
erroneous, blasphemous, and other slanderous things, contrary and
repugnant to sacred canons and the determination of the holy catholic
church. What those things were, at what place and what time, it shall
hereafter more particularly be declared.

  "4. Item, The same William, notwithstanding your commandments and
admonitions, sealed with your seal, and to all the curates of your
diocese directed, containing amongst other things, that no person, of
what state, degree, or condition soever he were, should presume to
preach or to teach, or else expound the Holy Scripture to the people,
either in hallowed or profane places within your diocese, without
sufficient authority, by any manner of pretence that could be sought,
as in the same your letters monitory and of inhibition, the tenor
whereof hereafter ensueth, is more largely contained; which letters
the same William did receive into his hands, and did read them word by
word in the town of Monmouth of your diocese, in the year of our Lord
1390, so that these your letters and the contents thereof came to the
true and undoubted knowledge of the same William; yet,
notwithstanding, hath the same William presumed in divers places and
times to preach within the same your diocese, after and against your
commandments aforesaid."

  The tenor of the same letters before mentioned followeth, and is
this:

  "John, by the sufferance of God, bishop of Hereford, to the dean
and chapter of our church of Hereford; and to all and singular abbots,
priors, provosts, deans rural, parsons and vicars of monasteries,
priories, churches, colleges, and parishes, and to other having cure
of souls within the city and diocese of Hereford; and to all and every
other being within the same city and diocese, greeting, grace, and
blessing. Forasmuch as the golden laurel of teaching doctoral is not
from above indifferently every man's gift, neither is the office of
preaching granted, save to such as are called, and especially by the
church admitted thereunto: we do admonish and require you, all and
singular clerks aforesaid, and do straitly enjoin you all, in the
virtue of holy obedience, that you nor any of you do admit any man to
preach or to teach the catholic faith, saving such as the same office
of preaching shall by the authority apostolical, or else your bishop,
be specially committed unto; but that, as much as in you shall lie,
you do by word and deed labour to let those that would attempt the
contrary. And you, lords, ladies, knights, barons, esquires, and all
singular persons, of what estate, degree, pre-eminence, or condition
soever ye be, remaining within the city and diocese of Hereford, we do
beseech and exhort in our Lord, that, following the words of our
Saviour, you beware of the leaven of the Pharisees.

  "Item, according to the saying of the apostle, Be not ye carried
away with divers and strange doctrines, and that in the mean while, as
saith the apostle, you be not removed from the sense of the holy
ancient fathers, lest that any man by any means should seduce you; but
you, agreeing together in one mind, see that you honour God with one
mouth. But if any man, to whom that thing is not specially, as is
aforesaid, committed, shall attempt to instruct, or in this your life
to direct you into the catholic faith, do ye deny to give them
audience, and refuse you to be present at their assemblies, and shun
ye their teachings, because they be wicked and perverse. And as for
us, we will not omit to proceed according to the sacred canons and
precepts of the holy fathers, against such as do the contrary.

  "Dated at London, in the house of our habitation, under our seal,
the last day save one of December, in the year of our Lord 1389, and
of our consecration the first."

  "5. Item, The same William, in his preaching to the people on
Monday, being the first of August, in the year of our Lord 1390, in
the parish of Whitney, of your diocese, did hold and affirm that no
prelate of the world, of what estate, pre-eminence, or degree soever
he were of, having cure and charge of souls, he being in deadly sin,
and hearing the confession of any under his hand, in giving him
absolution doth nothing; as who neither doth loose him from his sin,
nor in correcting or excommunicating him for his demerits doth bind
him by his sentence, except the prelate shall be free himself from
deadly sin, as St. Peter was, to whom our Lord gave power to bind and
loose.

  "6. Item, The same William in many places said and affirmed, in
the presence of many faithful Christian people, that after the
sacramental words uttered by the priest, having the purpose to
consecrate, there is not made the very body of Christ in the sacrament
of the altar.

  "7. Item, That accidents cannot be in the sacrament of the altar
without a subject, and that there remaineth material bread there to
such as be partakers communicant with the body of Christ, in the same
sacrament.

  "8. Item, That a priest, being in deadly sin, cannot be able, by
the strength of the sacramental words, to make the body of Christ, or
bring to perfection any other sacrament of the church, neither yet to
minister it to the members of the church.

  "9. Item, That all priests are of like power in all things,
notwithstanding that some of them in this world are of higher and
greater honour, degree, or pre-eminence.

  "10. Item, That only contrition putteth away sin, if so be that a
man shall be duly contrite; and that all auricular and outward
confession is superfluous, and not requisite or necessity to
salvation.

  "11. Item, Inferior curates have not their power of binding and
loosing immediately from the pope or bishop, but immediately from
Christ; and therefore neither can the pope nor bishop revoke to
themselves such kind of power, when they see time and place, at their
lust and pleasure.

  "12. Item, That the pope cannot grant such kind of annual and
yearly pardons, because there shall not be so many years to the day of
judgment, as are in the pope's bulls or pardons contained. Whereby it
followeth that the pardons are not of such like value as they speak
of, and are praised to be.

  "13. Item, It is not in the pope's power to grant unto any person
penitent, forgiveness of the punishment of the fault.

  "14. Item, That person that giveth his alms to any, which in his
judgment is not in necessity, doth sin in so giving it.

  "15. Item, That it stands not in the power of any prelate, of
what religion soever he be of, privately to give letters for the
benefit of his order; neither doth such benefit granted profit them,
to the salvation of their soul, to whom they be granted.

  "16. Item, That the same William, unmindful of his own salvation,
hath many and oftentimes come into a certain desert wood, called
Dervallwood, of your diocese, and there in a certain chapel not
hallowed, or rather in a profane cottage, hath, in contempt of the
keys, presumed of his own rashness to celebrate, nay, rather to
profanate.

  "17. Item, The same William hath also presumed to do such things
in a certain profane chapel, being situate in the park of Newton, nigh
to the town of Leintwarden, of the same your diocese.

  "Upon Friday, being the last of the month of June, in the year
above said, about six of the clock, in the said parish church of
Bodenham, hath the said William Swinderby personally appeared before
us. And he, willing to satisfy the term to him assigned, as before
specified, hath read out word by word before all the multitude of
faithful Christian people, many answers made and placed by the same
William (in a certain paper-book of the sheet folded into four parts)
to the said articles, and the same answers for sufficient hath he
already to us exhibited, avouching them to be agreeable to the law of
Christ. Which thing being done, the same William (without any more
with him) did depart from our presence, because that we, at the
instance of certain noble personages, had promised to the same William
free access, that is, to wit, on that day for the exhibiting of those
answers, and also free departing without prefixing of any term, or
without citation, or else any other offence or harm in body or in
goods."

William Swinderby keeping from the bishop was citeth as followeth.

  "John, by God's permission bishop of Hereford: to his dear sons,
our dean of Leamster, to the parsons of Croft, Almady, and Whitney,
and also to the vicars of Kingston, Ladersley, Wiggemore, and Monmouth
Clifford, and of St. John's altar in our cathedral church of Hereford,
and to the rest of the deans, parsons, vicars, chaplains, parish
priests, and to other, whosoever in any place are appointed through
our city and diocese of Hereford, sendeth greeting, grace, and
benediction.

  "We bid and command, charging you straitly, in the virtue of holy
obedience, that you cite or cause to be cited peremptorily, and under
the pain of excommunication, William Swinderby, pretending himself to
be a priest; that he appear before us, or our commissaries, the
twentieth day of this present month of July, at North Lodebury, within
our diocese, with the continuance of the days following in other
places also to be assigned unto him if it be expedient, till such
things as have been and shall be laid against him he fully discussed,
to answer more at large to certain positions and articles, touching
the catholic faith, and the holy mother church's determination, that
have been exhibited and ministered unto the said William; and to see
and hear also many things that have openly, in judgment before us and
a great number of faithful Christians, by him been even in writing
confessed, to be condemned as heretical, false, schismatical, and
erroneous; and to see and hear positions and articles denied by the
said William, to be proved by faithful witnesses, and other lawful
trials against the said William; and to receive for his false,
heretical, erroneous, and schismatical doctrine, that justice shall
appoint, or else to show causes why the premises should not be done.

  "And if the said William lieth privily, or else cannot be so
cited in his proper person, we will that in your churches, when most
people shall then come together to Divine service, you openly, with a
loud voice, and that may be understood, cause the said William ,
peremptorily to be cited unto the premises, certifying the same
William, that whether he shall appear the day and place appointed or
no, we notwithstanding will proceed unto the premises against the said
William, according to the canonical decrees by form of law, in the
absence or contumacy of the said William notwithstanding. We will,
moreover, if the said William shall appear at the said day and place,
as is aforesaid, before us, friendly hear him, and honestly and
favourably, as far as we may with God's leave, deal with him; granting
free licence to come and to go for his natural liberty without any
hurt either in body or goods. And see that you fully certify us of the
things that you or any of you shall do about the execution of this our
commandment, and that by your letters patent signed with your seal
authentical; giving also faithfully to the said William, or to his
lawful proctor, if he require it, a copy of this our present
commandment.

  "Given at our house of Whitborne, under our seal, the fifth day
of the month of July, in the year of our Lord 1391."

First sitting against William Swinderby.

  "On Thursday, the twentieth of July, in the year of the Lord
aforesaid, we, in the parish church of North Lodebury aforesaid, about
six of the clock, sitting in judgment, after that it was reported unto
us how the aforesaid William was personally taken and lawfully cited,
caused the same William then and there openly in judgment to be called
out, to do, hear, and receive such things, whereto he was afore cited,
and to do otherwise that which justice should persuade. And the said
William appeared neither by himself, nor by proctor; but only by a
servant, whose name we know not, he sent a certain schedule of paper,
made like an indenture, unto us, to excuse him. After which schedule
seen, read, and with right deliberation weighed, and in any wise
notwithstanding, we adjudged the said William, after he was often
called, and long, even to the due hour, tarried for, and by no means
appearing, worthily obstinate; and for his obstinacy, and for his
stubbornness, we assigned unto him the 29th day of July, in the church
of Ponsley, to appear before us with the aforesaid safeguard, to
answer more fully to such articles, and otherwise to hear, receive,
and do as before is noted."

Second sitting.

  "Upon Saturday, being the twenty-nine of July, and in the year of
our Lord aforesaid, we, John, by God's permission the fore-remembered
bishop, in the church of Pontesbury, of our diocese, at six of the
clock, or thereabout, sitting in judgment, made the said William of 
Swinderby to be openly called, that, as was to him appointed and
assigned, he should appear before us, to answer to the aforesaid
articles more fully, and to declare the said articles as the darkness
of his answers did worthily require. And because the said William,
being called, and for a due time looked for, did make no means to
appear, we pronounced him to be obstinate, and for his obstinateness
(to overcome his malice, and of our exceeding favour) thought good to
appoint, and did appoint the eighth of August, then next following, at
Cleobury Mortemere of the same our diocese, unto the said William for
the same thing."

Third sitting.

  "Upon Tuesday, the eighth of August, the year aforesaid, I, John,
by God's permission bishop of Hereford aforesaid, in the church of
Cleobury Mortemere, about six of the clock, sitting in judgment,
caused the aforesaid William Swinderby to be called many times openly,
to do and receive about the premises, according to the appointment of
the same day, that justice should advise; which William did not appear
at all. Whereupon, we, after that the said William was called, and
often proclaimed, and long looked for, but appeared not at all, did
judge him worthily (as of right appertained) obstinate; and, for his
obstinateness, assigned him the sixteenth day of the same month of
August next following, in the parish church of Whitborne, of the same
our diocese, to bring forth, or to see brought forth, all laws,
muniments, and other kinds of proofs, and to see all witnesses brought
forth, admitted and sworn, by whom and which things we intend to prove
the aforesaid articles, or, at leastwise, some of the same."

Fourth sitting.

  "Upon Wednesday, the sixteenth day of the month of August, the
year aforesaid, we, John, the bishop, in the parish church of
Whitborne aforesaid of our diocese, sitting in judgment, caused the
said William Swinderby oftentimes to be called, who, as is aforesaid,
appeared not all; whom, after that he was so called, proclaimed, and
long looked for, and yet by no means appeared, we pronounced to be
obstinate. We received also, by certain faithful Christians, and
zealous men for the catholic faith of our diocese, a certain process
made and had at another time against the same William, before the
reverend father in God and lord, Lord John, by the grace of God,
bishop of Lincoln, confirmed by the hanging on of the seal of the same
reverend father, the lord bishop of Lincoln. The tenor whereof, word
for word, is contained before. And these faithful Christians,
moreover, against the obstinateness of the said William Swinderby,
brought forth discreet men, Master William Leviet, parson of the
parish church of Kyversly, and also Edmund Waterdon, parish chaplain
of the chapel of N., and Roger Newton, and Hugh Sheppert, laymen of
the diocese of Lincoln, asking instantly that they might be received
for witnesses, to prove some of the aforesaid articles, whom, against
the obstinateness of the said William Swinderby, we thought good to
receive, and did receive, and their oaths on the holy Gospels of God,
being laid hands on corporally in our hand; and did diligently examine
them in proper person severally in form of law; whose sayings and
depositions are afterward brought in, and at the instance of the same
faithful Christians, we assigned the second day of September then next
following to the said William Swinderby, to say and allege against the
said process, witnesses, and their sayings, in the said church of
Whitborne; decreeing that a copy should be made for him of these
things that were brought forth, and of the depositions of the
witnesses. * * * [Here we fail in our copy, till the register come to
our hands again.]

  by the doore, but wendeth upon another halfe, he is a night
theefe and a day theefe. And there he telleth, how he that flyeth from
the flock, is not the sheepeheard, but an hired man, and it pertaineth
not to him of the sheep.

  "* To the second conclusion that he saien is error or heresie,
that toucheth taking away of the temporalties and of lordships of
priests that beene evill livers.

  "I say, me seemeth that the conclusion is true, and is this; that
it were needfull and leefull to secular lords by way of charity, and
by power given to them of God, in default of prelates that amend
nought by Gods law: cursed curates that openly misuse the goods of the
holy church, that ben poore mens goods: and customably ayens the law
of God, (the which poore men lords ben holden to maintaine and defend)
to take away and to draw from such curates poore mens goods in help of
the poore, and their owne wilfull offrings, and their bodily almsdeeds
of worldly goods, and give them to such as duly serven God in the
church, and ben ready in upbearing of the charge that prelats shoulden
do, and done it not. And as anences taking away of temporalties, I say
thus, that it is leefull to kings, to princes, to dukes, and to lords
of the world to take away from popes, from cardinals, from bishops,
prelates, and possessioners in the church, their temporalties and
their almes that they have given them upon condition, that they
shoulden serve God the better: when they verily seene that their
giving and taking ben contrary to the law of God, contrary to Christs
living, and his apostles; and namely in that they taken upon them that
they shoulden be next followers of Christ and his apostles, in
poorenesse and meekenesse, to be secular lords against the teaching of
Christ and of Saint Peter. Truly me seemeth that all Christen men, and
namely priests shoulden take keepe, that their doing were according
with the law of God, either the old law, either the new. The priests
of the old law weren forbidden to have lordships among their brethren;
for God said, that he would be their part and their heritage. And
Christ that was the highest Priest of the New Testament forsooke
worldly lordship, and was here in forme of a servant, and forbad his
priests such lordships, and said, the kings of the heathen beare
dominion and rule, &c. But you shall not doe so. And as Saint Peter
saith, Not bearing rule and dominion of the clergie, &c. So it seemeth
me, that it is against both lawes of God, that they have such
lordships, and that their title to such lordships is not ful good: and
so it seemeth me that if they have beene thereto of evill living, it
is no great perill to take away from them such lordships, but rather
meedfull, if the taking away were in charity, and not for singular
covetousnesse ne wrath. And I suppose that if friers that beene
bounden to their founders to live in povertie, would break their rule
and take worldly lordships; might not men lawfully take from them such
lordships, and make them to live in povertie as their rule would? And
forsooth it seemeth me, that priests oughten also well to keepe
Christs rule, as friers owen to keep the rule of their founder.
Jeremie witnesseth how God commended Rechabs children for that they
would not breake their faders bidding in drinking of wine. And yet
Jeremy proffered them wine to drink. And so I trow, that God would
commend his priests, if they woulden forsake worldly lordships, and
holden them apayed with lifelot, and with clothing, and busie them
fast about their heritage of heaven. And God saith, You shall have no
inheritance in that land, nor have no part amongst them: I will be
your part and inheritance amongst the children of Israel, &c. Deut.
xviii. The priests and Levites, and all that be of the same tribe,
shall have no part nor inheritance with the rest of Israel; because
they shall eate the sacrifices of the Lord and his oblations, and they
shall take nothing for the possession of their brethren. The Lord
himself is their possessions, as he spake unto them. And the 14.
chapter of Luke; Even so every one of you, which forsaketh not all
that he possesseth, cannot be my disciple. And Jerome in his 14.
Epistle hath the like words. And Bernard in his 20. booke to Eugenius
the Pope. And also Hugo in his book De Sacramentis, the second part of
his second book the 7. chapter. And also in the 12. q. first chapter,
Duo sunt, and in the chapter Clericus. And again, Bernard in Sermone
de Apostolis, upon this place; Behold we leave all, &c. Chrysostome
upon the Gospel of S. Matth. &c.

  "* The third conclusion toucheth the matter of preaching of
priests, withouten leave of bishops, and is this; that such true
priests may counsell sinfull men, that shewen to them their sins,
after the wit and cunning that God hath given, to turne hem from sin
to vertuous life.

  "As touching preaching of the gospell, I say that no bishop oweth
to let a true priest, that God hath giffen grace, wit, and cunning to
doe that office. For both priests and deacons that God hath ordained
deacons or priests bene holden, by power given to them of God, to
preach to the people the gospell; and namely, and soverenly popes,
bishops, prelates, and curates; for this is due to the people and the
parishioners, to have it and ask it. And hereto seemeth me, that
Christ said generally to his disciples, Goe and preach the gospell to
all creatures, as well as he said, Goe and baptize all nations; and
also as well longeth preaching to priests without leave of a bishop,
as doth baptizing; and then why may he not preach Gods word withouten
a bishops leave? And sithen Christ bad his priests preach, who should
forbidden them preach? The apostles were forbidden of a bishop at
Jerusalem to speak more of the name of Jesus; but Peter said, Whether
it be iust in the sight of God to hear and obey you before the Lord,
be your selves judges. A bishop may not let a priest of giving bodily
almes in his diocesee: much more may he not let the doing of
spirituall almes in his diocesee by Gods law. A priest may say his
mattens withouten the bishops leave; for the pope, that is above the
bishop, hath charged priests therewith: and me thinketh that Christs
bidding should be all so much of charge as the popes. Matt. x. Goe you
forth and preach. And againe, Behold I send you, &c. Mark xvi. Go you
into all the world, &c. and Luke x. And Beda upon this place; The
harvest is great. Also Isidorus. And Gregorius in the canon distinct.
43. and Chrysostome in his 34. distinction. And Augustine in the 34.
distinction. And Gregory in his pastorall. And Chrysostome in his 31.
Homily. And Augustine in the prologue of his Sermons. And Hierome in
the 95. distinct. And Augustine upon this place, A certaine traveller.

  "* The fourth conclusion toucheth the sacrament of the altar, and
is this: That wholly I beleeve that the sacrament of the altar, made
by vertue of heavenly words, is bread and Christs body; so as Christ
himselfe saith in the gospell, and as Saint Paul saith, and as doctors
in the common law have determined: to this sentence John vi., Moses
hath not given you bread from heaven, but my Father will give you
bread from heaven. He is the true bread that came downe from heaven,
and giveth life unto the world. My Father giveth unto you bread
indeed: the very true bread of God is that, which came downe from
heaven and giveth life unto the world. I am the bread of life: the
bread which I will give is my flesh. And in the canon of the masse,
the holy bread of life. And Corinthians the tenth chapter and first
Epistle; The bread which we break, is it not the communicating of the
body of the Lord? Let a man prove himselfe, and so eat of that bread,
&c. And canon De consecratione, distinction 2. under the authority of
Hilarius the pope; Corpus Christi quod sumitur de altari, &c. And
Augustine in the foresaid distinction: That which is seene is bread,
&c. That which faith requireth, is bread and is the body of Christ.
And in the foresaid distinction, cap. Omnia quæcunque, &c. By these
two sentences it is manifestly declared, that that bread and this be
not two, but one bread and one flesh. Note the words for that he saith
the bread and flesh. And the author, De divinis officiis, and also
Augustine in his booke De remediis pœnitentiæ: Why preparest thou thy
teeth, &c.? And Ambrose, De Sacramentis, de consecratione, dist. 2.
Revera mirabile est, &c. This meate which you receive, and this bread
of one which descended from heaven, doth minister the substance of
eternall life, and whosoever shall eate the same shall not dye
everlastingly, and is the body of Christ. Note how hee saith and is
the body of Christ.

  "* The fifth article telleth of forgivnesse of sinnes, and is
this: That very contrition withouten charitie and grace, doe away all
sinnes before done of that man that is verily contrite; and all true 
confession made by mouth outwardly to a wise priest and a good,
profiteth much to a man, and it is need-full and helping, that men
shew their life to such, trusting fully to Gods mercy, that he
forgiveth the sinne.

  "And hereto I say, that there been two remissions of sinnes; one
that belongeth only to God; and that remission is the cleansing of the
soul from sinn: and the other remission, a certifying that one man
certifieth another that his sinnes beene forgiven of God, if he be
sorry with all his heart for them; and is in full will to leave them
for ever: and this maner of forgivnesse longeth to priests. Of the
first manner of forgivnesse David saith; And I said I will confesse my
unrighteousnesse unto the Lord, and thou forgavest me my misdeed. And
Zecharie saith, And thou O child shalt be called the prophet of the
highest, &c. To give knowledge of salvation unto his people for the
remission of their sins, by the bowels of Gods mercy. And John
Baptist, Behold the Lambe of God that taketh away the sinnes of the
world. And Saint John the evangelist saith in his Epistle; If we
confesse our sinns, he is faithfull and iust to forgive us our sinnes,
and cleanse us from all our iniquitie. And it followeth: If any man
sin, we have an advocate with the Father, even Jesus Christ, and he it
is that is the propitiation for our sins. And of the other remission
of sins Christ speaketh in the gospel, and saith; Whose sins ye
forgive they shall bee forgiven. And mans forgivenesse availeth
little, but if God forgive our sins through his grace.

  "* The sixth conclusion toucheth indulgences and pardons that the
pope granteth in his buls; and men callen it an absolution, A pœna et
culpa.

  "Of this manner of speech I cannot find in the gospell, ne in no
place of holy writ, ne I have not read that Christ used this manner of
remission, ne none of his apostles. But as mee seemeth, if the pope
had such a power, sithen the paines after a mans death beene much
greater than any bodily paines of the world; me thinketh he should of
charite keepe men out of such paines, and then men needed not to find
so many vicious priests, after their life, to bring their soules out
of purgatorie. Another thing me thinketh, that sith the popes power ne
may not keepe us in this world from bodily paines, as from cold, from
hunger, from dread, from sorrow and other such paines, how should his
power helpe us from spirituall paines, when wee beene dead? But for
that no man commeth after his death to tell us the sooth of what paine
they been, men mow tell thereof what him list. Saint John saith in his
Apocalypse, that he saw under the altar the soules of them which were
slaine for the word of God, and for the testimonie which they had. And
they did cry with a loud voice saying; How long Lord holy and true,
dost not thou revenge our blood of them which dwell on the earth? And
white stoles were given to every of them to rest a while, til the
number of their fellow servants and brethren should be fulfilled,
which also remained to be slaine as they were, &c. Here seemeth it,
that these soules were not assoiled a pœna, that is, from paine; for
their desire is not fullfilled. And they were bidden abide awhile, and
that is a paine. And if martyrs were not assoiled from paine, it is
hard for any man to say, that he assoileth other men a pœna. Also good
mens souls have not but spirituall blisse, and they want bodily
blisse, untill their resurrection in the day of doome. And after they
desiren to have that blisse, and abiden it, and that is paine to them.
And I cannot see that the pope hath power to bring him from this
paine. But if any man can shew me, that he hath such a power granted
in the troth of holy writ, I will gladly leefen it."

  "* The seventh point speaketh of the pope, and is this; Sith it
is only due to God, as I have said before, to geve and to grant plenar
remission from paine, and from blame: that whatsoever he be, pope or
other, that presumptuously mistaketh upon him the power that is onely
due to God, in that, inasmuch as in him is, he maketh himselfe even
with Christ, and blasphemeth God, as Lucifer did, when he said, I will
ascend, and be like the highest, &c.

  "For that I say, if the pope hold men of armes in maintaining of
his temporall lordship, to venge him on them that gilten and offenden
him, and geveth remission to fight and to sley them, that contrarien
him, as men sayden he did by the bishop of Norwich, not putting his
sword in his sheath, as God commanded to Peter; he is antichrist. For
hee doth the contrary of the commandement of Jesus Christ, that had
Peter forgiven to his brother seventy sithe seven sithe. Well I finde
in the Gospell, that when Christ sent his disciples to Samaria, the
Samaritans would not receive them. And some of them bidden Christ,
that hee should make fire come downe from heaven, to destroy the
citie. And he blamed them and said; Ye know not of what spirit ye are;
the Son of man is not come downe to destroy, but to save the lives and
soules of men, &c. If Christ then come to save men, and not to slea
them: who that doth the revers hereof, is against Christ, and then he
is antichrist. Christ bad Peter put his sword into his sheath and
said; All which take the sword, shall perish with the sword. And I
cannot find that Peter drew out his sword after that time, but
suffered as Christ said; When thou shalt waxe old, another shall gird
thee, and lead thee whither thou wilt not. And therefore said Peter,
Christ suffered for us, leaving us example that we should follow his
steps. And Paul saith, Not defending your selves but give place to
anger, leave revenging to me, and I shall reward them, &c. And
therefore it seemeth to me, that it is much against Christs lore, that
his vicar should bee a fighter; sithen that hee mote bee a shepheard,
that should goe before his sheepe, and let them come after him, and
not with swords to drive them away from him. For as Christ saith, A
good shepheard shal putt his life for his sheepe. And zif all that
Christ had two swords, when that he was taken of the Jewes, he said
himselfe, it was for that the Scriptures moten zif be fulfilled, He
was reputed among the wicked: and not to figure two swords, that men
sayen the pope hath to governe with the church. And when I see such
doings of the pope, and many other that accorden not with Christs
lore, ne his living; and when I read divers Scriptures of holy writ, I
am foule astonied whether they shoulden bee understood of him, or of
any other. And I pray you for Gods love tell mee the sooth. Christ
saith; Many shall come in my name, saying, I am Christ, and shall
seduce many, &c. Christ (I wot well) is as much to say, as hee that is
anointed, and two anointings there weren in the law, one of kings,
another of priests. And Christ was both king and priest, and so the
pope saith that he is. And if all that have been emperours of Rome,
and other heathen kings have beene antichrists, they come not in
Christs name. But who so commeth in Christs name, and faineth himselfe
Christs friend, and he be privily his enemy, he may lightly beguile
many. Saint Paul saith, before there commeth a defection first and the
sonne of perdition shall be revealed, which is the adversary, and is
extolled above all that is named God, or which is worshipped; so that
he shall sit in the temple of God, shewing himselfe as God. And it
followeth in the same place; And now ye know what holdeth till he be
revealed in his time, for he worketh already the mystery of iniquity.
Onely he that holdeth, let him hold till he come abroad, and then that
wicked one shall be revealed, whom the Lord Jesus shall slay with the
spirit of his mouth, &c. And Saint John saith in the Apocalyps; I saw
another beast ascending out of the earth, and two homes like to the
lamb. He spake like the dragon, and had the power of the first beast.
Many such authorities astonieth me oft sithes; and therefore I pray
you, for the love of God, to tell me what they meane."

The sentence.

  "The which schedule aforementioned, with the contents thereof,
diligently of us perused, we considering that diseases, which he not
easily cured with gentle remedy, must have harder plaisters;
considering moreover these his articles with his answers to the same,
and to other articles, also lastly against him produced; first mature
deliberation had before upon the whole matter, with the aforesaid
masters and doctors, as well secular as regular, to a great number,
observing in the same all things to be observed in this behalf, have
given sentence against the said William in form as followeth.

  "The name of Christ being invocated, we John, by the permission
of God bishop of Hereford, sitting in tribunal seat, having God before
our eyes, weighing and considering the articles by the aforesaid
faithful Christians put up against the said Swinderby, pretending
himself to be priest, with his answers upon the same actis et
actitatis before us, in the cause of heretical perversity, with mature
deliberation had before, in this behalf, with masters and doctors of
divinity, and also of other faculties, with their counsel and consent,
do pronounce, decree, and declare the said William to have been and to
be a heretic, schismatic, and a false informer of the people, and such
as is to be avoided of faithful Christians. Wherefore we admonish,
under the pain of the law, all and singular Christians, of what sex,
state, condition, or pre-eminence soever, that neither they nor any of
them within our diocese, or any other, do believe, receive, defend, or
favour the said William, till he shall deserve fully to be reconciled
to the bosom again of holy church."

The appeal of William Swinderby, from this sentence of the bishop
prefixed, unto the king and his council.

    In the name of the Father, Son, and Holy Spirit, Amen. I,
William Swinderby, priest, knowledge openly to all men, that I was
before the bishop of Hereford the third day of October, and before
many other good clerkes, to answer to certaine conclusions of the
faith that I was accused of. And mine answer was this, that if the
bishop or any man couthe shew me by Gods law, that my conclusions or
my answers were errour or heresie, I would be amended, and openly
revoke them before all the people. * * * knowes in any of my
conclusions, but sayden singly with sword, that there was errours in
them, and bidden me subiect me to the bishop, and put me into his
grace, and revoke mine errour, and shewed me nought by Gods law ne
reason, ne proved which they weren. And for I would not knowledge mee
guilty, so as I knew no errour in them, of which I should be guilty,
therefore the bishops sate in doome in mine absence, and deemed me an
heretike, a schismatike, and a teacher of errours, and denounced me
accursed, that I come not to correction of the church. And therefore
for this unrightfull judgement, I appeale to the kings justices for
many other causes.

  "One cause is, for the kings court in such matter is above the
bishops court; for after that the bishop has accursed, he may no feare
by his law, but then mote he sech succour of the kings law, and by a
writ of Significavit put a man in prison.

  "The second cause is, for in cause of heresie there liggeth
judgement of death, and that dome may not be given without the kings
justices. For the bishop will say; It is not lawfull for us to kill
any man; as they saiden to Pilate, when Christ should be doomed. And
for I thinke that no justice will give sodainly an untrue doome, as
the bishop did, and therefore openly I appeale to hem, and send my
conclusions to the knights of the parliament, to be shewed to the
lords, and to be taken to the justices, to be well aviset or that they
geven doome.

  "The third cause is, for it was a false doome; for no man is an
heretike, but he that masterfully defends his errour or heresie, and
stiffely maintaines it. And mine answer has beene alway conditionall,
as the people openly knowes, for ever I say, and yet say, and alway
will; that if they cannen shew me by Gods law that I have erret, I
will gladly bene amendet, and revoke mine errours, and so I am no
heretike, ne nevermore in Gods grace will ben in no wise.

  "The fourth cause is, for the bishops law, that they doome men
by, is full of errours and heresies, contrary to the truth of Christs
law of the gospell.

  "For there as Christs law bids us love our enemies, the popes law
gives us leave to hate them and to sley them, and grants men pardon to
werren against heathen men, and sley hem. And there as Christs law
teach us to be merciful, the bishops law teaches to be wretchfull. For
death is the greatest wretch that men mowen done to him that guiltie
is.

  "Where as Christs law teaches us, to blessen him that diseazen
us, and to pray for him; the popes law teacheth us to curse them, and
in their great sentence that they usen, they presume to damne hem to
hell that they cursen. And this is a foule heresie of blasphemie:
there as Christs law bids us be patient, the popes lawes iustifies two
swords, wherewith he smiteth the sheep of the church. And he has made
lords and knights to swear to defend him and his church.

  "There as Christs law forbiddeth us lechery, the popes law
iustifies the abominable whoredome of common women; and the bishops in
some place have a great tribute or rent of whoredome.

  "There as Christs law bids to minister spirituall things freely
to the people; the pope with his law sels for money, after the
quantitie of the gift, pardons, orders, blessing, and sacraments, and
prayers, and benefices, and preaching to the people, as it is knowne
amongst them.

  "There as Christs law teaches peace; the pope with his law
assoiles men for money to gader the people, priests, and other to
fight for his cause.

  "There as Christs law forbids swearing; the popes law iustifieth
swearing, and compels men thereto.

  "Whereas Christs law teacheth his priest to bee poore; the pope
with his law iustifies and maintains priests to be lords.

  "And yet the fifth cause is, for the popes law, that bishops
demen men by is the same unrightfull law that Christ was demet by of
the bishops, with the Scribes and with the Pharisees. For right as at
that time they gaven more credens to the two false witnesses that
witnessed against Christ, than they deden to all the people that
witnesseden to his true preaching and his miracles: so the bishops of
the popes law geven more leven by their law to two heretiks and
apostates, or two comen women that woulden witnesseden agains a man in
the cause of heresie, than two thousands of people that were true and
good. And for the pope is this antichrist, and his law contrary to
Christ his law, fully I forsake this law, and so I reed all Christen
men. For thus by another point of this law they mighten conquer much
of this world: for whan they can by this law present a man an
heretike, his goods shulen bee forfet from him & from his heires, & so
might they lightly have two or three false witnesses to record an
heresie againe what true man so hem liked. Herefore mee thinks, that
whatsoever that I am a Christen man, I may lawfully appeale from a
false doome of the law, to bee righteously demet by the trouth of Gods
law. And if this appeale will not serve, I appeale openly to my Lord
Jesus Christ that shall deme all the world, for hee, I wot well, will
not spare for no man to deeme a trouth. And therefore I pray God
almighty with David in the Sauter book, O God, give thy iudgement to
the king,& thy iustice to the kings son, to iudge thy people in
iustice, & thy poore ones in iudgement, &c."

A letter sent to the nobles and burgesses of the parliament, by Master
William Swinderby.

  "Jesus that art both God and man, helpe thy people that loven thy
law, and make knowne through thy grace thy teaching to all Christen
men. Deare sirs, so as wee seene by many tokens that this world drawes
to an end, and all that ever have beene brought forth of Adams kind
into this world shulen come togeder at domesday, rich and poore,
schone to geve accompt and receive after his deeds, joy or paynen for
evermore: therefore make wee our werkes good, ye while that God of
mercy abides, and bee yee stable and true to God, and yee shulen see
his helpe about you. Constantes estote et videbitis auxilium Domini
super vos. This land is full of ghostly cowards; in ghostly battell
few dare stand. But Christ that comforter of all that falleth (to that
his heart brast for our love) against the fiend the doughty duke
comforteth us thus; Estote fortes in bello, &c. Bee yee strong in
battell, hee sayes, and fight yee with the old adder. State in fide,
viriliter agite, &c. Wake yee and pray yee, stond yee in beleeve, doe
yee manly and bee yee comfortet, and let all your things bee done with
charity. For, Saint Paul that saw the mysteries of God in heaven, bids
thus in his Epistle, Awake yee that beene righteous men, bee yee
stable and unmoveable: awake yee quickly and sleepe nought, and stond
now strongly for Gods law. For Saint Iohn in the Apocalyps sayes,
Blessed bee hee that awakes; for nought to sleepers but to wakers God
has behite the crowne of life. For the houre is now, as S. Paul saith
to us, from sleepe for to rise, for bee that earely awakes to mee, he
shall finde mee, saith Christ himselfe. This waking ghostly is good
living out of sinne: this sleepe betokens that which cowardeth a mans
heart from ghostly comfort, and to stand in the same through a
deceiveable sleepe is this that lets a man of the blisse of heaven:
the fiend makes men bold in sinne, and ferd to doe worship to God:
death is a likening to a theefe that privily steales upon a man that
now is rich, and full of wele, anon bee makes him a needy wretch?
therefore said God by Saint Iohn in the Apocalyps in this wise, Bee
thou waking, for if thou wake nought, I shall come to thee as a
theefe, and thou shalt not wit what houre. And if the husbandman
(sayes Christ) wist what houre the theefe should come, hee would wake
and suffer him not to undermine his house. Saint Peter therefore
warneth and saith: Wake and bee yee ware, suffer yee no man (hee
saies) as a theefe, but willingly for Gods love; for it is time, as
Peter sayes, that doome begin from the house of God. Yee beene the
body of Christ, sayes Paul, that needs must suffer with the head, or
else your bodies beene but dead and departed from Christ that is the
head. And therefore curset bee hee, sayes Paul, that loves not Iesus
Christ. And who it is that loves him, Christ himselfe tels in the
Gospell: Hee that has my hests, and keepes them, hee it is that loves
mee. Cursed hee bee therefore, sayes Paul, that doth Christs workes
deceiveably. Bee yee not therefore, sayes Paul, ashamed of the true
witnesse of Iesus Christ; for Christ our God sayes in his Gospell, Hee
that shames mee and my words, him shall mans Sonne ashame, when hee
shall come for to set in the siege of his Majestie. And each man, hee
sayes, that knowes mee and my words before men in this sinfull
generation and whorish, mans Sonne shall knowledge him before my
Father, sayes Christ himselfe, when hee shall come with his angels in
the glory of his Father. Sith yee therefore beene Christen men, that
is to say, Christs men, shew in deed that yee beene such as yee daren
shew you the Kings men; for hit had beene, as Peter saies, better not
to have knowne the way of truth, than after the knowing thereof to bee
converted backward therefrom. We knowen Christ, that is trought; wee
sain all through our beliefe, if wee turne from him for dred, truly
wee deny the troth. And therefore sith our time is short, how short no
man knowes but God, do we the good that wee may to Gods worship, when
wee have time. Bee true, saies God, to the death, and you shall have
the crowne of life. And thinke on Iudas Macchabeus, that was Gods true
knight, that comforted heartily Gods true people, to bee the followers
of his law. And geve ye, he said, your lives for the testament of your
fathers. And ye shulen win, hee said, great joy, and a name for
evermore. Was not Abraham, he said, in temptation founden true, and
was arectet unto him evermore to righteousnesse: Ioseph in time of his
anguish he kept truely Gods hest, hee was made by Gods providence lord
of Egypt, for his troth. Phinees our fadure loving, he saith, the
zeale of God, tooke the testament of everlasting priesthood. Iosue,
for hee fulfillet the word of God, was doomes man in Israel. Caleph,
that witnessed in the church, he took therefore the heritage, he
saith: David in his mercy hee gat the siege of the kingdome in worlds:
Heli, for that hee loved the zeale of Gods law, was taken up into
heaven. Ananie, Azarie, and Misael, hee sayes, weren delivered thoore
through true beliefe out of the hoat flame of fire. True Daniel in his
simplenesse was deliveret from the lions mouth. Bethinke ye therefore,
he sayes, by generation and generation, and thou shalt never find that
hee failed that man that truely trusted in him. And therefore dread
you nought, hee sayes, of the words of a sinfull man; his glory is, he
sayes, but wormes and tords: hee is to day, he saith, ymade hie, to
morrow, he says, he is not founden; for he is turned, he sayes, into
his earth again, and the minde of him is perishet. Sonnes therefore,
he sayes, be yee comfortet, and die manly in the law: for when yee han
done that that God commands you to doe, ye shulen be glorious in him.
And King David sayes also on this wise in the Psalter booke: Blesset
be they (Lord) that keepen thy law, in worlds of worlds they shall
praise thee. And in Levit. sayes God thus, Gif that ye wenden in mine
hests, and keepen my commandements, and done hem, I shall bring forth
their fruit, and trees shall be fulfilled with apples. And ye shall
eate your bread in fulnesse, ye shoulen dwell in your land without
drede; I shall give peace in your costes, yee shall sleepe and no man
shall feare you. Evill beasts I shall done away from you, and sword
shall not passe your termes, yee shulne pursue your enemies, and they
shall fall before you; fifty of yours shulne pursue an hundreth of
heren, an hundret of yours, a thousand of theirs: your enemies, hee
saith, sholen fall through sword, and your sute: I shall, hee sayes,
behold you and make you to wax, and ye shall bee multipliet: And I
shall strength with you my covenant, yee shall eat the aldest, and the
new shulne come in thereon; and yee shulne cast forth the old: I shall
dwell in the midst of you. And I shall wend amongs you, and I shall
bee your God, and yee shulne bee my people. If that yee heare mee not,
ne done nought all my hests, but despisen my law and my doomes, and
that yee done not those things that of mee bene ordenet, and breaken
my commandements and my covenants; I shall doe these things to you. I
shall visit you surely in nene and brenning, which shall dimme your
eghenen, and shall waste your lives about nought. Yee shulne sow your
sede, for hit shall bee devouret of enemies, I shall put my face
against you, and yee shall fall before your enemies. And yee shullen
bee underlings to them that han hatet you, yee shall flee, no man
pursuing. And if yee will not be buxome to mee, I shall adde thereunto
thornes and sevenfold blame. And I shall all to-brast the hardnesse of
you, I shall geve the heaven above you as iron, and the earth as
brasse. About nought shall your labour bee, for the earth shall bring
you forth no fruite, ne tree shall geve none apples unto you. If that
ye wenden against mee, and will not heare mee, I shall adde hereto
sevenfold wounds for your sinnes. I shall send amongst you beasts of
the field that shall devoure you and your beasts, I shall bring you
into a field, and wayes shulne be desart. And if that yee will not
receive lore, but wenden against me, I will also wenden against you,
and I shall smite you seven sithes for your sinnes. I shall leade in
upon you sword, venger of my covenant; and upon the fleen into cities
I shall send pestilence in the middest of you. So that tenne women
shall bake their bread in one furnace, and yeld them againe by weight,
and yee shall eat, and bee not fillet. If that yee heare mee not by
these things, but wenden against mee, I shall wend in against you in a
contrary woodnesse, and blame you with seven plagues for your sinnes,
so that they shulne eate the flesh of your sonnes and of your
daughters. And insomuch my soule shall loth you, that I shall bring 
your cities into wildernesse, and your sanctuaries I shall make
desart, ne I shall not over that receive sweet odor of your mouth. And
I shall disperkle your land, and enemies shullen marvell thereon, when
they shulen inhabit it, I shall disperkle you among heathen, and draw
my sword after you. These vengeances and many moe God said should fall
on them that breake his bidding, and despiseth his lawes, and his
doomes. Then sith Christ become man, and bought us with his heart
blood, and has shewed us so great love, and given us an easie law, of
the best that ever might bee made, and to bring us to the joy of
heaven, and wee despise it and loven it nought: what vengeance will
bee taken hereon, so long as hee has suffered us, and so mercifully
abidden, when hee shall come that righteous judge in the cloudes to
deme this world? Therefore turne wee us to him, and leave sinne that
hee hates, and over all things maintaine his law that hee confirmed
with his death. For other lawes, that men had made, should be demed at
that day by the just law of Christ, and the maker that them made; and
then we wonne that long life and that joy that Paul speaketh of, that
eye ne see not, ne eare heard not, ne into mans heart ascended not,
the blisse and joy that God hath ordained to them that loven him and
his lawes.

  "Deare worshipfull sirs in this world, I beseech you for Christs
love, as yee that I trow loven Gods law and trouth (that in these
dayes is greatly borne abacke) that they wollen vouchsafe these things
that I send you written to Gods worship, to let them bee shewed in the
parliament, as your wits can best conceive, to most worship to our
God, and to sheaving of the trouth and amending of holy church. My
conclusions, and mine appeale, and other true matters of Gods law (gif
any man can finde therein error, falsenesse, or default, provet by the
law of Christ clearely to Christen mens knowledge) I shall revoke my
wrong conceit, and by Gods law bee amendet; ever ready to hold with
Gods law openly and privily with Gods grace, and nothing to hold,
teach, or maintaine that is contrary to his law."

  Of this process, answers, and condemnation of this worthy priest,
and true servant of Christ, William Swinderby, you have heard. What
afterward became upon him I have not certainly to say or affirm;
whether he in prison died, or whether he escaped their hands, or
whether he was burned, there is no certain relation made. This
remaineth out of doubt, that during the life of King Richard the
Second, no great harm was done unto him. Which was to the year 1401,
at what time King Richard being wrongfully deposed, Henry the Fourth
invaded the kingdom of England. About the beginning of whose reign we
read of a certain parliament holden at London, mentioned also of
Thomas, Walden, as is above specified, in which parliament it was
decreed, that whosoever showed themselves to be favourers of Wickliff,
who at that time were called Lollards, they should be apprehended, and
if so be they did obstinately persevere in that doctrine, they should
be delivered over unto the bishop of the diocese, and from him should
be committed unto the secular magistrate. This law, saith the story,
brought a certain priest unto punishment the same year, who was burned
in Smithfield in the presence of a great number. This we have drawn
out of a piece of an old story; and it is most certain that there such
a priest was burned for the affirmation of the true faith; but it doth
not appear by the story what the priest's name was. Notwithstanding by
divers conjectures it appeareth unto me that his name was Swinderby,
that was forced to recant before the bishop of Lincoln. Whereby what
is to be conjectured by the premises let other men judge what they
think, I have nothing hereof expressly to affirm. This is plain for
all men to judge, which have here seen and read his story, that if he
were burned, then the bishops, friars, and priests, which were the
causes thereof, have a great thing to answer to the Lord, when he
shall come to judge the quick and the dead.



83. WALTER BRUTE.

  After the story of William Swinderby, I thought good and
convenient to adjoin the acts and doings of Walter Brute, his joint
fellow and companion, being a layman, and learned; brought up, as it
seemeth, in the university of Oxford, being there also graduate; the
tractation of whose discourse, as it is something long, so therein may
appear divers things worthy to be read and considered.

  First, the mighty operation of God's Spirit in him, his ripe
knowledge, modest simplicity, his valiant constancy, his learned
tractations and manifold conflicts sustained against God's enemies. On
the contrary part, in his adversaries may appear, might against right;
man's authority against plain verity; against which they, having
nothing directly to answer, proceed in condemnation, against whom they
are able to bring forth no confutation. The chiefest occasion, that
seemed to stir up the heart and zeal of this Walter against the pope,
was the impudent pardons and indulgences of Pope Urban, granted to
Henry Spencer, bishop of Norwich, to fight against Pope Clement,
mentioned before. Secondly, the wrongful condemnation of the articles
and conclusions of William Swinderby; the whole order whereof, in the
process here following, more plainly may appear.

The process had by John, bishop of Hereford, against Walter Brute, a
layman and learned, of the diocese of Hereford, touching the cause of
heresy, as they called it; set forward by the way of the bishop's
office, &c., at the instruction of certain faithful Christians, as he
termed them, but indeed cruel and false promoters.

  "In the name of God, Amen: To all manner of faithful Christian
people, that shall see and hear this our present process, John, by the
sufferance of God, bishop of Hereford, sendeth greeting and continual
charity, in the Lord. We would that you all should know, that of late,
by many faithful Christian people, and specially zealous followers of
the catholic faith, it was lamentably done us to understand, by way of
complaint, that a certain son of ours going out of kind, named Walter
Brute, a lay person, learned, of our diocese, hath, under a cloaked
show of holiness, damnably seduced the people; and, setting behind him
the fear of God, doth seduce them as much as he can, from day to day;
informing and teaching openly and privily as well the nobles as the
commons, in certain conclusions heretical, schismatical, and
erroneous, and also heretofore condemned: and they have also probably
exhibited against the same Walter, articles underwritten, in manner
and form as followeth.

  "Reverend father and lord! we, the faithful people of Christ, and
zealous lovers of the catholic faith, and also your humble and devout
children, do minister and exhibit to your reverend fatherhood the
articles underwritten, touching the catholic faith, contrary and
against malicious persons, and detractors of the same faith, and the
determinations of holy mother church; and, namely, against the child
of Belial, one Walter Brute, a false teacher and seducer amongst the
people: humbly beseeching, that you would vouchsafe to have regard to
the correction of the enormities underwritten, according unto the
canonical constitutions, even as to your office pastoral doth lie and
belong.

  "Imprimis, We do give and exhibit, and intend to prove, that the
same Walter Brute, being unmindful of his salvation, hath been, by
many and divers faithful Christian people, sundry times accused of the
cursedness of heresy, as by the swift report, slander, and rumour of
the people, proceeding before the most reverend father and lord, Lord
William, archbishop of Canterbury, and also before the reverend father
and lord, Lord John, late bishop of Hereford, your predecessor, and
now bishop of St. Asaph, hath been testified; and also hath been many
and divers times cited to answer unto articles by him against the
catholic faith avouched, and openly and publicly taught. But he, in
this matter of heretical cursedness, (so grievously and shamefully
spoken of,) hath never regarded to purge his innocency; but lurkingly,
and running into corners, hath many and sundry years laboured to
advance things erroneous and schismatical, and also heresies, and to
imprint them in the hearts of faithful people.

  "Item, The aforesaid Walter Brute hath openly, publicly, and
notoriously avouched, and commonly said and taught, and stubbornly
affirmed, that every Christian man, yea, and woman, being without sin,
may make the body of Christ so well as the priest.

  "Item, The same Walter hath notoriously, openly, and publicly
avouched and taught, that in the sacrament of the altar there is not
the very body, but a sign and a memorial only.

  "Item, The aforesaid Walter hath said commonly, and avouched and
also hath laboured to inform men and companies, that no man is bound
to give tithes nor oblations; and if any man will needs give, he may
give his tithes and oblations to whom he will, excluding thereby their
curates.

  "Item, That such as do preach and prefer croised matters and
pardons (granted by the high bishop to them that helped the purpose of
the reverend father Lord Henry, by the grace of God bishop of Norwich,
when he took his journey upon him to fight for the holy father the
pope) are schismatics and heretics, and that the pope cannot grant
such manner of pardons.

  "Item, The said Walter hath oftentimes said, and commonly
avouched, that the pope is antichrist, and a seducer of the people,
and utterly against the law and life of Christ.

  "Item, Whereas of late your reverence did (at the instance of
faithful Christian people) proceed in form of law against William
Swinderby; and that the said William Swinderby had unto the said
articles objected against him given up his answers in writing,
containing in them errors, schisms, and heresies, even as you, with
the mature counsel of masters and doctors in divinity and other
faculties, have determined and given sentence, and have pronounced the
same William Swinderby to be a heretic and a schismatic, and an
erroneous teacher of the people: nevertheless the forenamed Walter
hath openly, publicly, and notoriously said, avouched, and stubbornly
affirmed, that the said William's answers (whereof notice hath been
given before) are good, righteous, and not able to be convinced, in
that they contain none error; and that your sentence before said,
given against the said William, is evil, false, and unjust; and that
your assistants have wickedly, naughtily, perversely, and unjustly
condemned the answers aforesaid.

  "Now thereupon immediately those same faithful Christian people
have instantly required, that we would vouchsafe that other articles
given by the same faithful Christians against the said William
Swinderby, together with the writings and answers of the same William
thereunto, should be admitted against Walter Brute, mentioned of in
this matter of cursed heresy; of which articles and answers the tenors
do follow in these words:

  "Imprimis, That one William Swinderby, pretending himself priest,
was of certain articles and conclusions, erroneous, false,
schismatical, and heretical, by him preached, at divers places and
times, before a great multitude of faithful Christians, judicially
convinced; and the same articles and conclusions did he (enforced by
necessity of law) revoke and abjure, some as heretical, and other as
erroneous and false; and for such did he avouch them for ever
afterward, promising so to take and believe them, and that from
thenceforth he would openly or privily preach, teach, or affirm none
of them; nor that he should make sermon or preach within your diocese
without licence demanded and obtained: and in case he should to the
contrary presume, by preaching or avouching, that then he should be
subject to the severity of the canons, even as he judicially sware
accordingly as the law enforced. Also the conclusions abjured by the
said William do follow, and are such:

  "1. Imprimis, That men by the rule of charity may demand debts,
but by no means imprison any man for debts: and that the party so
imprisoning a body, is excommunicated.

  "2. Item, That if the parishioners shall know their curate to be
incontinent and naughty, they ought to withdraw from him their tithes,
&c.

  "3. Item, That tithes are mere alms, and in case that the curates
shall be ill, that they may be lawfully bestowed upon others by the
temporal owners, &c.

  "4. Item, That an evil curate to excommunicate any under his
jurisdiction for withholding of tithes, is nought else, &c.

  "5. Item, That no man may excommunicate any body, except that
first he know him excommunicate of God: neither do those that
communicate with such a one incur the sentence of excommunication by
any manner of means.

  "6. Item, That every priest may absolve every sinner, being
contrite; and is bound to preach the gospel unto the people,
notwithstanding the prohibition of the bishops.

  "7. Item, That a priest, receiving by bargain any thing of yearly
annuity, is in so doing a schismatic, and excommunicate.

  "8. Item, He doth assuredly believe (as he avoucheth) that every
priest, being in deadly sin, if he dispose himself to make the body of
Christ, doth rather commit idolatry, than make Christ's body.

  "9. Item, That no priest doth enter into any house, but to handle
ill the wife, the daughter, or the maid, and therefore, &c.

  "10. Item, That the child is not rightly baptized, if the priest,
&c.

  "11. Item, That no manner of person, if he live against God's
law, &c.

  "12. Item, The same William, against the things premised, and his
revocation and abjuration, (not to his heart converting, but from evil
to worse perverting,) did turn aside into our diocese, where, running
to and fro in divers places, he hath of his own rash head presumed to
preach, or rather to pervert, &c.

  "13. Item, After that we had heard divers rumours, and slanders
of very many, we directed divers monitions and commandments
comminatory, to be sent abroad by our commissaries to sundry places of
our diocese; that no person, of what estate, degree, or condition
soever he were, should presume to preach or to teach the sacred
Scripture to the people, in places holy or profane, within our
diocese.

  "14. Item, That the same sort of monitions, inhibitions, and
precepts, confirmed by our seal, came to the true and undoubted
knowledge of the said William.

  "15. Item, The same William, unmindful of his own salvation, hath
since, and against those monitions, inhibitions, and precepts, and
(that which is more abominable to be spoken) in contempt of the high
bishop's dignity, and to the slander and offence of many people,
presumed, in divers places of our said diocese, to preach, or rather
to pervert, and to teach the forementioned and other heretical,
erroneous, and schismatical devices.

  "16. Item, The same William, in preaching to the people on
Monday, to wit, the first of August, in the year of our Lord 1390, in
the church of Whitney in our diocese, held and affirmed, that no
prelate of the world, of what state, pre-eminence, or degree soever he
were, having cure of souls and being in deadly sin, &c.

  "17. Item, The same William in many places said and affirmed in
the presence of many faithful Christian people, after the sacramental
words uttered by the priest, having the intent to consecrate, there is
not made the very body of Christ in the sacrament of the Eucharist.

  "18. Item, That accidents cannot be in the sacrament of the altar
without their subject; and that there remaineth material bread
concomitanter, with the body of Christ in the sacrament.

  "19. Item, That a priest being in deadly sin cannot, by the power
of the sacramental words, make the body of Christ.

  "20. Item, That all priests are of like power in all points,
notwithstanding that some of them are in this world of higher dignity,
degree, or preeminence.

  "21. Item, That contrition only putteth away sin if a man shall
be duly contrite; and that all vocal confession and exercise is
superfluous, and not requisite of neccssity to salvation.

  "22. That inferior curates have not their power of binding and
loosing immediatcly from the pope or bishop, but immediately of
Christ, &c.

  "23. Item, That the pope cannot grant such a kind of annual
pardons, because there shall not be so many years to the day of
judgment as are contained in the pope's bulls or pardons. Whereby it
followeth, that pardons are not so much worth as they are noised and
praised to be.

  "24. Item, That it is not in the pope's power to grant to any
penitent body forgiveness of the pain, or of the trespass.

  "25. Item, That one giving his alms to any body, which as he
judgeth hath no need thereof, doth sin in so giving, &c.

  "26. Item, That it stands not in the power of any prelate, of
what private religion soever he be, to give by letters benefits of
their order; neither do such kind of benefits given profit them to
whom they be given for the salvation of souls.

  "27. Item, That the same William, unmindful of his own salvation,
hath many times and often resorted to a certain desert wood called
Derwalswood,of our diocese, and there in a certain unhallowed chapel
(nay, a profane cottage) hath presumed of his own proper rashness, to
celebrate, &c.

  "28. Item, The same William hath also presumed to do the like
things in a certain profane chapel, situate in the park of Newton,
nigh to the town of Leyntwardyn, in the same our diocese.

  "Which things being done, the same faithful Christian people, and
specially Sir Walter Pride, the penitentiary of our cathedral church
of Hereford, personally appearing before us, sitting in our judgment-
seat in the parish church of Whitborne of our diocese, brought forth
and exhibited two public instruments against the same Walter Brute, in
the case of cursed heresy aforesaid, of which instruments here
followeth the tenors and articles in this sort.

  "In the name of God, Amen. Be it plainly known to all persons by
this present public instrument, that in the year from the incarnation,
after the course and computation of the church of England, 1391, the
indiction fifteen of the pontifical office of our most holy father and
lord in Christ, Lord Boniface the Ninth, by God's wisdom pope; the
second year, the fifteenth day of the month of October, in the
dwelling-house of the worshipful man, Master John Godemoston, canon of
the cathedral church of Hereford, in the presence of me the public
notary underwritten, and of witnesses subscribed; Walter Brute, a
layman, learned, of Hereford diocese, personally appearing said,
avouched, and stiffly maintained, that the said bishop of Hereford,
and his assistants which were with him, the third day of the foresaid
month of October, the year of our Lord aforesaid, in the church of
Hereford, did naughtily, wickedly, perversely, and unjustly condemn
the answers of Sir William Swinderby, chaplain, given by the same Sir
William to the same lord bishop in writing, and also the articles
ministered by the same Sir William.

  "And furthermore he said, held, and avouched, that the same
conclusions given by the same Sir William, even as they were given,
are true and catholic.

  "Item, as touching the matters objected against him by them that
stood by, concerning the sacrament of the altar; he said, that after
the sacramental words there doth remain very bread, and the substance
thereof after the consecration of the body of Christ; and that there
do not remain accidents without substance or subject after the
consecration of the body of Christ. And as touching this matter, the
doctors hold divers opinions.

  "Furthermore, as concerning the pope, he said, held, and
avouched, that he is the very antichrist; because that in life and
manners he is contrary to the laws, doctrines, and deeds of Christ our
Lord.

  "All and every of these things were done, even as they be above-
written and rehearsed, in the year of our Lord, pontifical office,
month, day, and place aforesaid, at supper time of the day aforenamed;
then and there being present the worshipful and discreet men, Sir
Walter Ramsbury, chief chanter of the said cathedral church of
Hereford, Roger Hoore, canon of the same church, Walter Wall, chaplain
of the said church of Hereford, being a vicar of the choral, and
certain other worthy witnesses of credit, that were specially called
and desired to the premises.

  "And I, Richard Lee, wheeler, clerk of Worcester, being a public
notary, by the authority apostolic, was personally present at all and
singular the premises, whilst that, as is before rehearsed, they were
done and a doing in the year of our Lord 1391; pontifical office,
month, day, place, and the hour aforesaid; and I did see, write, and
hear all and singular those things thus to be done, and have reduced
them into this public manner and form; and, being desired truly to
testify the premises, have sealed the said instrument made hereupon,
with mine accustomed seal and name.

  "In the name of God, Amen. Be it plainly known to all persons, by
this present public instrument, that in the year from the incarnation
of the Lord, after the course and computation of the Church of
England, 1391, the indiction fifteen, in the third year of the
pontifical office of the most holy father in Christ, and our lord,
Lord Boniface, pope, by the providence of God, the Ninth, and in the
nineteenth day of the month of January; Walter Brute, layman, of
Hereford diocese, personally appearing before the reverend father in
Christ and lord, Lord John, by God's grace bishop of Hereford, in the
presence of me, being a public notary, and one of the witnesses
underwritten, did say, hold, publish, and affirm, the conclusions
hereafter written, that is to say, that Christian people are not bound
to pay tithes, neither by the law of Moses nor by the law of Christ.

  "Item, That it is not lawful for Christians, for any cause in any
case, to swear by the Creator, neither by the creature.

  "Item, He confesseth openly and of his own accord, that within
the same month of January, he did eat, drink, and communicate with
William Swinderby, not being ignorant of the sentence of the said
reverend father, whereby the same William Swinderby was pronounced a 
heretic, schismatic, and a false seducer of the common people; which
conclusions the same reverend father caused to be written, and in
writing to be delivered to the same Walter; which when he had seen and
read, he said also that he did maintain and justify them according to
the laws aforesaid. These things were done in the chamber of the said
bishop of Hereford, at his manor of Whitborne of the said diocese of
Hereford; there being then present the same bishop abovesaid, Master
Reynold, of Wolston, canon of Hereford; Sir Philip Dilesk, parson of
the parish church of Blamurin; Thomas Guildefeld, parson of the church
of Englishbyknore; John Cresset, parson of the church of Whitborne;
and Thomas Wallewayne, household servant; for witnesses especially
called and desired to the premises, of the diocese of Hereford and St.
Asaph.

  "And I, Benedict Come, clerk of the diocese of St. Asaph, public
notary, by the apostolic authority of the diocese of St. Asaph, was
personally present, together with the witnesses before named, at all
and singular these and other things here premised, whilst they were so
done and a doing; and did see, hear, and write those things so to be
done, as is before mentioned; and did write the same, and reduce them
into this public form, and with my wonted and accustomed seal and name
have sealed it, being desired and required truly to testify the
prcmises.

  "At the last, the aforesaid Walter Brute did present and cause to
be presented to us, at divers places and times, assigned by us to the
same Walter, to answer to the former conclusions and articles, divers
scrolls of paper, written with his own proper hand, for his answers to
the same articles and conclusions above written; he partly appearing
by his own self, before us sitting in our judgment-seat, and partly by
his messengers, specially appointed to that purpose; of which scrolls,
the tenors do follow in order, word by word, and be on this manner.

  "In the name of the Father, and of the Son, and the Holy Ghost,
Amen. I, Walter Brute, sinner, layman, husbandman, and a Christian,
(having my offspring of the Britons, both by my father's and mother's
side,) of the Britons have been accused to the bishop of Hereford,
that I did err in many matters concerning the catholic Christian
faith, by whom I am required that I should write an answer in Latin to
all those matters; whose desire I will satisfy to my power, protesting
first of all, before God, and before all the world, that like as it is
not my mind, through God's grace, to refuse the known truth, for any
reward greater or smaller, yea, be it never so big, nor yet for the
fear of any temporal punishment; even so it is not my mind to maintain
any erroneous doctrine for any commodity's sake. And, if any man, of
what state, sect, or condition soever he be, will show me that I err
in my writings or sayings, by the authority of the sacred Scripture,
or by probable reason grounded on the sacred Scripture, I will humbly
and gladly receive his information. But as for the bare words of any
teacher, (Christ only excepted,) I will not simply believe, except he
shall be able to stablish them by the truth of experience, or of the
Scripture; because that, in the holy apostles elected by Christ, there
hath been found error by the testimony of the Holy Scripture, because
that Paul himself doth confess that he rebuked Peter, for that he was
worthy to be rebuked, Gal. ii. There have been errors found in the
holy doctors that have been before us, as they themselves confess of
themselves. And oftentimes it falleth out, that there is error found
in the teachers in our age, who are of contrary opinions among
themselves, and some of them do sometimes determine one thing for
truth, and others do condemn the selfsame thing to be heresy and
error. Which protestation premised, I will here place two suppositions
or cases for a ground and a foundation of all things that I shall say,
out of which I would gather two probable conclusions, stablished upon
the same, and upon the sacred Scripture. By which conclusions, when
they shall be declared after my manner and fashion, it shall plainly
appear what my opinion and judgment is concerning all matters that I
am accused of. But because I am ignorant and unlearned, I will get me
under the mighty defences of the Lord: O Lord, I will remember thine
only righteousness.

  "God the Father Almighty, uncreate, the Maker of heaven and
earth, hath sent his Son, that was everlastingly begotten, into this
world, that he should be incarnated for the salvation and redemption
of mankind, who was conceived by the Holy Ghost, everlastingly
proceeding from the Father and the Son, and was born of Mary the
Virgin, to the end that we might be born anew. He suffered passion
under Pontius Pilate for our sins, laying down his life for us, that
we should lay down our life for our brethren. He was crucified, that
we should be crucified to the world, and the world to us. He was dead,
that he might redeem us from death, by purchasing for us forgiveness
of sins. He was buried, that we, being buried together with him into
death by baptism, and that we, being dead to sins, should live to
righteousness. He descended into hell, thereby delivering man from
thraldom, and from the bondage of the devil, and restoring him to his
inheritance, which he lost by sin. The third day he rose from the
dead, through the glory of his Father, that we also should walk in
newness of life. He ascended up to the heavens, to which nobody hath
ascended, saving he that descended from heaven, even the Son of man
which is in heaven. He sitteth at the right hand of God the Father
Almighty, until his enemies be made his footstool. He being in very
deed so much better than the angels, as he hath obtained by
inheritance a more excellent name than they. From whence he shall come
to judge the quick and the dead, according to their works, because the
Father hath given all judgment to the Son. In whose terrible judgment
we shall rise again, and shall all of us stand before his judgment-
seat, and receive joy, as well bodily as spiritually, for ever to
endure, if we be of the sheep placed at the right hand; or else
punishment both of body and soul, if we shall be found amongst goats,
placed on the left hand, &c.

  "Jesus Christ, the Son of God, very God and very man, a King for
ever, by establishing an everlasting kingdom, breaking to powder all
the kingdoms of the world, Dan. ii.; a Priest for ever, after the
order of Melchisedek, whereby also he is able evermore to save such as
by him come unto God, and always liveth to entreat for us, Heb. vii.
He, offering one sacrifice for our sins, hath made perfect for ever by
one oblation those that be sanctified, Heb. x. Being the wisdom that
cannot be deceived, and the truth that cannot be uttered, he hath in
this world taught the will of God his Father, which will he hath in
work fulfilled, to the intent that he might faithfully instruct us;
and hath given the law of charity to he of his faithful people
observed; which he hath written in the hearts and minds of the
faithful with the finger of God, where is the Spirit of God, searching
the inward secrets of the Godhead. Wherefore his doctrine must be
observed above all other doctrines, whether they be of angels or of
men, because that he could not or would not err in his teaching. But
in men's doctrine there chanceth oftentimes to be error, and therefore
we must forsake their doctrines, if cloakedly or expressly they be
repugnant to the doctrine of Christ. Men's doctrines being made for
the people's profit, must be allowed and observed, so that they be
grounded upon Christ's doctrine, or at least be not repugnant to his
words.

  "If the high bishop of Rome, calling himself the servant of the
servants of God, and the chief vicar of Christ in this world, do make
and maintain many laws contrary to the gospel of Jesus Christ, then is
he of those that have come in Christ's name, saying, I am Christ, and
have seduced many a one, by the testimony of our Saviour in Matt.
xxiv., and the idol of desolation sitting in the temple of God, and
taking away from him the continual sacrifice for a time, times, and
half a time, which idol must be revealed to the Christian people, by
the testimony of Daniel, whereof Christ speaketh in the Gospel; When
ye shall see the abomination of desolation that was told of by Daniel
the prophet, standing in the holy place, let him that readeth
understand; he is the pestiferous mountain infecting the whole
universal earth, as witnesseth Jeremiah, chap. li., and not the head
of Christ's body. For the ancient person in years, and honourable in
reverence, he is the head: and the prophet teaching lies is the tail,
as Isaiah allegeth, chap. ix.; and he is that wicked and sinful
captain of Israel, whose foreappointed day of iniquity is come in time
of iniquity, who shall take away Cidarim, and take away the crown,
Ezekiel, chap. xxi., to whom it was said, Forasmuch as thy heart was
exalted, and didst say, I am a god, and sittest in the seat of god, in
the heart of the sea, seeing thou art a man and not a god, and hast
given thine heart, as if it were the heart of God; therefore, behold,
I will bring upon thee the most strong and mighty strangers of the
nations, and they shall draw their swords upon the beauty of thy
wisdom, and shall defile the commandments, and kill thee, and pull
thee out; and thou shalt die in the destruction of the slain. And it
followeth, In the multitude of thine iniquities, and of the iniquities
of thy merchandise, thou hast defiled thy sanctification. I will
therefore bring forth a fire from the midst of the whole earth, and
will make thee as ashes upon the earth. Thou art become nothing, and
never shalt thou be any more, Ezekiel, chap. xxviii. Furthermore, he
is the idle shepherd, forsaking his flock, having a sword on his arm,
and another sword on his right eye, Zech. xi., and, sitting in the
temple of God, doth advance himself above all that is called God, or
whatsoever is worshipped, by the testimony of Paul to the
Thessalonians, 2 Epist. chap. ii.: and in the defection or falling
away shall the man of sin be revealed, whom the Lord Jesus shall slay
with the breath of his mouth. For every kingdom divided in itself
shall be brought to desolation. He is also, besides, the beast
ascending up out of the earth, having two horns like unto a lamb, but
he speaketh like a dragon; and as the cruel beast ascending up out of
the sea, whose power shall continue forty and two months. He worketh
the things that he hath given to the image of the beast. And he
compelled small and great, rich and poor, free-men and bond-slaves, to
worship the beast, and to take his mark in their forehead or their
hands, Apoc. xiii. And thus, by the testimony of all these places, is
he the chief antichrist upon the earth, and must be slain with the
sword of God's word, and cast, with the dragon, the cruel beast, and
the false prophet that hath seduced the earth, into the lake of fire
and brimstone to be tormented world without end.

  "If the city of Rome do allow his traditions, and do disallow
Christ's holy commandments, and Christ's doctrine, that it may confirm
his traditions, then is she Babylon the great, or the daughter of
Babylon, and the great whore sitting upon many waters, with whom the
kings of the earth have committed fornication, and the inhabitants of
the earth are become drunken with the wine of her harlotry, lying open
to lewdness, with whose spiritual whoredom, enchantments, witchcrafts,
and Simon Magus merchandises, the whole round world is infected and
seduced; saying in her heart, I sit as queen, and widow I am not,
neither shall I see sorrow and mourning. Yet is she ignorant that
within a little while shall come the day of her destruction and ruin
by the testimony of the Apocalypse, chap. xvii., because that from the
time that the continual sacrifice was taken away, and the abomination
of desolation set up, there be passed twelve hundred and ninety days
by the testimony of Daniel, chap. xii.; and the chronicles added do
agree to the same. And the holy city also hath been trodden under foot
of the heathen for forty-two months, and the woman was nourished up in
the wilderness (unto which she fled for fear of the face of the
serpent) during twelve hundred and sixty days, or else for a time,
times, and half a time, which is all one. All these things be manifest
by the testimony of the Apocalypse, and the chronicles thereto
agreeing. And as concerning the fall of Babylon aforesaid, it is
manifest in the Apocalypse, chap. xiv.; where it is said, In one day
shall her plagues come, death, lamentation, and famine, and she shall
be burned with fire. For, strong is the Lord, which shall judge her.
And again, Babylon, that great city, is fallen, which hath made all
nations to drink of the wine of her whoredom. And thirdly, One mighty
angel took up a mill-stone, that was a very great one, and did cast it
into the sea, saying, With such a violence as this is, shall that
great city Babylon be overthrown, and shall no more be found. For her
merchants were the princes of the earth, and with her witchcraft all
nations have gone astray, and in her is there found the blood of the
saints and prophets. And of her destruction speaketh Isaiah in chap.
xiii.: And Babylon, that glorious city, being so noble amongst
kingdoms in the pride of the Chaldeans, it shall be that, like as the
Lord did overturn Sodom and Gomorrah upside down, it shall never more
be inhabited, nor have the foundation laid in no age, from generation
to generation. Jeremiah, chap. li., saith, Your mother that hath borne
you is brought to very great confusion, and made even with the ground.
And again, The Lord hath devised and done as he hath spoken against
the inhabiters of Babylon, which dwell richly in their treasures upon
many waters, thine end is come. And thirdly, Drought shall fall upon
her waters, and they shall begin to be dry; for it is a land of graven
images, and boasteth in her prodigious wonders: it shall never more be
inhabited, neither be builded up in any age or generation. Verily even
as God hath subverted Sodom and Gomorrah with their calves.

  "Pardon me, I beseech you, though I be not plentiful in pleasant
words; for if I should run after the course of this wicked world, and
should please men, I should not be Christ's servant. And, because I am
a poor man, and neither have nor can have notaries hired to testify of
these my writings, I call upon Christ to be my witness, which knoweth
the inward secrets of my heart, that I am ready to declare the things
that I have written after my fashion, to the profit of all Christian
people, and to the hurt of no man living, and am ready to be reformed
if any man will show me where I have erred; being ready also
(miserable sinner though I be) to suffer for the confession of the
name of Christ, and of his doctrine, as much as shall please him by
his grace and love to assist me, a miserable sinner. In witness of all
these things I have to this writing set the seal of our Lord and
Saviour Jesus Christ, which I beseech him to imprint upon my forehead,
and to take from me all manner of mark of antichrist. Amen."

  These two suppositions, as they are termed in the schools,
written by Walter Brute, and exhibited unto the bishop, although they
contained matter sufficient either to satisfy the bishop if he had
been disposed to learn, or else to have provoked him to reply again,
if his knowledge therein had been better than his; yet could they
neither of them work effect in him. But he, receiving and perusing the
same, when he neither could confute that which was said, neither would
reply or answer by learning to that which was truth, finding other by-
cavillations, said, That this his writing was too short and obscure;
and therefore required him to write upon the same again more plainly
and more at large. Whereupon the said Master Walter, satisfying the
bishop's request, and ready to give to every one an account of his
faith in a more ample tractation, reneweth his matter again before
declared, writing to the bishop in words and form as followeth

  "Reverend father, forasmuch as it seemeth to you that my motion
in my two suppositions or cases, and in my two conclusions, is too
short and somewhat dark, I will gladly now satisfy your desire,
according to my small learning, by declaring the same conclusions; in
opening whereof, it shall plainly appear, what I do judge in all
matters that I am accused of to your reverence, desiring you, first of
all, that your discretion would not believe that I do enterprise of
any presumption to handle the secrets of the Scriptures, which the
holy, and just, and wise doctors have left unexpounded. It is not
unknown to many, that I am in all points far inferior to them, whose
holiness of life and profoundness in knowledge is manifoldly always
allowed. But as for mine ignorance and multitude of sins, they are to
myself and others sufficiently known; wherefore I judge not myself
worthy to unloose or to carry their shoes after them. Do you therefore
no otherwise deem of me, than I do of mine own self. But if you shall
find any goodness in my writings, ascribe it to God only, who,
according to the multitude of his mercy, doth sometimes reveal those
things to idiots and sinners, which are hidden from the holy and wise,
according to this saying, I will praise and confess thee, O Father!
for that thou hast hidden these things from the wise and prudent, and
hast disclosed them to the little ones; even so, O Father! because it
hath thus pleased thee. And in another place: I am come to judgment
into this world, that they which see not, may see, and that they which
see, may be made blind. And Paul saith, That God hath chosen the weak
things of the world to confound the mighty; that no man shall boast in
himself, but that all men should give the honour to God.

  "It was commanded to Isaiah, bearing the type of Christ: Go, and
say to this people, Hear ye with your hearing, and do not understand?
Behold ye the vision, and yet know ye not the thing that ye see? Make
blind the heart of this people, and make dull their ears, and shut
their eyes, lest that perchance with their eyes they should see, and
with their ears they should hear, and with their hearts they should
understand, and be converted, and I should heal them. And I said, How
long Lord? And he said, Until that the cities be made desolate without
inhabitants, and the house without any person within it. Also in
Isaiah thus it is written: And the multitude of the nations, which
shall fight against Ariel, and all persons that have warred, and
besieged and prevailed against it, shall be as a dream that appeareth
in the night, and as the hungry person dreameth that he eateth, but
when he shall awake out of sleep, his soul is empty. And like as the
hungry person dreameth that he eateth, and yet after that he shall
awake he is still weary and thirsty, and his soul void of nourishment;
even so shall it be with the multitude of all nations that have fought
against the mount Zion. Be you amazed, and have great wonder; reel ye
to and fro, and stagger ye; be ye drunken, and not with wine; stagger,
but not through drunkenness; for the Lord hath mingled for you the
spirit of drowsiness. He shall shut your eyes, he shall cover your
prophets and princes that see visions. And a vision shall be to you,
altogether, like the words of a sealed book, which when he shall give
to one that is learned, he shall say, Read here, and he shall answer,
I cannot, for it is sealed. And the book shall be given to one that is
unlearned, and knoweth not his letters, and it shall be said unto him,
Read; and he shall answer, I know not the letters, I am unlearned.
Wherefore the Lord saith, Forasmuch as this people draweth nigh me
with their mouths, and glorifieth me with their lips, but their hearts
are far from me, and they have rather feared the commandments of men,
and have cleaved to their doctrines; behold, therefore, I will add
besides, and bring such a muse and marvel upon this people which shall
make men amazed with marvelling. For wisdom shall perish from their
wise men, and the understanding of the prudent persons shall be
hidden. And soon after it followeth in the same place; Yet a little
while and Libanus shall be turned into Carmel, and Carmel counted for
a copse or grove; and in the same day shall the deaf folks hear the
word of this book, and the eyes of the blind (changed from darkness
and blindness) shall see.

  "Nebuchadnezzar inquiring of Daniel said, Thinkest thou that thou
canst truly declare me the dream that I have seen, and the meaning
thereof? And Daniel said, As for the mystery whereof the king doth
ask, neither the wise men, magicians, soothsayers, nor enchanters can
declare to the king: but there is a God in heaven, that discloseth
mysteries, who will declare to thee (O King Nebuchadnezzar) what
things shall come to pass in the last times of all. To me also is this
sacrament or mystery disclosed, not for any wisdom that is in me more
than in all men living, but to the end that the interpretation might
be made manifest to the king, and that thou shouldst know the
cogitations of thy mind.

  "It was also said to Daniel, And thou, Daniel, shut up the words,
seal up the book, until the time appointed. Verily many people shall
pass over, and manifold knowledge shall there be. And Daniel said to
the man that was clothed with linen garments, who stood upon the
waters of the flood: How long will it be before the end shall come of
these marvellous things? And I heard the man that was clothed in linen
apparel, who stood upon the waters of the floods, when he had lifted
up his right hand and his left hand unto heaven, and had sworn by him
that liveth for evermore, that for a time, times, and half a time, and
when the scattering abroad of the hand of the holy people shall be
accomplished, then shall all these things be finished. And I heard and
understood not, and I said, O my Lord! what shall be after these
things? And he said, Go thy ways, Daniel, for this talk is shut and
sealed up, until the time that is before appointed.

  "All these things have I written, to show that he that hath the
key of David, who openeth and no man shutteth, shutteth and no man
openeth, doth (when and how long it pleaseth him) hide the mysteries,
and the hid secrets of the Scriptures, from the wise, prudent, and
righteous; and otherwhiles at his pleasure revealeth the same to
sinners, and lay persons, and simple souls, that he may have the
honour and glory in all things. Wherefore, as I have before said, if
you shall find any good thing in my writings, ascribe the same to God
alone; if you shall find otherwise, think ye the same to be written of
ignorance, and not of malice. And if any doubt of error be showed me
in all my writings, I will humbly allow your information and fatherly
correction.

  "But why that such manner of matters are moved touching the
disclosing of antichrist in this kingdom, more than in other kingdoms,
and in this time also more than in time past; the answer, as
concerning the time of the motion, is, that it is the last conjunction
of Saturn and Jupiter in the sign of the Twins, which is the house of
Mercury, being the signifier of the Christian people; which
conjunction seemeth to me to betoken the second coming of Christ to
reform his church, and to call men again, by the disclosing of
antichrist, to the perfection of the gospel, from their heathenish
rites, and ways of the Gentiles. By whom the holy city was trampled
under foot for forty-two months, even as the conjunction of the said
two planets, being enclosed in the side of the Virgin, which is also
the house of Mercury, did betoken the first coming of Christ, for the
salvation of all people that were perished of the house of Israel,
whereby to call them, through the same coming, to the full perfection 
of the gospel. As touching this calling of the heathen speaketh Christ
in the gospel, I have also other sheep that are not of this fold, and
those must I bring, and they shall hear my voice, and there shall be
one sheepfold, and one shepherd. For although the Gentiles be
converted from the infidelity of their idolatry to the faith of
Christ, yet are they not converted to the perfection of the law of
Christ. And therefore did the apostles in the primitive church lay no
burden upon the Gentiles, but that they should abstain from heinous
things, as from things offered to idols, and from blood, and
strangled, and fornication. As touching this second coming speaketh
Isaiah; On that day the root of Jesse, which standeth for a sign or
mark to the people, to him shall the heathen make their homage and
supplication, and his sepulchre shall be glorious; and in that day
shall it come to pass, that the Lord shall the second time put to his
hand, to possess the remnant of his people, &c. And he shall lift up a
token toward the nations, and he shall assemble the runnagate people
of Israel that were fled, and those that were dispersed of Judah shall
he gather together from the four quarters of the earth. And the
zealous emulation of Ephraim shall be broken to pieces, and the
enemies of Judah shall come to nought. Paul to the Thessalonians
saith, We beseech you, brethren, by the coming of our Lord Jesus
Christ, and our gathering together before him, that you be not soon
removed from your understanding, neither that you be put in fear, as
though the day of the Lord were at hand, neither, as it were, by
letter sent by us, neither by spirit, nor yet by talk. Let not anybody
by any means bring you out of the way, or seduce you, for except there
shall first come a departing, and that the man of sin, the son of
perdition, shall be disclosed, which maketh resistance and is advanced
above all that is called God, or that is worshipped, so that he doth
sit in the temple of God, showing himself as if he were God. Do you
not remember, that whilst I was as yet with you, I told you of this?
And now ye know what keepeth him back, that he may be uttered in his
due time. For even now doth he work the mystery of iniquity; only that 
he which holdeth, may hold still until he be come to light; and then
shall that wicked one be disclosed, whom the Lord Jesus shall slay
with the breath of his mouth, and shall destroy with the brightness of
his coming; even him whose coming is, according to the working of
Satan, in all power, with signs and lying wonders, and in all
deceitful leading out of the truth towards those that do perish,
because that they receive not heartily the love of truth, that they
might be saved.

  "Christ being demanded of the apostles what should be the token
of his coming, and of the end of the world, said unto them, There
shall come many in my name, saying, I am Christ, and they shall seduce
many: also he telleth them of many other signs; of battles, famine,
pestilence, and earthquakes. But the greatest sign of all he teacheth
to be this, When you shall see, saith he, the abomination of
desolation standing in the holy place, he that readeth let him
understand. But Luke, in chap. xxi. of his Gospel, speaketh more
plainly hereof; When you, therefore, shall see Jerusalem to be
compassed about with an army, then know ye that the desolation thereof
shall draw nigh. And afterward it followeth, And they shall fall by
the face of the sword, and shall be led away captive to all nations,
and Jerusalem shall be trodden underfoot of the heathen, until the
times of the nations be fulfilled. Now in Daniel thus it is written of
this matter: And after seventy-two weeks shall Christ be slain,
neither shall that be his people, that will deny him. And as for the
city and sanctuary, a people shall (with his captain that will come
with them) destroy the said city and sanctuary, and his end shall be
to be wasted utterly, till it be brought to nought; and, after the end
of the war, shall come the desolation appointed. In one week shall he
confirm the covenant to many, and within half a week shall the
offering and sacrifice cease. And in the temple shall there be the
abomination of desolation, and even unto the end shall the desolation
continue. And elsewhere, in Daniel, thus it is written, From the time
that the continual sacrifice shall be offered, and that the
abomination shall be placed in desolation, there shall be one thousand
two hundred and ninety days.

  "Now if any man will behold the Chronicles, he shall find that
after the destruction of Jerusalem was accomplished, and after the
strong hand of the holy people was fully dispersed, and after the
placing of the abomination, that is to say, the idol of desolation of
Jerusalem, within the holy place, where the temple of God was before,
there had passed twelve hundred and ninety days, taking a day for a
year, as commonly it is taken in the prophets; and the times of the
heathen people are fulfilled, after whose rites and customs God
suffered the holy city to be trampled under foot for forty and two
months. For although the Christian church, which is the holy city,
continued in the faith from the ascension of Christ, even till this
time, yet hath it not observed and kept the perfection of the faith
all this whole season; for soon after the departure of the apostles,
the faith was kept with the observation of the rites of the Gentiles,
and not of the rites of Moses's law, nor of the law of the gospel of
Jesus Christ. Wherefore, seeing that this time of the error of the
Gentiles is fulfilled, it is likely that Christ shall call the
Gentiles from the rites of their Gentility to the perfection of the
gospel, as he called the Jews from the law of Moses to the same
perfection in his first coming; that there may be one sheepfold of the
Jews and Gentiles, under one Shepherd. Seeing, therefore, that
antichrist is known, which hath seduced the nations, then shall the
elect, after that they have forsaken the errors of their Gentility,
come, through the light of God's word, to the perfection of the
gospel, and that same seducer shall be slain with the sword of God's
word: so that by these things it doth partly appear unto me, why that
at this time, rather than at any other time, this matter of antichrist
is moved.

  "And why that this motion is come to pass in this kingdom, rather
than in other kingdoms, methinks there is good reason; because that no
nation of the Gentiles was so soon converted unto Christ as were the
Britons, the inhabitants of this kingdom. For to other places of the
world there were sent preachers of the faith, who, by the working of
miracles, and continual preaching of the word of God, and by grievous
passion and death of the body, did convert the people of those places;
but, in this kingdom, in the time of Lucius, the king of the Britons,
and of Eleutherius, bishop of the Romans, did Lucius hear from the
Romans, who were infidels, (by the way of rumours and tales,) of the
Christian faith which was preached at Rome. Who believed straightways,
and sent to Rome, to Eleutherius, for men skilful to inform him more
fully in the very faith itself; at whose coming he was joyful, and was
baptized, with his whole kingdom. And, after the receiving of the
faith, they never forsook it, neither for any manner false preaching
of other, neither for any manner of torments, or yet assaults of the
Painims, as in other kingdoms it hath come to pass. And thus it
seemeth to me the Britons, amongst other nations, have been, as it
were by the special election of God, called and converted to the faith
of Christ.

  "Of them, as me seemeth, did Isaiah prophesy, saying, For they
did see, to whom there was nothing told of him, and they did behold,
that had not heard of him. And again, Behold, thou shalt call a nation
which thou knowest not; and nations that have not known thee shall run
unto thee; for the Lord thy God, and the Holy One of Israel, shall
glorify thee.

  "Of this kingdom did St. John in the Apocalypse prophesy, (as me
seemeth,) where he said, The dragon stood before the woman, which was
about to be delivered of a child, to the intent that when she had
brought it forth into the world, he might devour up her son: and she
brought forth her child, which was a man-child, who should govern all
nations with an iron rod. And the same son was taken up to God, and to
his throne. And the woman fled into the wilderness, where she had a
place prepared of God, that they may feed her one thousand two hundred
and sixty days. And again, in the same chapter, after that the dragon
saw that he was cast out upon the earth, he did persecute the woman,
which brought forth the man-child. And there were given to the woman
two wings of a great eagle, that she might flee into the wilderness
into her place, where she is fostered up for a time, times, and half a
time, from the face of the serpent. And the serpent did cast, as it
were, a flood of water after the woman, to the intent that he might
cause her to be drowned by the flood; and the earth, opening her
mouth, did help the woman, and did swallow up the flood which the
dragon did cast out of his mouth. Let us see how these sayings may be
applied unto this kingdom rather than to other kingdoms. It is well
known that this kingdom is a wilderness or a desert place, because
that the philosophers and wise men did not pass upon it, but did leave
it for a wilderness and desert, because it is placed without the
climates.

  "Unto this place fled the woman; that is to say, the church,
(which by faith did spiritually bring forth Christ into the world,)
where she was fed with the heavenly bread, the flesh and blood of
Jesus Christ, for one thousand two hundred and sixty days, seeing that
for so many days, taking a day for a year, the Britons continued in
the faith of Christ; which thing cannot be found so of any Christian
kingdom, but of this desert. And well it is said, that she flew to
this place. For from the East came the faith into Britain, not by
walking in journey, nor yet by sailing; for then should it have come
by Rome, Italy, Almaine, or France, which cannot be found: and
therefore she flew over those plates, and rested not in them, even as
a bird, flying over a place, resteth not in the same, but resteth in
this wilderness for a time, times, and half a time, that is, one
thousand two hundred and sixty years, from the first coming of the
faith into Britain until this present.

  "In saying for a time, times, and half a time, there is a going
forward from the greater to the less. The greatest time that we name,
is one thousand years; there is a time; and the next time, that is
less, in the singular number, is one hundred years. In the plural
number, "times" signify that there be more hundreds than one, at least
two hundred years. Wherefore, if they be put under a certain number,
it must needs be that they be two; but the same two cannot fitly be
called some times, except they be hundreds. For in that, that there is
a going down from the greater to the less, when it is said a time,
times, and half a time, and that the number of one thousand is likely
assigned for a time, it must needs follow, that times must be taken
for hundreds, and half a time for sixty, because it is the greater
half of a hundred years, though that fifty be the even half.

  "And when that the serpent sent the water of the persecution
after the woman to cause her to be drowned of the flood, then did the
earth, that is to say, the stableness of faith, help the woman, by
supping up the water of tribulation. For in the most cruel persecution
of Dioclesian and Maximian against the Christians, when Christianity
was almost every where rooted out, yet did they, in this kingdom,
stand continually in the faith unmovable. And so, considering that the
Britons were converted to the faith of Christ, as you would say, by an
election and picking out amongst all the nations of the heathen, and
that, after they had received the faith, they did never start back
from the faith for no manner of tribulation; it is not to be
marvelled, if, in their place, the calling of the Gentiles be made
manifest, to the profiting of the gospel of Jesus Christ, by the
revealing of antichrist.

  "But besides this, me seemeth that Ezekiel doth specially speak
of them, where he speaketh of the fall of the prince of Tyre, saying;
Forasmuch as thy heart is lifted up, as if it were the heart of God,
therefore, behold, I will bring upon thee some of the strongest of the
heathen; and they shall draw their naked swords upon the beauty of thy
wisdom, and they shall defile thy comeliness, and they shall slay
thee, and pull thee out; and thou shalt die in the slaughter of the
slain persons, in the heart of the sea.

  "This prince, who saith that he himself is God, and doth sit in
God's chair in the heart of the sea, doth signify, as most likely it
seemeth to me, that antichrist shall be destroyed by the most mighty
persons of the Gentile folk, through the sword of the word of God;
because that amongst the other Gentiles there have been none more
strong than the Britons, either in their body or their faith; and, in
their bodily wars, there have been none more mighty than they, for
never in wars have they been vanquished, but by their own sedition or
treason. But how many kingdoms have they conquered! Yea, and neither
by the most mighty city of Rome could they be driven out of their
kingdom, until that God sent upon them pestilence and famine; whereby
they, being wasted, were compelled to leave their country; which thing
I have not heard of any other people. Now, in the faith, have they
been amongst all the people the strongest, as is before said, because
that by no tribulation could they be compelled to forsake the faith.

  "Wherefore of them this seemeth to me to be understood: Then I
will bring upon thee some of the strongest people, and they shall draw
their naked swords, &c. By these things it may plainly appear, why at
this time (rather than in time past) this matter is stirred up; and
why in this kingdom (rather than in other kingdoms) the calling of the
Gentiles is treated of, to the verifying of the gospel, through the
disclosing of antichrist.

  "But forasmuch as many tales and fables are told of antichrist
and his coming, and many things, which do rather seduce than instruct
the hearers, are applied to him out of the Scriptures of the prophets,
we will briefly write those things which are spoken of him, and we
will show that the same fable sprang from the error of people
imagining, and from no truth of the Scriptures prophesying. Now then
they do say, that antichrist shall be born in Babylon of the tribe of
Dan, and conceived of the mixture of man and woman in sin, because
that Christ was born of a virgin, and conceived of the Holy Ghost.
They say, that he shall be an ill-favoured personage, because that it
is written of Christ, Comely and beautiful is he, beyond the sons of
men. They say, that he shall preach three years and a half where
Christ preached; and that he shall circumcise himself, and say that he
is Christ and the Messias, sent for the salvation of the Jews. And
they say, that he shall three manner of ways seduce the people; by
false miracles, gifts, and torments; so that whom he shall not be able
to overcome with miracles nor with gifts, those shall he go about to
overcome with divers kinds of torments; and those that he shall
seduce, will he mark with his tokens in their forehead or hands. He
shall sit in the temple of God, and cause himself to be worshipped as
God. He shall fight (as they say) with the two witnesses of Christ,
Enoch and Elijah, and shall kill them; and he himself shall finally be
slain with lightning. To this imagined man of their own imagination,
but of none of the prophets foreshowed, (at least in no such wise as
this is,) do they apply the prophets, as this of Daniel: When that
continual sacrifice shall be taken away, and abomination shall be
placed to desolation: that is, (say they,) when the worshipping of God
shall be taken away, and desolation (to wit, antichrist) shall
abominably show forth himself to be worshipped, then shall there be
one thousand two hundred and ninety days; that is to say, three years
and a half: and this time do they say is the time, times, and half a
time. And when it is said in Daniel, Blessed is he that looketh for
and cometh to one thousand three hundred and thirty-five days; this,
do they say, is thus to be understood: forty-five days of repentance
to such as have worshipped antichrist; which forty-five days added to
the one thousand two hundred and ninety, make one thousand three
hundred and thirty-five days: which days they that shall reach unto
shall be called blessed.

  "They apply also to this antichrist, this saying of the
Apocalypse, I saw a beast rising up out of the sea, having seven heads
and ten horns, who had power given him to make forty-two months: which
months (as they say) do make three years and a half, in which
antichrist shall reign. And many other things there are told, and
applied unfitly to this imagined antichrist, that are not truly
grounded upon the Scriptures.

  Now let us show the errors of this fable. First of all, if there
shall come such a one, (saying expressly that he is Christ,) what
Christian would be seduced by him, though he should do never so many
miracles? Neither shall he come after the manner of a seducer, which
shall show himself an express adversary. Neither is it likely that the 
Jews can be seduced by such a one, seeing that Christ is not promised
unto them of the stock of Dan by any of the prophets, but of the stock
of Judah; nor yet is he promised to them to be a king warlike, but
peaceable, taking war away, and not making war. For of Christ saith
Isaiah, And in the last days shall there be prepared the mountain of
the house of the Lord, in the top of the mountains, and it shall be
exalted above the hills; and to it shall all the nations have great
recourse, and many people shall go and say, Come, let us go up to the
mountain of the Lord, and to the house of the God of Jacob, and he
shall teach us his ways, and we shall walk in his paths. For out of
Zion shall there go a law, and the word of the Lord from Jerusalem,
and he shall judge the nations, and reprove much people. And they
shall turn their swords into ploughshares, and their spears into
scythes. There shall not a nation lift up itself against another
nation, nor yet shall they be any more exercised to war. And again, A
little babe is born to us, and a son is given to us, and his imperial
kingdom upon his shoulder; and his name shall be called, The great
Counsellor, The mighty God, The Father of the world to come, The
Prince of Peace. His empire shall be multiplied, and there shall be no
end of his peace. He shall sit upon the seat of David, and upon his
kingdom; that he may make it stedfast and strong in judgment and in
justice, from henceforth and for evermore. Zechariah doth say of
Christ, Rejoice thou greatly, O thou daughter Zion! be thou exceeding
merry, O daughter Jerusalem! Behold, thy king shall come a righteous
person and a Saviour unto thee, and yet he a poor man, and getting up
upon an ass, even upon a young colt of the she-ass. And I will scatter
abroad the chariot of Ephraim, and the horse of Jerusalem; and the bow
of war shall be dispersed, and he shall speak peace to the nations,
and his power shall be from the sea to the sea, and from the flood
unto the borders of the earth.

  "By which things it is manifest, that the wise Jews knew well
enough Christ to be promised to them of the stock of Judah, and not of
the stock of Dan; and that he was given all to peace, and not to war:
therefore it is not likely that they can be seduced by such a one. But
if there should have been, in time to come, some such singular
antichrist, then would Christ (seeing he loved his) have said somewhat
unto them of him. Now, of one singularly doth he not speak, but of
many, saying, Many shall come in my name, and say, I am Christ; and
they shall seduce many persons. But now let us see how the prophecies
in Daniel, and in the Apocalypse, aforesaid, be falsely and
erroneously applied to the same imagined antichrist. For in Daniel,
chap. ix., thus it is written: And after seventy-two weeks shall
Christ be slain, and they which will deny him shall not be his people.
And the city and sanctuary shall a people, with their captain that
shall come with them, destroy; whose end shall be utter desolation,
and after the end of the war a determined destruction. Now he shall in
one week confirm his covenant towards many, and in the half week shall
the offering and sacrifice cease; and in the temple shall there be an
abomination of desolation; and even to the fulfilling up of all, and
to the end shall the desolation continue. It is plain and manifest
that this prophecy is now fulfilled. For the people of Rome, with
their captain, destroyed Jerusalem even to the ground, and the people
of the Jews were slain and scattered. And the abomination, that is,
the idol of desolation, was placed of Adrian, in the last destruction,
in Jerusalem, in the holy place, that is to say, in a place of the
temple. And from that time hitherto have passed near about twelve
hundred and ninety days, taking a day for a year, as Daniel takes it
in his prophecies, and other prophets likewise. For Daniel, speaking
of sixty-two weeks, doth not speak of the weeks of days, but of years.
So, therefore, when he saith, From the time that the continual
sacrifice was taken away, &c., twelve hundred and ninety days must be
taken for so many years, from the time of the desolation of Jerusalem,
even unto the revealing of antichrist; and not for three years and a
half, which, they say, antichrist shall reign. And again, whereas
Daniel said, How long till the end of these marvellous matters? It was
answered him, For a time, and times, and half a time. Behold also, how
unfitly they did assign this time, by three years and a half, which
they say antichrist shall reign. For when it is said a time, times,
and half a time; there is a going downward from the greater to the
less, from the whole to the part, because it is from a time to half a
time. If, therefore, there be a going downward from the whole to the
part, by the midst, (which is greater than the whole itself,) the
going downward is not meet nor agreeing. And this is done when it is
said, that a time, times, and half a time, is a year, two years, and
half a year. Wherefore more fitly it is said, that a time, times, and
half a time, doth signify twelve hundred and ninety years, as is
before said in the chapter preceding. Thus therefore is the prophecy
of Daniel falsely applied to that imagined antichrist.

  "Likewise is the process of the Apocalypse applied to the same
imagined antichrist too much erroneously. Because that the same cruel
beast which came up out of the sea, having seven heads and ten horns,
to whom there was power given over every tribe, people, and tongue;
and the power given for the space of forty-two months: this beast doth
note the Roman emperors, which most cruelly did persecute the people
of God, as well Christians as Jews. For when the condemnation of the
great whore sitting upon the many waters was showed to John, he saw
the same woman sitting upon the purple-coloured beast, full of the
names of blasphemy, having seven heads and ten horns; and he saw a 
woman being drunk with the blood of the saints and martyrs of Jesus.
And the angel, expounding and telling him the mystery of the woman and
the beast that carried her, said, That seven heads are seven hills,
and are seven kings: five are fallen; one is, the other is not yet
come: and when he shall come, he must reign a short time. And the ten
horns which thou sawest, are ten kings, who have not yet taken their
kingdom, shall receive their power as it were in one hour under the
beast. And, finally, he saith, The woman whom thou sawest is the great
city, which hath the kingdom over the kings of the earth. And it is
manifest that the city of Rome, at the time of this prophecy, had the
kingdom over the kings of the earth. And this city was borne up and
upholden by her cruel and beastly emperors; who, by their cruelty and
beastliness, did subdue unto themselves, in a manner, all the kingdoms
of the world; of zeal to have lordship over others, and not virtuously
to govern the people that were their subjects, seeing that they
themselves did lack all virtue, and drew back others from the faith,
and from virtue.

  "Wherefore that cruel beast coming up out of the sea, doth
rightly note the Roman emperors, who had power over every language,
people, and country. And the power of the beast was for forty-two
months, because that from the first emperor of Rome, that is to say,
Julius Cæsar, unto the end of Frederic, the last emperor of Rome,
there were forty-two months, taking a month for thirty days, as the
months of the Hebrews and Grecians are, and taking a day always for a
year, as commonly it is taken in the prophets. By which things it may
plainly appear how unfitly this prophecy is applied to that imagined
antichrist; and the forty-two months taken for three years and a half,
which they say he shall reign in, against the saying of the prophets,
because that days are taken for years. As in the 2nd of the
Apocalypse, They shall be troubled ten days; which do note the most
cruel persecution of Dioclesian against the Christians, that endured
ten years. And in another place of the Apocalypse it is written of the
smoke coming up out of the bottomless pit: out of which pit there came
forth grasshoppers into the earth, and to them was power given, as
scorpions have power, to vex and trouble men five months. Now, it is
manifest, that from the beginning of the Friars Minors and Preachers,
to the time that Armachanus began to disclose and uncover their
hypocrisy, and their false foundation of valiant begging under the
poverty of Christ, were five months, taking a month for thirty days,
and a day for a year: and to Ezekiel were days given for years.
Wherefore it is an unfit thing to assign the forty-two months, being
appoint.ed to the power of the beast, unto three years and a half, for
the reign of that fantastical and imagined antichrist; especially
seeing that they do apply to his reign the twelve hundred and ninety
days in Daniel, which make forty-two months, and in the Apocalypse
they assign him forty-two months. It is plain that the psaltery and
the harp agree not. And, therefore, seeing that it is sufficiently
showed that the same fabling tale of that imagined antichrist to come,
is a fable and erroneous; let us go forward to declare whether
antichrist be already come, and yet is he hid from many, and must be
opened and disclosed within a Iittle while, according to the truth of
the Holy Scripture, for the salvation of the faithful.

  "And because that in the first conclusion of mine answer I have
conditionally put it, Who is that antichrist lying privy in the hid
Scriptures of the prophets? I will pass on to the declaration of that
conclusion, bringing to light those things which lay hid in darkness,
because nothing is hid which shall not be disclosed, and nothing
covered which shall not be known. And therefore the thing which was
said in the darkness, let us say in the light; and the thing that we
have heard in the ear, let us preach upon the house-tops. I,
therefore, as I have before said, so say, that if the high bishop of
Rome, calling himself the servant of God, and the chief vicar of
Christ in this world, do make and justify many laws contrary to the
gospel of Jesus Christ, then is he the chief of many, which, coming in
the name of Christ, have said, I am Christ; who have seduced many:
which is the first part of the first conclusion, and is manifest; for
Christ is called of the Hebrews the very same that we call anointed;
and amongst them there was a double sort of legal anointing by the
law, the one of kings, and the other of priests; and as well were the
kings, as the priests, called in the law Christs. The kings, as in the
Psalm, The kings of the earth stood up together, and the princes
assembled themselves in one against the Lord, and against his Christ
or Anointed. And in the Books of the Kings, very often are the kings
called Christs; and our Saviour was Christ, or anointed King, because
he was a King for evermore upon the throne of David, as the Scriptures
do very oftentimes witness. The priests also were called anointed, as
where it is written, Do not ye touch my Christs, that is, mine
anointed ones, and be not ye spiteful against my prophets. And so was
our Saviour Christ a Priest for ever, according to the order of
Melchisedec.

  Seeing then that the bishops of Rome do say that they are the
high priests, they say also therein that they are kings, because they
say that they have the spiritual sword pertaining to their priesthood,
and the corporal sword which agreeth for a king's state. So is it
plain, that really and in very deed, they say that they are Christs,
albeit that expressly they be not called Christs. Now, that they come
in the name of Christ is manifest, because they say that they are his
principal vicars in this world, ordained of Christ specially for the
government of the Christian church. Therefore, seeing they say that
really and in very deed they are Christs, and the chief friends of
Christ; if they make and justify many laws contrary to the gospel of
Jesus Christ, then is it plain that they themselves in earth are the
principal antichrists, because there is no worse plague and pestilence
than a familiar enemy. And if in secret they be against Christ, and
yet in open appearance they say that they are his friends, they are so
much the more meet to seduce and deceive the Christian people; because
that a manifest enemy shall have much ado to deceive a man, because
men trust him not; but a privy enemy, pretending, outward friendship,
may easily seduce, yea, those that be wise.

  "But that this matter may the more fully be known, let us see
what is the law and doctrine of Christ, that ought to be observed of
all faithful people; which being known, it shall be an easy thing to
see, if the bishop of Rome do make or maintain any laws contrary to
the law of the gospel of Jesus Christ.

  "I say then, that the law of Christ is charity, which is the
perfect love of God and of Christ. This thing is plain and manifest.
For Christ being demanded of a certain doctor of the law, What is the
greatest commandment in the law? answered: Thou shalt love the Lord
thy God with all thy heart, and with all thy soul, and with all thy
mind: that is the principal and greatest commandment. And as for the
second, it is like unto this: Thou shalt love thy neighbour as thine
own self. On these two commandments the whole law and prophets depend.
And in another place Christ saith, All manner of things, therefore,
that you would that men should do to you, the same also do ye unto
them, for this is the law and the prophets. And in John xiii. Christ
saith, And now do I say unto you, I give you a new commandment, that
you should love each other; as I loved you, in like manner that you
also should love one another. In this shall all men know that you are
my disciples, if you shall have love one towards another. And John
xv., This is my commandment, that you love together as I have loved
you. Greater love than this hath nobody, that a man should give his
life for his friends. The apostle Peter saith, in his First Epistle,
chap. iv., Above all things having continually charity one towards
another; for charity covereth the multitude of sins. Be ye harbourers,
and entertain ye one another without grudging: every one as he hath
received grace, so let him bestow it upon another man, as the good
stewards of the manifold graces of God. If any man speak, let him
speak as the word of God. If any man do aught for another, let it be
done with singleness and unfeigned verity, ministered of God to
usward, that in all things God may be honoured through Jesus Christ
our Lord. James, in his Epistle, chap. ii.: If ye perform the royal
law accordingly to the Scriptures, Thou shalt love thy neighbour, ye
do well; but if ye be partial in receiving and preferring men's
personages, ye work wickedness, being blamed of the law as
transgressors. And again, So speak ye, and so do ye, as ye should now
begin to be judged by the law of liberty. What shall it avail, my
brethren, if a man say he have faith and have no works? Never shall
the faith be able to save him. For if a brother or sister be naked,
and have need of daily food, and some of you say to them, Go ye in
peace, be ye made warm and satisfied; and if ye shall not give those
things that are necessary for the body, what shall it avail? Even so
faith, if it have not works, is dead in itself.

  "John, in his First Epistle, chap. iii., This is the tidings
which you have heard from the beginning, that you should love one
another. And again, We know that we are translated from death to life,
if we love the brethren: he that loveth not, abideth in death. And
again, Herein do we know the love of God, because that he hath laid
down his life for us, and we ought to lay down our life for the
brethren. He that shall have the substance of this world, and shall
see his brother have need, and shall shut up his bowels from him, how
abideth the love of God in him? My little children, let us not love in
word nor tongue, but in deed and truth. And again, 4th chapter: Most
dearly beloved, let us love together. For love is of God; he that
loveth not, knoweth not God; for God is love. In this thing hath the
love of God appeared in us, that God hath sent his only begotten Son
into the world, that we should live by him. Herein is love; not that
we have loved God, but that he hath first loved us, and hath sent his
Son an atonement for our sins. Most dearly beloved, if God have loved
us, we so ought to love together. No man hath seen God at any time; if
we love together, God abideth in us, and his love is perfect in us.
And again, Let us love God, for he hath first loved us. If a man shall
say, I love God, and do hate his brother, he is a liar. For he that
loveth not his brother whom he seeth, how can he love God whom he 
seeth not? And this commandment have we of God, that whoso loveth God,
should love his brother also. Paul the apostle, in his Epistle to the
Romans, the 13th chapter: Owe ye nothing to nobody, saving that you
should love together, for he that loveth his brother hath fulfilled
the law. For thou shalt not commit adultery, thou shalt not murder,
thou shalt not steal, thou shalt not bear false witness, thou shalt
not covet thy neighbour's goods; and if there be any other
commandment, it is plentifully fulfilled in this word, Thou shalt love
thy neighbour as thyself. Wherefore the fulfilling of the law is love.

  "Paul to the Corinthians, the 13th chapter, saith, If I should
speak with the tongues of men and angels, and yet have not charity, I
am become as it were a piece of sounding metal or tinkling cymbal. And
if I shall have all prophecy, and know all mysteries and all
knowledge, and shall have all faith, so that I might remove mountains,
and yet shall not have charity, I am nothing. And if I shall give
abroad all my goods to feed the poor, and shall give up my body to be
burned, and yet have not charity, it profits me nothing. To the
Galatians, chap. v., saith Paul, For you, my brethren, are called unto
liberty; do ye not give your liberty for an occasion of the flesh, but
by charity of the spirit serve ye one another. For all the law is
fulfilled in one saying, Thou shalt love thy neighbour as thine own
self. To the Ephesians, 4th chapter, he saith, I therefore that suffer
bonds in the Lord do beseech you, that you would walk worthy of the
calling wherewith ye are called, with all humbleness and mildness,
with patience, forbearing one another in love, being careful to keep
the unity of the spirit in the bond of peace; that you be onebody and
one spirit, even as you be called in one hope of your calling. And
again in the 5th chapter, Be ye followers of me as most dear children,
and walk ye in love, as Christ also hath loved us, and hath delivered
up himself for us, an offering and sacrifice to God of a sweet savour.
To the Philippians, thus he speaketh, in the first chapter: Only let
your conversation be worthy of the gospel of Christ, that either when
I shall come and see you, or else in mine absence I may hear of you,
that you stand stedfast in one spirit, labouring together with one
accord for the faith of the gospel. And in nothing be ye afraid of the
adversaries, which is to them a cause of damnation, but to you of
salvation, and that of God. For to you it is given, not only that you
should believe in him, but also that you should suffer with him, you
having the like fight and battle that both you have seen in me, and
also now do hear of me. If therefore there be any consolation in
Christ, if any comfort of charity, if any fellowship of the spirit, if
any bowels of compassion, fulfil you my joy, that you may be of one
judgment, having one and the selfsame charity, being of one accord, of
one manner of judgment, doing nothing of contention nor of vain-glory,
but in humbleness accounting other amongst you, every one, better than
yourselves; not everybody looking upon the things that be his own, but
those that belong unto others. And to the Colossians, 3rd chapter,
thus he writeth, You therefore, as the elect of God, holy and beloved,
put upon you the bowels of mercy, gentleness, humbleness, lowliness,
modesty, patience, bearing one with another, and giving place to
yourselves: if any have a quarrel against any body, even as the Lord
forgave you, so do you also. Above all things have ye charity, which
is the bond of perfection, and let the peace of Christ triumph in your
hearts, in which pcace you also are called in one body; and be ye kin
and thankful. And to the Thessalonians, thus Paul writeth, in his
First Epistle, chap. iv.: As concerning brotherly charity we have no
need to write unto you; for you yourselves have learned of God, that
you should love one another. And the same thing ye do towards all the
brethren throughout all Macedonia.

  "Out of all these and many other places of the Holy Scripture it
sufficiently appeareth, that the law of Christ is charity; neither is
there any virtue commanded of Christ, or any of his apostles, to be
observed of the faithful people, but that it cometh out of charity, or
else doth nourish charity.

  "The law is given by Moses, and the truth by Christ. Christ came
not to unloose the law and the prophets, but to fulfil them. But yet
many things were lawful and might have been observed in the time of
the law, which in the time of grace must not be observed. And many
things were unlawful to them that were under the law, which in the
time of grace are lawful enough. After what sort then he did not loose
the law, but did fulfil it, it is necessary to declare, for those
things which hereafter must be said; for amongst Christians many
things are judged to be lawful, because in the former testament in the
law they were lawful, and yet they be expressly contrary to Christ's
gospel. But the authors of such things do argue and reason thus,
Christ came not to loose the law or the prophets. Now, after what sort
he did not unloose them it is manifest by the Holy Scripture; that the
law given by Moses, was written in tables of stone, to declare the
hardness of the people's heart towards the love of God, or of Christ.
But Christ hath written his law in the hearts and in the minds of his;
that is to say, the law of perfect love of God, and of Christ; which
law, whosoever observeth, he doth observe the law of Moses, and doth
much greater works of perfection, than were the works of the law.
Thus, therefore, were the morals of the old law fulfilled in the law
of charity of Christ, and not unloosed; because they are much more
perfectly observed, than of the Jews: this I say, if the Christians do
observe the commandments of Christ in such sort as he commanded the
same to be observed. Christ hath fulfilled the laws moral of the Old
Testament, because that the morals and judicials were ordained, that
one person should not do injury to another, and that every man should
have paid him that is his. Now they that are in charity, will do no
injury to others, neither do they take other men's goods away from
them. Nay, it seeketh not her own things; for charity seeketh not the
things that be her own. Wherefore much less by a stronger reason it
ought not to seek for other men's goods. And when the judicials and
morals were ordained, Christ did not by the works of the law justify
the believers in him, but by grace justified them from their sins. And
so did Christ fulfil that by grace, that the law could not by justice.

  "Paul to the Romans declareth in a godly discourse, and to the
Galatians likewise, that none shall be justified by the works of the
law, but by gracc in the faith of Jesus Christ. As for the morals and
ceremonies of the law, as circumcision, sacrifices for offences and
for sins, first-fruits, tenths, vows, divers sorts of washings, the
sprinkling of blood, the sprinkling of ashes, abstaining from unclean
meats, which are ordained for the sanctifying and cleansing of the
people from sin; no, nor yet the prayers of the priests, neither the
preachings of the prophets, could cleanse a man from his sin. For
death reigned even from Adam to Moses, and sin from Moses to Christ,
as Paul declareth to the Romans, in the fifth chapter. But Christ,
willing to have mercy and not sacrifice, being a Priest for ever after
the order of Melchisedec, and a High Priest of good things to come,
did neither by the blood of goats nor calves, but by his own blood,
enter in once into the holy places, when everlasting redemption was
found: neither did Jesus enter into the holy places that were made
with hands, which are the examples of true things, but unto the very
heaven, that now he may appear before the countenance of God for us.
Nor yet he did so, that he should offer up himself oftentimes, as the
high bishop entered into the holy place every year with strange blood
(for otherwise he must needs have suffered oftentimes since the
beginning of the world); but now, in the latter end of the world, hath
he once appeared by his own sacrifice, for the destruction of sin.
And, like as it is decreed for men once to die, and after that cometh
judgment, even so was Christ once offered up to consume away the sins
of many. The second time shall he appear without sin to the salvation
of such as look for him. For the law having a shadow of good things to
come, and not the very image or substance itself of the things, can
never by those sacrifices which they offer (of one selfsame sort
continually, year by year) make them perfect that come unto her.
Otherwise men would leave off offering, because that those
worshippers, being once cleansed, should have no more prick of
conscience for sin afterwards. But in them is there remembrance made
of sins every year. For it is impossible, that by the blood of goats
and bulls sins should be taken away. Wherefore he, entering into the
world, doth say, As for sacrifice and offering thou wouldst not have,
but a body hast thou framed unto me: and sacrifices for sin have not
pleased thee. Then said I, Behold, I come; in the head, or principal
part, of the book it is written of me, that I should do thy will, O
God. Wherefore he said before, that sacrifices, oblations, and burnt-
offerings, and that for sin, thou wouldst not have; neither were those
things pleasant to thee which are offered according to the law: then
said I, Behold, I come, that I may do thy will, O God. He taketh away
the first, that he may establish that that followed. In which will we
are sanctified and made holy by the offering up of the body of Jesus
Christ once. And verily every priest is ready every day ministering,
and oftentimes offering the selfsame sacrifices, which never can take
away sins. But this man, offering one sacrifice for sins, doth for
ever and ever sit at God's right hand, looking for the rest to come,
till that his enemies be placed to be his footstool. For with one
offering hath he for ever made perfect those that be sanctified. By
which things it plainly appeareth, that Christ by once offering hath
cleansed him from their sins, who could not be cleansed from the same
by all the ceremonies of the law, and so did fulfil that which the
priesthood of the law could. Wherefore only the morals and judicials
he fulfilled by the law of charity, and by grace; and the ceremonials,
by one offering up of his body on the altar of the cross. And so it is
plain that Christ fulfilled the whole law.

  "Wherefore since that the holy things of the law were a shadow of
those things that were to come in the time of grace, it were meet that
all those things should utterly cease amongst Christians, which should
either be against charity or the grace of Christ. Although in the time
of the law they were lawful, and not utterly contrary to it, but were
figures of perfections in Christ's faith; yet it were meet that they
should cease at the coming of the perfection which they did
prefigurate; as circumcision, the eating of the paschal lamb, and
other ceremonial points of the law. Whereupon also, Paul to the
Hebrews, chap. vii., saith thus, If, therefore, the making up of the
perfection of all, was by the Levitical priesthood, (for the people
received the law under him,) why was it necessary besides that another
Priest should rise up after the order of Melchisedec, and not be
called after the order of Aaron? For when the priesthood is removed,
it must needs be that the law also be removed. For he in whom these
things are spoken, is of another tribe, of which none stood present at
the altar; because it is manifest that our Lord had his offspring of
Judah, in which tribe Moses spake nothing of the priests. And besides
this, it is manifest, if, according to the order of Melchisedec, there
do rise up another Priest, which was not made according to the law of
the carnal commandment, but according to the power of the life that
cannot be lost. For thus he beareth witness, that thou art a Priest
for ever after the order of Melchisedec: so that the commandment that
went before, is disallowed for the weakness and unprofitableness
thereof, for the law hath brought nobody to perfection. By which
things it appeareth that Christ, making an end of the priesthood of
Aaron, doth also make up a full end of the law belonging to that
priesthood. Whereupon I marvel that your learned men do say, that
Christian folks are bound to this small ceremony of the payment of
tithes, and care nothing at all for other, as well the great as the
small ceremonics of the law.

  "It is plain that the tithes were given to the sons of Levi, for
their serving in the tabernacle and in the temple of the Lord, as the
first-fruits were givento the priests, and also part of the
sacrifices; and so were the vows of their ministry, as it appeareth in
the book of Numbers, chap. xxii. But forasmuch as the labour of those
sacrifices did cease at the coming of Christ, how should those things
be demanded, which were ordained for that labour? And seeing that the
first-fruits were not demanded of Christians, which first-fruits were
then rather and sooner demanded than the tithes; why must the tithes
be demanded, except it be therefore, peradventure, because that the
tithes be more worth in value than be the first-fruits?

  "Secondly, why are the lay people bound to the payment of tithes,
more than the Levites and the priests were to the not having of
possessions of realties and lordships amongst their brethren, seeing
that the selfsame law, in the selfsame place, (where he saith that the
tithes ought to be given to Levites,) saith also to the Levites, You
shall be contented with the offering of the tithes, and have none
other thing amongst your brethren. Wherefore seeing that the priests
be bound to the not having of temporal lordships, how are the lay
people bound by that law (of God he meaneth, and not of man) to the
payment of tithes?

  "Thirdly, as touching circumcision, which is one of the greater
ceremonies of the law, and was given before the law, and was a
universal ceremony concerning the covenant between God and his people,
and was so much regarded in the law, that thereof it was said, The
soul, whose flesh shall not be circumcised in the foreskin, shall
perish from amongst his people: yet did this ceremony utterly cease at
the coming of Christ, although that certain of the Jews did say in the
primitive church, that the Christians must needs keep the commandment
of circumcision with the faith; whom Paul reproveth, writing thus to
the Galatians, chap. iv., where he speaketh of the children of the
bond-woman and of the free-woman, which do signify the two testaments:
But we, O brethren, are the children of the promise after Isaac; but
like as at that time, he that was born after the flesh did persecute
him which was after the spirit, even so it is now also. But what saith
the Scripture? Throw out the bond-woman and her son. The son of the
bond-woman shall not be heir with the son of the free-woman.
Wherefore, brethren, we are not the sons of the bondwoman, but of the
free. Stand ye stedfast in the liberty wherewith Christ hath delivered
you, and be not ye holden again under the yoke of slavery. Behold, I
Paul say unto you, if you be circumcised, Christ shall nothing profit
you. For I testify again, to every man that circumciseth himself, that
he is bound to keep all the whole law. Ye are utterly void of Christ:
whosoever will be justified in the law, are fallen from grace.

  "In like manner we may reason, if we be bound to tithing, we are
debtors and bound to keep all the whole law. For to say that men are
bound to one ceremony of the law, and not to the others, is no
reasonable saying. Either, therefore, we are bound to them all, or to
none. Also, that by the same old law men are not bound to pay tithes,
it may be showed by many reasons, which we need not any more to
multiply and increase, because these things that be said are
sufficient. Whereupon some do say that by the gospel we are bound to
pay tithes, because Christ said to the Pharisees, Matt. xxiii., Woe be
to you scribes and Pharisees, which pay your tithe of mint, of anise
seed, and of cummin, and leave judgment, mercy, and truth undone,
being the weightier things of the law! both should ye have done these
things, and also not have left the other undone. O ye blind guides,
that strain out a gnat, and swallow up a camel. This word soundeth not
as a commandment or manner of bidding, whereby Christ did command
tithes to he given; but it is a word of disallowing the hypocrisy of
the Pharisees, who, of covetousness, did weigh and esteem tithes
because of their own singular commodity, rather than other great and
weighty commandments of the law. And me seemeth that our men are in
the same predicament of the Pharisees, which do leave off all the
ceremonies of the old law, keeping only the commandment of tithing. It
is manifest and plain enough by the premises, and by other places of
the Scripture, that Christ was a priest after the order of
Melchisedec, of the tribe of Judah, not of the tribe of Levi; who gave
no new commandment of tithing of any thing to him and to his priests,
whom he would place after him; but when his apostles said to him,
Behold, we leave all things and have followed thee, what then shall we
have; he did not answer them thus, Tithes shall be paid you; neither
did he promise them a temporal, but an everlasting reward in heaven.
For he both for for food, and also apparel, taught his disciples not
to be careful: Be ye not careful for your life, what ye shall eat, or
for your body, what ye shall put on: is not the life of man more worth
than the meat, and the body more worth than apparel? Behold ye the
birds of heaven, which do not sow, nor reap, neither yet lay up in
barns, and yet your heavenly Father feedeth them. And as for apparel,
why should you be careful? Consider the lilies of the field, how they
grow, they labour not, neither do they spin, &c. In conclusion he
saith, Be not ye careful, saying, What shall we eat, or what shall we
drink, or wherewithal shall we be covered? For all these things do the
Gentiles seek after; for your Father knoweth that you have need of all
these things. First, therefore, seek ye for the kingdom of God and the
righteousness thereof, and all these things shall be cast unto you.
And Paul, right well remembering this doctrine, instructeth Timothy,
and saith thus, But we having food, and wherewithal to be covered, let
us therewith be contented. And as the Acts of the Apostles do declare
in the first conversion of the Jews at Jerusalem, they had all things
common, and to every one was division made, as need required. Neither
did the priests make the tithes their own proper goods. For like as it
was not meet that the lay people, being converted, should have
propriety of goods, even so neither that priests should have propriety
of tithes. So that if the priests started back from fervent charity in
challenging to themselves the propriety of tithes; it is no marvel of
departing backward (as do the priests from the perfection of charity)
also of the laity, to be willing to appropriate to themselves the nine
parts remaining after tithes. Wherefore seeing that neither Christ,
nor any of the apostles, commanded to pay tithes; it is manifest and
plain, neither by the law of Moses, nor by Christ's law, Christian
people are bound to pay tithes; but by the tradition of men they are
bound.

  "By the premises now it is plain, that Christ did not undo the
law, but by grace did fulfil it. Notwithstanding, in the law many
things were lawful which in the time of grace are forbidden; and many
things were then unlawful, which now are lawful enough. For nothing
that is contrary to charity, is lawful to a Christian.

  "Let us now hear what manner of commandments Christ hath given us
in the gospel, without the observation of which commandments, charity
shall not perfectly be kept. By which commandments Christ did not undo
the old law, but did fulfil it. By the observation also of which
commandments, he teacheth us to pass and go beyond the righteousness
of the scribes and Pharisees, who most perfectly thought themselves to
keep the law. This absolute and perfect righteousness, which we are
bound to have beyond the righteousness of the Pharisees and the
scribes, he teacheth in Matt. v. -- vii., which being heard and
compared to the traditions made and commanded by the Roman prelates,
it shall plainly appear, whether they be contrary or no. Christ
therefore saith, You have heard, that it was said to them of the old
time, Thou shalt not kill; for he that killeth shall be guilty of
judgment. But I say unto you, that every one that is angry with his
brother shall be in danger of judgment. In this he doth teach that we
ought not to be angry with our brethren; not that he would undo this
old commandment (Thou shalt not kill); but that the same should be the
more perfectly observed. Again, he saith, You have heard that it was
said, Thou shalt love thy friend and hate thine enemy. But I say unto
you, Love your enemies, do well to them that hate you, pray for them
that persecute and slander you, that you may be the children of your
Father which is in heaven; which maketh his sun to arise upon the good
and the evil people, and raineth upon the just and unjust. For if you
love them which love you, what reward shall you have? Do not the
publicans thus? And if you shall salute your brethren only, what great
thing do ye? do not the heathens thus also? Be you therefore perfect,
as also your heavenly Father is perfect, Matt. v. 38 -- 42.

  "Again Christ saith: You have heard that it is said, An eye for
an eye, a tooth for a tooth. But I say unto you, see that you resist
not evil; but if any man shall strike you upon the right cheek, give
him the other too. And to him that will strive with thee for thy coat
in judgment, let him have thy cloak also. And whosoever shall
constrain thee one mile, go with him also two other. He that asketh of
thee, give him; and he that will borrow of thee, turn not thyself from
him, Matt. vi. 38 -- 42.

  "By these things it may plainly appear how that Christ, the King
of Peace, the Saviour of mankind, who came to save, and not to
destroy, who gave a law of charity to be observed of his faithful
people, hath taught us not to be angry, not to hate our enemies, nor
to render evil for evil, nor to resist evil: for all these things do
foster and nourish peace and charity, and do proceed and come forth of
charity; and when they be not kept, charity is loosed, and peace is
broken. But the bishop of Rome approveth and alloweth wars, and
slaughters of men in war, as well against our enemies, that is, the
infidels, as also against the Christians, for temporal goods. Now,
these things are quite contrary to Christ's doctrine, and to charity,
and to peace.

  "In the decree 23. q. 1. cap. Paratus, it is taught, that the
precepts of patience must always be retained in purpose of the heart;
so that patience, with benevolence, must be kept in the mind secret.
But apparently and manifestly that thing should be done which seemeth
to do good to those whom we ought to wish well unto; wherein they give
to understand, that a Christian may freely defend himself. And for
confirmation of this saying they do say, that Christ, when he was
stricken on the face of the high bishop's servant, did not fulfil (if
we look upon the words) his own commandment; because he gave not to
the smiter the other part, but rather did forbid him, that he should
not do it, to double his injury. For he said, If I have spoken evil,
bear witness of the evil; but if well, why dost thou strike me? I do
marvel of this saying, for, first, if those commandments of patience
must be kept in secret in the mind, and seeing the body doth work at
the motion of the mind, and is and ought to be moved and ruled by the
same, it must then needs be, that if patience be in the mind, it must
appear also outwardly in the body.

  "Secondly, I marvel that it is said, that Christ did not fulfil
his own precept of patience: for it is manifest, that albeit he,
teaching always as a good schoolmaster those things which were fit for
the salvation of souls, speaking the wholesome word of instruction to
the high bishop's servant smiting him unjustly, did neither by word
forbid another stroke to be given on the other cheek, neither did he
defbnd himself bodily from striking on the same cheek; but, speaking
to him, it is likely that he gave him the other cheek; he meaneth,
that he turned not the other cheek away. For a man turneth not away
from him whom he speaketh to, or whom he informeth, but layeth open
before him all his face; even so do I believe that Christ did, that he
might fulfil in very deed that which before he had taught in word.
Neither yet did Christ, by his word, or by his deed, show any thing of
defence, or of bodily resistance.

  "Thirdly, I marvel why wise men, leaving the plain and manifest
doctrine of Christ, whereby he teacheth patience, do leave corners of
their own imagining, to the intent they may approve fightings and
wars. Why mark they not after what manner Christ spake to Peter,
striking the high bishop's servant, saying, Put up thy sword into the
sheath, for every one that shall take the sword, shall perish with the
sword? But in another case we must make resistance; which case may be
so righteous, as it is for a man's lord and master being a most
righteous man, and yet suffering injury of mischievous persons.

  "Fourthly, I marvel, seeing that we are bound of charity, and by
the law of Christ, to give our lives for our brethren, how they can
allow such manner of dissensions, and resisting; for when thy brother
shall maliciously strike thee, thou mayst be sure, that he is
manifestly fallen from charity, into the snare of the devil. If thou
shalt keep patience, he shall be ashamed of his doing, and thou mayst
bow and bend him to repentance, and take him out from the snare of the
devil, and call him back again to charity. If thou resist, and
perchance by resisting dost strike again, his fury shall be the more
kindled, and he, being stirred up to greater wrath, peradventure shall
either slay thee, or thou him. Touching thyself, thou art uncertain,
if thou go about to make resistance, whether thou shalt fall from
charity, and then shalt thou go backward from the perfection of
Christ's commandment; neither dost thou know but that it may happen
thee so greatly to be moved, as that by the heat and violence of
wrath, thou shalt slay him. Whereas if thou wouldst dispose thyself to
patience, (as Christ teacheth,) thou shouldst easily avoid all these
mischiefs, as well on the behalf of thy brother, as also of thine own
part. Wherefore the observing of charity, as the precept of patience,
is to be observed.

  "Fifthly, I do marvel why, that for the allowing of this corporal
resistance, he doth say in the same chapter, that Paul did not fulfil
the precept of the patience of Christ, when he, being stricken in the
place of judgment by the commandment of the high priest, did say, God
strike thee, O thou painted wall; dost thou sit to judge me according
to the law, and dost thou command me to be stricken against the law?
It is manifest that Paul made resistance in nothing, though he spake a
word of instruction to the priest, who against the law commanded him
to be stricken. And if Paul had over-passed the bounds of patience,
through the grief of the stroke, what of that? Must the deed of Paul's
impatience for this cause be justified, and the commandment of
patience taught by Christ be left undone for Paul's deed, and corporal
resistance be allowed? God forbid. For both Paul and Peter might err;
but in the doctrine of Christ there may be found no error. Wherefore
we must give more credence and belief to Christ's sayings, than to any
living man's doings. Wherefore although Paul had resisted, which I do
not perceive in that scripture, it followeth not thereof, that
corporal resistance must be approved, which is of Christ expressly
forbidden. I much marvel that always they seek corners and shadows to
justify their deeds. Why do they not mark what great things Paul
reciteth himself to have suffered for Christ? And where, I pray you,
have they found that he, after his conversion, struck any man that did
hurt him? Or where do they find that he in express word doth teach
such a kind of corporal resistance? But as touching patience, he saith
in plain words to the Romans, Be not wise in your own conceits: render
ill for ill to nobody; providing good things not only before God, but
also before all men, if it be possible. Be at peace with all folks as
much as in you lieth; not revenging yourselves, my most dearly
beloved, but give you place unto anger; for it is written, Vengeance
is mine, and I will recompense them, saith the Lord. But if thine
enemy shall be an hungered, give him meat; if he be athirst, give him
drink: for thus doing, thou shalt heap coals of fire upon his head. Be
not overcome of evil, but overcome thou evil with good.

  "To the Corinthians, 1 Cor. vi., as touching judgment and
contention, which are matters of less weight than are fightings, thus
he writeth: Now verily there is great fault in you, that ye be at law
amongst yourselves: why rather take ye not wrong? why rather suffer ye
not deceit? And generally, in all his epistles, he teacheth that
patience should be kept, and not corporal resistance by fighting,
because charity is patient, it is courteous, it suffereth all things.
I marvel how they justify and make good the wars by Christians, saving
only the wars against the devil and sin; for, seeing that it is plain,
that those things which were in the Old Testament were figures of
things to be done in the New Testament, therefore, we must needs say,
that the corporal wars being then done, were figures of the Christian
wars against sin and the devil, for the heavenly country which is our
inheritance. It is plain that it was written thus of Christ: The
mighty Lord, and of great power in battle, hath girded himself in
force and manliness to the war; and he came not to send peace into the
earth, but war. In this war ought Christian people to be soldiers,
according to that manner which Paul teacheth to the Ephesians, chap.
vi.: Put upon you the armour of God, that you may be able to stand
against the deceits of the devil. For we have not to wrestle against
flesh and blood, but against princes and potentates, against the
rulers of the darkness of the world, against spiritual wickedness in
heavenly things, which are in the high places. Wherefore take ye the
armour of God, that ye may be able to resist in the evil day, and to
stand perfectly in all things. Stand ye, therefore, girded about in
truth upon your loins, having put upon you the breastplate of
righteousness, and your feet shod in a readiness to the gospel of
peace; in all things taking the shield of faith, wherewith you may
quench all the fiery darts of that wicked one. And take unto you the
helmet of salvation, and the sword of the Spirit, which is the word of
God.

  "By these things it is plain, what are the wars of Christians,
and what are the weapons of their warfare. And because it is manifest,
that this testament is of greater perfection than the former, we must
now fight more perfectly than at that time: for now spiritually, then
corporally; now for a heavenly everlasting inheritance, then for an
earthly and temporal; now by patience, then by resistance. For Christ
saith, Blessed are they that suffer persecution for righteousness, for
theirs is the kingdom of heaven. He saith not, Blessed are they that
fight for righteousness. How can a man say that they may lawfully make
war and kill their brethren for the temporal goods, which peradventure
they unjustly occupy, or unjustly intend to occupy? for he that
killeth another to get those goods which another body unjustly
occupieth, doth love more the very goods than his own brother; and
then he, falling from charity, doth kill himself spiritually: if he go
forward without charity to make war, then doth he evil, and to his own
damnation. Wherefore he doth not lawfully nor justly in proceeding to
the damnation of his own self and his brother, whom, though he see
unjustly to occupy his goods, yet he doth intend to kill. And what if
such kind of wars were lawful to the Jews? this argueth not that now
they are lawful to Christians; because that their deeds were in a
shadow of imperfection, but the deeds of Christians in the light of
perfection. It was not said unto them, All people that shall take the
sword, shall perish with the sword. What if John the Baptist
disallowed corporal fightings, and corporal warfare, at such time as
the soldiers asked him, saying, And what shall we do? who saith to
them, See that ye strike no man, neither pick ye quarrels against any,
and be ye contented with your wages. This saying of John alloweth not
corporal warfare amongst Christians; for John was of the priests of
the Old Testament, and under the law; neither to him it appertained
not to follow the law, but to warn the people to the perfect
observation of the law: for he, being likewise demanded of the
publicans what they should do, said unto them, Do no other thing than
is appointed unto you. But Christ, the author of the New Testament,
and of greater perfection than was the perfection of the old law, gave
new things, as it plainly appeareth by the gospel; so that Christians
ought to receive information of Christ, not of John. For of John also
doth Christ speak, Verily I say unto you, there hath not risen amongst
the children of men a greater than John Baptist; but he that is least
in the kingdom of heaven is greater than he. In which saying Christ
showeth, that those that the least in the kingdom of heaven in the
time of grace, are placed in greater perfection than was John, which
was one of them that were the elders; and he lived also in the time of
the law in greater perfection. And when certain of John's disciples
said unto him, Master, he that was beyond Jordan, to whom thou gavest
witness, behold, he baptizeth, and all people come unto him: John
answered and said, A man cannot take upon him, unless it shall be
given him from above. You yourselves do bear me record, that I said, I
am not Christ, but that I was sent before him. He that hath the bride,
is the bridegroom; as for the bridegroom's friend, who standeth and
heareth him, he rejoiceth with great joy to hear the voice of the
bridegroom. This therefore my joy is fulfilled; he must increase, and
I must be diminished. He that cometh from on high, is above all; he
that is of the earth is earthly, and speaketh of the earth: he that
cometh from heaven, is above all folks; that which he hath seen and
heard, the same doth he witness, and yet his witnessing doth nobody
receive. But he that receiveth his witnessing, hath put to his seal,
that God is true. For he whom God hath sent, speaketh the words of
God.

  "By which things it plainly appeareth, that credence is to be
given neither to John, nor yet to an angel, if he teach any thing that
is not agreeable to Christ's doctrine. For Christ is above the angels,
because that God infinitely passeth them in wisdom. Now, if Moses the
servant of God, a minister of the Old Testament., was so much to be
believed, that nothing could be added, nor yet any thing diminished
from the commandments that were given by him, (for so Moses had said,
The thing that I command thee, that do thou only to the Lord, neither
add thou any thing, nor diminish,) how much more ought we not to add
nor to take away from the commandments given by God himself, and also
the Son of God! In the primitive church, because the Christians had
fervent love and charity, they observed these precepts as they were
given; but their fervent charity afterward waxing lukewarm, they
invented glosses by drawing the commandments of God hack to their own
deeds, which they purposed to justify and maintain; that is to say,
wars against the infidels. But that these, by wars, should be
converted to the faith is a deed faithless enough: because that by
violence, or unwillingly, nobody can believe in Christ, nor be made a
Christian; neither did he come to destroy them by battle that believed
not in him; for he said to his disciples, You know not what spirit you
are of. The Son of man came not to destroy men's lives, but to save
them. Then to grant pardons and forgiveness of sins to those that kill
the infidels, is too much an infidel's fact, seducing many people; for
what greater seducing can there be, than to promise to a man
forgiveness of sins, and afterward the joy of heaven, for setting
himself against Christ's commandments in the killing of infidels, that
would not be converted to the faith? whereas Christ doth say, Not
every one that saith to me, Lord, Lord, shall enter into the kingdom
of heaven, but he that doth the will of my Father which is in heaven,
this person shall enter into the kingdom of heaven. Now the will of
the Father is, that we should believe in his only Son Jesus Christ,
and that we should obey him by observing of those things which he
himself hath commanded. Wherefore Christ's precepts of patience must
be fulfilled; wars, fightings, and contentions must be left, because
they are contrary to charity.

  "But peradventure some man will thus reason against Christ: The
saints, by whom God hath wrought miracles, do allow wars against the
faithful people, as also against the infidels; and the holy kings were
warriors, for whose sakes miracles also have been showed, as well in
their death, as also in their life, yea, in the very time wherein they
were at warfare: wherefore it seemeth that their facts were good and
lawful; for, otherwise, God would not have done miracles for them.

  "To this again I say, that we for no miracles must do contrary to
the doctrine of Christ, for in it there can be no error; but in
miracles there oftentimes chanceth error, as it is plain as well by
the Old, as by the New Testament. God forbid then that a Christian
should, for deceivable miracles, depart from the infallible doctrine
of Christ. In Exodus, chap. vii., it is manifest, how that the wicked
wise men of the Egyptians, through the enchantments of Egypt, and
certain secret workings, threw their wands upon the earth, which were
turned into dragons; even as Aaron, beforetime, in the presence of
Pharaoh, threw his wand upon the earth, which, by the power of God,
was turned into a serpent. In the first book of Kings, chap. xxii. 19,
Micaiah did see the Lord sitting upon his throne, and all the host of
heaven standing about him on the right hand and on the left. And the
Lord said, Who shall deceive Ahab the king of Israel, that he may go
up and be slain in Ramoth-gilead? And one said this way, and another
otherwise. Now there went forth a spirit, and stood before the Lord,
and said, I will deceive him. To whom the Lord spake; By what means?
And he said, I will go forth, and be a lying spirit in the mouth of
all his prophets. And the Lord said, Thou shalt deceive him and
prevail; go thy ways forth, and do even so. Thus also it is written in
Deuteronomy: If there shall arise a prophet amongst you, or one that
shall say he hath seen a dream, and shall foretell a sign and a
wonder; and if that shall come to pass that he hath spoken, and he
shall say unto thee, Let us go and follow strange gods, whom thou
knowest not, and let us serve them, thou shalt not hearken unto the
words of that prophet, or dreamer; for the Lord your God tempteth you,
to make it known whether ye love him, or no, with all your heart, and
with all your soul.

  "In Jeremiah, chap. xxiii.: Are not my words even like fire,
saith the Lord? and like a hammer that breaketh the stone? Therefore,
behold, I will come against the prophets which have dreamed a lie,
(saith the Lord,) which have showed those things, and have seduced the
people through their lies and their miracles, whenas I sent them not,
neither commanded them; which have brought no profit unto this people,
saith the Lord. In Mark, chap. xiii., saith Christ; For there shall
arise false Christs and false prophets, and shall show great signs and
wonders, to deceive, if it were possible, even the very elect. Paul,
in his Second Epistle to the Corinthians, chap. xi.: Such false
apostles are deceitful workers, transforming themselves into the
apostles of Christ. And no marvel, for even Satan transformeth himself
into an angel of light; therefore it is no great thing though his
ministers transform themselves, as though they were the ministers of
righteousness, whose end shall be according to their works.

  "In the Apocalypse, chap. xiii., John saw a beast ascending up
out of the earth, and it had two horns like a lamb, but he spake like
the dragon, and he did all that the first beast could do before him;
and he caused the earth and the inhabitants thereof to worship the
first beast, whose deadly wound was healed, and did great wonders, so
that he made fire come down from heaven on the earth, in the sight of
men, and deceived them that dwelt on the earth, by means of the signs
which were permitted him to do in the sight of the beast.

  "By these things it is most manifest and plain, that in miracles
this manifold error oftentimes happeneth, through the working of the
devil, to deceive the people withal; wherefore we ought not, for the
working of miracles, to depart from the commandments of God. I would
to God that they which put confidence in miracles, would give heed
unto the word of Christ, in the seventh chapter of Matthew, thus
speaking: Many shall say unto me in that day, Lord, Lord, have we not
in thy name prophesied? and in thy name cast out devils, and in thy
name done many great works? &c. I will profess unto them, I never knew
you, depart from me, all ye which work iniquity.

  "By this saying it is most manifest that the servants of Christ
are not discerned by working of miracles, but by the working of
virtues, departing from iniquity, and obeying the commandments of God.
Wherefore it is wonderful, that any in this life dare presume to
prevent the day of the judgment of God, to judge by means of miracles,
that some are saints, whom men ought to worship; whom, peradventure,
God will in the last judgment condemn, saying, Depart from me, all ye
which work iniquity. If any man could here on earth judge sinners to
be condemned, then, if this judgment were certain, Christ should not
judge the second time; and whatsoever such judges bind in earth, the
same ought to be bound in heaven. But if such a judgment be uncertain,
then it is perilous and full of deceit, when by it men on earth may,
instead of saints, worship such as are damned with the fellowship of
the devils, and in prayer require their aid, who, even like as the
devils their companions, are more ready, and more of might, to evil
than to good, more to hurt than to profit. I wonder they mark not what
Christ said, when his kinswoman came unto him, desiring and requiring
something of him, and saying, Command that these my two sons may sit
one upon thy right hand, and the other upon thy left hand in thy
kingdom. But Jesus answering, said, Ye know not what ye ask; can ye
drink of the cup which I shall drink of? They said unto him, We can.
He said unto them, Of my cup indeed ye shall drink but to sit at my
right hand, or at my left, it is not mine to give, but unto whom it is
prepared of my Father. Christ, being equal unto the Father according
to his Godhead, and exceeding all manner of men according to his
manhood, namely, in goodness and wisdom, said, To sit at my right
hand, or at my left, is not mine to give, but unto whom it is prepared
of my Father. If it were none of his to give, to sit at the right
hand, or at the left, &c.; how then is it in the power of any sinful
man to give unto any man a seat, either on the right hand, or on the
left, in the kingdom of God, which sinful man knoweth not whether such
have any seat prepared for them of the Father in his kingdom? They
much extol themselves, which exercise this judicial power in giving
judgment, that there are some saints which ought to be honoured of
men, by reason of the evidences of dreams, or of deceitful miracles;
of which men they are ignorant, whether God in his judgment will
condemn them or not, together with the devils, for ever to be
tormented. Let them beware, for the infallible truth saith, that every
one that exalteth himself shall be brought low.

  "By these things is gathered that the wars of Christians are not
lawful; for that by the doctrine and life of Christ they are
prohibited, and by reason of the evidence of the deceitful miracles of
those which have made wars amongst the Christians, as well against the
Christians, as also against the infidels: because Christ could not err
in his doctrine, forasmuch as he was God; and forasmuch as heaven and
earth shall pass away, but the words of Christ shall not pass away.
He, therefore, which establisheth his laws, allowing wars and the
slaughter of men in war, as well of Christians as of infidels, doth he
not justify those things which are contrary unto the gospel and law of
Christ? Therefore in this he is against Christ, and therefore
antichrist, seducing the people, making men believe that to be lawful
and meritorious unto them, which is expressly prohibited by Christ."

    And thus much concerning the first part, touching peace and
war, wherein he declareth Christ and the pope to be contrary, that is,
the one to be given all to peace, the other all to war, and so to
prove, in conclusion, the pope to be antichrist: where, in the mean
time, thou must understand, gentle reader, his meaning rightly; not
that he so thinketh no kind of wars among the Christians in any case
to be lawful, for he himself before hath openly protested the
contrary; but that his purpose is to prove the pope, in all his doings
and teachings, more to be addicted to war than to peace; yea, in such
cases where is no necessity of war. And therein proveth he the pope to
be contrary to Christ, that is, to be antichrist.

  Now he proceedeth further to the second part, which is of mercy.
In which part he showeth how Christ teacheth us to be merciful,
because mercy, as he saith, proceedeth from charity, and nourisheth
it.

  "In this doctrine of mercy, Christ breaketh not the law of
righteousness, for he himself, by mercy, hath cleansed us from our
sins, from which we could not by the righteousness of the law be
cleansed. But whom he hath made clean by mercy, undoubtedly it
behoveth those same to be also merciful; for in the 6th chapter of
Matthew he saith, Blessed are the merciful, for they shall obtain
mercy. And again, in the 6th of Matthew, If ye forgive unto men their
sins, your Father will forgive unto you your sins. And again, in the
7th chapter of Matthew, Judge not, and ye shall not be judged; condemn
not, and ye shall not be condemned; and with what measure ye measure,
with the same shall it be measured unto you again. In the 18th chapter
of Matthew, Peter asked the Lord, saying, Lord, how often shall my
brother sin against me, and I shall forgive him? seven times? Jesus
said unto him, I say not unto thee seven times, but seventy times
seven times. Therefore is the kingdom of heaven likened unto a certain
king, which would take account of his servants. And when he had begun
to reckon, one was brought unto him which oweth him ten thousand
talents; and because he had nothing wherewithal to pay, his master
commanded him to be sold, and his wife, and his children, and all that
he had, and the debt to be paid. The servant therefore fell down, and
besought him, saying, Have patience with me, and I will pay thee all.
And the Lord had pity on that servant, and loosed him, and forgave him
the debt. But when that servant was departed, he found one of his
fellow servants, which owed him an hundred pence, and he laid hands on
him, and took him by the throat, saying, Pay me that thou owest; and
his fellow fell down, and besought him, saying, Have patience with me,
and I will pay thee all. But he would not, but went and cast him into
prison, till he should pay the debt. And when his other fellows saw
the things that were done, they were very sorry, and came and declared
unto their master all that was done. Then his master called him, and
said unto him, O thou ungracious servant, I forgave thee all that debt
when thou desiredst me: oughtest thou not then also to have such pity
on thy fellow, even as I had pity on thee? And his Lord was wroth, and
delivered him unto the jailers, till he should pay all that was due
unto him. So likewise shall my heavenly Father do unto you, except ye
forgive from your hearts each one to his brother their trespasses.

  "By this doctrine it is most plain and manifest, that every
Christian ought to be merciful unto his brother, how often soever he
offendeth against him; because we, so often as we offend, do ask mercy
of God. Wherefore forasmuch as our offence against God is far more
grievous than any offence of our brother against us, it is plain that
it behoveth us to be merciful unto our brethren, if we will have mercy
at God's hand. But, contrary to this doctrine of mercy, the Romish
bishop maketh and confirmeth many laws which punish offenders even
unto the death; as it is plain by the process of the decrees. It is
declared and determined, that to kill men ex officio, that is, having
authority and power so to do, is not sin; and again, The soldier which
is obedient unto the higher power, and so killeth a man, is not guilty
of murder; and again, He is the minister of the Lord, which smiteth
the evil in that they are evil, and killeth them. And many other such-
like things are, throughout the whole process of that question,
determined: that for certain kinds of sins men ought, by the rigour of
the law, to be punished even unto death. But the foundation of their
saying they took out of the old law, in which, for divers
transgressions were appointed divers punishments. It is very much
wonderful unto me, why that wise men, being the authors and makers of
laws, do always, for the foundation of their sayings, look upon the
shadow of the law, and not the light of the gospel of Jesus Christ;
for they give not heed unto the figure of perfection, nor yet unto the
perfection figured. Is it not written in the 3rd of John, God sent not
his Son into the world to judge the world, but to save the world by
him? In John the 8th chapter, The scribes and Pharisees bring in a
woman taken in adultery, and set her in the midst, and said unto
Christ, Master, even now this woman was taken in adultery; but in the
law, Moses hath commanded us to stone such: what sayest thou
therefore? This they said to tempt him, that they might accuse him.
But Jesus stooped down, and with his finger wrote on the ground. And
while they continued asking him, he lift himself up, and said unto
them, Let him that is among you without sin, cast the first stone at
her. And again he stooped and wrote on the ground. And when they heard
it, they went out one by one, beginning at the eldest: so Jesus was
left alone, and the woman standing in the midst. When Jesus had lift
up himself again, he said unto her, Where be they which accused thee?
hath no man condemned thee? She said, No man, Lord. And Jesus said
unto her, Neither do I condemn thee, go thy way, and sin no more.

  "It is manifest by the Scriptures, that Christ was promised he
should be King of the Jews, and unto the kings pertained the judgments
of the law; but, because he came not to judge sinners according to the
rigour of the law, but came according to grace, to save that which was
lost, in calling the sinner to repentance; it is most plain, that in
the coming of the law of grace, he would have the judgment of the law
of righteousness to cease: for otherwise he had dealt unjustly with
the aforesaid woman, forasmuch as the witnesses of her adultery bare
witness against her. Wherefore, seeing the same King, Christ, was a
judge, if it had been his will that the righteousness of the law
should be observed, he ought to have adjudged the woman to death,
according as the law commanded; which thing, forasmuch as he did not,
it is most evident that the judgments of the righteousness of the law
are finished in the coming of the King, being King of the law of
grace; even as the sacrifices of the priesthood of Aaron are finished
in the coming of the Priest, according to the order of Melchisedec,
who hath offered himself up for our sins; because, as it is before
said, neither the righteousness of the law, nor sacrifices for sin,
brought any man to perfection. Wherefore it was necessary that the
same, by reason of their imperfection, should cease. And seeing, among
all the laws of the world, the law of Moses was most just; forasmuch
as the author thereof was God, who is the most just Judge; and by that
law always look, what manner of injury one had done unto another,
contrary to the commandment of the law, the like injury he should
receive for his transgression, according to the upright judgment of
the law; as death for death, a blow for a blow, burning for burning,
wound for wound, eye for eye, tooth for tooth, and most just
punishments were ordained according to the quantity of the sins. But
if this law of righteousness be clean taken away in the coming of the
law of grace, how then shall the law of the Gentiles remain among
Christians, which was never so just? Is not this true, that in them
which are converted unto the faith, there is no distinction between
the Jew and the Grecian? For both are under sin, and are justified by
grace in the faith of Christ, being called unto faith and unto the
perfection of the gospel.

  "If therefore the Gentiles converted are not bound to play the
Jews, to follow the law of the Jews; why should the Jews converted
follow the laws of the Gentiles, which are not so good? Wherefore it
is to be wondered at, why thieves are, among Christians, for theft put
to death, when after the law of Moses they were not put to death.
Christians suffer adulterers to live, Sodomites, and they which curse
father and mother, and many other horrible sinners; and they which
according to the most just law of God were condemned to death, are not
put to death. So we neither keep the law of righteousness given of
God, nor the law of mercy taught by Christ.

  "Wherefore the law-makers and judges do not give heed unto the
aforesaid sentence of Christ unto the scribes and Pharisees, who said,
He which amongst you is without sin, let him cast the first stone at
her. What is he that dareth be so bold as to say he is without sin,
yea, and without a grievous sin, when the transgression of the
commandment of God is a grievous sin? And who can say that he never
transgressed this commandment of God, Thou shalt love thy neighbour as
thyself; or the other commandment, which is of greater force, Thou
shalt love the Lord thy God with all thy heart, &c.? Wherefore thou,
whatsoever thou art, that judgest thy brother unto death, thinkest
thou that thou shalt escape the judgment of God, which peradventure
hast offended more grievously than he hath whom thou judgest? How
seest thou a mote in thy brother's eye, and seest not a beam in thine
own eye? Knowest thou not that with what measure thou measurest, that
same shall be measured to you again? Doth not the Scripture say, Unto
me belongeth vengeance, and I will render again, saith the Lord? How
can any man say that these men can with charity keep these judgments
of death? Who is it that offendeth God, and desireth of God just
judgment for his offence? He desireth not judgment, but mercy. If he
desire mercy for himself, why desireth he vengeance for his brother
offending? How therefore loveth he his brother as himself? Or how dost
thou show mercy unto thy brother (as thou art bound by the commandment
of Christ) which seekest the greatest vengeance upon him that thou
canst infer unto him? for death is the most terrible thing of all, and
a more grievous vengeance than death can no man infer. Wherefore, they
which will keep charity, ought to observe the commandments of Christ
touching mercy; and they which live in the law of charity, ought to
leave the law of vengeance and judgments. Ought we to believe that
Christ in his coming, by grace, abrogated the most just law which he
himself gave unto the children of Israel, by Moses's servant, and
established the laws of the Gentiles, being not so just, to be
observed of his faithful? Doth not Daniel expound the dream of
Nebuchadnezzar the king, concerning the image, whose head was of gold,
the breast and arms of silver, the belly and thighs of brass, the legs
of iron, one part of the feet was of iron, and the other part of clay.
Nebuchadnezzar saw that a stone was cut out of a mountain without
hands, and struck the image in his feet of iron and of clay, and brake
them to pieces. Then was the iron, the clay, the brass, the silver,
and gold broken all together, and became like the chaff of the summer
floor, which is carried away by the wind, and there was no place found
for them; and the stone that smote the image became a great mountain,
and filled the whole earth. He applieth therefore four kingdoms unto
the four parts of the image, namely, the kingdom of the Babylonians
unto the head of gold; the kingdom of the Medes and Persians unto the
breast and arms of silver; the kingdom of the Grecians unto the belly
and thighs of brass; but the fourth kingdom, which is of the Romans,
he applieth unto the feet and legs of iron. And Daniel addeth, In the
days of their kingdoms shall God raise up a kingdom which shall never
be destroyed: and his kingdom shall not be delivered unto another, but
it shall break and destroy those kingdoms; and it shall stand for
ever, according as thou sawest, that the stone was cut out of the
mountain without hands, and brake in pieces the clay, and iron, brass,
silver, and gold. Seeing therefore it is certain that this stone
signifieth Christ, whose kingdom is for ever; it is also a thing most
assured, that he ought to reign every where, and to break in pieces
the other kingdoms of the world. Wherefore if terrestrial kings, and
the terrestrial kingdom of the Jews, and their laws and judgments,
have ceased by Christ the King calling the Jews unto the perfection of
his gospel, namely, unto faith and charity; it is not to be doubted,
but that the kingdom of the Gentiles, which is more imperfect, and
their laws, ought to cease among the Gentiles, departing from their
Gentility unto the perfection of the gospel of Jesus Christ. For there
is no distinction between the Jews and Gentiles being converted unto
the faith of Christ; but all of them, abiding in that eternal kingdom,
ought to be under one law of charity and of virtue. Therefore they
ought to have mercy, and to leave the judgments of death, and the
desire of vengeance. Wherefore they which do make laws mark not the
parable of Christ, saying, The kingdom of heaven is like unto a man
which sowed good seed in his field; but when men were asleep, the
enemy came and sowed tares in the midst of the wheat, and went his
way. But when the herb was grown and brought forth fruit, then
appeared the tares. And the servants came unto the good man of the
house, and said unto him, Lord, didst not thou sow good seed in thy
field? from whence then come these tares? And he said unto them, The
enemy hath done this. And the servants said unto him, Wilt thou that
we go and gather them up? And he said, No, lest peradventure gathering
up the tares ye pluck up the wheat by the roots; suffer them both to
grow until the harvest, and in the time of the harvest I will say unto
the harvestmen, Gather first the tares and bind them in bundles, that
they may be burnt, but gather the wheat into my barn. Christ himself
only expoundeth this parable in the selfsame chapter, saying, He which
soweth the good seed is the Son of man, but the field is the world,
and the good seed, those are the children of the kingdom. But the
tares are the naughty children. And the enemy which soweth them is the
devil. And the harvest is the end of the world; and the harvestmen are 
the angels. Even as therefore the tares are gathered and burnt with
fire, so shall it be in the end of the world. The Son of man shall
send his angels, and they shall gather out of his kingdom all
offenders, and those which commit iniquity, and shall put them into a
furnace of fire; there shall be weeping and gnashing of teeth.

  "By which plain doctrine it is manifest, that Christ will have
mercy showed unto sinners, even unto the end of the world, and will
have them to remain mingled with the good; lest peradventure, when a
man thinketh that he doth right well to take away the tares, he taketh
away the wheat. For how great a sinner soever a man be, we know not
whether his end shall be good, and whether in the end he shall obtain
mercy of God; neither are we certain of the time, wherein God will by
grace judge him whom we abhor as a sinner. And peradventure such a one
shall more profit after his conversion in the church, than he whom we
think to be just, as it came to pass in Paul. And if God justifieth a
man by grace, although at his end, why darest thou be so bold to be
his judge, and to condemn him? Yea rather, although a man seem to be
obstinate and hardened in his evil, so that he is not corrected by a
secret correction, correct him before one alone; if he do not receive
open correction, being done before two or three witnesses; neither
passeth upon a manifest correction when his sin is made known unto the
church; Christ doth not teach to punish such a one with the punishment
of death. Yea rather, he saith, If he hearken not unto the church, let
him be unto thee as an ethnic and publican. And Paul, following this
doctrine in 1 Cor. v., saith, There goeth a common saying, that there
is fornication among you, and such fornication as is not once named
among the Gentiles, that one should have his father's wife. And ye are
puffed up, and have not rather sorrowed, that he which hath done this
deed might be put from among you. For I, verily, as absent in body,
but present in spirit, have already determined, as though I were
present, that he which hath done this thing, when ye are gathered
together, and my spirit, in the name of our Lord Jesus Christ, that
such a one, by the power of our Lord Jesus Christ, be delivered unto
Satan for the destruction of the flesh, that the spirit may be saved
in the day of the Lord Jesus. Paul teacheth not to kill this man, as
some gather by this text, but to separate him from the other faithful,
and so from Christ, which is the Head of the church of the faithful;
and so is he delivered unto Satan, which is separated from Christ,
that the flesh may be killed, that is, that the carnal concupiscence,
whereby he luxuriously lusted after the wife of his father, may be
destroyed in him by such a separation, that the spirit may be saved,
and not that his body should be killed, as some say; as it is most
manifest in the same chapter, where he saith, I wrote unto you an
epistle, that you should not keep company with fornicators; and I
meant not of all the fornicators of this world, either of the
covetous, or extortioners, or idolaters, for then must ye needs have
gone out of the world. But now I have written unto you, that ye keep
not company together; if any that is called a brother be a fornicator,
or covetous person, or a worshipper of images, either a cursed
speaker, or drunkard, or an extortioner: with him that is such, see
that ye eat not.

  "By which it is manifest, that Paul would have the aforesaid
fornicator separated from the fellowship of the faithful; that his
carnal concupiscence might be mortified, for the health of the spirit,
and not that the body should be killed: wherefore they do ill
understand Paul, which by this saying do confirm the killing of men.
And forasmuch as heresy is one of the most grievous sins, (for a
heretic leadeth men in errors, whereby they are made to stray from
faith, without which they cannot be saved,) it doth most great hurt in
the church.

  "Further, as concerning such a wicked man, Paul thus speaketh,
Flee from the man that is a heretic after the first and second
correction, knowing that such a one is subverted and sinneth,
forasmuch as he is by his own judgment condemned. Behold, Paul
teacheth not to kill this man, but with Christ to separate him from
the fellowship of the faithful. But some say, that Peter, in the
primitive church, slew Ananias and Sapphira for their sins: wherefore,
they say, it is lawful for them to condemn wicked men to death. We
will declare, in showing the whole process, how falsely they speak in
alleging of Peter, to justify their error.

  "In the 4th chapter of the Acts it is written, that as many as
were possessors of lands or houses, they sold them, and offered the
prices of that which they sold, and laid it before the feet of the
apostles; and it was divided unto every one as he had need thereof.
But a certain man, called Ananias, with Sapphira his wife, sold a
piece of land, and kept back a part of the price of the field, his
wife being privy unto it; and bringing a certain part thereof, he laid
it at the feet of the apostles. But Peter said unto Ananias, Ananias,
why hath Satan tempted thy heart, that thou shouldest lie unto the
Holy Ghost, to keep back a part of the price of the land? Did it not,
whilst it remained, remain unto thee; and being sold, was it not in
thine own power? why hast thou conceived this thing in thine heart?
Thou hast not lied unto men, but unto God. And when Ananias heard
these words, he fell down and gave up the ghost, and great fear came
on all them that heard these things. And the young men rose up and
took him up, and carried him out, and buried him. And it came to pass,
about the space of three hours after, that his wife came in, being
ignorant of that which was done. And Peter said unto her, Tell me,
woman, sold ye the land for so much? And she said, Yea, for so much.
But Peter said unto her, Why have ye agreed together to tempt the
Spirit of the Lord? Behold, the feet of them which buried thy husband
are at the door, and shall carry thee out. And straightway she fell
down before his feet, and gave up the ghost; and the young men
entering in, found her dead, and they carried her out, and buried her
by her husband. And great fear came on all the church, and all those
which heard these things. It is marvel that any man that is wise will
say that by this process Peter slew Ananias or his wife. For it was
not his act, but the act of God, who made a wedding to his Son, and
sent his servants to call them that were bidden unto the wedding, and
they would not come. The king then sent forth his servants to the out-
corners of the highways, to gather all that they could find, both good
and evil, and so they did; and the marriage was full furnished with
guests. Then came in also the king to view and see them sitting; among
whom he perceived there one sitting, having not a wedding garment, and
saith unto him, Friend, how carnest thou hither? And he being dumb had
not a word to speak. Then said the king to the servitors, Take and
bind him hand and foot, and cast him into the outward darkness; there
shall be weeping and gnashing of teeth. Many there be called, but few
chosen.

  "It is manifest, that this wedding garment is charity, without
which because Ananias entered into the marriage of Christ, he was
given to death, that by one many might be informed to learn and
understand, that they which have faith and not charity, although they
appear to men to have, yet it cannot be privy to the Spirit of God,
that they do feign. Such there are, no doubt, but they shall be
excluded from the marriage of Christ, as we see this here exemplified
in the death of Ananias and his wife by the hand of God, and not by
the hand of Peter. And how should Peter then have judged Ananias
(albeit he had judged him) worthy of death by the rigour of the old
law? For why? by the law he had not been guilty of death, for that
part which they fraudulently and dissemblingly did reserve to
themselves: yea, and if they had stolen as much from another man,
which was greater, neither yet for his lie committed, he had not
therefore, by that law of justice, been found guilty of death.
Wherefore, if he did not condemn him by the law of justice, it
appeareth that he condemned him by the law of grace and mercy, which
he learned of Christ: and so, consequently, it followeth much more
apparent, that Peter could not put him to death. Furthermore, to say
that Peter put him to death by the mere motion of his own will, and
not by the authority of the old law, nor by the new, it were
derogatory and slanderous to the good fame and name of Peter. But if
Peter did kill him, why then doth the bishop of Rome, which pretendeth
to be the successor of Peter, excuse himself and his priests from the
judgment of death against heretics and other offenders, although they
themselves be consenting to such judgments done by laymen? For that
which was done of Peter without offence, may reasonably excuse him and
his fellow priests from the spot of crime, Acts v.

  "It is manifest that there was another which did more grievously
offend than Ananias, and that Peter rebuked him with more sharp words;
but yet he commanded him not so to be put to death. For Simon Magus
also remaining at Samaria, after that he believed and was baptized, he
joined himself with Philip; and when he saw that the Holy Spirit was
given by the apostles, (laying their hands upon men,) he offered them
money, saying, Give unto me this power, that upon whomsoever I shall
lay my hand, he shall receive the Holy Ghost. To whom Peter answered,
Destroyed be thou and thy money together; and for that thou supposest
the gift of God to be bought with money, thou shalt have neither part
nor fellowship in this doctrine. Thy heart is not pure before God,
therefore repent thee of thy wickedness, and pray unto God that this
wicked thought of thy heart may be forgiven thee; for I perceive thou
art even in the bitter gall of wickedness, and band of iniquity.
Behold here the grievous offence of Simon Peter's hard and sharp
rebuking of him, and yet thereupon he was not put to death. Whereby it
appeareth that the death of Ananias, aforesaid, proceeded of God and
not of Peter. Of all these things it is to be gathered, seeing the
judgments of death are not grounded upon the express and plain
Scriptures, but only under the shadow of the old law, that they are
not to be observed of Christians, because they are contrary to
charity. Ergo, the bishop of Rome, approving such judgments, alloweth
those that are contrary to the law and doctrine of Christ; as before
is said of wars, where he approveth and justifieth that which is
contrary to charity. The order of priesthood, albeit it doth justify
the judgments to death of the laity, whereby offenders are condemned
to die, yet are they themselves forbidden to put in execution the same
judgments. The priests of the old law, being imperfect, when Pilate
said unto them concerning Christ, whom they had accused worthy of
death, Take him unto you, and according to your law judge him,
answered, That it was not lawful for them to put to death any man.

  " Whereby it appeareth, that our priests, being much more
perfect, may not lawfully give judgment of death against any
offenders: yet, notwithstanding, they claim unto them the power
judicial upon offenders; because, say they, it belongeth unto them to
know the offences by the auricular confession of the offenders, and to
judge upon the same being known, and to enjoin divers penances unto
the parties offending, according to the quantity of their offences
committed, so that the sinner may make satisfaction, say they, unto
God, for the offences which he never committed. And to confirm unto
them this judicial power, they allege the Scripture in many places,
wresting it to serve their purpose.

  "First, They say that the bishop of Rome (who is the chief priest
and judge among them) hath full power and authority to remit sins.
Whereupon they say, that he is able fully and wholly to absolve a man;
so that if a man at the time of his death had this remission, he
should straightways fly unto heaven without any pain of purgatory. The
other bishops, as they say, have not so great authority. The priests
constituted under every bishop, have power, say they, to absolve the
sins of them that are confessed, but not all kind of sins: because
there are some grievous sins reserved to the absolutions of the
bishops; and some again to the absolution only of the chief and high
bishop. They say also, that it behoveth the offenders, for the
necessity of their souls' health, to call to remembrance their
offences, and to manifest the same, with all the circumstances
thereof, unto the priest in auricular confession, supplying the place
of God, after the manner of a judge; and afterward humbly to fulfil
the penance enjoined unto him by the priest for his sins, except the
said penance so enjoined, or any part thereof, be released by the
superior power. All these things, say they, are manifestly determined,
as well in the decrees as decretals. And although these things have
not expressly their foundation in the plain and manifest doctrine of
Christ, nor any of the apostles, yet the authors of the decrees and
decretals concerning this matter, have grounded the same upon divers
places of the Scriptures, as in the process of Christ in the Gospel of
St. Matthew, chap. xvi. Whereupon they ground the pope's power
judicial, to surmount the powers of other priests; as where Christ
said unto his disciples, Whom do men say that I am? And they answered,
Some say thou art John Baptist, some Elias, and some Jeremias, or one
of the prophets. To whom he said, But who say you that I am? Simon
Peter making answer, said, Thou art Christ, the Son of the living God.
And Jesus answered and said unto him, Blessed art thou, Simon the son
of Jonas; for flesh and blood hath not opened this unto thee, but my
Father which is in heaven. And I say unto thee, That thou art Peter,
and upon this rock will I build my church, and hell-gates shall not 
prevail against it. And I will give thee the keys of the kingdom of
heaven: and whatsoever thou shalt bind upon earth, shall also be bound
in heaven; and whatsoever thou shalt loose upon earth, shall be loosed
also in heaven.

  "Out of this text of Christ, divers expositors have drawn divers
errors. For when Christ said, And I say unto thee, That thou art
Peter, and upon this rock will I build my church: some thereupon
affirm that Christ meant he would build his church upon Peter, by
authority of that text, as it is written in the first part of the
decrees. The exposition hereof is ascribed to Pope Leo; the error
whereof is manifestly known. For the church of Christ is not builded
upon Peter, but upon the rock of Peter's confession, for that he said,
Thou art Christ, the Son of the living God. And for that Christ said
singularly unto Peter, I will give unto thee the keys of the kingdom
of heaven, and whatsoever thou shalt bind, &c. By this saying they
affirm, that Christ gave unto Peter specially, as chief of the rest of
the apostles, a larger power to bind and to loose, than he did unto
the rest of the apostles and disciples. And because Peter answered for
himself and all the apostles, not only confessing the faith which he
had chiefly above the rest, but also the faith which the rest of the
apostles had even as himself, by the revelation of the heavenly
Father; it appeareth that as the faith of all the apostles was
declared by the answer of one; so by this that Christ said unto Peter,
Whatsoever thou shalt bind, &c., is given unto the rest of the
apostles the same power and equality to bind and to loose, as unto
Peter. Which Christ declareth in the Gospel of St. Matthew, chap.
xviii., in these words: Verily I say unto you, what things soever you
shall bind upon earth, shall be bound in heaven; and whatsoever you
shall loose upon earth, shall be also loosed in heaven. And further he
addeth: And again I say unto you, that if two of you shall consent 
upon earth, and request, whatsoever it be, it shall be granted unto
you of my Father which is in heaven. For when two or three be gathered
together in my name, I am there in the midst of them. And in John,
chap. xx., he saith generally unto them, Receive ye my Spirit. Whose
sins ye shall remit, shall be remitted unto them; and whose sins you
shall retain, shall be retained.

  "By this it appeareth that the power to bind and to loose is not
specially granted to Peter, as chief and head of the rest, and that by
him the rest had their power to bind and to loose; for that the head
of the body of the church is one, which is Christ, and the head of
Christ is God. Peter and the rest of the apostles are the good members
of the body of Christ, receiving power and virtue of Christ; whereby
they do confirm and glue together the other members, (as well the
strong and noble, as the weak and unable,) to a perfect composition
and seemliness of the body of Christ; that all honour from all parts
and members may be given unto Christ as head and chief, by whom, as
head, all the members are governed. And therefore Paul, 1 Cor. iii.:
When one man saith, I hold of Paul, and another saith, I hold of
Apollos, are ye not carnal men? For what is Apollos? what is Paul? The
minister of him in whom ye have believed, and he, as God, giveth unto
every man. I have planted, Apollos hath watered, but God hath given
the increase. Therefore neither he that planteth is any thing, neither
he that watereth, but God that giveth the increase. And Paul to the
Galatians, chap. ii.: God hath no respect of persons. Those that
seemed to be great and do much, availed or profited me nothing at all;
but, contrariwise, when they saw that the gospel of the uncircumcision
was committed unto me, as the circumcision unto Peter, for he that
wrought with Peter in the apostleship of the circumcision, wrought
with me also among the Gentiles; and when they knew the grace which
was given me, Peter, James, and John straightways joined themselves
with me and Barnabas; that we among the Gentiles, and they in
circumcision only, might be mindful of the poor, the which to do I was
very careful. Hereby it appeareth, that Paul had not his authority of
Peter to convert the Gentiles, to baptize them, and to remit their
sins, but of him which said unto him, Saul, Saul, why persecutest thou
me? It is hard for thee to kick against the pricks. Here is Paul the
head of the church, and not Peter; by which head they say, that all
the members are sustained and made lively.

  "The third error which the authors of the canons conceive in the
said text of Christ, which was said to Peter, Unto thee will I give
the keys, is this. They say that in this sentence which was said to
Peter, of the authority to bind and loose, was meant, that as Christ
gave unto Peter, above all the rest of the apostles, a special, and as
it were an excellent power above all the apostles; even so, say they,
he gave power unto the bishops of Rome, whom they call Peter's chief
successors, the same special power and authority, exceeding the power
of all other bishops of the world.

  "The first part of this similitude and comparison doth appear
manifestly by the premises to be erroneous; wherein is plainly showed,
that the other apostles had equal power with Peter to bind and loose.
Wherefore consequently it followeth the second part of the similitude,
grounded upon the same text, to be also erroneous. But and if the
first part of the said similitude were truth, as it is not, yet the
second part must needs be an error, wherein is said, that the bishops
of Rome are Peter's chief successors. For although there be but one
catholic Christian church of all the faithful sort converted, yet the
first part thereof, and first converted, was of the Jews, the second
of the Greeks, and the third part was of the Romans or Latins: whereof
the first part was most perfectly converted unto the faith, for that
they faithfully observed the perfection of charity, as appeareth in
the Acts of the Apostles, chap. ii., by the multitude of the
believers. They were of one heart and one soul, neither called they
any thing that they possessed their own, but all was common amongst
them.

  "Hereupon Paul to the Romans, chap. i.: Salutation to every
believer, first to the Jew, and to the Greeks after the Jews. The
Greeks were the second, and after the Jews next converted; and after
them the Romans, taking their information of the Greeks, as appeareth
by the chronicles, although indeed some Romans were converted unto the
faith by Peter and Paul; and as Christ said thrice unto Peter, Feed my
sheep, so Peter ruled these three churches, as witnesseth the
chronicles. But first he reformed the church of the Jews in Jerusalem
and Judea, as appeareth by the testimony of the Acts of the Apostles;
for, chap. i., it is manifest how Peter, standing up amongst his
brethren, spake unto them concerning the election of an apostle in the
place of Judas the traitor, alleging places unto them out of the
Scripture, that another should take upon him his apostleship: and so
by lot was Matthias constituted in the twelfth place of Judas. Acts
ii., after that the Holy Ghost was come upon the apostles, and that
they spake with the tongues of all men, the hearers were astonied at
the miracle; and some mocked them, saying, These men are full of new
wine: but Peter stood up and spake unto them, saying, That it was
fulfilled in them that was prophesied by Joel the prophet. And he
preached unto the people Christ, whom they of ignorance had put to
death; to whom was a Saviour promised by the testimony of the
prophets. And when they heard the words of Peter, they were pricked at
the heart, saying unto him and the rest of the apostles, What shall we
then do? And Peter said unto them, Repent, and let every one of you be
baptized in the name of Jesus Christ for the remission of your sins,
and ye shall receive the Holy Ghost. And there were joined unto them
the same day about three thousand souls. And Acts iii. -- v., it
appeareth that Peter, above the rest, did those things which belonged
to the ministry of the apostleship, as well in preaching as in
answering. Whereupon some chronicles say, that Peter governed the
church of the Jews at Jerusalem four years before he governed Antioch.
And by the testimony of Paul to the Galatians, chap. ii., as before is
said, the gospel of the uncircumcision is committed to Paul, even as
the circumcision to Peter; and he that wrought with Peter in the
apostleship of circumcision, wrought with Paul amongst the Gentiles;
whereby it appeareth that the church of the Jews was committed to the
government of Peter. And in the process of the Acts of the Apostles it
appeareth, that Peter believed that the faith of Christ was not to be
preached unto those Gentiles, which always lived in uncleanness of
idolatry. But when Peter was at Joppa, Cornelius, a Gentile, sent unto
him that he would come and show him the way of life: but Peter, a
little before the coming of the messengers of Cornelius, being in his
chamber, after he had prayed, fell in a trance, and saw heaven open,
and a certain vessel descending even as a great sheet, letten down by
four corners from heaven to earth; in the which were all manner of
four-footed beasts, serpents of the earth, and fowls of the air. And a
voice spake unto him, saying, Arise, Peter, kill and eat: and Peter
said, Not so, Lord, because I have never eaten any common or unclean
thing. This was done thrice. And Peter descended, not knowing what the
vision did signify, and found the messengers of Cornelius.

  "As concerning the authority judicial of the clergy, many things
are written thereof in the canons of decrees greatly to be marvelled
at, and far from the truth of the Scripture. The authors of the canons
say, that Christ gave unto the priests power judicial over sinners
that confessed their sins unto them. And this they ground upon the
text of Christ, I will give unto thee the keys of the kingdom of
heaven, and whatsoever thou loosest, &c. And these keys of the kingdom
of heaven they call the knowledge to discern, and the power to judge,
which they say only belongeth to the priests, except in case of
necessity; then they say a layman may absolve a man from sin. And as
touching absolution, they say there are three things to be required on
the sinner's part: first, hearty contrition, whereby the sinner ought
to bewail his offending of God through sins. The second is, auricular
confession, whereby the sinner ought to show unto the priest his sins,
and the circumstances of them. The third is, satisfaction through
penance enjoined unto him by the priest for his sins committed. And of
his part that giveth absolution there are two things, say they, to be
required: that is to say, knowledge to discern one sin from another;
whereby he ought to make a difference of sins, and appoint a
convenient penance, according to the quantity of the sins. The second
is, authority to judge, whereby he ought to enjoin penance to the
offender. And further they say, that he that is confessed ought with
all humility to submit himself to this authority, and wholly and
voluntarily to do those penances which are commanded him by the
priest, except the said penance be released by a superior power; for
all priests, as they say, have not equal authority to absolvc sins.
The chief priest, whom they call Peter's successor, hath power fully
and wholly to absolve. But the inferior priests have power, some more,
some less. The more, as they are near him in dignity; the less, as
they are further from the degree of his dignity. All this is declared
by process in the decrees, but not by the express doctrine of Christ,
or of any of his apostles; for although Christ absolved men from their
sins, I do not find that he did it after the manner of a judge, but of
a Saviour. For Christ saith, God sent not his Son into the world to
judge sinners, but that the world should be saved by him, John iii.
Whereupon he spake unto him whom he healed of the palsy, Behold, thou
art made whole, go thy ways and sin no more: and to the woman taken in
adultery Christ said, Woman, where be thy accusers? hath no man
condemned thee? who said, No man, Lord. To whom then Jesus thus said,
No more will I condemn thee; go, and sin no more, John v.

  "By which words and deeds of Christ, and many other places of the
Scripture, it appeareth he was not, as a judge, at his first coming,
to punish sinners according to the quantity of their offences; but
that day shall come hereafter, wherein he shall judge all men,
according to their works, as in Matt. xxv., where he saith, When the
Son of man shall come in his majesty, and all his angels with him,
then shall he sit upon the seat of his majesty, and all nations shall
be gathered together before him, and he shall separate them one from
another, as a shepherd separateth the sheep from the goats, &c.
Neither shall he judge alone, but his saints also with him: for he
saith, You that have followed me in this generation, when the Son of
man shall sit in the seat of his majesty, shall sit also upon twelve
seats, and judge the twelve tribes of Israel. If then Christ came not
as a judge, why do the priests say, that they supply the room of
Christ on earth, to judge sinners according to the quantity of their
offences? And yet not only this, but it is more to be marvelled at,
how the bishop of Rome dareth to take upon him to be a judge before
the day of judgment, and to prevent the time, judging some to be
saints in heaven, and to be honoured of men, and some again to be
tormented in hell eternally with the devils. Would God these men would
weigh the saying of St. Paul, 1 Cor. iv., Judge ye not before the time
until the coming of the Lord, who shall make light the dark and secret
places, and disclose the secrets of hearts, and then every one shall
have his praise. Let the bishop of Rome take heed, lest that in
Ezekiel be spoken of him, Because thy heart is elevate, and thou
saidst unto thyself, I am God, I have sitten in the seat of God, and
in the heart of the sea, when thou art but man, and not God. It is
manifest that the remission of sins principally belongeth to God, who,
through grace, washeth away our sins. For it is said, The Lamb of God
taketh away the sins of the world. And unto Christians it belongeth as
the ministers of God. For in John xx. Christ saith, Receive unto you
the Holy Ghost; whose sins you shall remit, they are remitted unto
them; and whose sins you shall retain, they are retained. Seeing,
therefore, that all Christians that are baptized in the name of the
Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost, receive the Holy Ghost,
it appeareth that they have power given to them of Christ, to remit
sins ministerially. Hath not every Christian (according to the
principles and practice of the Church of Rome) authority to baptize?
and in the baptism all the sins of the baptized are remitted. Ergo,
they that do baptize do remit sins. And thus ministerially all such
have power to remit sins. I pray you, how are the sins remitted him
that is baptized of the priest, (yea, although he were of the pope
himself baptized,) more than if he were baptized of another Christian?
Surely I think no more. For seeing that before baptism he remaineth a
sinner, and of the kingdom of the devil by sin, after baptism he
entereth into the kingdom of heaven; it appeareth that he that doth
baptize, openeth the gate of the kingdom of heaven to him that is
baptized, the which he cannot do without the keys of the kingdom of
heaven. Therefore every one that doth baptize, hath the keys of the
kingdom of heaven; as well the inferior priest, as the pope. But these
keys are not the knowledge to discern, and power to judge, because
these do nothing avail in baptism. Ergo, there are other keys of the
kingdom of heaven than these. Wherefore it seemeth that the authors of
the canons erred in mistaking the keys, whereupon they ground the
authority judicial of the clergy.

  "Now a little error in the beginning granted, groweth to great
inconvenience in the end. Wherefore, in my judgment, it seemeth that
the keys of the kingdom of heaven are faith and hope. For by faith in
Jesus Christ, and hope in him for the remission of sins, we enter the
kingdom of heaven. This faith is a spiritual water, springing from
Jesus Christ the fountain of wisdom, wherein the soul of the sinner is
washed from sin. With this water were the faithful patriarchs baptized
before the law; and the faithful people of the Hebrews, and the
faithful Christians, after the law. Wherefore I greatly marvel at that
saying in the decrees, which is ascribed unto Augustine, that little
children that are not baptized shall be tormented with eternal fire,
although they were born of faithful parents, that wished them with all
their hearts to have been baptized: as though the sacrament of baptism
in water were simply necessary to salvation, when nevertheless many
Christians are saved without this kind of baptism, as martyrs. If that
kind of sacrament be not necessary to one of elder years, how then is
it necessary to an infant born of the faithful? Are not all baptized
with the Holy Ghost, and with fire? but yet not with material fire; no
more is the lotion of water corporally necessary to wash away sins,
but only spiritual water, that is to say, the water of faith. Are not
the quick baptized for them that are dead? as witnesseth Paul, 1 Cor.
xv., If the dead rise not at all, why are the living then baptized for
them? If the living be baptized for the dead, why then is not the
infant saved by the baptism of his parents; seeing the infant itself
is impotent at the time of death, and not able to require baptism?
Christ saith, He that believeth and is baptized shall be saved. He
saith not, he that is not baptized, but he that believeth not, shall
be damned. Wherefore in the 12th chapter of John Christ saith, I am
the resurrection and life; he that believeth in me, yea, although he
were dead, shall live. The faith, therefore, is necessary which the
infant hath in his faithful parents, although he be not washed with
corporal water. How then is the infant damned and tormented with
eternal fire? Were not they that were before the coming of Christ, and
dead before his death by a thousand years, saved also by his death and
passion? All that believed in him were baptized in his blood, and so
were saved and redeemed from sin and the bondage of the devil, and
made partakers of the kingdom of heaven. How then in the time of grace
shall the infant be damned that is born of faithful parents, that do
not despise, but rather desire, to have their children baptized? I
dare not consent to so hard a sentence of the decrees; but rather
believe that he is saved by virtue of the passion of Christ in faith
of his faithful parents, and the hope which they have in Christ; which
faith and hope are the keys of the heavenly kingdom. God were not just
and merciful, if be would condemn a man that believeth not in him,
except he showed unto him the faith which he ought to believe. And
therefore Christ saith, If I had not come and spoken unto them, sin
could not have been laid unto their charge, but now they have no
excuse of sin. Therefore seeing the faith of Christ is not manifest
unto the infant departing before baptism, neither hath he denied it,
how then shall he be damned for the same? But if God speaketh inwardly
by way of illumination of the intelligence of the infant, as he
speaketh unto angels, who then knoweth (save God alone) whether the
infant receiveth or not receiveth the faith of Christ? What is he,
therefore, that so rashly doth take upon him to judge the infants
begotten of faithful parents dying without baptism, to be tormented
with eternal fire?

  "Now let us consider the three things which the canons of decrees
affirm to be requisite for the remission of the sins of those that sin
after baptism; that is to say, contrition of heart, auricular
confession, and satisfaction for the deed through penance enjoined by
the priest for the sins committed. I cannot find in any place in the
gospel, where Christ commanded that this kind of confession should be
done unto the priest; nor can I find that Christ assigned any penance
unto sinners for their sins, but that he willed them to sin no more.
If a sinner confess that he hath offended God through sin, and
sorroweth heartily for his offences, minding hereafter no more to sin,
then is he truly repentant for his sin, and then he is converted unto
the Lord. If he shall then, humbly and with good hope, crave mercy at
God and remission of his sins, what is he that can let God to absolve
that sinner from his sin? And as God absolveth a sinner from his sin,
so hath Christ absolved many, although they confessed not their sins
unto the priests, and although they received not due penance for their
sins. And if Christ could, after that manner, once absolve sinners,
how is he become now not able to absolve, except some man will say
that he is above Christ, and that his power is minished by the
ordinances of his own laws? How were sinners absolved of God in the
time of the apostles, and always heretofore, unto the time that these
canons were made? I speak not these things as though confession to
priests were wicked, but that it is not of necessity requisite unto
salvation. I believe verily that the confession of sins unto good
priests, and likewise to other faithful Christians, is good, as
witnesseth St. James the apostle: Confess ye yourselves one to
another, and pray ye one for another, that ye may be saved; for the
continual fervent prayer of the just availeth much. Elias was a man
that suffered many things like unto you, and he prayed that it should
not rain upon the earth, and it rained not in three years and six
months. And again he prayed, and it rained from heaven, and the earth
yielded forth her fruit. This kind of confession is good, profitable,
and expedient; for if God peradventure heareth not a man's own prayer, 
he is helped with the intercession of others. Yet, nevertheless, the
prayers of the priests seem too much to be extolled in the decrees,
where they treat of penitence, and that saying is ascribed unto Pope
Leo, dist. 1. cap. Multiplex misericordiæ Dei, &c. And it followeth,
So is it ordained by the providence of God's divine will, that the
mercy of God cannot be obtained but by the prayer of the priests, &c.
The prayer of a good priest doth much avail a sinner, confessing his
faults unto him. The counsel of a discreet priest is very profitable
for a sinner, to give the sinner counsel to beware hereafter to sin,
and to instruct him how he shall punish his body by fasting, by
watching, and such-like acts of repentance, that hereafter he may be
better preserved from sin.

  "After this manner I esteem confession to priests very expedient
and profitable to a sinner. But to confess sins unto the priest as
unto a judge, and to receive of him corporal penance as a satisfaction
unto God for his sins committed; I see not how this can be founded
upon the truth of the Scripture. For before the coming of Christ, no
man was sufficient or able to make satisfaction unto God for his sins,
although he suffered never so much penance for his sins. And therefore
it was needful that he that was without sin, should be punished for
sins, as witnesseth Isaiah, chap. liii. 4, where he saith, He took our
griefs upon him, and our sorrows he bare. And again, He was wounded
for our iniquities, and vexed for our wickedness. And again, The Lord
put upon him our iniquity. And again, For the wickedness of my people
have I stricken him. If, therefore, Christ through his passion hath
made satisfaction for our sins, whereas we ourselves were unable to do
it; then through him have we grace and remission of sins. How can we
say now, that we are sufficient to make satisfaction unto God by any
penance enjoined unto us by man's authority, seeing that our sins are
more grievous after baptism, than they were before the coming of
Christ? Therefore, as in baptism the pain of Christ in his passion was
a full satisfaction for our sins; even so after baptism, if we confess
that we have offended, and be heartily sorry for our sins, and mind
not to sin again afterwards.

  "Hereupon John writeth in his First Epistle, chap. i. 8: If we
say we have no sin, we deceive ourselves, and the truth is not in us.
If we confess our sins, God is faithful and just, he will remit them,
and cleanse us from all our iniquities. If we say we have not sinned,
we make him a liar, and his word is not in us. My well-beloved
children, thus I write unto you, that ye sin not; but if any man sin,
we have an Advocate with the Father, Jesus Christ the righteous, and
he is the propitiation for our sins; and not for our sins only, but
for the sins of the whole world. Therefore we ought to confess
ourselves chiefly unto God, even from the heart, for that he chiefly
doth remit sins, without whose absolution little availeth the
absolution of man. This kind of confession is profitable and good. The
authors of the canons say, that although auricular confession made
unto the priest be not expressly taught by Christ, yet, say they, it
is taught in that saying which Christ said unto the diseased of the
leprosy, whom he commanded, Go your ways and show yourselves unto the
priests; because, as they say, the law of cleansing lepers, which was
given by Moses, signified the confession of sins unto the priest. And
whereas Christ commanded the lepers to show themselves unto the
priests, they say, that Christ meant, that those that were unclean
with the leprosy of sin, should show their sins unto the priests by
auricular confession. I marvel much at the authors of the canons; for,
even from the beginning of their decrees unto the end, they ground
their sayings upon the old law, which was the law of sin and death,
and not (as witnesseth Paul) upon the words of Christ, which are
spirit and life. Christ saith, The words which I speak unto you, are
spirit and life. They ground their sayings in the shadow of the law,
and not in the light of Christ: For every evil-doer hateth the light,
and cometh not unto it, that his deeds be not reproved; but he that
doth the truth, cometh into the light, that his works may be openly
seen, because they are done in God, John iii. 20, 21.

  "Now let us pass to the words that Christ spake to the leper:
Lord, if thou wilt, thou canst make me clean. And Jesus stretching
forth his hand touched him, saying, I will, be thou clean; and
straightways he was cleansed of his leprosy. And Jesus said unto him,
See thou tell no man, but go and show thyself to the priests, and
offer the gifts that Moses commanded for a witness of these things.
This Gospel witnesseth plainly, that the diseased of the lepers were
cleansed only by Christ, and not by the priests: neither did Christ
command the leper to show himself unto the priests, for any help of
cleansing that he should receive of the priests; but to fulfil the law
of Moses, in offering a sacrifice for his cleansing, and for a
testimony unto the priests, who always of envy accused Christ as a
transgressor of the law. For if Christ, after he had cleansed the
leper, had licensed him to communicate with others that were clean,
before he had showed himself cleansed unto the priests, then might the
priests have accused Christ as a transgressor of the law; because it
was a precept of the law, that the leper, after he was cleansed,
should show himself unto the priests. And they had signs in the book
of the law, whereby they might judge whether he were truly cleansed or
no. And if he were cleansed, then would the priests offer a gift for
his cleansing; and if he were not cleansed, then would they segregate
him from the company of others that were clean. Seeing every figure
ought to be assimilated unto the thing that is figured, I pray you
then what agreement is there between the cleansing of lepers by the
law, and the confession of sins? By that law the priest knew better
whether he were leprous than he himself that had the leprosy. In
confession, the priest knew not the sins of him that was confessed,
but by his own confession. In that law the priest did not cleanse the
leprous. How now therefore ought the priests to cleansc sinners from
their sin, and that without them they cannot be cleansed? In this law
the priest had certain signs, by the which he could certainly know
whether a man were cleansed from his leprosy or not. In confession the
priest is not certain of the cleansing of sins, because he is ignorant
of his contrition. He knoweth not also whether he will not sin any
more; without the which contrition and granting to sin no more, God
hath not absolved any sinner. And if God hath not absolved a man,
without doubt then is he not made clean. And how then is confession
figured under that law? Doubtless so it seemeth to me, (under the
correction of them that can judge better in the matter,) that this law
beareth rather a figure of excommunication, and reconciliation of him
that hath been obstinate in his sin, and is reconciled again. For so
it appeareth by the process of the gospel, that when the sinner doth
not amend for the private correction of his brother, nor for the
correction of two or three, neither yet for the public correction of
the whole church; then is he to be counted as an ethnic and a
publican, and as a certain leper to be avoided out of the company of
all men. Which sinner, notwithstanding, if he shall yet repent, is
then to be reconciled, because he is then cleansed from his obstinacy.

  "But he which pretendeth himself to be the chief vicar of Christ,
and the high priest, saith that he hath power to absolve a pœna et
culpa. But I do not find it is founded in the Scripture, that of his
own authority he may enjoin to sinners penance for their sins. And
grant that from their sins he may well absolve them, yet from the pain
(which they call a pœna) he doth not simply absolve, as in his
indulgences he promiseth. But if he were in charity, and had such
power as he pretendeth, he would suffer none to lie in purgatory for
sin: forasmuch as that pain doth far exceed all other pain which here
we suffer, what man is therebeing in charity, but if he see his
brother to be tormented in this world, if he may, he will help him and
deliver him? Much more ought the pope then to deliver out of pains of
purgatory, indifferently, as well rich as poor. And if he sell to the
rich his indulgences, doublewise, yea treblewise, he seduceth them.
First, in promising them to deliver them out of the pain from whence
he doth not, neither is able to deliver them; and so maketh them
falsely to believe that which they ought not to believe. Secondly, he
deceiveth them of their money, which he taketh for his indulgences.
Thirdly, he seduceth them in this, that he, promising to deliver them
from pain, doth induce them into grievous punishment indeed, for the
heresy of simony, which both of them do commit, and, therefore, are
worthy both of great pain to fall upon them: for so we read that Jesus
cast out buyers and sellers out of his temple. Also Peter said unto 
Simon, the first author of this heresy, Thy money, said he, with thee
be destroyed, for that thou hast thought the gift of God to be
possessed for money. Moreover, whereas Christ saith, Freely you have
received, freely give; and whereas, contrary, the pope doth sell that
thing which he hath taken; what doubt is there, but that he doth
grievously deserve to be punished, both he that selleth, and he that
buyeth, for the crime of simony which they commit? Over and besides,
by many reasons and authorities of the Scripture it may be proved,
that he doth not absolve a man contrite for his sins, although he do
absolve him from the guilt.

  "But this marvelleth me, that he, in his indulgences, promiseth
to absolve men from all manner of deadly sins, and yet cannot absolve
a man from debt; forasmuch as the debt which we owe to God, is of much
greater importance than is the debt of our brother. Wherefore, if he
be able to remit the debt due to God, much more it should seem that he
is able to forgive the debt of our brother.

  "Another thing there is that I marvel at, for that the pope
showeth himself more strait in absolving a priest for not saying, or
negligently saying, his matins, than for transgressing the commandment
of God; considering that the transgression of the commandment of God,
is much more grievous than the breach of man's commandment.

  "For these and many other errors concurring, in this matter of
the pope's absolutions, blessed be God, and honour be unto him, for
the remission of our sins. And let us firmly believe and know, that he
doth and will absolve us from our sins, if we be sorry from the bottom
of our hearts that we have offended him, having a good purpose and
will to offend him no more. And let us be bold to resort unto good and
discreet priests, who, with wholesome discretion and sound counsel,
can instruct us, how to avoid the corruption of sin hereafter. And
which, because they are better than we, may pray to God for us;
whereby we may both obtain sooner the remission of our sins past, and
also may learn better how to avoid the danger of sin to come."

  And thus much concerning the judgment and doctrine of this Walter
for Christian patience, charity, and mercy; which, as they be true and
infallible notes and marks of true Christianity, so the said Walter
Brute, making comparison herein between Christ and the pope, goeth
about purposely to declare and manifest, whereby all men may see, what
contrariety there is between the rule of Christ's teaching, and the
proceedings of the pope; bctween the examples and life of the one, and
the examples of the other. Of which two, as one is altogether given to
peace, so is the other, on the contrary side, as much disposed to
wars, murder, and bloodshed, as is easy to be seen. Whoso looketh not
upon the outward shows and pretended words of these Romish popes, but
adviseth and considereth the inward practices and secret works of
them, shall easily espy, under the visor of peace, what discord and
debate they work; who bearing outwardly the meek horns of the lamb
mentioned in the Apocalypse, within do bear the bowels of a wolf, full
of cruelty, murder, and bloodshed. Which, if any do think to be spoken
of me contumeliously, would God that man could prove as well the same
to be spoken of me not truly! But truth it is, I speak it sincerely,
without affection of blind partiality, according to the truth of
histories both old and new. Thus, under in Dei nomine, Amen, how
unmercifully doth the pope condemn his brother! And while he pretended
not to be lawful for him to kill any man, what thousands of men hath
he killed! And likewise in this sentence, pretending in visceribus
Jesu Christi, as though he would be a mediator to the magistrate for
the party; yet, indeed, will he be sure to excommunicate the
magistrate, if he execute not the sentence given. Who be true
heretics, the Lord when he cometh shall judge; but give them to be
heretics whom he condemneth for heretics, yet what "bowels of mercy"
is here, where is nothing but burning, faggoting, drowning, poisoning,
chaining, famishing, racking, hanging, tormenting, threatening,
reviling, cursing, and oppressing; and no instructing, nor yet
indifferent hearing of them, what they can say? The like cruelty also
may in their wars appear, if we consider how Pope Urban the Fifth,
beside the racking and murdering of sevenor eight cardinals, set up
Henry Spencer, bishop of Norwich, to fight against the French pope
Innocent the Fourth was in war himself against the Apulians. Likewise
Alexander the Fourth, his successor, stirred up the son of King Henry
the Third to fight against the son of Frederic the Second, emperor,
for Apulia. Boniface the Eighth moved Albertus, which stood to be
emperor, to drive Philip, the French king, out of his realm. Gregory
the Ninth excited Louis, the French king, three sundry times to mortal
war against the Earl Raimund, and city of Toulouse, and Avignon, where
Louis, the said French king, died. Honorius the Third, by strength of
war, many ways resisted Frederic the Second, and sent out thirty-five
galleys against the coasts of the emperor's dominions. The same pope
also besieged Ferrara. To pass over the war at Ticinum, with many
other battles and conflicts of popes against the Romans, Venetians,
and divers other nations, Innocent the Third set up Philip, the French
king, to war against King John. What stir Pope Gregory the Seventh,
otherwise named Hildebrand, kept against the emperor, Henry the
Fourth, it is not unknown. And who is able to recite all the wars,
battles, and fields, fought by the stirring up of the pope? These,
with many other like examples considered, did cause this Walter Brute
to write in this manner so as he did, making yet thereof no universal
proposition, but that Christian magistrates, in case of necessity,
might make resistance in defence of public right. Now he proceedeth
further to other matter of the sacrament.

  "Touching the matter," saith he, "of the sacrament of the body
and blood of our Lord Jesus Christ, divers men have divers opinions,
as the learned do know. As concerning my judgment upon the same, I
firmly believe whatsoever the Lord Jesus taught implicitly or
expressly to his disciples and faithful people to be believed. For he
is, as I believe and know, the true bread of God which descended from
heaven, and giveth life to the world: of which bread whosoever eateth,
shall live for ever; as it is in the 6th of John declared. Before the
coming of Christ in the flesh, although men did live in body, yet in
spirit they did not live, because all men were then under sin, whose
souls thereby were dead; from the which death no man, by the law, nor
with the law, was justified: For by the works of the law shall no
flesh be justified, Gal. ii. And again, in the same Epistle, chap.
iii., That by the law no man is justified before God, it is manifest;
for the just man shall live by his faith: the law is not of faith; but
whosoever hath the works thereof, shall live in them. And again in the
same chapter: If the law had been given, which might have justified,
then our righteousness had come by the law. But the Scripture hath
concluded all under sin, that the promise might be sure by the faith
of Jesus Christ to all believers. Moreover, before that faith came,
they were kept and concluded all under the law, until the coming of
that faith which was to be revealed. For the law was our schoolmaster
in Christ Jesus, that we should be justified by faith. Also the said
Paul, Rom. v. 20, saith, That the law entered in the mean time, that
sin might more abound. Where then sin hath more abounded, there hath
also grace superabounded; that like as sin hath reigned unto death, so
that grace might also reign by righteousness unto eternal life,
through Jesus Christ our Lord. Whereby it is manifest, that by the
faith which we have in Christ, believing him to be the true Son of God
which came down from heaven to redeem us from sin, we are justified
from sin; and so do live by him, which is the true bread and meat of
the soul. And the bread which Christ gave is his flesh given for the
life of the world, John vi. For he being God, came down from heaven,
and being truly carnal man, did suffer in the flesh for our sins,
which in his Divinity he could not suffer. Wherefore like as we
believe by our faith that he is true God; so must we also believe that
he is true man. And then do we eat the bread of heaven, and the flesh
of Christ. And if we believe that he did voluntarily shed his blood
for our redemption, then do we drink his blood.

  "And thus, except we eat the flesh of the Son of man, and shall
drink his blood, we have not eternal life in us; because the flesh of
Christ verily is meat, and his blood is drink indeed; and whosoever
eateth the flesh of Christ and drinketh his blood, abideth in Christ
and Christ in him, And as in this world the souls of the faithful
live, and are refreshed spiritually, with this heavenly bread, and
with the flesh and blood of Christ; so in the world to come, the same
shall live eternally in heaven, refreshed with the Deity of Jesus
Christ, as touching the most principal part thereof, that is, to wit,
intellectum: forasmuch as this bread of heaven, in that it is God,
hath in itself all delectable pleasantness. And as touching the
intelligible powers of the same, as well exterior as interior, they
are refreshed with the flesh, that is to say, with the humanity, of
Jesus Christ; which is as a queen standing on the right hand of God,
decked with a golden robe of divers colours: for this queen of heaven
alone, by the word of God, is exalted above the company of all the
angels; that by her all our corporal power intellective may fully be
refreshed, as is our spiritual intelligence with the beholding of the
Deity of Jesus Christ, and even as the angels shall we be fully
satisfied. And in the memory of this double refection, present in this
world and in the world to come, hath Christ given unto us, for eternal
blessedness, the sacrament of his body and blood in the substance of
bread and wine; as it appeareth in Matt. xxvi. 26: As the disciples
sat at supper, Jesus took bread and blessed it, brake it, and gave it
unto his disciples, and said, Take, eat, this is my body: and he took
the cup, and thanked, and gave it them, saying, Drink ye all of this,
this is my blood of the new testament, which shall be shed for many
for the remission of sins. And Luke in his Gospel, chap. xxii., of
this matter thus writeth: And after he had taken the bread, he gave
thanks, he brake it, and gave it unto them, saying, This is my body
which shall be given for you; do you this in my remembrance. In like
manner he took the cup after supper, saying, This is the cup of the
new testament in my blood, which shall be shed for you. That Christ
said, This is my body, in showing to them the bread, I firmly believe,
and know that it is true; that Christ, forasmuch as he is God, is the
very truth itself, and, by consequence, all that he saith is true. And
I believe that the very same was his body, in such wise as he willed
it to be his body; for in that he is almighty, he hath done whatsoever
pleased him. And as in Cana of Galilee he changed the water into wine,
really, so that after the transubstantiation it was wine, and not
water; so when he said, This is my body, if he would have had the
bread really to be transubstantiated into his very body, so that after
this changing it should have been his natural body, and not bread as
it was before, I know that it must needs have been so. But I find not
in the Scripture, that his will was to have any such real
transubstantiation or mutation.

  "And as the Lord God Omnipotent, in his perfection essential
being the Son of God, doth exceed the most pure creature, and yet when
it pleased him he took upon him our nature, remaining really God as he
was before, and was really made man; so that after this assuming of
our substance, he was really very God and very man; even so, if he
would, when he said, This is my body, he could make this to be his
body really, the bread still really remaining as it was before. For
less is the difference of the essence between bread and the body of a
man, than between the Deity and humanity, because that of the bread is
naturally made the body of a man. Of the bread is made blood; of the
blood, natural seed; and of natural seed the natural substance of man
is engendered. But in that that God became man, this is an action
supernatural. Wherefore, he that could make one man to be very God and
very man, could, if he would, make one thing to be really very bread,
and his very body. But I do not find it expressly in the Scripture,
that he would any such identity or conjunction to be made. And, as
Christ said, I am very bread, not changing his essence or being into
the essence or substance of bread, but was the said Christ which he
was before really, and yet bread by a similitude or figurative speech;
so, if he would, it might be, when he said, This is my body, that this
should really have been the bread as it was before, and sacramentally
or memorially to be his body. And this seemeth unto me most nearly to
agree to the meaning of Christ, forasmuch as he said, Do this in
remembrance of me. Then, forasmuch as in the supper it is manifest
that Christ gave unto his disciples the bread of his body, which he
brake, to that intent to eat with their mouths, in which bread he gave
himself also unto them, as one in whom they should believe, (as to be
the food of the soul,) and by that faith they should believe him to be
their Saviour which took his body, wherein also he willed it to be
manifest, that he would redeem them from death; so was the bread eaten
with the disciples' mouths, that he, being the true bread of the soul,
might be in spirit received and eaten spiritually by their faith which
believed in him.

  "The bread which in the disciples' mouths was chewed, from the
mouth passed to the stomach. For as Christ saith, Whatsoever cometh to
the mouth, goeth into the belly, and from thence into the draught,
Matt. xv. 17. But that true and very bread of the soul was eaten of
the spirit of the disciples, and by faith entered their minds, and
abode in their inward parts through love. And so the bread broken
seemeth unto me to be really the meat of the body, and the bread which
it was before; but, sacramentally, to be the body of Christ; as Paul,
I Cor. x. 16, The bread which we break, is it not the participation of
the body of the Lord? So the bread which we break is the participation
of the Lord's body: and it is manifest that the heavenly bread is not
broken, neither yet is subject to such breaking, therefore Paul
calleth the material bread which is broken, the body of Christ, which
the faithful are partakers of. The bread therefore changeth not its
essence, but is bread really, and is the body of Christ sacramentally:
even as Christ is the very vine, abiding really and figuratively the
vine; so the temple of Jerusalem was really the material temple, and,
figuratively, it was the body of Christ, because he said, Destroy you
this temple, and in three days I will repair the same again. And this
spake he of the temple of his body; whereas othersunderstood it to be
the material temple, as appeared by their answer. For, said they,
Forty and seven years hath this temple been in building, and wilt thou
build it up in three days?

  "Even so may the consecrated bread be really bread, as it was
before, and yet, figuratively, the body of Christ. And if, therefore,
Christ would have this bread to be only sacramentally his body, and
would not have the same bread actually to be transubstantiated into
his body, and so ordained his priests to make this sacrament as a
memorial of his passion, then do the priests grievously offend, which
beseech Christ in the holy mass, that the bread which lieth upon the
altar may be made really the body of Christ, if he would only have the
same to be but a sacrament of his body; and then both be they greatly
deceived themselves, and also do greatly deceive others. But whether
the bread be really transubstantiated into the body of Christ, or is
only the body of Christ sacramentally, no doubt but that the people
are marvellously deceived; for the people believe that they see the
body of Christ, nay rather Christ himself, between the hands of the
priests, for so is the common oath they swear, By him whom I saw this
day between the priest's hands. And the people believe that they eat
not the body of Christ but at Easter, or else when they lie upon their
death-bed, and receive with their bodily mouth the sacrament of the
body of Christ. But the body of Christ, (admit the bread be
transubstantiated really into the body) is in the sacrament not able
to be divided; and so, not able to be measured: ergo, not able to be
seen. To believe therefore that he may be seen corporally in the
sacrament, is erroneous. And forasmuch as the body of Christ is the
soul's food, and not the food of the body in this world, for that
whosoever believeth doth eat spiritually and really, at any time when
he so believeth; it is manifest that they do greatly err which believe
that they eat not the body of Christ, but when they eat with their
teeth the sacrament of the body of Christ.

  "And although it should be to the great honour of priests, that
the bread really were changed into the body of Christ, by the virtue
of the sacramental words pronounced; yet if Christ would not have it
to be so, then they, desiring to do this contrary to the will of
Christ, and informing the people what is to be done, so contrary to
the will of Christ, are in great peril, most dangerously seducing both
themselves and the people. And then, although that hereby they get a
little worldly and transitory honour for a short time, it is to be
feared lest perpetual shame finally shall follow and ensue upon the
same; for Christ saith, Every one that exalteth himself shall be
brought low. Let them therefore take heed, lest they, extolling
themselves for this sacrament above the company of angels which never
sinned, for the error which they be in, for evermore be placed with
the sinful angels under the earth.

  "Let every man therefore think lowly of himself, in what state or
degree soever he be; neither let him presume to do that which he is
not able to do; neither desire to have that thing done, which God
would not have done.

  "I greatly marvel at those which were the makers of the canons,
how variably, and contrary one to another, they write of this
sacrament of the body of Christ. In the last part of the decrees where
this matter is touched, not only in the text, but also in the process
of the matter, divers do diversely write, and one contrary to another.
For in the chapter that thus beginneth, Prima inquit hæresis, it is
thus written, You shall not eat this body which you see, nor shall
drink this blood which they shall shed which shall crucify me: I will
commend unto you a certain sacrament spiritually understood that
quickeneth you; for the flesh profiteth you nothing at all. And in the
end of the same chapter it is thus written, Till the world shall have
an end, the Lord's place is in heaven: yet notwithstanding the verity
of the Lord is here abiding with us. For the body wherewith he rose
ought to be in one place; but his verity is in every place diffused
and spread abroad. And in the chapter following, which thus beginneth,
Omnia quæcunque voluit, &c., it is written, Although the figure of the
bread and wine seem to be nothing, yet, notwithstanding, they must,
after the words of consecration, be believed to be none other thing
than the very flesh of Christ, and his blood. Whereupon the Verity
himself said unto his disciples, This is, saith he, my flesh, which is
given for the life of the world, and to speak yet more marvellously,
this is none other flesh than that which was born of the Virgin Mary,
and suffered upon the cross, and rose out of the sepulchre.

  "See how far this chapter differeth from the first. And in the
chapter which beginneth, Ego Berengarius, &c., this is the confession
which Berengarius himself confessed touching this sacrament, and his
confession is of the church allowed: 'I confess,' saith Berengarius,
that the bread and wine which is laid upon the altar after the
consecration, is not only a sacrament, but also that it is the very
body and blood of our Lord Jesus Christ: and the same not only
sensually to be a sacrament, but also verily to be handled with the
priest's hands, and to be broken, and chewed with the teeth of
faithful men.' This confession doubtless is heretical: for why? If the
body of Christ be in the sacrament (as of the church it is so
determined) it is there then multiplicative, and so indivisibiliter,
wherefore not sensualiter. And if it be there indivisibiliter, that
is, in such sort as it cannot be divided or separated, then can it not
be touched, felt, broken, nor with the teeth of men chewed.

  "The writers of this time and age do affirm, that if, by the
negligence of the priest, the sacrament be so negligcently left, that
a mouse, or any other beast or vermin, eat the same; then they say,
that the sacrament returneth again into the nature and substance of
bread. Whereby they must needs confess, that a miracle is as well
wrought by the negligence of the priest, as first there was made by
the consecration of the priest in making the sacrament. For either by
the eating of the mouse the body of Christ is transubstantiated into
the nature of bread, which is a transubstantiation supernatural, or
else of nothing by creation is this bread produced; and therefore
either of these operations is miraculous and to be marvelled at. Now,
considering the disagreeing opinions of the doctors, and for the
absurdities which follow, I believe with Paul, that the bread which we
break, is the participation of the body of Christ; and, as Christ
saith, that the bread is made the body of Christ for a memorial and
remembrance of him. And in such sort as Christ willed the same to be
his body, in the same manner and sort do I believe it to be his body.

  "But, whether women may make the body of Christ, and minister it
unto the people; or whether that priests be divided from the lay-
people for their knowledge, pre-eminence, and sanctity of life, or
else by external signs only; also, whether the sign of tonsure and
other external signs of holiness in priests, be signs of antichrist
and his characters, or else introduced and taught by our Lord Jesus
Christ: consequently it remaineth next to speak thereof unto the
faithful sort, according to the process of the Holy Scripture; and
first, of the three kinds of the priests. I remember that I have read,
the first of them to be Aaronical, legal, and temporal; the second to
be eternal and regal, according to the order of Melchisedec; the third
to be Christian. The first of these ceased at the coming of Christ;
for that, as St. Paul to the Hebrews saith, The priesthood of Aaron
was translated to the priesthood of the order of Melchisedec. The
legal sort of priests of Aaron were separate from the rest of the
people by kindred, office, and inheritance: by kindred, for that the
children of Aaron only were priests: by office, for that it only
pertained to them to offer sacrifice for the sins of the people, and
to instruct the people in the precepts and ceremonies of the law: by
inheritance, because the Lord was their portion of inheritance;
neither had they any other inheritance amongst their brethren, but
those things which were offered unto the Lord, as the first-fruits,
parts of the sacrifices, and vows; except places for their mansion
houses, for them and theirs, as appeareth by the process of Moses's
law. The priesthood of Christ did much differ from this priesthood, as
Paul doth witness to the Hebrews, chap. vii. -- x.

  "First, in kindred: because that our Lord and Saviour Jesus
Christ came of the stock and tribe of Judah, of which tribe none had
to do with the altar, and in which tribe nothing at all was spoken of
the priests of Moses.

  "Secondly, for that other were made priests without their oath
taken; but he, by an oath by him which said, The Lord swore and it
shall not repent him, Thou art a priest for ever according to the
order of Melchisedec.

  "Thirdly, by durability; for that many of them were made priests
but during the term of their lives; but he, for that he remaineth for
ever, hath an eternal priesthood. Wherefore he is able to save us for
ever, having by himself access unto God, which ever liveth to make
intercession for us. The law made also such men priests as had
infirmities; but Sermo (that is, the Word, which, according to the
law, is the eternal Son and perfect) by an oath.

  "The priesthood of Christ also did differ from the priesthood of
Aaron and the law in the matter of the sacrifice, and in the place of
sacrificing. In the matter of their sacrifice: because they did use in
their sacrifices strange bodies of the matter of their sacrifices, and
did shed strange blood for the expiation of sins; but he offering
himself unto God his Father for us, shed his own blood for the
remission of our sins. In the place of sacrificing: because that they
did offer their sacrifice in the tabernacle or temple; but Christ
suffering death without the gates of the city, offered himself upon
the altar of the cross to God his Father, and there shed his precious
blood. In his supping chamber, also, he blessed the bread, and
consecrated the same for his body, and the wine which was in the cup
he also consecrated for his blood; delivering the same to his apostles
to be done for a commemoration and remembrance of his incarnation and
passion. Neither did Jesus enter into the sanctuary made with man's
hands, which be examples and figures of true things, but he entered
into heaven itself, that he might appear before the Majesty of God for
us. Neither doth he offer himself oftentimes, as the chief priest in
the sanctuary did every year with strange blood (for then should he
oftentimes have suffered from the beginning ); but now once for all,
in the latter end of the world, to destroy sin by his peace-offering
hath he entered. And even as it is decreed, that man once shall die,
and then cometh the judgment, so Christ hath been once offered, to
take away the sins of many. The second time be shall appear without
sin to them that look for him, to their salvation. For the law having
a shadow of good things to come, can never, by the image itself of
things, (which every year without ceasing they offer by such
sacrifices,) make those perfect that come thereunto; for otherwise
that offering should have ceased, because that such worshippers, being
once cleansed from their sins, should have no more conscience of sin.
But in these, commemoration is made every year of sin; for it is
impossible that by the blood of goats and calves, sins should be
purged and taken away. Therefore, coming into the world he said,
Sacrifice and oblation thou wouldst not have, but a body hast thou
given me; peace-offerings for sins have not pleased thee: then said I,
Behold I come; in the volume of the book it is written of me, that I
should do thy will, O God: saying, as above, Because thou wouldst have
no sacrifices nor burnt-offerings for sin, neither dost thou take
pleasure in those things that are offered according to the law. Then
said I, Behold I come, that I may do thy will, O God. He taketh away
the first to establish that which followeth. In which will we are
sanctified, by the oblation of the body of Jesus Christ once for all.
And every priest is ready daily ministering, and oftentimes offering
like sacrifices, which can never take away sins. But this Jesus,
offering one sacrifice for sin, sitteth for evermore on the right hand
of God, expecting the time till his enemies be made his footstool. For
by his own only oblation hath he consummated for evermore those that
are sanctified.

  "All these places have I recited which Paul writeth, for the
better understanding and declaration of those things I mean to speak;
by all which it appeareth manifestly, how the priesthood of Christ
differeth from the legal priesthood of Aaron; and by the same also
appeareth, how the same differeth from all other priesthood Christian,
that imitateth Christ; for the properties of the priesthood of Christ, 
above recited, are found in no other priest, but in Christ alone.

  "Of the third priesthood, that is, the Christian priesthood,
Christ, by his express words, speaketh but little to make any
difference between the priests and the rest of the people; neither yet
doth use this name of sacerdos, in the gospel, but some he calleth
disciples, some apostles, whom he sent to baptize and to preach, and
in his name to do miracles. He calleth them the salt of the earth, in
which name wisdom is meant; and he calleth them the light of the
world, by which good living is signified: for he saith, Let your light
so shine before men, that they may see your good works, and glorify
your Father which is in heaven. And Paul, speaking of the priests to
Timothy and Titus, seemeth not to me to make any diversity betwixt the
priests and the other people, but in that he would have them to
surmount other in knowledge and perfection of life.

  "But the fourth priesthood is the Roman priesthood, brought in by
the Church of Rome; which church maketh a distinction between the
clergy and the lay-people; and after that the clergy is divided into
sundry degrees, as appeareth in the decretals. This distinction of the
clergy from the laity, with the tonsure of clerks, began in the time
of Anacletus, as it doth appear in the chronicles. The degrees of the
clergy were afterward invented and distinguished by their offices, and
there was no ascension to the degree of the priesthood, but by
inferior orders and degrees. But in the primitive church it was not
so; for immediately after the conversion of some of them to faith and
baptism received; they were made priests and bishops; as appeareth by
Anianus, whom Marcus made of a tailor or shoemaker to be a bishop; and
of many other it was in like case done, according to the traditions of
the Church of Rome. Priests are ordained to offer sacrifices, to make
supplication and prayers, and to bless and sanctify. The oblation of
the priesthood only to priests (as they say) is congruent; whose
duties are upon the altar to offer for the sins of the people of the
Lord's body, which is consecrated of bread. Of which saying I have
great marvel, considering St. Paul's words to the Hebrews before 
recited. If Christ, offering for our sins one oblation for evermore,
sitteth at the right hand of God, and with that one oblation hath
consummated for evermore those that are sanctified; if Christ evermore
sitteth at the right hand of God, to make intercession for us; what
need he to leave here any sacrifice for our sins, by the priests to be
daily offered? I do not find in the Scriptures of God, nor of his
apostles, that the body of Christ ought to be made a sacrifice for
sin; but only as a sacrament and commemoration of the sacrifice
passed, which Christ offered upon the altar of the cross for our sins.
For it is an absurdity to say that Christ is now every day really
offered as a sacrifice upon the altar by the priests; for then the 
priests should really crucify him upon the altar, which is a thing of
no Christian to be believed. But even as in his supper his body and
his blood he delivered to his disciples, in memorial of his body that
should be crucified on the morrow for our sins: so, after his
ascension, did his apostles use the same (when they brake bread in
every house) for a sacrament, and not for a sacrifice, of the body and
blood of our Lord Jesus Christ. And by this means were they put in
remembrance of the great love of Christ, who so entirely loved us,
that willingly he suffered the death for us, and for the remission of
our sins. And thus did they offer themselves to God by love, being
ready to suffer death for the confession of his name, and for the
saving health of his brethren, fulfilling the new commandment of
Christ, which said unto them, A new commandment do I give unto you,
that you love one another, as I have loved you. But when love began to
wax cold, or rather to be frozen for cold, through the anguish and
anxiety of persecution for the name of Christ; then priests did use
the flesh and blood of Christ, instead of a sacrifice. And because
many of them feared death, some of them fled into solitary places, not
daring to give themselves a sacrifice by death unto God through the
confession of his name, and saving health of their brethren; some
other worshipped idols, fearing death, as did also the chief bishop of
Rome, and many other more in divers places of the world. And thus it
came to pass, that that which was ordained and constituted for a
memorial of the one and only sacrifice, was altered, for want of love,
into the reality of the sacrifice itself."
After these things thus discussed, he inferreth consequently upon the
same, another brief tractation of women and laymen; whether, in defect
of the other, they may exercise the action of prayer, and
administration of sacraments belonging to priests; where he declareth
the use received in the pope's church for women to baptize, which,
saith he, cannot be without remission of sins; wherefore seeing that
women have power by the pope to remit sin, and to baptize, why may not
they as well be admitted to minister the Lord's supper, in like case
of necessity? Wherein also he maketh relation of Pope Joan the Eighth,
a woman pope, moving certain questions of her. All which, for brevity,
I pretermit, proceeding to the ministration of prayer, and blessing of
santification, appropriate to the office of priests, as followeth:

  "Furthermore, as touching the function and office of praying and
blessing, whereunto priests seem to be ordained, (to omit here the
question whether women may pray in churches, in lack of other meet
persons,) it remaineth now also to prosecute. Christ, being desired of
his disciples to teach them to pray, gave them the common prayer both
to men and women, to the which prayer in my estimation no other is to
be compared. For in that, first, the whole honour due unto the Deity 
is comprehended. Secondly, whatsoever is necessary for us, both for
the time present, or past, or for time to come, is there desired and
prayed for. He informeth us besides to pray secretly, and also
briefly; secretly to enter into our close chamber, and there in
secrecy he willeth us to pray unto his Father. And saith, moreover,
When ye pray, use not much babbling, or many words, as do the heathen;
for they think in their long and prolix praying to be heard: therefore
be you not like to them. By the which doctrine he calleth us away from
the errors of the heathen Gentiles, from whom proceed these
superstitious manners of arts, (or rather of ignorances,) as
necromancy, the art of divination, and other species of conjuration,
not unknown to them that be learned; for these necromancers believe
one place to be of greater virtue than another; there to be heard
sooner, than in another. Like as Balaam, being hired to curse the
people of God by his art of soothsaying or charming, when he could not
accomplish his purpose in one place, he removed to another; but he in
the end was deceived of his desire: for he, intending first to curse
them, was not able to accurse them whom the Lord blessed, so that his
curse could not hurt any of all that people. After like sort the
necromancers turn their face to the East, as to a place more apt for
their prayers. Also the necromancers believe that the virtue of the
words of the prayer, and the curiosity thereof, causeth them to bring
to effect that which they seek after; which is also another point of
infidelity, used much of charmers, sorcerers, enchanters, soothsayers,
and such like. Out of the same art, I fear, proceedeth the practice of
exorcising, whereby devils and spirits be conjured to do that
whereunto they are enforced by the exorcist. Also, whereby other
creatures likewise are exorcised or conjured, so that, by the virtue
of their exorcism, they may have their power and strength exceeding
all natural operation.

  "In the Church of Rome many such exorcisms and conjurations be
practised, and are called of them benedictions, or hallowings. But
here I ask of these exorcisers, whether they believe the things and
creatures so exorcised and hallowed, have that operation and efficacy
given them which they pretend? If they so believe, every child may see
that they are far beguiled. For holy water, being of them exorcised or
conjured, hath no such power in it, neither can have, which they in
their exorcism do command. For there they enjoin and command, that
wheresoever that water is sprinkled, all vexation or infestation of
the unclean spirit should avoid, and that no pestilent spirit there
should abide, &c. But most plain it is, that no water, be it never so
holy, can have any such power so to do, as it is commanded; to wit, to
be a universal remedy to expel all diseases.

  "This I would ask of these exorcists: whether in their commanding
they do conjure, or adjure, the things conjured to be of a higher
virtue or operation, than their own nature doth give; or else whether
they in their prayers desire of God, that he will infuse into them
that virtue which they require? If they, in their commanding, do so
believe, then do they believe that they have that power in them to the
which the inferior power of the thing exorcised must obey, in
receiving that which is commanded. And so doing, they are much more
deceived, forasmuch as they see themselves, that they which are so
authorized to the office of exorcising, say to the devil being
conjured, Go, and he goeth not; and to another, Come, and he cometh
not: and many things else they command the inferior spirit, their
subject, to do, and he doth not. So, in like case, when they pray to
God to make the water to be of such virtue, that it may be to them
health of mind and body, and that it may be able to expulse every
unclean spirit, and to chase away all manner of distemperature and
pestilence of the air, (being an unreasonable petition asked, and sore
displeasing to God,) it is to be feared lest their benediction, their
hallowing and blessing, is changed into cursing, according to that
saying that followeth: And now, O you priests, I have a message to say
unto you; if you will not hear and bear well away in your minds, to
give the glory unto my name, saith the Lord God of hosts, I will send
scarcity amongst you, and I will curse your blessings. What things,
and how many, were blessed or hallowed in the church, that in
hallowing thereof displease God, and are accursed? And therefore,
according to the saying of St. James, chap. iv., they ask and are not
heard, because they ask not as they should, that they in their own
desires may perish. Let a man behold the blessing or hallowing of
their fire, water, incense, wax, bread, wine, the church, the altar,
the churchyard, ashes, bells, copes, palms, oil, candles, salt, the
hallowing of the ring, the bed, the staff, and of many such-like
things; and I believe that a man shall find out many errors of the
heathen magicians, witches, soothsayers, and charmers. And
notwithstanding the ancient and old magicians, in their books, command
those that be conjurers, that they in any wise live devoutly, (for
otherwise, as they say, the spirits will not obey their commandments
and conjurations,) yet the Roman conjurers do impute it to the virtue
of the holy words, because they be they which work, and not the
holiness of the conjurers. How cometh it to pass that, they say, the
things consecrated of a cursed and vicious javel should have so great
virtue in pronouncing (as they say) the holy and mystical words, as if
they were pronounced of a priest never so holy? But I marvel that they
say so, reading this saying in the Acts of the Apostles: because the
charmers pronouncing the name of Jesus, that is above all names, would
have healed those that were possessed with devils, and said, In the
name of Jesus, whom Paul preacheth, go ye out of the men; and the
possessed with devils answered, Jesus we know, and Paul we know, but
what are ye? And they all to be beat the conjurers.

  "And now, considering this and many such-like things, I marvel
wherefore the vicious priests do sell their prayers and blessings
dearer (as also their masses and trentals of masses) than those that
be devout laymen, and holy women, which, with all their heart, desire
to flee from vices, and take hold of virtue: forasmuch as God, in
divers places of the Scripture, doth promise that he will not hear
sinners and wicked persons; neither should he seem to be just, if he
should sooner hear the prayers of his enemies, than of his faithful
friend. How, I pray you, shall a sinful priest deliver another man
from sin by his prayers, or else from the punishment of sin, when he
is not able to deliver himself, by his prayers, from sin? What then
doth God so much accept in the mass of a vicious priest, that for his
mass, his prayer or oblation, he might deliver any man either from
sin, or from the pain due for sin? No, but for this, that Christ once
offered himself for our sins, and now sitteth on the right hand of God
the Father, always showing unto him what and how great things he hath
suffered for us. And every priest always maketh mention in his mass of
this oblation; neither do we this that we might bring the same
oblation into the remembrance of God, because that he always, in his
presence, seeth the same; but that we should have in remembrance this
so great love of God, that he would give his own Son to death for our
sins, that he might cleanse and purify us from our sins. What doth it
please God, that the remembrance of so great love is made by a priest
which more loveth sin than God? Or how can any prayer of such a priest
please God, in what holy place soever he he, or what holy vestments
soever he put on, or what holy prayers soever he maketh? And, whereas
Christ and his apostles do command the preaching of the word of God,
the priests be now more bound to celebrate the mass, and more straitly
bound to say the canonical hours; whereat I cannot but greatly marvel.
For why? To obey the precepts of men more than the commandments of
God, is in effect to honour man as God, and to bestow the sacrifice
upon man which is due unto God, and this is also spiritual
fornication. How, therefore, are priests bound, at the commandment of
man, to leave the preaching of the word of God, at whose commandment
they are not bound to leave the celebration of the mass, or singing of
matins? Therefore, as it seemeth, priests ought not, at the
commandment of any man, to leave the preaching of the word of God,
unto the which they are bound both by Divine and apostolical precepts.
With whom agreeth the writing of Jerome upon the decretals, saying in
this wise; Let none of the bishops swell with the envy of devilish
temptation; let none be angry, if the priest do sometimes exhort the
people; if they preach in the church, &c. For to him that forbiddeth
me these things I will say, that he is unwilling that priests should
do those things which be commanded of God. What thing is there above
Christ? or what may be preferred before his body and his blood? &c.

  "Do priests therefore sin or not, which bargain for money to pray
for the soul of any dead man? It is well known that Jesus did whip
those that were buyers and sellers out of the temple, saying, My house
shall be called the house of prayer, but you have made the same a den
of thieves. Truly he cast not out such merchants from out of the
church, but because of their sins. Whereupon Jerome, upon this text,
saith; Let the priest be diligent and take good heed in this church,
that they turn not the house of God into a den of thieves. He
doubtless is a thief which seeketh gain by religion, and by a show of
holiness studieth to find occasion of merchandise. Hereupon the holy
canons do make simoniacal heresy accursed, and do command that those
should be deprived of the priesthood, which, for the surpassing or
marvellous spiritual grace, do seek gain or money. Peter, the apostle,
said to Simon Magus, Let thy money and thou go both to the devil,
which thinkest that the gifts of God may be bought for money.
Therefore the spiritual gifts of God ought not to be sold.

  "Verily prayer is the spiritual gift of God, as is also the
preaching of the word of God, or the laying on of hands, or the
administration of other the sacraments. Christ, sending forth his
disciples to preach, said unto them, Heal ye the sick, cast out
devils, raise the dead; freely ye have received, freely give ye again.
If the priest have power by his prayers to deliver souls being in
purgatory from grievous pains, without doubt he hath received that
power freely from God. How, therefore, can he sell his act, unless he
resist the commandments of God, of whom he hath reccived that
authority? This truly cannot be done without sin, which is against the
commandment of God. How plainly spake Christ to the Pharisees and
priests, saying; Woe be unto you, scribes and Pharisees, hypocrites,
because ye have eaten the whole houses of such as be widows by making
long prayers, and therefore have you received greater damnation?
Wherein, I pray you, do our Pharisees and priests differ from them? Do
not our priests devour widows' houses and possessions, that by their
long prayers they might deliver the souls of their husbands from the
grievous pains of purgatory? How many lordships, I pray you, have been
bestowed upon the religious men and women to pray for the dead, that
they, by their prayer, might deliver those dead men from the pain (as
they said) that they suffer in purgatory, grievously tormented and
vexed? If their prayers and speaking of holy words shall not be able
to deliver themselves from pain, unless they have good works, how
shall other men be delivered from pain by their prayers, which, whilst
they lived here, gave themselves over to sin? Yea, peradventure those
lordships or lands, which they gave unto the priests to pray for them,
they themselves have gotten by might, from other faithful men,
unjustly, and violently: and the canons do say, that sin is not
forgiven, till the thing taken away wrongfully be restored: how then
shall they be able (which do unjustly possess such lordships or lands)
to deliver them by their prayers from pain, which have given to them
these lordships or lands, seeing God, from the beginning, hath hated
all extortion in his burnt-sacrifices? Not every one that saith unto
me, Lord, Lord, shall enter into the kingdom of heaven: but he which
doth the will of my Father which is in heaven. And again, Not the
hearers of the law, but the doers of the law shall be justified.

  "If, therefore, the words of him that prayeth, do not deliver
himself from sin, nor from the pain of sin, how do they deliver other
men from sin or from the pain of sin, when no man prayeth more
earnestly for another man than for himself? Therefore many are
deceived in buying or selling of prayers, as in the buying of pardons,
that they might be delivered from pain; whenas commonly they pay
dearer for the prayers of the proud and vicious prelates, than for the
prayers of devout women and devout men of the lay-people. But, out of
doubt, God doth not regard the person of him that prayeth, neither the
place in which he prayeth, nor his apparel, nor the curiousness of his
prayer, but the humility and godly affection of him that prayeth. Did
not the Pharisee and the publican go up into the temple to pray? The
publican's prayer, for his humility and godly affection, is heard. But
the Pharisee's prayer, for his pride and arrogancy, is contemned.
Consider that neither the person, nor the place, nor the state, nor
the curiousness of his prayer, doth help the Pharisee: because the
publican, not thinking himself worthy to lift up his eyes unto heaven,
for the multitude of his sins, saying, O God! be merciful unto me a
sinner, is justified by his humility, and his prayer is heard. But the
Pharisee, boasting in his righteousness, is despised; because God
thrusteth down the proud, and exalteth the humble and those that be
meek. The rich glutton also, that was clothed with purple and silk,
and fared every day daintily, prayed unto Abraham, and is not heard,
but is buried in pains and torments of hell-fire. But Lazarus, which
lay begging at his gate, being full of sores, is placed in the bosom
of Abraham. Behold that neither the riches of his apparel, nor the
deliciousness of his banquets, nor the gorgeousness of his estate,
neither the abundance of his riches, doth help any thing to prefer the
prayers or petitions of the rich glutton, nor yet diminish his
torments, because that mighty men in their mightiness, shall suffer
torments mightily. How dare any man, by composition, demand or receive
any thing of another man for his prayers? If he believe that he can,
by his prayer, deliver his brother from grievous pain, he is bound by
charity to relieve his brother with his prayers, although he be not
hired thereunto: but if he will not pray unless he be hired, then hath
he no love at all. What therefore helpeth his prayer which abideth not
in charity? Therefore let him first take compassion of himself by
prayer, that he may come into charity, and then he shall be the better
able to help others. If he believe not, or if he standeth in doubt
whether he shall be able to deliver his brother by his prayer,
wherefore doth he make with him an assured bargain, and taketh his
money, and yet knoweth not whether he shall relieve him ever a whit
the more or not, from his pain? I fear lest the words of the prophet
are fulfilled, saying, From the least to the most, all men apply
themselves to covetousness; and from the prophet to the priest, all
work deceitfully. For the poor priests excuse themselves of such
bargaining and selling of their prayers, saying, The young cock
learneth to crow of the old cock. For, say they, thou mayest see that
the pope himself, in stalling of bishops and abbots, taketh the first-
fruits: in the placing or bestowing of benefices he always taketh
somewhat, and especially if the benefices be great. And he selleth
pardons and bulls; and, to speak more plain, he taketh money for them.
Bishops, in giving orders, in hallowing churches and churchyards, do
take money; in ecclesiastical correction they take money for the
mitigation of penance; in the grievous offences of convict persons,
money is required, and caused to be paid. Abbots, monks, and other
religious men that have possession, will receive no man into their
fraternity, or make them partakers of their spiritual suffrages,
unless he bestow somewhat upon them, or promise them somewhat. Curates
and vicars, having sufficient livings by the tithes of their
parishioners, yet in dirges and years-minds, in hearing confessions,
in weddings and buryings, do require and have money. The friars, also,
of the four orders of beggars, which think themselves to be the most
perfect men of the church, do take money for their prayers,
confessions, and buryings of the dead; and when they preach, they
believe that they shall have either money or some other thing worth
money. Wherefore then be the poor priests blamed? ought not they to be
held excused, although they take money for their prayers by
composition? Truly, me thinketh that this excuse by other men's sins
doth not excuse them, forasmuch as to heap one mischief upon another's
head, is no sufficient discharge. I would to God that all the buyers
and sellers of spiritual suffrages would with the eyes of their heart
behold the ruin of the great city, and the fall of Babylon, and that
which they shall say after that fall. Doth not the prophet say, And
the merchants of the earth shall weep and mourn for her, because no
man shall buy any more their merchandise; that is, their merchandise
of gold and silver, and of precious stone, and of pearl, and of silk
and purple? And again, he saith, And the merchants which were made
rich by her, shall stand aloof for fear of her torments, weeping,
mourning, and saying, Alas! alas! that city Babylon, that great city,
which was wont to wear purple, white silk, crimson, gold, pearl, and
precious stone, because that in one hour all those riches are come to
nought. And again, And they cast dust upon their heads, and cried out,
weeping, and mourning, and saying, Alas! alas! that great and mighty
city Babylon, by whom all such as had ships upon the sea were made
rich by her rewards; because that in one hour she is become desolate.

  "Thus, reverend father, have I made mine answer to the matter
whereof I am accused; beseeching you, that as I have been obedient to
your desire, and that even as a son, declaring unto you the secrets of
my heart in plain words (although rudely); so I may know your opinion,
and crave your fatherly benevolence, that now your labour may be for
my instruction and amendment, and not to accusation and condemnation.
For like as in the beginning, I have promised you, if any man, of what
state, sect, or condition soever he be, can show me any error in any
of my writings by the authority of Holy Scripture, or by any probable
reason grounded onthe Scriptures; I will receive his information
willingly and humbly."

  After that all the aforesaid things were exhibited and given by
the aforesaid Walter Brute, unto the aforesaid bishop of Hereford, he
further appointed to the same Walter, the third day of the month of
October, at Hereford, with the continuance of the days following, to
hear his opinion. Which third day now at hand, being Friday, in the
year of our Lord God 1393, the said Walter Brute appeared before him,
sitting in commission in the cathedral church of Hereford, at six
o'clock or thereabout; having for his assistants in the same place,
divers prelates, abbots, and twenty bachelors of divinity, whereof
twelve were monks, and two doctors of the law. Amongst these was
Nicholas Herford, accompanied with many other prelates and worshipful
men and wise graduates in sundry faculties. Now was the aforesaid
Walter apposed of his writings aforesaid, and the contents therein.
Earnest were they in picking out of those writings his heresies, and
in showing his schisms, sundry errors, and divers other things. Now,
after that they had continued all that day and the two days following,
(that is, Friday, Saturday, and Sunday,) in their informations and
examinations against the same Walter Brute, the same Walter Brute
submitted himself to the determination of the church, and to the
correction of the said John, bishop, as it appeareth word for word in
a scroll written in the English tongue: the tenor of which scroll is
as followeth

  "I, Walter Brute, submit myself principally to the evangel of
Jesus Christ, and to the determination of holy kirk, and to the
general councils of holy kirk. And to the sentence and determination
of the four doctors of holy writ; that is, Augustine, Ambrose, Jerome,
and Gregory. And I meekly submit me to your correction, as a subject
ought to his bishop."

  Which scroll, as before is recited, in the English tongue, the
aforesaid Walter Brute read, with a loud and intelligible voice, at
the cross in the churchyard, on Monday, that is to say, the sixth of
the said month of October, before the sermon made unto the people, in
presence of the said bishop of Hereford and other above written, as
also other barons, knights, and noblemen, and clergy, and also a great
multitude of people. After which reading of the scroll, the aforesaid
Thomas Crawlay, bachelor of divinity, made a sermon unto the people,
and took for his theme the words of the apostle to the Romans, chap.
xi. 20, that is as followeth: Be not over-wise in your own conceits,
but stand in fear, &c.

  Out of these declarations and writings of Walter Brute, the
bishop, with the monks and doctors above rehearsed, did gather and
draw certain articles, to the number of thirty-seven, which they sent
to the university of Cambridge to be confuted, unto two learned men,
Master Colwill and Master Newton, bachelors of divinity: which Masters
Colwill and Newton did both labour in the matter, to the uttermost of
their cunning, in replying and answering to the said thirty-seven
articles.

  Besides them also, William Woodford, a friar, who wrote likewise
against the articles of Wickliff, labouring in the same cause, made a
solemn and a long tractation; compiling the articles of the said
Brute, to the number of nine and twenty: all which treatises, as I
wish to come to the reader's hand, that the slenderness of them might
be known; so it may happen percase, that the same being in my hands
may hereafter be further published, with other like tractations more,
as convenient time, for the prolixity thereof, may hereafter better
serve than now.

  What, after this, became to this Walter Brute, or what end he
had, I find it not registered; but like it is, that he for this time
escaped. Certain other writings I find, moreover, which albeit they
bear no name of this Walter, nor of any certain author, yet because
they are in the same register adjoined to the history of him, I
thought therefore most fit here to be inserted: of the which one was a
letter sent to Nicholas Herford, a little above specified, who, being
at the first a great follower of John Wickliff, as appeareth before,
was now in the number of them which sat upon this Walter, as is above
recorded. The copy of this letter, bearing no name of any special
author, but only as sent by a certain Lollard, as the register doth
term him, is written in the manner and form as followeth.

  "Forasmuch as no man that putteth his hand to the plough and
looketh back, is meet for the kingdom of God, as our Saviour Christ
saith, what marvel is it, although Master Nicholas Herford, which at
the first (by the visitation of the Spirit of God, peradventure) put
his hand, that is, gave his diligence unto the plough; that is, to the
sowing of the word of God and Holy Scripture, as well in preaching as
in doing good works, is now so blind and unskilful to expound the
Scripture, that he knoweth not what is understood by the kingdom of
heaven? Truly it is no marvel, O thou that art the master of the
Nicolaitans! which, like Nicholas the most false deacon, hast left or
forsaken the infallible knowledge of the Holy Scripture: for the true
knowledge of the theological verity is shut up as well from thee as
from all the other Nicolaitans following thy conditions; forasmuch as
thou goest not in by the door to expound the same evangelical verity.
Therefore when thou didst recite this other day, first, the
Pharisaical and hypocritical woe, (nothing at all to any purpose,)
thou shouldest have said justly in this sort, both of thyself, and
other thy followers and religious antichrists: Woe be unto us, scribes
and Pharisees, which shut up the kingdom of heaven! that is to say,
the true knowledge of the Holy Scriptures before men, by our false
glosses and crooked similitudes; and neither we ourselves enter into
the same kingdom or knowledge, nor suffer others to enter into it.
Wherefore, it seemeth unto the faithful sort, that wrongfully,
falsely, and without any reverence, ye have expounded that text of
Gregory, 1 quæst. 1, that is to say, Quicunque studet, &c. For this is
the true understanding of the same: knowing, first, that there be some
priests after the thing and name only; and doth show that this is
true, that whosoever studieth to receive the holy order by giving of
money, he is not a priest, secundum rem et nomen; but, to say the
truth, he desireth to be called a priest, that is, to be a priest
secundum nomen tantum. And such a priest, which is a priest in name
only, is no priest; no more than St. Mary painted is St. Mary; nor a
false doctor a doctor, but no doctor; and a man painted is not a man,
but no man. And thus such a priest in name only is not a priest;
because that all faithful men do firmly believe with St. Gregory, that
no man buying the holy orders, may then be called a priest, as he
saith, 1 quæst. 1, They that buy or sell holy orders can be no
priests. Whereupon it is written, Anathema danti, and Anathema
accipienti; that is, simoniacal heresy. And it followeth, How,
therefore, if they be accursed and not blessed, can they make others
blessed? And when that they be not in the body of Christ, how can they
either receive or deliver the body of Christ? He that is accursed, how
can he bless? as though he would say, It is impossible. As Pope Urban
saith, 1 quæst. 1, Si quis a simoniacis, &c., They that willingly know
and suffer themselves to be consecrated, nay rather execrated, of
those that are infected with simony, we judge that their consecration
is altogether void. Also Pope Leo, in 2 quæst. 1, saith in this wise: 
Grace, if it be not freely given and received, is not grace. Spiritual
usurers do not receive freely: therefore they receive not the
spiritual grace, which specially worketh in the ecclesiastical orders.
If they receive it not, they have it not: if they have it not freely,
they cannot give it freely. And by this it is more clear than the
light, that they which know so much, and receive orders by spiritual
usury or simony, are neither priests nor deacons, neither after the
manner nor character. For if such character or mark were otherwise
given in giving orders, it were requisite always that there should be
a certain grace imprinted in the man; but there is no such grace given
or imprinted, as afore is manifest. Therefore there is no such
character to be feigned. Therefore such character or mark abideth not
in him, forasmuch as he never had, nor hath, the same. And yet
furthermore, in the same place, What then do the simoniacal prelates
give? And he maketh answer, Truly even that which they have, as the
spirit of lying. How prove we this? Because that if it be the spirit
of verity, as the same verity doth testify from whom it cometh, it is
freely received. And it followeth for the whole purpose no doubt, it
is convicted to be the spirit of lying, which is not freely received.

  "By this it appeareth manifestly to the faithful sort, that those
which wittingly and simoniacally are made priests, forasmuch as they
receive not the character of the Lord, but only the spirit of lying
and the mark of Simon Magus, and of Judas the traitor, they be not
priests neither according to the mark nor manner: and such do no more
make the sacraments of the church, than any other laymen may in the
time of necessity; nor yet so truly, during their heretical
naughtiness. And yet indeed, brother mine, uni voce natura, but yet
æqui voce in moribus; I do not write thus sharply unto you, through
anger, or any imperfect hate, but through the perfect hate of your
horrible heresy and denying the faith of Christ, that I may say with
David in the psalm, Perfecto odio oderam, &c. And I am very sorry for
you, that you, which in times past have excellently well and
fruitfully preached the gospel in the pulpit, do now as well fail in
the congruity of the Latin tongue, as in the other science natural.
For, as it was heard, thrice in one lecture you said appetítis; that
is to say, pronouncing the middle syllable long, which thing not only
the masters, but also the young scholars, understood. And many other
faults there were in your grammar, which for shame I dare not recite.
I send unto you these five conclusions.

  "First, It is an infallible verity that the words of the four
chief doctors, expounding the Holy Scripture according to the verity
which the words do pretend, are to be holden.and kept.

  "Second, He which importeth any equivocation out of any of the
doctors' expounding, for the colouring of his text, his equivocation
is always to be left.

  "Third, No perversion of any reprobate is able to turn the
congregation of the elect from the faith, because all things that
shall come to pass are eternally in God, devised and ordained for the
best unto the elect Christians.

  "Fourth, Like as the mystical body of Christ is the congregation
of all the elect, so antichrist, mystically, is the church of the
wicked and of all the reprobates.

  "Fifth, The conclusions of Swinderby be agreeable to the faith in
every part."

  This letter was thus subscribed: "By the Spirit of God, sometime
visiting you."



84. A LETTER FROM LUCIFER TO THE POPE AND PRELATES

  Besides this epistle above prefixed, there is also found annexed
with the same, a device of another certain letter counterfeited under
the name of Lucifer, prince of darkness, writing to the pope and all
popish prelates, persecuting the true and right church with all might
and main, to maintain their pride and domination in this earth, under
a colourable pretence and visor of the catholic church and succession
apostolical: which letter, although it seemeth in some authors to be
ascribed to Ocham, above mentioned; yet, because I find it in the same
register of the church of Hereford contained, and inserted among the
tractations of Walter Brute, and devised, as the register said, by the
Lollards, I thought no meeter place than here to annex the same; the
tenor whereof thus proceedeth in words as follow:

  "I, Lucifer, prince of darkness and profound heaviness, emperor
of the high mysteries of the king of Acheron, captain of the dungeon,
Erebus king of hell, and controller of the infernal fire: To all our
children of pride, and companions of our kingdom, and especially to
our princes of the church of this latter age and time, (of which our
adversary Jesus Christ, according to the prophet, saith, I hate the
church or congregation of the wicked,) send greeting; and wish
prosperity to all that obey our commandments, as also to those that be
obedient to the laws of Satan already enacted, and that are diligent
observers of our behests, and the precepts of our decree.

  "Know ye that in times past certain vicars or vicegerents of
Christ, following his steps in miracles and virtues, living and
continuing in a beggarly life, converted, in a manner, the whole world
from the yoke of our tyranny unto their doctrine and manner of life,
to the great derision and contempt of our prison-house and kingdom,
and also to the no little prejudice and hurt of our jurisdiction and
authority; not fearing to hurt our fortified power, and to offend the
majesty of our estate. For then received we no tribute of the world,
neither did the miserable sort of common people rush at the gates of
our deep dungeon as they were wont to do, with continual pealing and
rapping; but then the easy, pleasant, and broad way, which leadeth to
death, lay still, without great noise of trampling travellers, neither
yet was trod with the feet of miserable men. And when all our courts
were without suitors, hell then began to howl; and thus, continuing in
great heaviness and anguish, was robbed and spoiled: which thing
considered, the impatient rage of our stomach could no longer suffer,
neither the ugly, reckless negligence of our great captain-general
could any longer endure; but we, seeking remedy for the time that
should come after, have provided us of a very trim shift. For, instead
of these apostles and other their adherents which draw by the same
line of theirs, as well in manners as doctrine, and are odious enemies
unto us, we have caused you to be their successors, and put you in
their place, which be prelates of the church in these latter times, by
our great might and subtlety, as Christ hath said of you: They have
reigned, but not by me. Once we promised unto him all the kingdoms of
the world if he would fall down and worship us; but he would not,
saying, My kingdom is not of this world, and went his way when the
multitude would have made him a temporal king. But to you, truly,
which are fallen from the state of grace, and that serve us in the
earth, is that my promise fulfilled; and by our means all terrene
things which we have bestowed upon you, are under your government: for
he hath said of us, as ye know, The prince of this world cometh, &c.,
and hath made us to reign over all children of unbelief. Therefore our
adversaries before recited did patiently submit themselves unto the
princes of the world, and did teach that men should do so, saying, Be
ye subject to every creature for God's cause, whether it be to the
king, as most chief: and again, Obey ye them that are made rulers over
you, &c. For so their Master commanded them, saying, The kings of the
heathen have dominion over them, &c. But I think it long till we have
poured our poison upon the earth, and therefore fill yourselves full.

  "And now, be ye not only unlike those fathers, but also contrary
unto them in your life and conditions; and extol yourselves above all
other men. Neither do ye give to God that which belongeth to him, nor
yet to Cæsar that which is his: but exercise you the power of both the
swords, according to our decrees, making yourselves doers in worldly
matters, fighting in our quarrel, entangled with secular labours and
business. And climb ye, by little and little, from the miserable state
of poverty, unto the highest seats of all honours, and the most
princely places of dignity by your devised practices, and false and
deceitful wiles and subtlety: that is, by hypocrisy, flattery, lying,
perjury, treasons, deceits, simony, and other greater wickedness than
which our infernal furies may devise. For after that ye have by us
been advanced thither where ye would be, yet that doth not suffice
you, but, as greedy shavelings, more hungry than ye were before, ye
suppress the poor, scrateh and rake together all that comes to hand,
perverting and turning every thing topsyturvy; so swollen, that ready
ye are to burst for pride, living like lechers in all corporal
delicateness, and by fraud directing all your doings. You challenge to
yourselves names of honour in the earth, calling yourselves lords,
holy, yea, and most holy persons.

  "Thus, either by violence ye ravin, or else by ambition subtlely
ye pilfer away, and wrongfully wrest, and by false title possess,
those goods, which for the sustentation of the poor members of Christ,
(whom from our first fall we have hated,) were bestowed and given,
consuming them as ye yourselves list; and therewith ye cherish and
maintain an innumerable sort of whores, strumpets, and bawds, with
whom ye ride pompously like mighty princes, far otherwise going than
those poor beggarly priests of the primitive church. For I would ye
should build yourselves rich and gorgeous palaces; yea, and fare like
princes, eating and drinking the daintiest meats and pleasantest wines
that may be gotten: hoard and heap together an infinite deal of
treasure, not like to him that said, Gold and silver have I none:
serve and fight for us according to your wages! O most acceptable
society or fellowship, promised unto us by the prophet, and of those
fathers long ago reproved: whilst that Christ called thee the
synagogue of Satan, and likened thee to the mighty whore which
committed fornication with the kings of the earth, the adulterous
spouse of Christ, and of a chaste person made a strumpet. Thou hast
left thy first love and hast cleaved unto us, O our beloved Babylon! O
our citizens, which from the transmigration of Jerusalem come hither!
we love you for your deserts; we rejoice over you, which contemn the
laws of Simon Peter, and embrace the laws of Simon Magus our friend,
and have them at your fingers' ends; and exercise the same publicly,
buying and selling spiritual things in the church of God, and against
the commandment of God. Ye give benefices and honours by petition, or
else for money; for favour, or else for filthy service: and refusing
to admit those that be worthy to ecclesiastical dignities, and
preferring those that are unworthy, you call unto the inheritance of
God's sanctuary, bawds, liars, flatterers, your nephews, and your own
children; and to a childish boy ye give many prebends, the least
whereof ye deny to bestow upon a poor good man: ye esteem the person
of a man, and receive gifts; ye regard money and have no regard of
souls. Ye have made the house of God a den of thieves. All abuse, all
extortion, is more exercised a hundred-fold in your judgment-seats,
than with any secular tyrant. Ye make laws and keep not the same; and
ye dispense with your dispensations as it pleaseth you; you justify
the wicked for rewards, and you take away the just man's desert from
him. And, briefly, ye perpetrate or commit all kind of mischief, even
as it is our will ye should. And ye take much pain for lucre's sake,
in our service; and, especially, to destroy the Christian faith; for
now the lay-people are almost in doubt what they may believe; because,
if ye preach any thing to them, (as sometimes, although it be but
seldom seen, and that negligently enough, even as we would have it,)
yet, notwithstanding, they believe you not, because they see
manifestly that ye do clean contrary to that ye say. Whereupon the
common people, doing as ye do which have the government of them, and
should be an example to them of well-doing; now, many of them, leaning
to your rules, do run headlong into a whole sea of vices, and so,
continually, a very great multitude flocketh at the strong and well-
fenced gates of our dungeon. And doubtless ye send us so many day by
day of every sort and kind of people, that we should not be able to
entertain them, but that our insatiable chaos, with her thousand
ravening jaws, is sufficient to devour an infinite number of souls:
and thus the sovereignty of our empire by you hath been reformed, and
our intolerable loss restored. Wherefore, most specially we commend
you, and give you most hearty thanks; exhorting you all that in any
wise ye persevere and continue, as hitherto ye have done; neither that
you slack henceforth your enterprise. For why? by your helps we
purpose to bring the whole world again under our power and dominion.
Over and besides this, we commit unto you no small authority, to
supply our places in the betraying of your brethren; and we make and
ordain you our vicars, and the ministers of antichrist our son, now
hard at hand, for whom ye have made a very trim way and passage.
Furthermore, we counsel you which occupy the highest rooms of all
others, that you work subtlely, and that ye feignedly procure peace
between the princes of the world, and that ye cherish and procure
secret causes of discord. And, like as craftily ye have destroyed and
subverted the Roman empire, so suffer ye no kingdom to be overmuch
enlarged or enriched by tranquillity and peace; lest perhaps in so
great tranquillity, all desire of peace set aside, they dispose
themselves to view and consider your most wicked works, suppressing on
every side your estate; and from your treasures take away such
substance as we have caused to be reserved and kept in your hands,
until the coming of our well-beloved son antichrist. We would ye
should do our commendations to our entirely beloved daughters, Pride,
Deceit, Wrath, Avarice, Belly-cheer, and Lechery, and to all other our
daughters; and specially to Lady Simony, which hath made you men, and
enriched you; and hath given you suck with her own breasts, and weaned
you, and therefore see that in no wise you call her Sin. And be ye
lofty and proud, because that the most high dignity of your estate
doth require such magnificence: and also be ye covetous, for
whatsoever you get and gather into your fardel, it is for St. Peter,
for the peace of the church, and for the defence of your patrimony and
the crucifix; and therefore ye may lawfully do it. Ye may promote your
cardinals to the highest seat of dignities without any let in all the
world, in stopping the mouth of our adversary Jesus Christ, and
alleging again, that he preferred his kinsfolks, being but of poor and
base degree, unto the apostleship; but do not you so, but rather call,
as ye do, those that live in arrogancy, in haughtiness of mind, and
filthy lechery, unto the state of wealthy riches and pride; and those
rewards and promotions, which the followers of Christ forsook, do ye
distribute unto your friends. Therefore, as ye shall have better
understanding, prepare ye vices cloaked under the similitude of
virtues. Allege for yourselves the glosses of the Holy Scripture, and
wrest them directly to serve for your purpose: and if any man preach
or teach otherwise than ye will, oppress ye him violently with the
sentence of excommunication; and by your censures heaped one upon
another, by the consent of your brethren, let him be condemned as a
heretic, and let him be kept in most strait prison, and there 
tormented till he die, for a terrible example to all such as confess
Christ. And, setting all favour apart, cast him out of your temple;
lest, peradventure, the ingrafted word may save your souls, which word
I do abhor as I do the souls of other faithful men. And do your
endeavour that ye may deserve to have the place which we have prepared
for you, under the most wicked foundation of our dwelling-place. Fare
ye well, with such felicity as we desire and intend, finally, to
reward and recompense you with.

  "Given at the centre of the earth, in that our dark place, where
all the rabblement of devils was present, specially for this purpose
called unto our most dolorous consistory; under the character of our
terrible seal, for the confirmation of the premises."

  Who was the true author of this poesy or epistle above written,
it is not evidently known; neither doth it greatly skill. The matter
being well considered on their part which here be noted, may minister
unto them sufficient occasion of wholesome admonition, either to
remember themselves what is amiss, or to bethink with themselves what
is to be amended. Divers other writings of like argument, both before
and since, have been devised; as one bearing the title, Luciferi ad
malos Principes Ecclesiasticos, imprinted first at Paris in Latin; and
under the writing thereof, bearing this date, A. D. 1351; which if ye
count from the passion of the Lord, reacheth well to the time of
Wickliff, 1385; which was above six years before the examination of
this Walter Brute.

  There is also another epistle of Lucifer, prince of darkness,
mentioned in the epistle of the school of Prague, to the university of
Oxford, set forth by Hulderic Hutten, about the year of our Lord (as
is there dated) 1370; which seemeth to be written before this epistle.

  Also Vincentius, in Speculo Hist. lib. 25. cap. 89, inferreth
like mention of a letter of the fiends infernal unto the clergymen, as
in a vision represented, four hundred years before. In which the
devils gave thanks to the spiritual men, for that by their silence,
and not preaching the gospel, they sent infinite souls to hell, &c.

  Divers other letters also of like device have been written, and
also recorded in authors: whereunto may be added, that one, Jacobus
Carthusiensis, writing to the bishop of Worms, allegeth out of the
prophecy of Hildegard, in these words: "Therefore, saith he, the devil
may say of you priests in himself, The meats of banqueting dishes, and
feasts of all kind of pleasure, I find in these men; yea, also mine
eyes, mine ears, my belly, and all my veins be full of their frothing,
and my breasts be full stuffed with their riches," &c. "Furthermore,"
saith he, "they labour every day to rise up higher with Lucifer, but
every day they fall with him more deeply."

  Hereunto also appertaineth a story written, and commonly found in
many old written books: In the year of our Lord 1228, at Paris in a
synod of the clergy, there was one appointed to make a sermon; who
being much careful in his mind, and solicitous what to say, the devil
came to him, and asking him why he was so careful for his matter what
he should preach to the clergy; say thus, quoth he, The princes of
hell salute you, O you princes of the church, and gladly give you
thanks, because through your default and negligence it cometh to pass,
that all souls go down to hell. Adding, moreover, that he was also
enforced by the commandment of God to declare the same; yea, and that
a certain token, moreover, was given to the said clerk for a sign,
whereby the synod might evidently see that he did not lie.



85. KING RICHARD II AND THE FOLLOWERS OF WICKLIFF

  King Richard, by the setting on of William Courtney, archbishop
of Canterbury, and his fellows, taking part with the pope and Romish
prelates, waxed somewhat strait and hard to the poor Christians of the
contrary side of Wickliff; albeit, during all the life of the said
king I find of none expressly by name that suffered burning.
Notwithstanding some there were, which by the aforesaid archbishop,
William Courtney, and other bishops, had been condemned; and divers
also abjured, and did penance, as well in other places, as chiefly
about the town of Leicester, as followeth here to be declared out of
the archbishop's register and records.
Illustration; Leicester

  At what time the said archbishop, William Courtney, was in his
visitation at the town of Leicester, certain there were, accused and
detected to him, by the monks and other priests in the said town: the
names of which persons there detected were, one Roger Dexter, Nicholas
Taylor, Richard Wagstaff, Michael Scrivener, William Smith, John
Henry, William Parchmeanar, and Roger Goldsmith, inhabitants of the
same town of Leicester. These, with other more, were denounced to the
archbishop for holding the opinion of the sacrament of the altar, of
auricular confession, and other sacraments, contrary to that which the
Church of Rome doth preach and observe. All which parties above named,
and many other more, whose names are not known, did hold these
heresies and errors here underwritten, and are of the Romish Church
condemned.

  "1. That in the sacrament of the altar, after the words of
consecration, there remaineth the body of Christ with the material
bread.

  "2. That images ought not to be worshipped in any case, and that
no man ought to set any candle before them.

  "3. That no cross ought to be worshipped.

  "4. The masses and matins ought not with a high and loud voice to
be said in the church.

  "5. Item, that no curate or priest, taken in any crime, can
consecrate, hear confessions, or minister any of the sacraments of the
church.

  "6. That the pope and all prelates of the church cannot bind any
man with the sentence of excommunication, unless they know him to be
first excommunicated of God.

  "7. That no prelate of the church can grant any pardons.

  "8. That every layman may in every place preach and teach the
gospel.

  "9. That it is sin to give any alms or charity to the friars
Preachers, Minorites, Augustines, or Carmelites.

  "10. That no oblation ought to be used at the funerals of the
dead.

  "11. That it is not necessary to make confession of our sins to
the priest.

  "12. That every good man, although he be unlearned, is a priest."

  These articles they taught, preached, and affirmed manifestly in
the town of Leicester, and other places adjoining. Whereupon the said
archbishop monished the said Roger and Nicholas, with the rest, on the
next day to make answer unto him in the said monastery to the
aforesaid articles. But the aforesaid Roger and Nicholas, with the
rest, hid themselves out of the way, and appeared not. Whereupon the
archbishop, upon All-hallow day, being the first day of November,
celebrating the high mass, at the high altar in the said monastery,
being attired in his pontificals, denounced the said parties, with all
their adherents, abettors, favourers, and counsellors, as
excommunicate and accursed, which either held, taught, or maintained
the aforesaid conclusions heretical and erroneous; and that in solemn
wise, by ringing the bells, lighting the candles, and putting out the
same again, and throwing them down to the ground, with other
circumstances thereunto belonging. Upon the morrow after (being All-
souls' day) he sent for all the curates and other, laymen, of the town
of Leicester, to inquire more diligently of the verity of such matter
as they knew, and were able to say against any persons whatsoever,
concerning the aforesaid articles, as also against the parties before
named and specified upon their oaths, denouncing every one of them
severally by their names to be excommunicate and accursed and caused
them also in divers parish churches in Leicester also to be
excommunicate. And further the said archbishop interdicted the whole
town of Leicester, and all the churches in the same, so long as any of
the aforesaid excommunicate persons should remain or be within the
same; and till that all the Lollards of the town should return and
amend from such heresies and errors, obtaining at the said
archbishop's hands the benefit of absolution.

  At length it was declared and showed to the said archbishop, that
there was a certain anchoress, whose name was Matilda, enclosed within
the churchyard of St. Peter's church of the said town of Leicester,
infected, as they said, with the pestiferous contagion of the
aforesaid heretics and Lollards: whereupon, after that the said
archbishop had examined the aforesaid Matilda, touching the aforesaid
conclusions, heresies, and errors, and found her not to answer plainly
and directly to the same, but sophistically and subtilly; he gave and
assigned unto her a day, peremptory, personally to appear before him
in the monastery of St. James at Northampton, more fully to answer to
the said articles, heresies, and errors: which was the sixth day of
the said month of November; commanding the abbot of the monastery of
Pratis aforesaid, that the door of the recluse, in which the said
Matilda was, should be opened, and that till his return he should
cause her to be put in safe custody. That done, he sent forth his
mandate against the Lollards, under this form:

  "William, by the permission of God, &c. To his well-beloved sons,
the mayor and bailiffs of the town of Leicester diocese, greeting. We
have lately received the king's letters, graciously granted us for the
defence of catholic faith, in these words following, Richard, by the
grace of God king of England and of France, &c. We, on the behalf of
our holy mother the church, by the king's authority aforesaid, do
require you, that you cause the same Richard, William, Roger, and the
rest, to be arrested, and sent unto us; that they with their
pernicious doctrine do not infect the people of God, &c. Given under
our seal," &c.

  By another instrument also in the same register is mention made
of one Margaret Caily, nun, which, forsaking her order, was by the
said archbishop constrained, against her will, again to enter the
same, as by this instrument hereunder ensuing may appear.

  "William, by the grace of God, &c. To our reverend brother in
God, John, by the grace of God bishop of Ely, greeting, &c. In the
visitation of our diocese of Lincoln according to our office, amongst
other enormities worthy reformation, we found one sheep out of our
fold strayed, and amongst the briers tangled; to wit, Margaret Caily,
nun professed, in the monastery of St. Radegond within your diocese;
who, casting off the habit of her religion, was found in secular
attire, many years being an apostate, and leading a dissolute life.
And lest her blood should be required at our hands, we have caused her
to be taken and brought unto you, being her pastor: and straitly
enjoining you, by these presents we do command, that you admit the
same Margaret again into her aforesaid monastery, although returned
against her will, or else into some other place, where for her soul's
health you shall think most convenient; and that from henceforth she
be safely kept, as in the strait examination of the same you will
yield an account. Given under our seal," &c.

  By sundry other instruments also in the same register recorded, I
find, that the aforesaid Matilda, the anchoress, upon the strait
examination and handling of the aforesaid archbishop, before whom
peremptorily she was enjoined to appear, and till that day of
appearance taken out of the recluse and committed to safe custody, as
you heard, retracted and recanted her aforesaid articles and opinions.
For the which she, being enjoined forty days' penance, was again
admitted into her aforesaid recluse in Leicester.

  Also by another letter of the aforesaid archbishop to the dean of
the cathedral church of our Lady of Leicester being registered, I
find, that of the number of those eight persons before recited, whom
the archbishop himself at high mass did in his pontificals so solemnly
curse with book, bell, and candle; after certain process being sent
out against them, or else in the mean time they being apprehended and
taken, two of them recanted their opinions; to wit, William Smith, and
Roger Dexter. But in the mean time, Alice, the wife of the said Roger
Dexter, taking hold of the aforesaid articles with her husband also,
together with the said William Smith, abjured the same.
Notwithstanding, whether they presented themselves willingly, or else
were brought against their wills, as most like it was, hard penance
was enjoined them before they were absolved. These be the words of the
instrument.

  "Seeing our holy mother the church denieth not her lap to any
penitent child returning to the unity of her, but rather proffereth to
them the same; we therefore do receive again the said William, Roger,
and Alice, to grace: and further have caused them to abjure all and
singular the aforesaid articles and opinions, before they received of
us the benefit of absolution, and were loosed from the sentence of
excommunication, wherein they were snarled; enjoining unto them
penance, according to the quantity of the crime, in form as followeth:
that is to say, that the Sunday next after their returning to their
proper goods, they, the said William, Roger, and Alice, holding every
one of them an image of the crucifix in their hands, and in their left
hands every one of them a taper of wax, weighing half a pound weight,
in their shirts, having none other apparel upon them, do go before the
cross three times during the procession of the cathedral church of our
Lady of Leicester; that is to say, in the beginning of the procession,
in the middle of the procession, and in the latter end of the
procession; to the honour of Him that was crucified, in the memorial
of his passion, and to the honour of the Virgin his mother: who also,
devoutly bowing their knees and kneeling, shall kiss the same crucifix
so held in their hands: and so, with the same procession, they
entering again into the church, shall stand, during all the time of
the holy mass, before the image of the cross, with their tapers and
crosses in their hands; and when the mass is ended, the said William,
Roger, and Alice shall offer to him that celebrated that day the mass.

  "Then, upon the Saturday next ensuing, the said William, Roger,
and Alice, shall, in the full and public market, within the town of
Leicester, stand in like manner in their shirts, without any more
clothes upon their bodies, holding the aforesaid crosses in their
right hands; which crosses three times they shall, during the market,
devoutly kiss, reverently kneeling upon their knees: that is, in the
beginning of the market, in the middle of the market, and in the end
of the market. And the said William, for that he somewhat
understandeth the Latin tongue, shall say this anthem with the
collect, Sancta Katharina, and the aforesaid Roger and Alice, being
unlearned, shall say devoutly a Pater Noster, and an Ave Maria. And
thirdly, the Sunday next immediately after the same, the said William,
Roger, and Alice, in their parish church of the said town of
Leicester, shall stand and do, as, upon the Sunday before they stood
and did in the cathedral church of our Lady aforesaid in all things
which done, the aforesaid William, Roger, and Alice, after mass, shall
offer to the priest or chaplain that celebrated the same, with all
humility and reverence, the wax tapers, which they shall carry in
their hands. And because of the cold weather that now is, lest the
aforesaid penitents might peradventure take some bodily hurt, standing
so long naked, (being mindful to moderate partly the said our rigour,)
we give leave, that after their entrance into the churches abovesaid,
whilst they shall he in hearing the aforesaid masses, they may put on
necessary garments to keep them from cold, so that their heads and
feet notwithstanding be bare and uncovered. We, therefore, will and
command you, together and apart, that you denounce the said William,
Roger, and Alice, to be absolved and restored again to the unity of
our holy mother the church, and that you call them forth to do their
penance in manner and form aforesaid. Given at Dorchester, the
seventeenth day of November, in theyear of our Lord God 1389, and the
ninth year of our translation."

  Unto the narration of these abovesaid, we will adjoin the story
of one Peter Pateshul, an Austin friar, who, obtaining by the pope's
privilege, through the means of Walter Dis, confessor to the duke of
Lancaster, liberty to change his coat and religion, and hearing the
doctrine of John Wickliff and other of the same sort, began at length
to preach openly, and to detect the vices of his order, in such sort
as all men wondered to hear the horrible reciting thereof. This being
brought to the ears of his order, they, to the number of twelve,
coming out of their houses to the place where he was preaching,
thought to have withstood him by force: among whom one especially, for
the zeal of his religion, stood up openly in his preaching, and
contraried that which he said; who then was preaching in the church of
St. Christopher in London. This when the faithful Londoners did see,
taking grief hereat, they were moved with great ire against the said
friar, thrusting him with his other brethren out of the church, whom
they not only had beaten and sore wounded, but also followed them home
to their house, minding to have destroyed their mansion with fire
also; and so would have done, had not one of the sheriffs of London,
with two of the friars of the said house, well known and reported
amongst the Londoners, with gentle words mitigated their rage and
violence. After this, Peter Pateshul thus disturbed, as is aforesaid,
was desired by the Londoners, forasmuch as he could not well preach
amongst them, to put in writing that which he had said before, and
other things more that he knew of the friars; who then, at their
request, writing the same, accused the friars of murder committed
against divers of their brethren. And to make the matter more apparent
and credible, he declared the names of them that were murdered, with
the names also of their tormentors; and named, moreover, time and
place, where and when they were murdered, and where they were buried.
He affirmed further, that they were sodomites, and traitors both to
the king and the realm; with many other crimes, which mine author for
tediousness leaveth off to recite. And for the more confutation of the
said friars, the Londoners caused the said bill to be openly set up at
St. Paul's church-door in London, which was there read and copied out
of very many. This was done in the year of our Lord 1387, and in the
tenth year of King Richard the Second.

  Thus it may appear, by this and other above recited, how the
gospel of Christ, preached by John Wickliff and others, began to
spread and fructify abroad in London, and other places of the realm;
and more would have done, no doubt, had not William Courtney, the
archbishop, and other prelates, with the king, set them so forcibly,
with might and main, to gainstand the course thereof: albeit, as is
said before, I find none which yet were put to death therefore, during
the reign of this King Richard the Second; whereby it is to be thought
of this king, that although he cannot utterly be excused for molesting
the godly and innocent preachers of that time, (as by his briefs and
letters aforementioned may appear,) yet neither was he so cruel
against them, as other that came after him; and that which he did,
seemed to proceed by the instigation of the pope and other bishops,
rather than either by the consent of his parliament, or advice of his
council about him, or else by his own nature. For, as the decrees of
the parliament in all his time were constant in stopping out the
pope's provisions, and in bridling his authority, as we shall see
(Christ willing) anon; so the nature of the king was not altogether so
fiercely set, if that he, following the guiding thereof, had not stood
so much in fear of the bishop of Rome and his prelates, by whose
importunate letters and calling on, he was continually urged to do
contrary to that which both right required, and will, perhaps, in him
desired. But howsoever the doings of this king are to be excused, or
not, undoubted it is, that Queen Anne, his wife, most rightly
deserveth singular commendation; who at the same time, living with the
king, had the Gospels of Christ in English, with four doctors upon the
same. This Anne was a Bohemian born, and sister to Wencislaus, king of
Bohemia before; who was married to King Richard, about the fifth (some
say the sixth) year of his reign, and continued with him the space of
eleven years: by the occasion whereof it may seem not improbable, that
the Bohemians coming in with her, or resorting into this realm after
her, perused and received here the books of John Wickliff, which
afterward they conveyed into Bohemia, whereof partly mention is made
before.

  The said virtuous Queen Anne, after she had lived with King
Richard about eleven years, in the seventeenth year of his reign
changed this mortal life, and was buried at Westminster; at whose
funeral Thomas Arundel, then archbishop of York, and lord chancellor,
made the sermon; in which sermon, as remaineth in the library of
Worcester recorded, he, treating of the commendation of her, said
these words, That it was more joy of her than of any woman that ever
he knew; for, notwithstanding that she was an alien born, she had in
English all the four Gospels, with the doctors upon them: affirming,
moreover, and testifying, that she had sent the same unto him to
examine; and he said, they were good and true. And, further, with many
words of praise he did greatly commend her, in that she, being so
great a lady, and also an alien, would study so lowly, so virtuous
books; and he blamed in that sermon sharply the negligence of the
prelates and other men: insomuch that some said, he would on the
morrow leave up the office of chancellor, and forsake the world, and
give him to fulfil his pastoral office, for what he had seen and read
in those hooks; and then it had been the best sermon that ever they
heard.

  In the which sermon of Thomas Arundel, three points are to be
considered: First, the laudable use of those old times received, to
have the Scripture and doctors in our vulgar English tongue. Secondly,
the virtuous exercise and also example of this godly lady, who had
these books not for a show hanging at her girdle; but also seemed, by
this sermon, to be a studious occupier of the same. The third thing to
be noted is, what fruit the said Thomas, archbishop, declared also
himself to receive at the hearing and reading of the same books of
hers in the English tongue. Notwithstanding, the same Thomas Arundel,
after this sermon and promise made, became the most cruel enemy that
might be against English books, and the authors thereof; as followeth
after in his story to be seen. For shortly after the death of Queen
Anne, the same year (the king being then in Ireland) this Thomas
Arundel, archbishop of York, and Robert Braybrocke, bishop of London,
(whether sent by the archbishop of Canterbury and the clergy, or
whether going of their own accord,) crossed the seas to Ireland, to
desire the king in all speedy wise to return and help the faith and
church of Christ, against such as, holding of Wickliff's teaching,
went about, as they said, to subvert all their proceedings, and to
destroy the canonical sanctions of their holy mother church. At whose
complaint, the king hearing the one part speak, and not advising the
other, was in such sort incensed, that incontinently, leaving all his
affairs uncomplete, he sped his return toward England, having kept his
Christmas at Dublin; in the which mean time, in the beginning of the
next year following, which was A. D. 1395, a parliament was called at
Westminster by the commandment of the king. In which parliament
certain articles or conclusions were put up by them of the Gospel's
side, to the number of twelve; which conclusions, moreover, were
fastened up upon the church-door of St. Paul in London, and also at
Westminster: the copy of which conclusions, with the words and
contents thereof, hereunder ensue.

  "The first conclusion: -- When the Church of England began first
to dote in temporalties after her stepmother the great Church of Rome,
and the churches were authorized by appropriations; faith, hope, and
charity began in divers places to vanish and fly away from our church,
forasmuch as pride, with her most lamentable and dolorous genealogy of
mortal and deadly sins, did challenge that place by title of heritage.
And this conclusion is general, and approved by experience, custom,
and manner, as ye shall after hear.

  "The second conclusion, That our usual priesthood, which took its
original at Rome, and is feigned to be a power higher than angels, is
not that priesthood which Christ ordained unto his disciples. This
conclusion is thus proved, forasmuch as the Romish priesthood is done
with signs, and pontifical rites, and ceremonies, and benedictions, of
no force and effect, neither having any ground in Scripture; forasmuch
as the bishop's ordinal, and the New Testament, do nothing at all
agree; neither do we sce that the Holy Ghost doth give any good gift
through any such signs or ceremonies, because that he, together with
all noble and good gifts, cannot consist and be in any person with
deadly sin. The corollary or effect of this conclusion is, That it is
a lamentable and dolorous mockery unto wise men, to see the bishops
mock and play with the Holy Ghost in the giving of their orders;
because they give crowns for their characters and marks, instead of
white hearts; and this character is the mark of antichrist, brought
into the holy church to cloak and colour their idleness.

  "The third conclusion, -- That the law of chastity enjoined unto
priesthood, the which was first ordained to the prejudice of women,
induceth infamy into the church; but we do excuse us by the Bible,
because the suspect decree doth say, that we should not name it. Both
reason and experience prove this conclusion. Reason thus: forasmuch as
the delicate feeding and fare of the clergy will have either a natural
purgation, or some worse. Experience thus: forasmuch as the secret
trial and proof of such men is, that they do delight in women; and
whensoever thou dost prove or see such a man, mark him well, for he is
one of that number. The corollary of this conclusion is, That these
private religions, with the beginners thereof, ought most chiefly to
be disannulled, as the original of that sin and offence: but God of
his might doth, for privy sins, send open vengeance.

  "The fourth conclusion, that most harmeth the innocent people, is
this, That the famed miracle of the sacrament of bread induceth all
men, except it be a very few, unto idolatry; forasmuch as they think
that the body, which shall never be out ofheaven, is by the virtue of
the priest's words essentially included in the little bread, the which
they do show unto the people. But would to God they would believe that
which the evangelical doctor teacheth us in his Trialogue, that the
bread of the altar is the body of Christ accidentally: forasmuch as we
suppose that by that means every faithful man and woman in the law of
God may make the sacrament of that bread without any such miracle. The
corollary of this conclusion is, That albeit the body of Christ be
endowed with the eternal joy, the service of Corpus Christi, made by
friar Thomas, is not true, but painted full of false miracles; neither
is it any marvel, forasmuch as friar Thomas, at that time taking part
with the pope, would have made a miracle of a hen's egg; and we know
it very well, that every lie, openly preached and taught, doth turn to
the rebuke and opprobrium of Him, which is always true without any
lack.

  "The fifth conclusion is this, That the exorcisms and hallowings,
consecrations and blessings, over the wine, bread, wax, water, oil,
salt, incense, the altar-stone, and about the church-walls, over the
vestment, chalice, mitre, cross, and pilgrim-staves, are the very
practices of necromancy, rather than of sacred divinity. This
conclusion is thus proved: because that by such exorcisms the
creatures are honoured to be of more force and power than by their own
proper nature; for we do not see any alteration or change in any
creature so exorcised, except it be by false faith, which is the
principal point of devilish art. The corollary of this is, That if the
book of exorcisation or conjuring of holy water, which is sprinkled in
the church, were altogether faithful and true, we think certainly that
holy water used in the church, were the best medicine for all kind of
sickness and sores; the contrary whereof daily experience doth teach
us.

  "The sixth conclusion, which maintaineth much pride, is, That a
king and bishop both in one person, a prelate and justice in temporal
causes, a curate and officer in worldly office, doth make every
kingdom out of good order. This conclusion is manifest, because the
temporalty and spiritualty are two parts of the holy universal church;
and therefore he which addicteth himself to the one part, let him not
intermeddle with the other; wherefore to be called amphroditæ, which
are men of both kinds, or ambodextri, which is such as can play with
both hands, were good names for such men of double estates. The
corollary of this conclusion is, That thereupon we, the procurators of
God, in this case do sue unto the parliament, that it may be enacted,
that all such as be of the clergy, as well of the highest degree as of
the lowest, should be fully excused, and occupy themselves with their
own cure and charge, and not with others.

  "The seventh conclusion that we mightily affirm is, That
spiritual prayers made in the church for the souls of the dead,
preferring any one by name more than another, is a false foundation of
alms, whereupon all the houses of alms in England are falsely founded.
This conclusion is proved by two reasons: the one is, that a
meritorious prayer (of any force or effect) ought to be a work
proceeding from mere charity; and perfect charity accepteth no person,
because thou shalt love thy neighbour as thyself. Whereby it appeareth 
that the benefit of any temporal gift, bestowed and given unto priests
and houses of alms, is the principal cause of any special prayers, the
which is not far different from simony. The other reason is, that
every special prayer, made for men condemned to eternal punishment, is
very displeasant before God; and albeit it be doubtful, yet it is very
likely unto the faithful Christian people, that the founders of every
such house of alms, for their wicked endowing of the same, are, for
the most part, passed by the broad way. The corollary is, that every
prayer of force and effect, proceeding of perfect charity, would
comprehend generally all such whom God would have saved, and to live.
The merchandise of special prayers now used for the dead, maketh
mendicant possessioners and other hireling priests; which, otherwise,
were strong enough to work and to serve the whole realm; and
maintaineth the same in idleness, to the great charge of the realm,
because it was proved in a certain book which the king hath, that a
hundred houses of alms are sufficient for the whole realm; and thereby
might, peradventure, greater increase and profit come unto the
temporalty.

  "The eighth conclusion, needful to tell to the people beguiled,
is, That pilgrimages, prayers, and oblations made unto blind crosses
or roods, or to deaf images made either of wood or stone, are very
near of kin unto idolatry, and far different from alms: and, albeit
that these things which are forbidden and imagined are the books of
errors unto the common people, notwithstanding the usual and common
image of the Trinity is most especially abominable. This conclusion
God himself doth openly manifest, commanding alms to be given to the
poor and needy man, for he is the image of God, in a more perfect
similitude and likeness, than any block or stone. For God did not say,
Let us make a block or stone unto our likeness and image, but, Let us
make man; forasmuch as the supreme and highest honour, which the
clergy call Latria, pertaineth only to the Godhead, and the inferior
honour, which the clergy call Dulia, pertaineth unto men and angels,
and to none other inferior creature. The corollary is, That the
service of the cross, celebrated twice every year in our church, is
full of idolatry: for if rood, tree, nails, and spear, ought so
profoundly to be honoured and worshipped, then were Judas's lips, if
any man could get them, a marvellous goodly relic. But thou, pilgrim,
we pray thee tell us, when thou dost offer to the bones of the saints
and holy men which are laid up in any place, whether dost thou relieve
thereby the holy man which is already in joy, or that alms-house which
is so well endowed, where they are canonized, the Lord knoweth how?
and to speak more plainly, every faithful Christian may well judge and
suppose that the strokes of that same man, whom they call St. Thomas,
were no cause of martyrdom, nor yet be.

  "The ninth conclusion, that keepeth the people low, is, That
auricular confession, which is said to be so necessary for salvation,
and the feigned power of absolution, exalteth and setteth up the pride
of priests, and giveth them opportunity of other secret talks, which
we will not at this time talk of; forasmuch as both lords and ladies
do witness, that for fear of their confessors they dare not speak the
truth: and in time of confession is good opportunity ministered of
wooing, or to play the bawd, or to make other secret conventions to
deadly sin. They affirm and say, that they are commissaries sent of
God to judge and discern of all manner of sin, to pardon and cleanse
whatsoever please them. They say also, that they have the keys of
heaven and hell, and that they can excommunicate, curse and bless,
bind and loose, at their own will and pleasure: insomuch, that for a
small reward, or for twelve pence, they will sell the blessing of
heaven by charter and clause of warranty, sealed by their common seal.
This conclusion is so commonly in use, that it needeth not any
probation. The corollary hereof is, That the pope of Rome which
feigned himself to be the profound treasurer of the whole church,
having that same worthy jewel, which is the treasure of the passion of
Christ, in his own keeping and custody, together with the merits of
all the saints in heaven, whereby he giveth feigned indulgences and
pardons a pœna et culpa, is a treasurer almost banished out of
charity, whereby he may deliver all captives being in purgatory at his
pleasure, and make them not to come there. But here every faithful
Christian may easily perceive that there is much falsehood hid in our
church.

  "The tenth, That manslaughter, either by war or by any pretended
law of justice, for any temporal cause or spiritual revelation, is
expressly contrary unto the New Testament, which is the law of grace,
full of mercy. This conclusion is evidently proved by the examples of
the preaching of Christ here on earth, who chiefly teacheth every man
to love his enemies, and to have compassion upon them, and not to kill
and murder them. The reason is this, that for the most part when men
do fight, after the first stroke, charity is broken; and whosoever
dieth without charity, goeth the right way to hell. And beside that,
we do well understand and know, that none of the clergy, by any lawful
reason, can deliver any from the punishment of death for one deadly
sin, and not for another: but the law of mercy, which is the New
Testament, forbiddeth all manner of murder. For in the gospel it is
spoken unto our forefathers, Thou shalt not kill. The corollary is, It
is a very robbing of the people, when lords purchase indulgences and
pardons a pœna et culpa, unto such as do help their armies to kill and
murder the Christian people in foreign countries, for temporal gain;
as we do see certain soldiers which do run among the heathen people,
to get themselves fame and renown by the murder and slaughter of men.
Much more do they deserve evil thanks at the hands of the King of
Peace, forasmuch as by humility and peace our faith is multiplied and
increased; for murderers and man-quellers Christ doth hate, and
menaceth, He that striketh with the sword, shall perish with the
sword.

  "The eleventh conclusion is, which is shame to tell, That the vow
of chastity, made in our church by women that are frail and imperfect
in nature, is the cause of bringing in many great and horrible
offences and vices, incident unto the nature of man: for, albeit the
murder of their children born before their time, and before they are
christened, and the destruction of their nature by medicine, are
filthy and foul sins; yet they, accompanying among themselves, do pass
to such unseemliness, that they ought to be punished by infernal
torments. The corollary is, That widows, and such as take the mantle
and the ring, deliciously fed, we would that they were married,
because that we cannot excuse them from private offence of sin.

  "The twelfth, That the multitude of arts not necessary, used in
this our church, causeth much sin and offence in waste, curiosity, and
disguising in curious apparel: experience and reason partly doth show
the same, forasmuch as nature, with a few arts, is sufficient for
man's use and necessity.

  "This is the whole tenor of our embassage, which Christ hath
commanded us to prosecute at this time, most fit and convenient for
many causes. And, albeit that these matters be here briefly noted and
touched, yet, notwithstanding, they are more at large declared in
another book, with many other more in our own proper tongue, which we
would should be common to all Christian people. Wherefore, we
earnestly desire and beseech God, for his great goodness' sake, that
he will wholly reform our church, now altogether out of frame, unto
the perfection of her first beginning and original."

Certain verses were annexed unto the conclusions, which are thus
Englished:

"The English nation doth lament, of these vile men their sin,
Which Paul doth plainly signify, by idols to begin.
But Giersites, full ingrate, from sinful Simon sprung,
This to defend, though priests in name, make bulwarks great and
strong.
Ye princes, therefore, which to rule the people God hath placed,
With justice' sword, why see ye not, this evil great defaced."

  After these conclusions were thus proposed in the parliament, the
king not long after returned home from Dublin into England, towards
the latter end of the parliament. Who at his return called certain of
his nobles unto him, Richard Stury, Lewis Clifford, Thomas Latimer,
John Mountacute, &c., whom he did sharply rebuke, and did terribly
threaten, for that he heard them to be favourers of that side;
charging them straitly, never to hold, maintain, nor favour any more
those opinions and conclusions: and namely of Richard Stury he took an
oath, that he should never, from that day, favour or defend any such
opinions, which oath being taken, the king then answered, "And I
swear," saith he, "again to thee, that if thou dost ever break thine
oath, thou shalt die for it a shameful death," &c.

  All this while, William Courtney, archbishop of Canterbury, was
yet alive, who was a great stirrer in these matters; but yet Pope
Urban, the great master of the Romish sect, was dead and buried six
years before, after whom succeeded in the schismatical see of Rome
Pope Boniface the Ninth, who, nothing inferior to his predecessor in
all kind of cruelties, left no diligence unattempted to set forward
that which Urban had begun, in suppressing them that were setters-
forth of the light of the gospel; and had written sundry times to King
Richard, as well for the repealing of the acts of parliament against
his provisions, as also that he should assist the prelates of England
in the cause of God, as he pretended, against such, whom he falsely
suggested to be Lollards, and traitors to the church, to the king, and
the realm. Thus the courteous pope, whom he could not reach with his
sword, at least, with cruel slander of his malicious tongue, would
work his poison against them; which letter he wrote to the king in the
year of our Lord 1396, which was the year before the death of William
Courtney, archbishop of Canterbury; after whom succeeded in that see
Thomas Arundel, brother to the earl of Arundel, being first bishop of
Ely, afterward archbishop of York, and lord chancellor of England; and
at last made archbishop of Canterbury about the year of our Lord 1397.
The next year following, which was the year of our Lord 1398, and the
ninth year of the pope, I find, in certain records of the bishop of
Durham, a certain letter of King Richard the Second, written to the
said Pope Boniface, which, because I judged not unworthy to be seen, I
thought here to annex the same, proceeding in form as followeth:

  "To the most holy father in Christ, and lord, Lord Boniface the
Ninth, by the grace of God high pope of the most holy Romish and
universal church, his humble and devout son Richard, by the grace of
God, king of England and France, lord of Ireland, greeting, and
desiring to help the miseries of the afflicted church, and kissing of
those his blessed feet:

  "Who will give my head water, and mine eyes streaming tears, that
I may bewail the decay, and manifold troubles of our mother, which
have chanced to her by her own children in the distresses of this
present schism and division? For the sheep have forgotten the proper
voice of their shepherds, and hirelings have thrust in themselves to
feed the Lord's flock, who are clothed with the apparel of the true
shepherd, challenging the name of honour and dignity; resembling so
the true shepherd, that the poor sheep can scarce know whom they ought
to follow; or what pastor, as a stranger, they ought to flee; and whom
they should shun as an hireling. Wherefore, we are afraid lest the
holy standard of the Lord be forsaken of his host, and so that city,
being full of riches, become solitary and desolate, and lest the land
or people which was wont to say, flourishing in her prosperities, I
sat as a queen, and am not a widow, be destitute of the presence of
her husband, and, as it were, so bewitched, that she shall not be able
to discern his face, and so wrapped in mazes, that she shall not know
where to turn her; that she might more easily find him, and that she
shall with weeping speak that saying of the spouse, I sought him whom
my soul loveth; I sought him and found him not. For now we are
compelled so to wander, that if any man say, Behold, here is Christ,
or there, we may not believe him so saying; and so many shepherds have
destroyed the Lord's vineyard, and made his amiable portion a waste
wilderness.

  "This multitude of shepherds is become very burdensome to the
Lord's flock: for when two strive to be chief, the state of both their
dignities stands in doubt, and, in so doing, they give occasion to all
the faithful of Christ for a schism and division of the church. And
although both parties go about to subdue unto their power the whole
church militant, yet, contrary to both their purposes, by working this
way, there beginneth to rise now a division in the body of the church,
like as when the division of the quick innocent body was asked, when
the two harlots did strive before Solomon; like as the ten tribes of
Israel followed Jeroboam the intruder, and were withdrawn from the
kingdom for Solomon's sin: even so, of old time, the desire of ruling
hath drawn the great power of the world from the unity of the church.
Let yourselves remember, we beseech you, how that all Greece did fall
from the obedience of the Romish Church, in the time of the faction of
the patriarch of Constantinople; and how Mahomet, with his fellows, by
occasion of supremacy in ecclesiastical dignity, deceived a great part
of the Christians, and withdrew them from the empire and ruling of
Christ; and now, in these days, where the same supremacy is, hath
withdrawn itself from the obedience of it; insomuch that now, in very
few realms the candle that burns before the Lord remaineth, and that
for David's sake, his servant. And, although now remain few countries
professing the obedience of Christ's true vicar, yet, peradventure, if
every man were left to his own liberty, he would doubt of the
preferring of your dignity, or, what is worse, would utterly refuse it
by such doubtful evidence alleged on both sides: and this is the
subtle craft of the crooked serpent, that is to say, under the
pretence of unity, to procure schisms, as the spider of a wholesome
flower gathers poison, and Judas learned of peace to make war.

  "Wherefore it is lively believed of wise men, that except this
pestilent schism be withstood, by and by, the keys of the church will
be despised, and they shall bind the conscience but of a few: and when
either none dare be bold to correct this fault, or to reform things
contrary to God's law; so, by this means, at length temporal lords
will take away the liberties of the church, and, peradventure, the
Romans will come and take away their place, people, and lands: they
will spoil their possessions, and bring the men of the church into
bondage, and they shall be contemned, reviled, and despised, because
the obedience of the people, and devotions towards them, will almost
be taken away; when the greater part of the church, left to their own
liberty, shall wax prouder than they be wont, leaving a wicked example
to them that do see it. For when they see the prelates study more for
covetousness than they were wont, to purse up money, to oppress the
subjects, in their punishings to seek for gain, to confound laws, to
stir up strife, to suppress truth, to vex poor subjects with wrong
corrections, in meat and drink intemperate, in feastings past shame:
what marvel is it if the people despise them as the foulest forsakers
of God's law? But all these things do follow if the church should be
left long in this doubtfulness of a schism, and then should that old
saying be verified; In those days there was no king in Israel, but
every one did that that seemed right and straight to himself. Micaiah
did see the people of the Lord scattered in the mountains, as they had
been sheep without a shepherd; for when the shepherd is smitten, the
sheep of the flock shall be scattered: the great stroke of the
shepherd is the minishing of his jurisdiction, by which the subjects
are drawn from his obedience. When Jason had the office of the highest
priest, he changed the ordinance of God, and brought in the customs of
the heathen; the priests leaving the service of the holy altar, and
applying themselves to wrestling, and other exercises of the Grecians,
and despising those things that belonged to the priests, did labour
with all their might to learn such things of the Grecians; and by that
means the place, people, and holy anointing of priests, which, in
times past, were had in great reverence of kings, were trodden under
foot of all men, and robbed by the king's power, and was profaned by
thrusting in for money. Therefore, let the highest vicar of Christ
look unto this with a diligent eye, and let him be the follower of him
by whom he hath gotten authority above others.

  "If you mark well, most holy father! you shall find that Christ
rebuked sharply two brethren, coveting the seat of honour: he taught
them not to play the lords over the people, but the more grace they
were prevented with, to be so much more humble than other, and more
lowly to serve their brethren; to him that asked his coat, to give the
cloak; to him that smote him on the one cheek, to turn the other to
him. For the sheep that are given to his keeping he must forsake all
earthly things, and to shed his own blood, yea, and if need required,
to die. These things, I say, be those that adorn the highest bishop,
if they be in him; not purple, not his white horse, not his imperial
crown, because he, among all men, is most bound to all the sheep of
Christ. For the fear of God, therefore, and for the love of the flock
which ye guide, consider these things diligently, and do them wisely,
and suffer us no longer to waver betwixt two: although not for your
own cause, to whom peradventure the fulness of your own power is
known, yet in pitying our weakness, if thou be he, tell us openly, and
show thyself to the world, that all we may follow one. Be not to us a
bloody bishop, lest,by your occasion, man's blood be shed; lest hell
swallow such a number of souls, and lest the name of Christ be evil
spoken of by infidels, through such a worthy personage. But,
peradventure ye will say, for our righteousness it is manifest enough,
and we will not put it to other men's disputation. If this bald answer
should be admitted, the schism should continue still; seeing neither
part is willing to agree to the other, and that where the world is, as
it were, equally divided betwixt them, neither part can be compelled
to give place to the other without much bloodshed. The incarnation of
Christ and his resurrection was well enough known to himself and his
disciples; yet he asked of his Father to be made known to the world.
He made also the gospel to be written, and the doctrine of the
apostles, and sent his apostles into all the world, to do the office
of preaching, that the same thing might be known to all men. The
foresaid reason is the subtlety of Mahomet, who, knowing himself
guilty of his sect, utterly forbade disputations. If ye have so full
trust of your righteousness, put it to the examinations of worthy
persons in a general council, to the which it belongeth by right to
define such doubts, or else commit it unto able persons, and give them
full power to determine all things concerning that matter; or, at the
least, by forsaking the office on both parties, leave the church of
God free, speedily to provide for a new shepherd.

  "We find kings have forsaken their temporal kingdoms, only upon
respect of devotion, and have taken the apparel of monks' profession.
Therefore let Christ's vicar (being a professor of most high holiness)
be ashamed to continue in his seat of honour to the offence of all
people, and the prejudice and hurt of the Romish Church, and the
devotion of it, and cutting away kingdoms from it.

  "But if you say, It is not requisite that the cause of God's
church should be called in controversy, and, therefore, we cannot so
easily go from it, seeing our conscience gainsayeth it: to this we
answer, If it be the cause of God and the church, let the general
council judge of it; but if it be a personal cause, (as almost all the
world probably thinketh,) if ye were the followers of Christ, ye would
rather choose a temporal death, than to suffer such a wavering, I say
not, to the hurt of so many, but to the endless destruction of souls,
to the offence of the whole world, and to an everlasting shame of the
apostolical dignity. Did not Clement, named, or (that I may more truly
speak) ordained of St. Peter to the apostolical dignity, and to be
bishop, resign his right, that his deed might be taken of his
successors for an example? Also Pope Siricius gave over his popedom to
be a comfort of the eleven thousand virgins; therefore much more ought
you (if need require) give over your popedom, that you might gather
together the children of God which be scattered abroad. For, as it is
thought a glorious thing to defend the common right, even to
bloodshed; so is it sometimes necessary for a man to wink at his own
cause, and to forsake it for a greater profit, and by that means
better to procure peace. Should not he be thought a devil and Christ's
enemy of all men, that would agree to an election made of him for the
apostolical dignity and popedom, if it should be to the destruction of
Christians, the division of the church, the offence and loss of all
faithful people? If such mischiefs should be known to all the world by
God's revelation to come to pass, by such receiving of the popedom and
apostolical dignity: then, by the like reason, why shall he not be
judged of all men an apostate, and forsaker of his faith, which
chooseth dignity, or worldly honour, rather than the unity of the
church? Christ died that he might gather together the children of God,
which are scattered abroad: but such an enemy of God and the church
wisheth his subjects bodily to die in battle, and the more part of the
world to perish in soul, rather than, forsaking to be pope, to live in
a lower state, although it were honourable. If the fear of God, the
desire of the heavenly kingdom, and the earnest love of the unity of
the church, do move your heart, show indeed that your works may bear
record to the truth. Clement and Siricius, most holy popes, not only
are not reproved, but rather are reverenced of all men, because they
gave over their right for profitable causes, and for the same cause
all the church of holy men show forth their praise. Likewise your name
should live for ever and ever, if ye would do the like for necessary
cause, that is to say, for the unity of God's church. Give no heed to
the unmeasurable cryings of them that say, that the right choosing of
popes is lost, except ye defend your part manfully: but be afraid,
lest such stirrers up of mischief look for their own commodity or
honour, that is to say, that under your wing they might be promoted to
riches and honour. After this sort Ahithophel was joined with Absalom
in persecuting his own father, and false usurping of his kingdom.

  "Furthermore, there should be no jeopardy to that election,
because both parties stick stiffly to the old fashion of election, and
either of them covet the pre-eminence of the Romish Church,
counselling all Christians to obey them. And although, through their
giving over, the fashion of choosing the pope should be changed for a
time, it were to be borne, rather than to suffer any longer this
division in God's church. For that fashion in choosing is not so
necessarily required to the state of a pope, but the successor of the
apostle, as necessary cause required, might come in at the door by
another fashion of choosing, and that canonical enough. And this we
are taught manifestly by examples of the fathers; for Peter the
apostle appointed after him Clement, and that not by false usurping of
power, as we suppose; and it was thought that that fashion of
appointing popes was lawful unto the time of Pope Hilary, which
decreed that no pope should appoint his successor.

  "Afterwards, the election of the pope went by the clergy and
people of Rome, and the cmperor's council agreeing thereto, as it
appeareth in the election of the blessed Gregory; but Pope Martin,
with the consent of the holy synod, granted Charles the power to
choose the pope: but of late, Nicholas the Second was the first whom
Martin makes mention of in his councils to be chosen by the cardinals.
But all the bishops of Lombardy, for the most part, withstood this
election, and chose Cadulus to be pope, saying, that the pope ought
not to be chosen but of the precinct of Italy. Wherefore we think it
not a safe way so earnestly to stick to the traditions of men, in the
fashion of choosing the pope, and so oft to change, lest we be thought
to break God's traditions concerning the unity of the church: yea;
rather, it were better yet to ordain a new fashion of his election,
and meeter for him than as it hath been afore. But all things
concerning the same election might be kept safe, if God's honour were
looked for before your own, and the peace of the church were uprightly
sought; for such a dishonouring should be most honour unto you, and
that giving place should be the getting of a greater dignity, and the
willing deposing of your honour should obtain you the entry of
everlasting honour, and should procure the love of the whole world
towards you, and you should deserve to be exalted continually, as
David was in humbling himself.

  "Oh how monstrous a sight, and how foul a monster, is a man's
body disfigured with two heads! So, if it were possible, the spouse of
Christ should be made so monstrous, if she were ruled with two such
heads; but that is not possible: she is ever altogether fair, in whom
no spot is found; therefore we must cast away that rotten member, and
thruster-in of his second head. We cannot suffer any longer so great a
wickedness in God's house, that we should suffer God's coat that wants
a seam, by any means to be torn by the hands of two, that violently
draw it in sunder; for if these two should be suffered to reign
together, they would so betwixt them tear in pieces that little coat
of the Lord, that scarce one piece would hang to another. They pass
the wickedness of the soldiers that crucified Christ; for they,
willing to have the coat whole, said, Let us not cut it, but let us
cast lots for it whose it shall be: but these two popes, suffering
their right and title to be tried by no lot nor way, although not in
words yet in deeds, they pronounce this sentence, It shall neither be
thine nor mine, but let it be divided; for they choose rather, as it
appeareth, to be lords, though it be but in a little part, and that to
the confusion of the unity of the church, than in leaving that
lording, to seek for the peace of the church. We do not affirm this,
but we show almost the whole judgment of the world of them; being
moved so to think by likely conjectures. We looked for amendment of
this intolerable confusion, by the space that these two inventors of
this mischief lived. But we looked for peace, and behold trouble; for,
neither in their lives nor in their deaths, they procured any comfort,
but rather, dying as it were in a doubt betwixt two ways, left to
their successors matter of contention continual. But now, for the
space of seven years, whereas of their successors we desired and
looked for that they should bear good grapes, and they bring forth
wild grapes; in this matter we fall into a deep despair. But inasmuch
as we hear the comfort of the Lord, which promised that miserably he
would destroy those wicked men, and let his vineyard to other
husbandmen which will bring him fruit at their times appointed, and
hath promised faithfully that he will help his spouse in her need to
the end of the world; we, leaning on the sure hope of this promise,
and in hope contrary to hope believing, by God's grace will put our
helping hands to the easing of this misery, when a convenient time
shall serve, as much as our kingly power is able; and although our wit
doth not perceive how these things afore rehearsed may be amended, yet
we, being encouraged to this by the hope of God's promise, will do our
endeavour; like as Abraham believed, his son being slain by sacrifice,
that the multitude of his seed should increase to the number of the
stars, according to God's promise.

  "Now, therefore, the times draw near to make an end of this
schism, lest a third election of a schismatic against the apostles'
successor make a custom of the doing, and so the pope of Avignon shall
be double Romish pope, and he shall say with his partakers, as the
patriarch of Constantinople said unto Christ's vicar when he forsook
him: The Lord be with thee, for the Lord is with us; and is much to be
feared of all Christian men, for that Pharisee begins now to be called
the pope of Avignon among the people.

  "But peradventure it would be thought of some men, that it
belongeth not to secular princes to.bridle outrages of the pope. To
whom we answer, that naturally the members put themselves in jeopardy
to save the head, and the parts labour to save the whole. Christ so
decked his spouse, that her sides should cleave together, and should
uphold themselves, and by course of time and occasion of things they
should correct one another, and cleave together tunably. Did not Moses
put down Aaron, because he was unfaithful? Solomon put down Abiathar,
who came by lineal descent from Anathoth, and removed his priesthood
from his kindred to the stock of Eleazar in the person of Zadok, which
had his beginning from Eli the priest? Otho also, the emperor, deposed
Pope John the Twelfth, because he was lecherous. Henry the emperor put
down Gratian, because he used simony in buying and selling spiritual
livings. And Otho deposed Pope Benedict the First, because he thrust
in himself. Therefore, by like reason, why may not kings and princes
bridle the Romish pope in default of the church, if the quality of his
fault require it, or the necessity of the church, by this means,
compel to help the church oppressed by tyranny? In old time schisms,
which rose about making the pope, were determined by the power of
secular princes; as the schism betwixt Symmachus and Laurence was
ended in a council before Theodoric, king of Italy. Henry the emperor,
when two did strive to be pope, deposed them both, and received the
third, being chosen at Rome to be pope, that is to say, Clement the
Second, which crowned him with the imperial crown; and the Romans
promised him that from thenceforth they would promote none to be pope
without his consent. Alexander also overcame four popes, schismatics;
all which Frederic the emperor corrected.

  "Thus, look on the register of popes and their deeds, and ye
shall find that schisms most commonly have been decided by the power
of secular princes; the schismatics cast out, and sometimes new popes
made, and sometimes the old ones cast out of their dignities, and
restored to their old dignities again. If it were not lawful for
secular princes to bridle the outrages of such a pope lawfully made,
and afterward becoming a tyrant; in such a case he might oppress over-
much the church, he might change Christendom into heathens, and make
the labour of Christ crucified to be in vain: or else truly God should
not have provided for his spouse in earth, by all means, as much as is
possible, by service of men to withstand dangers. Therefore we counsel
you, with such a loving affection as becomes children, that ye
consider in your heart well, lest, in working by this means, ye
prepare a way to antichrist through your desire to bear rule, and so
by this means as we fear the one of these two shall chance, either ye
shall cause all the princes of this world to rise against you to bring
in a true follower of Christ to have the state of the apostolical
dignity; or, that is worse, the whole world, despising the ruling of
one shepherd, shall leave the Romish Church desolate. But God keep
this from the world, that the desire of honour of two men should bring
such a desolation into the church of God: for then, that departing
away which the apostle prophesied, should come before the coming of
antichrist were at hand, which should be the last disposition of the
world, peaceably to receive antichrist with honour. Consider,
therefore, the state of your most excellent Holiness, how ye received
the power from God to the building of the church, and not to the
destruction of it; that Christ hath given you wine and oil to heal the
wounded, and hath appointed you his vicar in these things which
pertain to gentleness, and hath given us those things which serve to
rigour. For we bear not the sword without a cause to the punishment of
evil-doers, the which power, ordained of God, we have received,
ourselves being witness; beseeching you to receive our counsel
effectually, that in doing thus, the waters may return to the places
from whence they came, and so the waters may begin to be made sweet
with salt; lest the axe swim on the water, and the wood sink, and lest
the fruitful olive degenerate into a wild olive, and the leprosy of
Naaman, that nobleman, cleave continually to the house of Gehazi, and
lest the pope and the Pharisees crucify Christ again. Christ, the
spouse of the church, which was wont to bring the chief bishop into
the holiest place, increase your holiness, or rather restore it, being
lost."

  This epistle of King Richard the Second, written to Pope Boniface
the Ninth, in the time of the schism, about the year, as appeared,
1397, as it contained much good matter of wholesome counsel to be
followed, so how little it wrought with the pope the sequel afterward
declared; for the schism, notwithstanding, continued long after, in
which neither of the popes would give over their hold, or yield any
thing to good counsel given them, for any respect of public weal. Such
a stroke beareth ambition in this apostolical see, which we are wont
so greatly to magnify: but of this enough, which I leave and refer to
the consideration of the Lord, seeing men will not look upon it.

  Drawing now toward the latter end of King Richard's reign, it
remaineth that, as we did before in the time of King Edward the Third,
so here also we show forth a summary recapitulation of such
parliamentary notes and proceedings, as then were practised by public
parliament in this king's time, against the jurisdiction of the bishop
of Rome, to the intent that such, if any such be, that think, or have
thought, the receiving of the pope's double authority to be such an
ancient thing within this realm, may diminish their opinions; as
evidently may appear by divers arguments heretofore touched,
concerning the election and investing of bishops by the king; as where
King Oswin commanded Cedde to be ordained archbishop of York; also
where King Egfride caused Cuthbert to be brought to King Canute, and
at his commandment was instituted bishop of the same see. And likewise
Matthew Paris testifieth, that King Henry the Third gave the
archbishopric of Canterbury to Radulph, then bishop of London, and
invested him with staff and ring: and the same king gave the bishopric
of Winchester to William Gifford; and, moreover, following the steps
both of his father and brother before him, endowed him with the
possessions pertaining to the said bishopric (the contrary statute of
Pope Urban, forbidding that clerks should receive any ecclesiastical
dignity at the hand of princes, or of any lay person, to the contrary
notwithstanding). That innumerable examples of like sort are to be
seen in ancient histories of this our realm, as also out of the
parliament rolls in the time of King Edward the Third, hath
sufficiently been touched a little before: whereunto also may be added
the notes of such parliaments as have been holden in the reign of this
present King Richard the Second, the collection whereof in part here
followeth.

Notes of certain parliaments, holden in the reign of King Richard the
Second, making against the pope.

  "In the first year of King Richard the Second, in the parliament
holden at Westminster, it was requested and granted, that the pope's
collector be willed no longer to gather the first-fruits of benefices
within this realm, being a very novelty, and that no person do any
longer pay them.

  "Item, That no man do procure any benefice by provision from
Rome, on pain to be out of the king's protection.

  "Item, That no Englishman do take to farm of any alien, any
ecclesiastical benefice or prebend, on the like pain. In which bill
was rehearsed, that the Frenchmen had six thousand pounds yearly of
such livings in England.

  "Item, That remedy might be had against the pope's reservations
to dignities elective, the same being done against the treaty of the
pope, taken with King Edward the Third.

  "In the second year of the said King Richard the Second, it was
by petition requested, that some order might be taken touching aliens,
having the greatest part of the church dignities in their hands:
whereunto the king answered, That by advice of the lords be would
provide therefore.

  Item, It was enacted, that all the benefices of cardinals, and
other rebels to Pope Urban that now is, shall be seized into the
king's hands.

  "An act that Pope Urban was true and lawful pope, and that the
livings of all cardinals, and other rebels to the said pope, should be
seized into the king's hands, and the king be answered of the profits
thereof: and that whosoever within this realm shall procure or obtain
any provision or other instrument from any other pope than the same
Urban, shall be out of the king's protection.

  "Moreover, in the third year of King Richard the Second, the
prelates and clergy made their protestation, in this parliament,
expressly against a certain new grant, to wit, their extortions: That
the same never should pass with their assent and good will, to the
blemishing of the liberties of the church, if, by that word extortion,
they meant any thing largely to proceed against ordinaries and others
of the church; but if they meant none otherwise to deal hereafter
therein, than before that time had been done, then would they consent.
Whereunto it was replied for the king, that neither for the same their
said protestation, or other words in that behalf, the king would stay
to grant to his justices in that case, and in all other cases, as was
used to be done in times past, and he was bound to do by virtue of his
oath taken at his coronation.

  "Furthermore, in the fourth year of the said King Richard the
Second, it was requested, That provision might be had against the
pope's collectors, for levying of the first-fruits of ecclesiastical 
dignities within the realm.

  "Item, That all priors, aliens, might be removed out of their
houses, and licensed to depart, and never to revert; and that
Englishmen may be placed in their livings, answering the king as they
did.

  "And in the ninth year of the aforesaid king, touching matter of
the staple, the speaker of the parliament pronounced, that he thought
best the same were planted within the realm, considering that Calais,
Bruges, and other towns beyond the seas grew very rich thereby, and
good towns here very much decayed; and so it was much for the common
profit. Touching the king, he affirmed that the subsidy and custom of
wool yielded more to the king when the staple was kept in England, by
one thousand marks yearly, than it did now, being holden beyond the
seas.

  "Item, That inquisition and redress might be had against such
religious persons, as under the licence to purchase

  With the same duke of Gloucester, also, about the same time, were
arrested and imprisoned the earl of Warwick and the earl of Arundel,
who, being condemned by parliament, were then executed; whereby great
grudge and great indignation rose in the hearts of many against the
king, A. D. 1397.

  Fourthly, To omit here the blank charts sent over all the land by
the king, and how the king was said to let out his realm to farm: over
and beside all these above premised befell another matter, which was
the principal occasion of this mischief; the banishment, I mean, of
Henry, earl of Derby, made duke of Hereford a little before, being son
of John of Gaunt, duke of Lancaster, who died shortly after the
banishment of his son, and lieth buried in the church of St. Paul, in
London, and the duke of Norfolk, who was before earl of Nottingham,
and after, by the king, made duke of Norfolk the year before. At which
time the king made five dukes, a marquis, and four earls; to wit, duke
of Hereford, which was before earl of Derby; duke of Awmerle, which
was before earl of Rutland; duke of Southrey, who was before earl of
Kent; duke of Exeter, which was before earl of Huntingdon; and this
duke of Norfolk, being before earl of Nottingham, as is aforesaid, &c.
The occasion of banishing these aforesaid dukes was this:

  About this present time the duke of Hereford did impeach the duke
of Norfolk upon certain words to be spoken against the king:
whereupon, casting their gloves one against the other, they appointed
to fight out the quarrel, a day being for the same appointed at
Coventry. But the king took up the matter in his own hands, banishing
the duke of Norfolk for ever, who after died at Venice; and the other
duke, which was the duke of Hereford, for ten years. Beside these,
also was exiled into France Thomas Arundel, archbishop of Canterbury,
by act of parliament in the same year, for points of treason, as ye
have heard before expressed above; all which turned to the great
inconvenience of this king, as in the event following may appear.

  These causes and preparatives thus premised, it followed the year
after, which was A. D. 1399, and last year of this king, that the
king, upon certain affairs to be done, took his voyage into Ireland.
In which mean time Henry of Bolingbroke, earl of Derby and duke of
Hereford, and with him the aforesaid archbishop, Thomas Arundel, which
before were both exiled, returning out of France to Calais, came into
England, challenging the dukedom of Lancaster, after the death of his
father. With them also came the son and heir of the earl of Arundel,
being yet but young. These together setting out of Calais, arrived at
Ravenspur in the north; at the knowledge whereof much people gathered
unto them.

  In this mean time, as the duke was hovering on the sea to enter
the land, Lord Edmund, duke of York, the king's uncle, to whom the
king committed the custody of this realm, having intelligence thereof,
called to him the bishop of Chichester, named Edmund Stafford,
chancellor of the realm; and William Scrope, earl of Wiltshire, lord
treasurer; also John Bushey, William Bagot, Henry Grene, and John
Ruschell, with divers others, consulting with them what was best in
that case to be done; who then gave their advice, whether wilful or
unskilful it is not known, but very unfruitful, that he should leave
London, and go to St. Alban's, there to wait for more strength, able
to encounter with the duke. But, as the people out of divers quarters
resorted thither, many of them protested that they would do nothing to
the harm and prejudice of the duke of Lancaster, who, they said, was
unjustly expulsed. The rest then of the council, John Bushey, William
Bagot, Henry Grene, William Scrope, treasurer, hearing and
understanding how the commons were minded to join with the duke of
Hereford, left the duke of York and the lord chancellor, and fled to
the castle of Bristol. Where it is to be understood, that these four
were they, to whom the common fame ran, that the king had let out his
realm to farm; and were so hated of the people, that it is to be
thought, that for the hatred of them, more than for the king, this
commotion was among the people.

  As this broil was in England, the noise thereof sounding to the
king's ears, being then in Ireland, for hasty speed of returning into
England, he left in Ireland both his business, and most of his
ordnance also behind him; and so, passing the seas, landed at Milford
Haven, not daring, as it seemed, to come to London.

  On the contrary side, unto Henry, duke of Hereford, being landed,
as is said, in the north, came the earl of Northumberland, Lord Henry
Percy, and Henry his son, the earl of Westmoreland, Lord Radulph
Nevile, and other lords more to a great number, so that the multitude
rose to sixty thousand, able soldiers; who, first making toward the
castle of Bristol, took the aforesaid Bushey, Grene, Scrope, and
Bagot, of whom three were immediately beheaded; Bagot escaped away,
and fled away to Ireland.

  The king, in this mean while, lying about Wales, destitute and
desolate, without comfort or counsel; who neither durst come to
London, neither would any man come to him; and perceiving, moreover,
the commons, that were up in such a great power against him, would
rather die than give over that they had begun, for fear of themselves;
seeing therefore no other remedy, called to him Lord T. Percy, earl of
Worcester, and steward of his household, willing him, with other of 
his family, to provide for themselves in time; who then openly in the
hall brake his white rod before them all, commanding every man to
shift for himself. Although Fabian and some others say, that he did
this of his own accord, contrary to his allegiance. The king,
compassed on every side with miseries, shifted from place to place,
the duke still following him; till at length, being at the castle of
Conway, the king desired to talk with Thomas Arundel, archbishop, and
the earl of Northumberland; to whom he declared, that he would resign
up his crown, on condition that an honourable living might be for him
provided, and life promised to eight persons, such as he would name.
Which being granted and ratified, but not performed, he came to the
castle of Flint, whence, after talk had with the duke of Lancaster, he
was brought the same night, by the duke and his army, to Chester, and
from thence was conveyed secretly into the Tower, there to be kept
till the next parliament. By the way, as he came near to London,
divers evil-disposed men of the city being warned thereof, gathered
themselves, thinking to have slain him, for the great cruelty he had
used before toward the city; but, by the policy of the mayor and
rulers of the city, the madness of the people was stayed. Not long
after followed the duke, and also began the parliament: in which
parliament the earl of Northumbcrland, with many other earls and
lords, were sent to the king in the Tower, to take of him a full
resignation, according to his former promise; and so they did. This
done, divers accusations and articles were laid and engrossed against
the said king, to the number of thirty-three, some say thirty-eight;
which, for the matter not greatly material in them contained, I
overpass: and the next year after, he was had to Pomfret Castle, and
there famished to death.

    AND thus King Richard by common assent being deposed from his
rightful crown, the duke of Lancaster was led by Thomas Arundel, the
archbishop, to the seat royal; who there standing up, and crossing
himself on the forehead and the breast, spake in words as followeth

  "In the name of God, Amen. I Henry of Lancaster claim the realm
of England and the crown, with all the appurtenances, as I that am
descended by right line of the blood, coming from that good lord King
Henry the Third, and, through the right that God of his grace hath
sent to me, with the help of my kin and of my friends to recover
thesame, which was in point to be undone for default of good
governance, and due justice," &c.

  After which words the archbishop, asking the assent of the
people, being joyful of their new king, took the duke by the hand, and
placed him in the kingly throne, which was A. D. 1399, and, shortly
after, by the aforesaid archbishop, he was crowned also for king of
England.



87. WILLIAM SAUTRE

  The next year after followed a parliament holden at Westminster:
in which parliament one William Sautre, a good man and a faithful
priest, inflamed with zeal of true religion, required he might be
heard for the commodity of the whole realm. But the matter being smelt
before by the bishop, they obtained that the matter should be referred
to the convocation; where the said William Sautre being brought before
the bishops and notaries thereunto appointed, the convocation was
deferred to the Saturday next ensuing.

  "When Saturday was come, that is to say, the twelfth day of
February, Thomas Arundel, archbishop of Canterbury, in the presence of
his council provincial, being assembled in the said chapterhouse,
against one Sir William Sautre, otherwise called Chatris, chaplain,
personally then and there appearing by the commandment of the
aforesaid archbishop of Canterbury, objected, that the said Sir
William, before the bishop of Norwich, had once renounced and abjured
divers and sundry conclusions heretical and erroneous; and that after
such abjuration made, he publicly and privily held, taught, and
preached the same conclusions, or else such-like, disagreeing to the
catholic faith, and to the great peril and pernicious example of
others. And after this he caused such.like conclusions holden and
preached, as is said, by the said, Sir William without renunciation,
then and there to be read unto the said archbishop, by Master Robert
Hall, chancellor unto the said bishop, in a certain scroll written, in
tenor of words as followeth

  "Sir William Chatris, otherwise called Sautre, parish priest of
the church St. Scithe the virgin, in London, publicly and privily doth
hold these conclusions underwritten:

  "Imprimis, He saith, That he will not worship the cross on which
Christ suffered, but only Christ that suffered upon the cross.

  "2. Item, That he would sooner worship a temporal king, than the
aforesaid wooden cross.

  "3. Item, That he would rather worship the bodies of the saints,
than the very cross of Christ on which he hung, if it were before him.

  "4. Item, That he would rather worship a man truly contrite, than
the cross of Christ.

  "5. Item, That he is bound rather to worship a man that is
predestinate, than an angel of God.

  "6. Item, That if any man would visit the monuments of Peter and
Paul, or go on pilgrimage to the tomb of St. Thomas, or any whither
else, for the obtaining of any temporal benefit; he is not bound to
keep his vow, but he may distribute the expenses of his vow upon the
alms of the poor.

  "7. Item, That every priest and deacon is more bound to preach
the word of God, than to say the canonical hours.

  "8. Item, That after the pronouncing of the sacramental words of
the body of Christ, the bread remaineth of the same nature that it was
before, neither doth it cease to be bread.

  "To which conclusions or articles, being thus read, the
archbishop of Canterbury required the same Sir William to answer: and
then the said William asked a copy of such articles or conclusions,
and a competent space to answer unto the same. Whereupon the said
archbishop commanded a copy of such articles or conclusions to be
delivered then and there unto the said Sir William, assigning the
Thursday then next ensuing to him to deliberate and make answer in.
When Thursday, the said day of appearance, was come, Master Nicholas
Rishton, auditor of the causes and businesses belonging to the said
archbishop, then being in the parliament-house at Westminster,
otherwise let, continued the said convocation with all matters rising,
depending, and appertinent thereunto, by commandment of the said
bishop, until the next morrow at eight of the clock. When the morrow
came, being Friday, the aforesaid Sir William Sautre, in the chapter-
house, before the said bishop and his council provincial then and
there assembled, making his personal appearance, exhibited a certain
scroll, containing the answers unto certain articles or conclusions
given unto him, as is aforesaid, by the said bishop; and said, that
unto the aforesaid archbishop he delivered the same as his answer in
that behalf, under the tenor of such words as follow:

  "I, William Sautre, priest unworthy, say and answer, that I will
not, nor intend not to worship the cross whereon Christ was crucified,
but only Christ that suffered upon the cross; so understanding me,
that I will not worship the material cross, or the gross corporal
matter: yet, notwithstanding, I will worship the same as a sign,
token, and memorial of the passion of Christ, adoratione vicaria. And
that I will rather worship a temporal king, than the aforesaid wooden
cross, and the material substance of the same. And that I will rather
worship the bodies of saints, than the very cross of Christ whereon he
hung; with this addition, that if the very same cross were afore me as
touching the material substance. And also that I will rather worship a
man truly confessed and penitent, than the cross on which Christ hung,
as touching the material substance.

  "And that also I am bound, and will rather worship him whom I
know to be predestinate, truly confessed, and contrite, than an angel
of God: for that the one is a man of the same nature with the humanity
of Christ, and so is not a blessed angel. Notwithstanding I will
worship both of them, according as the will of God is I should.

  "Also, that if any man hath made a vow to visit the shrines of
the apostles Peter and Paul, or to go on pilgrimage unto St. Thomas's
tomb, or any whither else, to obtain any temporal benefit or
commodity, he is not bound simply to keep his vow upon the necessity
of salvation; but he may give the expenses of his vow in alms amongst
the poor, by the prudent counsel of his superior, as I suppose.

  "And also I say, that every deacon and priest is more bound to
preach the word of God, than to say the canonical hours, according to
the primitive order of the church.

  "Also, touching the interrogation of the sacrament of the altar,
I say, that after the pronouncing of the sacramental words of the body
of Christ, there ceaseth not to be very bread simply, but remains
bread, holy, true, and the bread of life; and I believe the said
sacrament to be the very body of Christ, after the pronouncing of the
sacramental words.

  "When all these answers were thoroughly, by Master Robert Hall,
directly and publicly there read, the aforesaid archbishop of
Canterbury inquired of the said Sir William, whether he had abjured
the aforesaid heresies and errors objected against him, as before is
said, before the bishop of Norwich, or not; or else had revoked and
renounced the said or such-like conclusions or articles, or not? To
which he answered and affirmed that he had not. And then,
consequently, all other articles, conclusions, and answers above
written immediately omitted, the said archbishop examined the same Sir
William Sautre, especially upon the sacrament of the altar.

  "First, Whether in the sacrament of the altar, after the
pronouncing of the sacramental words, remaineth very material bread or
not? Unto which interrogation, the same Sir William somewhat
waveringly said and answered, that he knew not that. Notwithstanding
he said, that there was very bread, because it was the bread of life
which came down from heaven.

  "After that the said archbishop demanded of him, whether, in the
sacrament, after the sacramental words rightly pronounced of the
priest, the same bread remaineth, which did before the words
pronounced, or not. And to this question the aforesaid William
answered in like manner as before, saying, that there was bread, holy,
true, and the bread of life, &c.

  "After that, the aforesaid archbishop asked him, whether the same
material bread before consecration, by the sacramental words of the
priest rightly pronounced, be transubstantiated from the nature of
bread into the very body of Christ, or not? 'Whereunto Sir William
said, that he knew not what that matter meant.

  "And then the said archbishop assigned unto the said Sir William
time to deliberate, and more fully to make his answer, till the next
day; and continued this convocation then and there till the morrow:
which morrow, to wit, the nineteenth day of February, being come, the
aforesaid archbishop of Canterbury, in the said chapter-house of St.
Paul in London, before his council provincial then and there
assembled, specially asked and examined the same Sir William Sautre,
there personally present, upon the sacrament of the altar, as before:
and the same Sir William, again, in like manner as before, answered.

  "After this, amongst other things, the said bishop demanded of
the same William, if the same material bread being upon the altar,
after the sacramental words being of the priest rightly pronounced, is
transubstantiated into the very body of Christ or not? And the said
Sir William said, he understood not what he meant.

  "Then the said archbishop demanded, whether that material bread
being round and white, prepared and disposed for the sacrament of the
body of Christ upon the altar, wanting nothing that is meet and
requisite thereunto, by the virtue of the sacramental words being of
the priest rightly pronounced, be altered and changed into the very
body of Christ, and ceaseth any more to be material and very bread or
not? Then the said Sir William, deridingly answering, said, he could
not tell.

  "Then, consequently, the said archbishop demanded, whether he
would stand to the determination of the holy church or not, which
affirmeth, that in the sacrament of the altar, after the words of
consecration being rightly pronounced of the priest, the same bread,
which before in nature was bread, ceaseth any more to be bread. To
this interrogation the said Sir William said, that he would stand to
the determination of the church, where such determination was not
contrary to the will of God.

  "This done, he demanded of him again, what his judgment was
concerning the sacrament of the altar: who said and affirmed, that
after the words of consecration, by the priest duly pronounced,
remained very bread, and the same bread which was before the words
spoken. And this examination about the sacrament, lasted from eight
o'clock until eleven, or thereabouts, of the same day: insomuch that
during all this time the aforesaid William would no otherwise answer,
neither yet, touching the same sacrament, receive catholic
information, according to the institution of the pope's church, and
his Christian faith. Wherefore the said Canterbury, by the counsel and
assent of his whole convent then and there present, did promulgate and
give sentence, by the mouth of Robert Hall, against the same Sir
William Sautre, being personally present, and refusing to revoke his
heresies, that is to say, his true doctrine, but constantly defended
the same, under the tenor of words as followeth:

  "In the name of God, Amen. We, Thomas, by the grace of God
archbishop of Canterbury, primate of England, and legate of the see
apostolical, by the authority of God Almighty, and blessed St. Peter
and Paul, and of holy church, and by our own authority, sitting for
tribunal or chief judge, having God alone before our eyes, by the
counsel and consent of the whole clergy, our fellow brethren and
suffragans, assistants unto us in this present council provincial, by
this our sentence definitive, do pronounce, decree, and declare, by
these presents, thee William Sautre, otherwise called Chatris, parish
priest pretensed, personally appearing before us, in and upon the
crime of heresy, judicially and lawfully convicted as a heretic, and
as a heretic to be punished.

  "Which sentence definitive being thus read, the aforesaid
archbishop of Canterbury, continued in the same provincial council
till Wednesday next and immediately ensuing, to wit, the twenty-fourth
day of the same month of February; which being expired, the bishop of
Norwich, according to the commandment of the said archbishop of
Canterbury, presented unto the aforesaid William Sautre, by a certain
friend of his, being present at the same council, a certain process
enclosed and sealed with his seal, giving the names of credible
witnesses, and sealed with their seals, to which William Sautre thus
replied:

  "Imprimis, Touching the first and second, where I said, that I
would adore rather a temporal prince, and the lively bodies of the
saints, than the wooden cross whereupon the Lord did hang: I do revoke
and recant the same, as being therein deceived.

  "To this I say, that the article is false and erroneous, and by
false information I held it; the which I renounce and ask forgiveness
thereof, and say, that it is a precious relic, and that I shall hold
it while I live, and that I swear here.

  "I know well that I erred wrongfully by false information; for I
wot well, that a deacon or a priest is more bound to say his matins
and hours, than to preach; for thereto he is bounden by right:
wherefore I submit me, &c.

  "Touching that article, I know right well that I erred by false
information: wherefore I ask forgiveness.

  "As concerning vows, I say that opinion is false and erroneous,
and by false information I held it; for a man is bounden to hold his
vow, &c.

  "To the seventh article I say, that I did it by authority of
priesthood, through which deed I acknowledge well that I have guilt
and trespassed: wherefore I submit me to God and to holy church, and
to you, father, swearing that I shall never hold it more.

  "To the eighth I say, that I held it by false and wrong
information: but now I know well that it is heresy, and that bread,
anon as the word of the sacrament is said, is no longer bread
material, but that it is turned into Christ's very body; and that I
swear here.

  "I say, that this is false and erroneous, &c. "I say as I said,
&c.

  "This being done, the twenty-second of February aforesaid, in the
year of our Lord 1400, in the chapter-house of St. Paul, in London
aforesaid, the aforesaid archbishop of Canterbury, in the convocation
of his prelates and clergy, and such-like men there being present,
caused the afore recited process of the bishop of Norwich to be read
openly and publicly to Sir William Sautre, otherwise called Chatris,
And afterward he asked the said Sir William, whether he plainly
understood and knew such process, and the contents within the same;
and he said, Yea. And further he demanded of him, if he would or could
say or object any thing against the process; and he said, No. And
after that incontinent, the aforesaid archbishop of Canterbury
demanded and objected against the said Sir William, as divers others
more did; that after he had, before the bishop of Norwich, revoked and
abjured, judicially, divers errors and heresies, among other errors
and heresies by him taught, holden, and preached, he affirmed, that in
the same sacrament of the altar, after the consecration made by the
priest, as he taught, there remained material bread; which heresy,
amongst others, as errors also he abjured before the aforesaid bishop
of Norwich. Hereunto the afore-said William answered smiling, or in
mocking wise, saying and denying that he knew of the premises.
Notwithstanding, he publicly affirmed, that he held and taught the
aforesaid things after the date of the said process made by the said
bishop of Norwich, and that in the same council also he held the same.
Then finally it was demanded of the said Sir William, why he ought not
to be pronounced as a man fallen into heresy, and why they should not
further proceed unto his degradation according to the canonical
sanctions: whereunto he answered nothing, neither could he allege any
cause to the contrary.

  "Whereupon the aforesaid archbishop of Canterbury, by the counsel
and assent of the whole council, and especially by the counsel and
assent of the reverend fathers and bishops, as also priors, deans,
archdeacons, and other worshipful doctors and clerks then and there
present in the council, fully determined to proceed to the degradation
and actual deposing of the said William Sautre, as refallen into
heresy, and as incorrigible; according to the sentence definitive put
in writing, the tenor whereof is in words as followeth:

  "In the name of God, Amen. We, Thomas, by the grace of God
archbishop of Canterbury, legate of the see apostolical, and
metropolitan of all England, do find and declare, that thou, William
Sautre, otherwise called Chatris, priest, by us, with the counsel and
assent of all and singular our fellow brethren and whole clergy, by
this our sentence definitive declared in writing, hast been for heresy
convicted and condemned, and art (being again fallen into heresy) to
be deposed and degraded by these presents.

  "And from that day, being Wednesday, there was in the said
council provincial nothing further prosecuted, but was continued with
all dependents till the Friday next ensuing; which Friday approaching,
Master Nicholas Rishton, by the commandment of the said archbishop of
Canterbury, being then busied, as he said, in the parliament house,
continued this council and convocation with all incidents, dependents,
and occasions growing and annexed thereunto, the next day, to wit,
Saturday next and immediately after ensuing. Upon Saturday, being the
26th of the said month of February, the aforesaid archbishop of
Canterbury sat in the bishop's seat of the aforesaid church of St.
Paul in London, and solemnly apparelled in his pontifical attire,
sitting with him as his assistants these reverend fathers and bishops,
of London, Lincoln, Hereford, Exeter, Menevensis, and Rossensis,
above-mentioned, commanded and caused the said Sir William Sautre,
apparelled in priestly vestments, to be brought and appear before him.
That done, he declared and expounded in English to all the clergy and
people there in a great multitude assembled, that all process was
finished and ended against the said Sir William Sautre. Which thing
finished, before the pronouncing of the said sentence of the relapse
against the said Sir William, as is premised, he often then and there
recited and read. And for that he saw the said William in that behalf
nothing abashed, he proceeded to his degradation and actual
deposition, in form as followeth:

  "In the name of the Father, Son, and Holy Spirit, We, Thomas, by
God's permission archbishop of Canterbury, primate of all England, and
legate of the apostolic see, do denounce thee, William Sautre,
otherwise called Chatris, chaplain feigned, in the habit and apparel
of a priest, as a heretic, and one re-fallen into heresy, by this our
sentence definitive, by counsel, assent, and authority, to be
condemned; and by conclusion of all our fellow brethren, fellow
bishops, prelates, council provincial, and of the whole clergy, do
degrade and deprive thee of thy priestly order. And in sign of
degradation and actual deposition from thy priestly dignity, for thine
incorrigibility and want of amendment, we take from thee the paten and
chalice, and do deprive thee of all power and authority of celebrating
the mass, and also we pull from thy back the casule, and take from
thee the vestment, and deprive thee of all manner of priestly honour.

  "Also, We, Thomas, the aforesaid archbishop, by authority,
counsel, and assent, which upon the aforesaid William we have, being
deacon pretensed, in the habit and apparel of a deacon, having the New
Testament in thy hands, being a heretic, and twice fallen, condemned
by sentence as is aforesaid, do degrade and put thee from the order of
a deacon. And in token of this thy degradation and actual deposition,
we take from thee the book of the New Testament, and the stole, and do
deprive thee of all authority in reading of the gospel, and of all and
all manner of dignity of a deacon.

  "Item, We, Thomas, archbishop aforesaid, by authority, counsel,
and assent, which over thee the aforesaid William we have, being a
sub-deacon pretensed, in the habit and vestment of a sub-deacon, a
heretic, and twice fallen, condemned by sentence, as is aforesaid, do
degrade and put thee from the order of a sub-deacon; and in token of
this thy degradation and actual deposition, we take from thee the albe
and maniple, and do deprive thee of all and all manner of sub-
diaconical dignity.

  "Also, We, Thomas, archbishop aforesaid, by counsel, assent, and
authority which we have over thee, the aforesaid William, an acolyte
pretensed, wearing the habit of an acolyte, and heretic, twice fallen,
by our sentence, as is aforesaid, condemned, do degrade and put from
thee all order of an acolyte; and in sign and token of this thy
degradation, and actual deposition, we take from thee the candlestick
and taper, and also urceolum, and do deprive thee of all and all
manner of dignity of an acolyte.

  "Also, We, Thomas, archbishop aforesaid, by assent, counsel, and
authority, which upon thee the aforesaid William we have, an exorcist
pretensed, in the habit of an exorcist or holy water clerk, being a
heretic, twice fallen, and by our sentence, as is aforesaid,
condemned, do degrade and depose thee from the order of an exorcist;
and, in token of this thy degradation and actual deposition, we take
from thee the book of conjurations, and do deprive thee of all and
singular dignity of an exorcist.

  "Also, We, Thomas, archbishop aforesaid, by assent, counsel, and
authority, as is above said, do degrade and depose thee, the aforesaid
William, reader pretensed, clothed in the habit of a reader, a
heretic, twice fallen, and by our sentence, as is aforesaid,
condemned, from the order of a reader; and in token of this thy
degradation and actual deposition, we take from thee the book of the
divine lections, (that is, the book of the church legend,) and do
deprive thee of all and singular manner of dignity of such a reader.

  "Item, We, Thomas, archbishop of Canterbury abovesaid, by
authority, counsel, and assent, the which we have, as is aforesaid, do
degrade, and put thee, the aforesaid William Sautre, sexton pretensed,
in the habit of a sexton, and wearing a surplice, being a heretic,
twice fallen, by our sentence definitive condemned, as aforesaid, from
the order of a sexton; and in token of this thy degradation and actual
deposition, for the causes aforesaid, we take from thee the keys of
the church-door, and thy surplice, and do deprive thee of all and
singular manner of commodities of a door-keeper.

  "And also, by the authority of omnipotent God, the Father, the
Son, and Holy Ghost, and by our authority, counsel, and assent of our
whole council provincial above written, we do degrade thee, and depose
thee, being here personally present before us, from orders, benefices,
privileges, and habit in the church; and, for thy pertinacy
incorrigible, we do degrade thee before the secular court of the high
constable and marshal of England, being personally present; and do
depose thee from all and singular clerkly honours and dignities
whatsoever, by these writings. Also, in token of thy degradation and
deposition, here actually we have caused thy crown and ecclesiastical
tonsure, in our presence, to be rased away, and utterly to be
abolished, like unto the form of a secular layman; and here we do put
upon the head of thee, the aforesaid William, the cap of a lay,
secular person; beseeching the court aforesaid, that they will receive
favourably the said William unto them thus re-committed."

  Thus William Sautre, the servant of Christ, being utterly thrust
out of the pope's kingdom, and metamorphosed from a clerk to a secular
layman, was committed, as ye have heard, unto the secular power: which
so done, the bishops, yet not herewith contented, cease not to call
upon the king, to cause him to be brought forth to speedy execution.
Whereupon the king, ready enough and too much to gratify the clergy,
and to retain their favours, directeth out a terrible decree against
the said William Sautre, and sent it to the mayor and sheriffs of
London to be put in execution; the tenor whereof hereunder ensueth.

  "The decree of our sovereign lord the king and his council in the
parliament, against a certain newly sprung up heretic, to the mayor
and sheriffs of London, &c. Whereas the reverend father Thomas,
archbishop of Canterbury, primate of all England, and legate of the
apostolic see, by the assent, consent, and council of other bishops,
and his brethren suffragans, and also of all the whole clergy within
his province or diocese, gathered together in his provincial council,
the due order of the law being observed in all points in this behalf,
hath pronounced and declared, by his definitive sentence, William
Sautre, sometime chaplain, fallen again into his most damnable heresy,
the which before-time the said William had abjured, thereupon to be a
most manifest heretic, and therefore hath decreed that he should be
degraded, and hath for the same cause really degraded him from all
prerogative and privilege of the clergy, decreeing to leave him unto
the secular power; and hath really so left him, according to the laws
and canonical sanctions set forth in this behalf, and also that our
holy mother the church hath no further to do in the premises; we
therefore, being zealous in religion, and reverent lovers of the
catholic faith, willing and minding to maintain and defend the holy
church, and the laws and liberties of the same, to root all such
errors and heresies out of our kingdom of Enggland, and with condign
punishment to correct and punish all heretics or such as be convict;
provided always that both according to the law of God and man, and the
canonical institutions in this behalf accustomed, such heretics
convict and condemned in form aforesaid, ought to be burned with fire:
we command you, as straitly as we may, or can, firmly enjoining you
that you do cause the said William, being in your custody, in some
public or open place within the liberties of your city aforesaid, the
cause aforesaid being published unto the people, to be put into the
fire, and there in the same fire really. to be burned, to the great
horror of his offence, and the manifest example of other Christians.
Fail not in the execution hereof, upon the peril that will fall
thereupon."
Illustration: The burning of William Sautre

  Thus it may appear how kings and princes have been blinded and
abused by the false prelates of the church, insomuch that they have
been their slaves and butchers, to slay Christ's poor innocent
members. See, therefore, what danger it is for princes not to have
knowledge and understanding themselves, but to be led by other men's
eyes, and specially trusting to such guides, who, through hypocrisy,
both deceive them, and, through cruelty, devour the people.

  As King Henry the Fourth, who was the deposer of King Richard,
was the first of all English kings that began the unmerciful burning
of Christ's saints for standing against the pope; so was this William
Sautre, the true and faithful martyr of Christ; the first of all them
in Wickliffs time, which I find to be burned in the reign of the
aforesaid king, which was in the year of our Lord 1400.



88. OPPOSITION TO HENRY IV

  After the martyrdom of this godly man, the rest of the same
company began to keep themselves more closely for fear of the king,
who was altogether bent to hold with the pope's prelacy. Such was the
reign of this prince, that to the godly he was ever terrible, in his
actions immeasurable, of few men heartily beloved; but princes never
lack flatterers about them. Neither was the time of his reign very
quiet, but full of trouble, of blood, and misery. Such was their
desire of King Richard again, in the reign of this king, that many
years after he was rumoured to be alive, of them which desired belike
that to be true which they knew to be false, for the which divers were
executed. For the space of six or seven years together almost no year
passed without some conspiracy against the king. Long it were here to
recite the blood of all such nobles and others, which was spilled in
the reign of this king, as the earl of Kent, earl of Salisbury, earl
of Huntingdon, named John Holland, &c., as writeth the story of St.
Alban's. But the English writers differ something in their names, and
make mention of four earls, of Surrey, of Exeter, of Salisbury, and
Lord Spencer, earl of Gloucester.

  And the next year following Sir John Clarendon, knight, with two
of his servants, the prior of Laund, with eight friars, were hanged
and quartered. And after these Henry Percy the younger; the earl of
Worcester, named Thomas Percy, his uncle; the Lord of Kinderton, and
Lord Richard de Vernova. The earl of Northumberland scarce escaped
with his pardon, A. D. 1403: in the which year the prison in Cornhill,
called the Tun, was turned into the Conduit there now standing.

  To let pass others more hanged and quartered the same time, as
Blunt, knight, and Benet Kely, knight, and Thomas Wintersel, esquire;
also the same year was taken and executed Sir Bernard Brookes, knight,
Sir John Shilley, knight, Sir John Mandelin, and William Frierby.
After all these, Lord Henry, earl of Northumberland, and Lord Bardolf,
conspiring the king's death, were taken in the north, and beheaded,
which was in the eighth year of this King Henry.

  This civil rebellion of so many nobles, and others, against the
king, declared what grudging hearts the people then bare toward this
King Henry; among whom I cannot pretermit here also the archbishop of
York, named Richard Scrope, who, with the Lord Mowbray, marshal of
England, gathered a great company in the north country against
theaforesaid king, to whom also was adjoined the help of Lord Bardolf,
and Henry Percy, earl of Northumberland: and to stir up the people
more willingly to take their parts, they collected certain articles
against the said king, to the number of ten, and fastened them upon
the doors of churches and monasteries, to be read of all men in
English; which articles if any be disposed to understand, forasmuch as
the same also contain a great part of the doings between King Henry
and King Richard aforesaid, I thought, for the better opening of the
matter, hereunder to insert the same, in such form as I found them in
the story of Scala Mundi expressed.

Articles set upon church-doors against King Henry the Fourth.

  "In the name of God, Amen. Before the Lord Jesus Christ, judge of
the quick and dead, &c. We A. B. C. D., &c., not long since became
bound by oath, upon the sacred evangelical book, unto our sovereign
Lord Richard, late king of England and France, in the presence of many
prelates, potentates, and nobility of the realm, that we, so long as
we lived, should bear true allegiance and fidelity toward him and his
heirs succeeding him in the kingdom, by just title, right, and line,
according to the statutes and custom of this realm of England; by
virtue whereof we are bound to foresee that no vices, or heinous
offences, arising in the commonwealth, do take effect or wished end,
and we ought to give ourselves and our goods to withstand the same,
without fear of the sword or death whatsoever, upon pain of perjury,
which pain is everlasting damnation. Wherefore we, seeing and
perceiving divers horrible crimes, and great enormities daily, without
ceasing, to be committed by the children of the devil, and Satan's
soldiers, against the supremacy of the Church of Rome, the liberty of
the Church of England, and the laws of the realm; against the person
of King Richard and his heirs; against the prelates, noblemen,
religion, and commonalty; and finally, against the whole weal public
of the realm of England, to the great offence of the majesty of
Almighty God, and to the provocation of his just wrath and vengeance
towards the realm and people of the same: and fearing also the
destruction both of the Church of Rome and England, and the ruin of
our country to be at hand, having before our eyes the justice and the
kingdom of God, calling always on the name of Jesus, having an assured
confidence in his clemency, mercy, and power, have here taken unto us
certain articles, subscribed in form following, to be propounded,
tried, and heard before the just Judge, Jesus Christ, and the whole
world, to his honour, the delivery of the church, the clergy, and
commonalty, and to the utility and profit of the weal public. But if
(which God forbid) by force, fear, or violence of wicked persons, we
shall be cast in prison, or by violent death prevented, so as in this
world we shall not be able to prove the said articles as we would
wish, then do we appeal to the high celestial Judge, that he may judge
and discern the same, in the day of his supreme judgment.

  "First, We depose, say, except, and intend, to prove, against the
Lord Henry Derby, son of the Lord John of Gaunt, late duke of
Lancaster, and commonly called king of England, (himself pretending
the same, although without all right and title thereunto,) and against
his adherents, abettors, and complices, that ever they have been, are,
and will be traitors, invaders, and destroyers of God's church in
Rome, England, Wales, and Ireland, and of our sovereign Lord Richard,
late king of England, his heirs, his kingdom, and commonwealth, as
shall hereafter manifestly appear.

  "Secondly, We depose, &c., against the said Lord Henry, for that
he had conceived, devised, and conspired, certain heinous crimes and
traitorous offences against his said sovereign Lord Richard, his state
and dignity, as manifestly did appear in the contention between the
said Lord Henry, and the Lord Thomas, duke of Norfolk, begun at
Coventry, but not finished thoroughly. Afterwards he was sent into
exile by sentence of the said King Richard, by the agreement of his
father, the Lord John, duke of Lancaster, by the voice of divers of
the lords temporal, and nobility of the realm, and also by his own
consent, there to remain for a certain time appointed unto him by the
said lords; and withal he was bound, by oath, not to return into
England before he had obtained favour and grace of the king. Not long
after, when the king was departed into Ireland, for reformation of
that country appertaining to the crown of England, but as then
rebelling against the same, the said Lord Henry in the mean time,
contrary to his oath and fidelity, and long before the time limited
unto him was expired, with all his abettors and invaders, secretly
entered into the realm, swearing and protesting before the face of the
people, that his coming into the realm in the absence of the king was
for none other cause, but that he might, in humble sort, with the love
and favour of the king, and all the lords spiritual and temporal, have
and enjoy his lawful inheritance descending unto him of right after
the death of his father: which thing as it pleased all men, so cried
they, Blessed is he that cometh in the name of the Lord. But how this
blessing afterward turned into cursing, shall appear in that which
followeth: and also yeshall understand his horrible and wicked
conspiracy against his sovereign lord King Richard, and divers other
lords as well spiritual as temporal; besides that his manifest perjury
shall well be known, and that he remaineth not only forsworn and
perjured, but also excommunicate, for that he conspired against his
sovereign lord our king: wherefore we pronounce him, by these
presents, as well perjured, as excommunicate.

  "Thirdly, We depose, &c., against the Lord Henry, that he the
said Lord Henry, immediately after his entry into England, by crafty
and subtle policy caused to be proclaimed openly throughout the realm,
that no tenths of the clergy, fifteenths of the people, sealing up of
cloth, diminution of wool, impost of wine, or other extortions or
exactions whatsoever, should hereafter be required or exacted; hoping
by this means to purchase unto him the voice and favour of the
prelates spiritual, the lords temporal, the merchants, and commonalty
of the whole realm. After this he took by force the king's castles and
fortresses, spoiled and devoured his goods wheresoever he found them,
crying, Havoc, havoc. The king's Majesty's subjects, as well spiritual
as temporal, he spoiled and robbed; some he took captive and
imprisoned them; and some he slew and put to miserable death; whereof
many were bishops, prelates, priests, and religious men: whereby it is
manifest, that the said Lord Henry is not only perjured, in promising
and swearing that there should be hereafter no more exactions,
payments, or extortions within the realm, but also excommunicate, for
the violence and injury done to prelates and priests: wherefore, by
these presents we pronounce him, as before, as well perjured, as
excommunicate.

  "Fourthly, We depose, &c., against the said Lord Henry, that he,
hearing of the king's return from Ireland into Wales, rose up against
his sovereign lord the king with many thousands of armed men, marching
forward with all his power towards the castle of Flint, in Wales,
where he took the king and held him prisoner, and so led him captive
as a traitor unto Leicester; from whence he took his journey towards
London, misusing the king by the way, both he and his, with many
injuries and opprobrious contumelies and scoffs: and in the end
committed him to the Tower of London, and held a parliament, the king
being absent and in prison; wherein, for fear of death he compelled
the king to yield and resign unto him all his right and title of the
kingdom and crown of England. After which resignation being made, the
said Lord Henry, standing up in the parliament house, stoutly and
proudly before them all, said and affirmed, that the kingdom of
England and crown of the same, with all thereunto belonging, did
pertain unto him at that present, as of very right, and to none other;
for that the said King Richard, by his own deed, was deprived for ever
of all the right, title, and interest that ever he had, hath, or may
have in the same. And thus at length, by right and wrong, he exalted
himself unto the throne of the kingdom; since which time our
commonwealth never flourished nor prospered, but altogether hath been
void of virtue, for that the spiritualty was so oppressed, exercise
and warlike practices have not been maintained, charity is waxed cold,
and covetousness and misery have taken place, and finally mercy is
taken away, and vengeance supplieth the room: whereby it doth appear,
as before is said, that the said Lord Henry is not only perjured and
false by usurping the kingdom and dominion belonging to another, but
also excommunicate for the apprehending, unjust imprisoning, and
depriving his sovereign lord the king of his royal crown and dignity:
wherefore, as in the articles before, we pronounce the said Lord Henry
to be excommunicate.

  "Fifthly, We depose, &c., against the said Lord Henry, that he
the same Lord Henry, with the rest of his favourers and complices,
heaping mischief upon mischief, have committed and brought to pass a
most wicked and mischievous fact, yea, such as hath not been heard of
at any time before: for, after that they had taken and imprisoned the
king, and deposed him by open injury against all human nature, yet,
not content with this, they brought him to Pomfret Castle, and there
imprisoned him, where fifteen days and nights they vexed him with
continual hunger, thirst, and cold, and finally bereft him of life,
with such a kind of death as never before that time was known in
England, but by God's. providence it is come to light. Who ever heard
of such a deed, or who ever saw the like of it? Wherefore, O England!
arise, stand up, avenge the cause, the death and injury of thy king
and prince: which if thou do not, take this for certain, that the
righteous God will destroy thee by strange invasions and foreign
power, and avenge himself on thee for this so horrible an act: whereby
doth appear not only his perjury, but also his excommunication most
execrable, so that, as before, we pronounce the said Henry not only
perjured, but also excommunicate.

  "Sixthly, We depose, &c., against the said Lord Henry, that after
he had attained to the crown and sceptre of the kingdom, he caused
forthwith to be apprehended divers lords spiritual, bishops, abbots,
priors, and religious men of all orders, whom he arrested, imprisoned,
and bound, and against all order brought them before the secular
judges to be examined; not sparing the bishops,whose bodies were
anointed with sacred oil, nor priests, nor religious men, but
commanded them to be condemned, hanged, and beheaded, by the temporal
law and judgment, notwithstanding the privilege of the church and holy
orders, which he ought to have reverenced and worshipped, if he had
been a true and lawful king; for the first and chiefest oath in the
coronation of a lawful king is, to defend and keep inviolate the
liberties and rights of the church, and not to deliver any priest or
religious man into the hands of the secular power, except for heresy
only, and that after his degradation, according to the order of the
church. Contrary unto all this hath he done; so that it is manifest by
this article, as before in the rest, that he is both perjured, and
excommunicate.

  "Seventhly, We depose, &c., against the said Lord Henry, that not
only he caused to be put to death the lords spiritual and other
religious men, but also divers of the lords temporal and nobility of
the realm, and chiefly those that studied for the preservation of the
commonwealth, not ceasing as yet to continue his mischievous
enterprise, if by God's providence it be not prevented, and that with
speed. Amongst all other of the nobility, these first he put to death;
the earl of Salisbury, the earl of Huntingdon, the earl of Gloucester,
the Lord Roger Clarendon, the king's brother, with divers other
knights and esquires; and afterwards, the Lord Thomas Percy, earl of
Worcester, and the Lord Henry Percy, son and heir to the earl of
Northumberland; the which Lord Henry he not only slew, but to the
uttermost of his power again and again he caused him to be slain. For
after that he was once put to death, and delivered to the lord of
Furnile to be buried, who committed his body to holy sepulture, with
as much honour as might be, commending his soul to Almighty God with
the suffrages of the blessed mass and other prayers, the said Lord
Henry, most like a cruel beast still thirsting for his blood, caused
his body to be exhumed and brought forth again, and to be reposed
between two millstones in the town of Shrewsbury, there to be kept
with armed men; and afterwards to be beheaded and quartered,
commanding his head and quarters to be carried into divers cities of
the kingdom: wherefore, for so detestable a fact, never heard of in
any age before, we pronounce him, as in the former articles,
excommunicate.

  "Eighthly, We depose, &c., against the said Lord Henry, for that
after his attaining to the crown, he willingly ratified, allowed, and
approved a most wicked statute set forth and renewed in the parliament
holden at Winchester; the which statute is directly against the Church
of Rome, and the power and principality thereof given by our Lord
Jesus Christ unto blessed St. Peter and his successors, bishops of
Rome; unto whom belongeth, by full authority, the free disposing of
all spiritual promotions, as well superior as inferior; which wicked
statute is the cause of many mischiefs; viz. of simony, perjury,
adultery, incest, misorder, and disobedience; for that many bishops, 
abbots, priors, and prelates (we will not say by virtue, but rather by
error of this statute) have bestowed the benefices vacant upon young
men, rude and unworthy persons, which have compacted with them for the
same, so that scarce one prelate is found that hath not covenanted
with the party promoted, for the half-yearly, or, at the least, the
third part of the said benefice so bestowed. And by this means the
said statute is the destruction of the right of St. Peter, the Church
of Rome and England, the clergy and universities, the whole
commonwealth and maintenance of wars, &c.

  "Ninthly, We say and depose, &c., against the said Lord Henry,
that after he had tyrannously taken upon him the government of the
realm, England never flourished since, nor prospered, by reason of his
continual exactions of money, and oppressions yearly of the clergy and
commonalty; neither is it known how this money so extorted is
bestowed, since neither his soldiers nor his gentlemen are paid as yet
their wages and fees for their charges and wonderful toil and labour,
neither yet the poor country people are satisfied for the victual
taken of them; and, nevertheless, the miserable clergy, and more
miserable commonalty, are forced still to pay by menaces and sharp
threatenings: notwithstanding he swore, when he first usurped the
crown, that hereafter there should be no such exactions nor vexations,
neither of the clergy nor laity: wherefore, as before, we pronounce
him perjured, &c.

  In the tenth and last article we depose, say, and openly protest
by these presents, for ourselves, and all our assistants in the cause
of the Church of Rome and England, and in the cause of King Richard,
his heirs, and the clergy and commonalty of the whole realm, that
neither our intention is, was, nor shall be, in word or deed to offend
any state, either of the prelates spiritual, lords temporal, or
commons of the realm; but rather, foreseeing the perdition and
destruction of this realm to approach, we have here brought before you
certain articles concerning the destruction of the same, to be
circumspectly considered of the whole assembly, as well of the lords
spiritual as temporal, and the faithful commons of England: beseeching
you all in the bowels of Jesus Christ, the righteous Judge, and for
the merits of our blessed Lady, the mother of God, and of St. George
our defender, under whose displayed banner we wish to live and die,
and under pain of damnation, that ye will be favourable to us, and to
our causes which are three in number: whereof the first is, that we
exalt unto the kingdom the true and lawful heir, and him to crown in
kingly throne with the diadem of England. And secondly, that we revoke
the Welchmen, the Irishmen, and all other our enemies unto perpetual
peace and unity. Thirdly, and finally, that we deliver and make free
our native country from all exactions, extortions, and unjust
payments; beseeching our Lord Jesus Christ to grant his blessing, the
remission of their sins, and life everlasting to all that assist us to
their power in this godly and meritorious work: and unto all those
that are against us we threaten the curse of Almighty God, by the
authority committed unto us by Christ and his holy church, and by
these presents we pronounce them excommunicate."

  These articles being seen and read, much concourse of people
daily resorted more and more to the archbishop. The earl of
Westmoreland (being then not far off, with John, the king's son)
hearing of this, mustered his soldiers with all the power he was able
to make, and bent toward the archbishop; but seeing his part too weak
to encounter with him, he useth practice of policy, where strength
would not serve. And first, coming to him under colour of friendship
dissembled, he laboureth to seek out the causes of that great stir: to
whom the archbishop again answering no hurt to be intended thereby,
but profit rather to the king and commonwealth, and maintenance of the
public peace; but forasmuch as he stood in great fear and danger of
the king, he was therefore compelled so to do. And withal he showed
unto him the contents of the articles aforesaid; which when the earl
had read, setting a fair face upon it, he seemed highly to commend the
purpose and doings of the bishop, promising, moreover, that he would
help also forward in that quarrel to the uttermost of his power, and
he required upon the same a day to be set, when they, with equal
number of men, might meet together, in some place appointed, to have
further talk of the matter. The archbishop, easily persuaded, was
content, although much against the counsel of the earl marshal, and
came; where the articles being openly published and read, the earl of
Westmoreland with his company pretended well to like the same, and to
join their assents together. Which done, he exhorted the archbishop,
that, forasmuch as his garrison had been now long in armour and from
home, he would therefore discharge the needless multitude of his
soldiers, and dismiss them home to their work and business, and they
would together drink and join hands in the sight of the whole company.
Thus they, shaking hands together, the archbishop sendeth away his
soldiers in peace, not knowing himself to be circumvented, before he
was immediately arrested by the hands of the aforesaid earl of
Westmoreland: and, shortly after, the king coming with his power to
York, he was there beheaded the Monday in Whitsun-week, and with him
also Lord Thomas Mowbray, marshal, with divers others, moreover, of
the city of York, which had taken their parts; after whose slaughter
the king proceedeth further to persecute the earl of Northumberland,
and Lord Thomas Bardolph, who then did fly to Berwick. From thence
they removed to Wales. At length, within two years after, fighting
against the king's part, they were slain in the field, A. D. 1408: in
the which year divers others also in the north parts, for favouring
the aforesaid lords, were likewise condemned by the king, and put to
death; among whom the abbot of Hales, for the like treason, was
hanged.

  The king, after the shedding of so much blood, seeing himself so
hardly beloved of his subjects, thought to keep in yet with the
clergy, and with the bishop of Rome, seeking always his chiefest stay
at their hands; and therefore he was compelled in all things to serve
their humour, as did appear as well in condemning William Sautre
before, as also in others, which consequently we have now to treat of;
in the number of whom cometh now, by the course of time, to write of
one John Badby, a tailor and a layman, who, by the cruelty of Thomas
Arundel, archbishop, and other prelates, was brought to his
condemnation in this king's reign, A. D. 1409, according as by their
own registers appeareth, and followeth by this narration to be seen.



89. JOHN BADBY

  In the year of our Lord 1409, on Sunday, being the first day of
March, in the afternoon, the examination following of one John Badby,
tailor, being a layman, was made in a certain house or hall within the
precinct of the Preaching Friars of London, in an outer cloister, on
the crime of heresy, and other articles repugnant to the determination
of the erroneous Church of Rome, before Thomas Arundel, archbishop of
Canterbury, and other his assistants, as the archbishop of York,
bishops of London, of Winchester, of Oxford, of Norwich, of Salisbury,
of Bath, of Bangor; and also Edmund, duke of York, Thomas Beaufort,
the chancellor of England, Lord de Roos, the clerk of the rolls, and a
great number of other lords, both spiritual and temporal, being then
at the self-same time present: Master Morgan read the articles of his
opinions to the hearers, according as it is contained in the
instrument read by the aforesaid Master Morgan, the tenor whereof
followeth, and in effect is such:

  "In the name of God, Amen. Be it manifest to all men by this
present public instrument, that in the year of the incarnation of our
Lord, according to the course and computation of the Church of
England, otherwise in the year 1409, in the second indiction, in the
third year of the popedom of the most holy father in Christ and lord,
Lord Gregory the Eleventh, by the divine permission pope, the second
day of January, in the chapel Carvariæ , of St. Thomas, martyr, nigh
unto the cathedral church of Worcester, being situate in the said
diocese, in the presence of me, the public notary, and of the
witnesses underwritten, the aforesaid John Badby, a layman, of the
said diocese of Worcester, appearing personally before the reverend
father in Christ and lord, Lord Thomas, by the grace of God bishop of
Worcester, sitting in the said chapel for chief judge, was detected of
and upon the crime of heresy being heretically taught and openly
maintained by the aforesaid John Badby: that is, that the sacrament of
the body of Christ, consecrated by the priest upon the altar, is not
the true body of Christ by the virtue of the words of the sacrament;
but that after the sacramental words spoken by the priests to make the
body of Christ, the material bread doth remain upon the altar as in
the beginning, neither is it turned into the very body of Christ,
after the sacramental words spoken of the priests.

  "Which John Badby being examined, and diligently demanded by the
aforesaid reverend father concerning the premises, in the end did
answer, That it was impossible that any priest should make the body of
Christ, and that he believed firmly that no priest could make the body
of Christ by such words sacramentally spoken in such sort. And also he
said expressly, That he would never, while he lived, believe that any
priest could make the body of Christ sacramentally, unless that first
he saw manifestly the like body of Christ to be handled in the hands
of the priest upon the altar, in his corporal form. And furthermore he
said, That John Rakier, of Bristol, had as much power and authority to
make the like body of Christ, as any priest had. Moreover he said,
that when Christ sat at supper with his disciples, he had not his body
in his hand, to the intent to distribute it to his disciples; and he
said expressly, that he did not this thing. And also he spake many
other words, teaching and fortifying the heresy in the same place,
both grievous, and also out of order, and horrible to the ears of the
hearers, sounding against the catholic faith.

  "Upon which occasion the same reverend father admonished and
requested the said John Badby oftentimes, and very instantly to
charity; forasmuch as he would willingly that he should have forsaken
such heresy and opinion holden, taught, and maintained by him in such
sort against the the sacrament; to renounce, and utterly abjure them,
and to believe other things which the holy mother the church doth
believe: and he informed the said John on that behalf both gently, and
yet laudably. Yet the said John Badby, although he were admonished and
requested both often and instantly by the said reverend father, said
and answered expressly, That he would never believe otherwise than
before he had said, taught, and answered. Whereupon, the aforesaid
reverend father, bishop of Worcester, seeing, understanding, and
perceiving the aforesaid John Badby to maintain and fortify the same
heresy, being stubborn, and proceeding in the same stubbornness,
pronounced the said John to be before this time convicted of such a
heresy, and that he hath been and is a heretic, and in the end
declared it in these words:

  "In the name of God, Amen. We, Thomas, bishop of Worcester, do
accuse thee, John Badby, being a layman of our diocese, of and upon
the crime of heresy, before us sitting for chief judge, being
oftentimes confessed and convicted of and upon that that thou hast
taught, and openly affirmed, as hitherto thou dost teach, boldly
affirm, and defend: that the sacrament of the body of Christ,
consecrated upon the altar by the priest, is not the true body of
Christ; but after the sacramental words, to make the body of Christ,
by virtue of the said sacramental words pronounced, to have been in
the crime of heresy; and we do pronounce thee both to have been, and
to be, a heretic, and do declare it, finally, by these writings.'

  "These things were done accordingly, as is above written, and are
recited in the year, indiction, popedom, month, day, and place
aforesaid; being present the same time John Malune, prior of the
cathedral church of Worcester; John Dudle, monk; and Haul, the sub-
prior of the said church; Thomas Penings, of the order of the
Carmelites; Thomas Fekenham, of the order of the Preaching Friars;
William Pomfret, of the order of the Minorites, being professors and
masters in divinity; William Hailes, Gualter of London, John
Swippedew, being public notaries; and William Beauchamp and Thomas
Gerbis, being knights; Richard Wish, of Tredington; Thomas Wilby, of
Hembury; John Weston, of Yewley, being parsons of churches; and Thomas
Baleinges, the master of St. Wolston, in Worcester; and also Henry
Haggely, John Penerel, Thomas Trogmorton, and William Wasleborne,
esquires, of the dioceses of Worcester and Norwich, and many other
worshipful and honest men being witnesses, and called specially to the
things aforesaid.

  "And I, John Chew, clerk of the diocese of Bath and Wells, and,
by the authority apostolical, public notary of the said bishop, have,
in testimony of the premises, put my hand and seal to the examination,
interrogation, monition, and answer of the same John Badby, and to his
obstinacy, and also to the proceedings of all and singular other
doings as is aforesaid, which against him, before the said bishop,
were handled and done, in the year, indiction, popedom, month, day,
and place aforesaid, which, with the forenamed witnesses, was
personally present; and the same, even as I heard them and saw them to 
be done, (being occupied with other matters,) I caused to be written
and published, and into this public form have compiled the same. I,
the aforesaid notary, am also privy unto the words and examinations
interlined between seven or eight lines of the beginning of this
instrument; which lines I, also, the aforesaid notary, do approve and
make good.

  "And I, Walter London, clerk of the diocese of Worcester, and, by
the authority apostolical, public notary, to all and singular the
aforesaid things as before by the aforesaid notary recited, and in the
year, indiction, popedom, month, day, and place aforesaid handled and
done, being with other the fore-recited witnesses personally present,
and to all and every of the same, (as I saw and heard them to be done,
being thereunto faithfully desired and required,) in testimony of the
premises, have signed and subscribed according to the accustomed
manner.

  "And when the articles, in the aforesaid instrument contained,
were, by the archbishop of Canterbury, publicly and vulgarly read and
approved, he publicly confessed and affirmed, that he had both said
and maintained the same. And then the archbishop, to convince the
constant purpose of the said John Badby, commanded the same articles
again to be read, often instructing him both by words and examples,
informing and exhorting him that thereby he might be brought the
sooner to the religion that he was of. And, furthermore, the said
archbishop said and affirmed there openly to the same John, that he
would, if he would live according to the doctrine of Christ, gage his
soul for him at the judgment day. And after that again he caused those
articles, in the said instrument expressed, to be read by the
aforesaid Philip Morgan, and the said archbishop himself expounded the
same in English as before; whereunto John Badby answered: as touching
the first article, concerning the body of Christ, he expressly said,
That after the consecration at the altar, there remaineth material
bread, and the same bread which was before; notwithstanding, said he,
it is a sign or sacrament of the living God.

  "Also, when the second article was expounded unto him, That it is
impossible for any priest, &c., to this article he answered and said,
That it could not sink into his mind that the words are to be taken as
they literally lie, unless he should deny the incarnation of Christ.

  "Also, being examined of the third article, concerning Jack
Rakier, he said, that if Jack Rakier were a man of good living, and
did love and fear God, he hath as much power so to do, as hath the
priest; and said further, that he hath heard it spoken of some doctors
of divinity, that if he should receive any such consecrated bread, he
were worthy to be damned, and were damned in so doing.

  "Furthermore he said, That he would believe the omnipotent God in
Trinity; and said moreover, that if every host being consecrated at
the altar were the Lord's body, that then there be twenty thousand
gods in England. But he believed (he said) in one God omnipotent;
which thing the aforesaid archbishop of Canterbury denied not.

  "And when the other conclusion was expounded, That Christ sitting
with his disciples at supper, &c., to this he answered and said, That
he would greatly marvel, that if any man had a loaf of bread, and
should break the same, and give to every man a mouthful, that the same
loaf should afterwards be whole.

  "When all these things were thus finished, and all the said
conclusions were often read in the vulgar tongue, the aforesaid
archbishop demanded of him, whether he would renounce and forsake his
opinions and such-like conclusions or not, and adhere to the doctrine
of Christ and catholic faith? He answered, That, according to that he
had said before, he would adhere and stand to those words, which
before he had made answer unto. Then the archbishop oftentimes
required the said John, in the bowels of Jesus Christ, that he would
forsake those opinions and conclusions, and that henceforth he would
cleave to the Christian faith; which thing to do, in the audience of
all the lords and others that were present, he expressly denied and
refused.

  "After all this, when the aforesaid archbishop of Canterbury and
the bishop of London had consulted together, to what safe keeping the
said John Badby, until the Wednesday next, might be committed, it was
concluded, that he should be put into a certain chamber or safe house
within the mansion of the Friars Preachers, and so he was; and then
the archbishop of Canterbury said, that he himself would keep the key
thereof in the mean time. Andwhen the aforesaid Wednesday was expired,
being the fifteenth day of March, and that the aforesaid archbishop of
Canterbury, with his fellow brethren and suffragans, were assembled in
the church of St. Paul in London, the archbishop of Canterbury, taking
the episcopal seat, called unto him the archbishop of York, Richard 
London, Henry Winchester, Robert Chichester, Alexander Norwich, and
the noble Prince Edmund the duke of York, Ralph, earl of Westmoreland,
Thomas Beaufort, knight, lord chancellor of England; and the Lord
Beamond, with other noblemen, as well spiritual as temporal, that
stood, and sat by, whom to name it would be long; before whom the said
John Badby was called personally to answer unto the articles premised
in the aforesaid instrument: who when he came personally before them,
the articles were read by the official of the court of Canterbury, and
by the archbishop, in the vulgar tongue, expounded publicly and
expressly; and the same articles, as he had before spoken and deposed,
he still held and defended, and said, that whilst he lived he would
never retract the same. And, furthermore, he said, specially to be
noted, that the lord duke of York, personally there present, as is
aforesaid, and every man else for the time being, is of. more
estimation and reputation, than the sacrament of the altar, by the
priest in due form consecrated."

  And whilst they were thus in his examination, the archbishop
considering and weighing that he would in no wise be altered, and
seeing, moreover, his countenance stout, and heart confirmed, so that
he began to persuade others, as it appeared, in the same: these things
considered, the arch-prelate, when he saw that by his allurements it
was not in his power, either by exhortations, reasons, or arguments,
to bring the said John Badby from his constant truth to his catholic
faith, (executing and doing the office of his great Master,) proceeded
to confirm and ratify the former sentence given before by the bishop
of Worcester against the said John Badby, pronouncing him for an open
and public heretic. And thus, shifting their hands of him, they
delivered him to the secular powers, and desired the said temporal
lords then and there present, very instantly, that they would not put
the same John Badby to death for that his offence, nor deliver him to
be punished or put to death, in the presence of all the lords above
recited.

  These things thus done and concluded by the bishops in the
forenoon, in the afternoon the king's writ was not far behind, by the
force whereof John Badby, still persevering in his constancy unto the
death, was brought into Smithfield, and there, being put in an empty
barrel, was bound with iron chains fastened to a stake, having dry
wood put about him. And as he was thus standing in the pipe or tun,
(for as yet Perillus's brazen bull was not in use among the bishops,)
it happened that the prince, the king's eldest son, was there present,
who, showing some part of the good Samaritan, began to endeavour how
to save the life of him, whom the hypocritical Levites and Pharisees
sought to put to death.

  In this mean season, the prior of St. Bartholomew's in Smithfield
brought, with all solemnity, the sacrament of God's body, with twelve
torches borne be.fore, and so showed the sacrament to the poor man
being at the stake. And then they demanding of him how he believed in
it, he answered, That he knew well it was hallowed bread, and not
God's body. And then was the tun put over him, and fire put unto him.
And when he felt the fire, he cried, Mercy! calling belike upon the
Lord; and so the prince immediately commanded to take away the tun,
and quench the fire. The prince, his commandment being done, asked him
if he wouldforsake heresy, to take him to the faith of holy church?
which thing if he would do, he should have goods enough; promising
also unto him a yearly stipend out of the king's treasury, so much as
should suffice his contentation.

  But this valiant champion of Christ refused the offer of worldly
promises, being no doubt more vehemently inflamed with the Spirit of
God than with any earthly desire. Wherefore, when as yet he continued
unmovable in his former mind, the prince commanded him straight to be
put again into the pipe or tun, and that he should not afterward look
for any grace or favour. But as he could be allured by no rewards,
even so was he nothing at all abashed at their torments, but, as a
valiant champion of Christ, he persevered invincible to the end, not
without a great and most cruel battle, but with much greater triumph;
the Spirit of Christ having always the upper hand in his members,
maugre the fury, rage, and power of the whole world. For the
manifestation of which torment, we have here set forth the picture of
his burning, in such manner as it was done.
Illustration: The description of the horrible burning of John Badby,
and how he was used at his death



90. LAWS MADE AGAISNT HERETICS

  This godly martyr, John Badby, having thus consummated his
testimony and martyrdom in fire, the persecuting bishops yet not
herewith contented, and thinking themselves as yet either not strong
enough, or else not sharp enough, against the poor innocent flock of
Christ, to make all things sure and substantial on their side, in such
sort as this doctrine of the gospel now springing should be suppressed
for ever, laid their conspiring heads together; and having now a king
for their own purpose, ready to serve their turn in all points,
(during the time of the same parliament above-recited yet continuing,)
the aforesaid bishops and clergy of the realm exhibited a bill unto
the king's Majesty, subtlely declaring what quietness had been
maintained within this realm by his most noble progenitors, who always
defended the ancient rites and customs of the church, and enriched the
same with large gifts, to the honour of God and the realm; and,
contrariwise, what trouble and disquietness was now risen by divers,
as they termed them, wicked and perverse men, teaching and preaching
openly and privily a certain new, wicked, and heretical kind of
doctrine, contrary to the catholic faith and determination of holy
church. Whereupon the king, always oppressed with blind ignorance, by
the crafty means and subtle pretences of the clergy, granted in the
said parliament, by consent of the nobility assembled, a statute to be
observed, called Ex Officio, as followeth:

The statute Ex Officio.

  "That is to say, that no man within this realm, or other the
king's Majesty's dominions, presume to take upon him to preach privily
or apertly, without special licence first obtained of the ordinary of
the same place (curates in their own parish churches, and persons
heretofore privileged, and others admitted by the canon law, only
excepted): nor that any hereafter do preach, maintain, teach, inform
openly or in secret, or make or write any book, contrary to the
catholic faith and determination of the holy church: nor that any
hereafter make any conventicles or assemblies, or keep and exercise
any manner of schools touching this sect, wicked doctrine, and
opinion. And further, that no man hereafter shall by any means favour
any such preacher, any such maker of unlawful assemblies, or any such
bookmaker or writer; and, finally, any such teacher, informer, or
stirrer up of the people: and that all and singular persons having any
of the said books, writings, schedules, containing the said wicked
doctrines and opinions, shall, within forty days after this present
proclamation and statute, really and effectually deliver, or cause to
be delivered, all and singular the said books and writings unto the
ordinary of the same place. And if it shall happen that any person or
persons, of what kind, state, or condition soever he or they be, do or
attempt any manner of thing contrary to this present proclamation and
statute, or do not deliver the same books in form aforesaid: that then
the ordinary of the same place, in his own diocese, by authority of
the said proclamation and statute, shall cause to be arrested and
detained under safe custody the said person or persons in this case
defamed and evidently suspected, or any of them, until he or they so
offending have, by order of law, purged him or themselves as touching
the articles laid to his or their charge in this behalf; or until he
or they have denied and recanted (according to the laws
ecclesiastical) the said wicked sect, preachings, teachings, and
heretical and erroneous opinions. And that the said ordinary, by
himself or his commissaries, proceed openly and judicially to all the
effect of law, against the said persons so arrested and remaining
under safe custody, and that he end and determine the matter within
three months after the said arrest, all delays and excuses set apart,
according to the order and custom of the canon law. And if any person,
in any cause above mentioned, shall be lawfully convicted before the
ordinary of the diocese or his commissaries, that then the said
ordinary may lawfully cause the said person so convicted (according to
the manner and quality of his fact) to be laid in any of his own
prisons, and there to be kept so long as his discretion shall be
thought expedient.

  "And further, the said ordinary (except in cases by the which,
according to the canon law, the party offending ought to be delivered
unto the secular power) shall charge the said person with such a fine
of money to be paid unto the king's Majesty, as he shall think
competent for the manner and quality of his offence. And the said
diocesan shall be bound to give notice of the said fine, into the
king's Majesty's exchequer, by his letters patent under his seal; to
the intent that the said fine may be levied to the king's Majesty's
use of the goods of the person so convicted.

  "And further, if any person within this realm and other the
king's Majesty's dominions shall be convicted before the ordinary of
the place, or his commissaries, of the said wicked preachings,
doctrines, opinions, schools, and heretical and erroneous
informations, or any of them; and will refuse to abjure and recant the
said wicked sect, preachings, teachings, opinions, schools, and 
informations; or if, after his abjuration once made, the relapse be
pronounced against him by the diocesan of the place, or his
commissaries, (for so, by the canon law, he ought to be left to the
secular power, upon credit given to the ordinary or his commissaries,)
that then the sheriff of the same county, the mayor, sheriffs or
sheriff, or the mayor or bailiffs of the same city, village, or
borough of the same county, and nearest inhabiting to the said
ordinary, or his said commissaries, shall personally be present, as
oft as they shall be required to confer with the said ordinary or his
commissaries in giving sentence against the said persons offending, or
any of them: and, after the said sentence so pronounced, shall take
unto them the said persons so offending, and any of them, and cause
them openly to be burned in the sight of all the people; to the intent
that this kind of punishment may be a terror unto others, that the
like wicked doctrines and heretical opinions, or the authors and
favourers thereof, be no more maintained within this realm and
dominions, to the great hurt (which God forbid) of Christian religion,
and decrees of holy church. In all which and singular the premises,
concerning the statute aforesaid, let the sheriffs, mayors, and
bailiffs of the said counties, cities, villages, and boroughs, be
attendant, aiding and favouring the said ordinaries and their
commissaries."

  By this bloody statute, so severely and sharply enacted against
these simple men, here hast thou, gentle reader, a little to stay with
thyself, and to consider the nature and condition of this present
world, how it hath been set and bent ever from the beginning, by all
might, counsel, and ways possible, to strive against the ways of God,
and to overthrow that which he will have set up. And although the
world may see, by infinite stories and examples, that it is but in
vain to strive against him, yet such is the nature of this world (all
set in malignity) that it will not cease still to be like itself.

  The like law and statute in the time of Dioclesian and Maximinus
was attempted, as before appeareth; and for the more strength was
written also in tables of brass, to the intent that the name of Christ
should utterly be extinguished for ever: and yet the name of Christ
remaineth, whereas that brazen law remained not three years. The which
law, written then in brass, although it differ in manner and form from
this our statute Ex officio, yet to the same end and cruelty, to spill
the blood of saints, there is no difference between the one and the
other; neither is there any diversity touching the first original doer
and worker of them both: for the same Satan which then wrought his
uttermost against Christ, before he was bound up, the same also now,
after his loosing out, doth what he can, though not after the same
way, yet to the same intent; for then, with outward violence, as an
open enemy, he did what he could; now, by a more covert way, under the
title of the church, he impugneth the church of Christ, using a more
subtle way to deceive, under gay pretensed titles, but no less
pernicious in the end whereto he shooteth; as well appeareth by this
bloody statute Ex officio, the sequel whereof cost afterward many a
Christian man's life, as, in process of story, remaineth more
hereafter, Christ willing, to be declared.

  Furthermore, for the more fortification of this statute of the
king aforesaid, concurreth also another constitution made much about
the same time by the archbishop of Canterbury, Thomas Arundel: so that
no industry nor policy of man here did lack to set the matter forward,
but specially on the bishops' parts, who left no means unattempted,
how to subvert the right ways of the Lord.

  First, In most diligent and exquisite execution of the king's
statute set forth, the execution whereof they did so exactly apply,
that marvel it is to consider, all other laws of kings commonly, be
they never so good, to be so coldly kept, and this only, among all the
rest, so nearly followed. But herein is to be seen the diligence of
the Romish prelates, which never let any thing fall, that maketh for
the dignity of their estate.

  Secondly, Beside their vigilant care in seeing the king's statute
to be executed, no less industrious also were they in adding thereunto
more constitutions of their own, as from time to time appeareth as
well by other archbishops hereafter, and by Pope Martin, as also by
this constitution here present made by Thomas Arundel, the archbishop.

  But before we enter to the relation of these aforesaid
constitutions of the clergymen, here cometh in more to be said and
noted touching the aforesaid statute Ex officio, to prove the same not
only to be cruel and impious, but also to be of itself of no force and
validity for the burning of any person for the cause of religion; for
the disproof of which statute we have sufficient authority remaining
as yet in the Parliament Rolls to be seen in her Majesty's Court of
Records: which here were to be debated at large, but that upon special
occasion we have deferred the ample discourse thereof to the cruel
persecution of the Lord Cobham hereafter ensuing; as may appear in the
defence of the said Lord Cobham against Nicholas Harpsfield, under the
title and name of Alanus Copus. And thus referring them for the
examination of this statute to the place aforesaid, let us now return
to Thomas Arundel, and his bloody constitutions above-mentioned: the
style and tenor whereof, to the intent the rigour of the same may
appear to all men, I thought hereunder to adjoin, in words as
followeth:

  "Thomas, by the permission of God, archbishop of Canterbury,
primate of all England, and legate of the see apostolic: to all and
singular our reverend brethren, fellow bishops, and our suffragans;
and to abbots, priors, deans of cathedral churches, archdeacons,
provosts, and canons; also to all parsons, vicars, chaplains, and
clerks in parish churches, and to all laymen, whom and wheresoever
dwelling within our province of Canterbury, greeting, and grace to
stand firmly in the doctrine of the holy mother church.

  "It is a manifest and plain case, that he doth wrong and injury
to the most reverend council, whoso revolteth from the things being in
the said council once discussed and decided; and whosoever dare
presume to dispute of the supreme or principal judgment here in earth,
in so doing incurreth the pain of sacrilege, according to the
authority of civil wisdom and manifold tradition of human law. Much
more then they who, trusting to their own wits, are so bold to
violate, and with contrary doctrine to resist, and in word and deed to
contemn, the precepts of laws and canons, rightly made and proceeding
from the key-bearer and porter of eternal life and death, bearing the
room and person not of pure man, but of true God here in earth; which
also have been observed hitherto of the holy fathers, our
predecessors, unto the glorious effusion of their blood, and voluntary
sprinkling out of their brains; are worthy of greater punishment,
deserving quickly to be cut off, as rotten members, from the body of
the church militant. For such ought to consider what is in the Old
Testament written, Moses and Aaron among his priests, that is, were
chief heads amongst them; and in the New Testament, among the apostles
there was a certain difference: and though they were all apostles, yet
was it granted of the Lord to Peter, that he should bear preeminence
above the other apostles; and also the apostles themselves would the
same, that he should be the chieftain over all the rest; and being
called Cephas, that is, Head, should be a prince over the apostles,
unto whom it was said, Thou being once converted, confirm thy
brethren. As though he would say, If there happen any doubt among
them, or if any of them chance to err and stray out of the way of
faith, of just living, or right conversation, do thou confirm and
reduce him in the right way again; which thing, no doubt, the Lord
would never have said unto him, if he had not so minded, that the rest
should be obedient unto him. And yet, all this notwithstanding, we
know and daily prove that we are sorry to speak, how the old
sophister, the enemy of mankind, (foreseeing and fearing lest the
sound doctrine of the church, determined from ancient times by the
holy forefathers, should withstand his malice, if it might keep the
people of God in unity of faith under one head of the church,) doth
therefore endeavour, by all means possible, to extirpate the said
doctrine, feigning vices to be virtues. And so, under false pretences
of verity dissimuled, he soweth discord in catholic people, to the
intent that some going one way, some another, he, in the mean time,
may gather to himself a church of the malignant, differing wickedly
from the universal mother, holy church: in the which, Satan,
transforming himself into an angel of light, bearing a lying and
deceitful balance in his hand, pretendeth great righteousness, in
contrarying the ancient doctrine of the holy mother church, and
refusing the traditions of the same, determined and appointed by holy
fathers; persuading men, by feigned forgeries, the same to be nought,
and so inducing other new kinds of doctrine, leading to more goodness,
as he by his lying persuasions pretendeth, although he in very truth
neither willeth nor mindeth any goodness, but rather that he may sow
schisms, whereby divers opinions, and contrary to themselves, being
raised in the church, faith thereby may be diminished, and also the
reverend holy mysteries, through the same contention of words, may be
profaned by pagans, Jews, and other infidels, and wicked miscreants.
And so that figure in the Apoc. chap. vi. is well verified, speaking
of him that sat on the black horse, bearing a pair of balances in his
hand; by the which heretics are understood, who, at the first
appearance, like to weights or a balance, make as though they would
set forth right and just things, to allure the hearts of the hearers;
but afterward appeareth the black horse, that is to say, their
intention, full of cursed speaking. For they, under a diverse show and
colour of a just balance, with the tail of a black horse sprinkling
abroad heresies and errors, do strike; and, being poisoned themselves,
under colour of good raise up infinite slanders, and, by certain
persons fit to do mischief, do publish abroad, as it were, the sugared
taste of honey mixed with poison, thereby the sooner to be taken:
working and causing, through their sleight and subtleties, that error
should be taken for verity, wickedness for holiness and for the true
will of Christ. Yea, and moreover, the aforesaid persons thus picked
out, do preach before they be sent, and presume to sow the seed,
before the seed discreetly be separate from the chaff; who, not
pondering the constitutions and decrees of the canons, provided for
the same purpose against such pestilent sowers, do prefer sacrifice
diabolical (so to term it) before obedience to be given to the holy
church militant.

  We, therefore, considering and weighing that error which is not
resisted seemeth to be allowed, and that he openeth his bosom too
wide, which resisteth not the viper, thinking there to thrust out her
venom; and willing, moreover, to shake off the dust from our feet, and
to see to the honour of our holy mother church, whereby one uniform
holy doctrine may be sown and planted in the church of God, (namely,
in this our province of Canterbury,) so much as in us doth lie, to the
increase of faith and service of God, first rooting out the evil weeds
and offendicles which, by the means of perverse preaching and
doctrine, have sprung up hitherto, and are like more hereafter to
grow; purposing by some convenient way, with all diligence possible,
to withstand them in time, and to provide for the peril of souls,
which we see to rise under pretence of the
premises: also, to remove all such obstacles, by which the said our
purpose may be stopped, by the advice and assent of all our suffragans
and other prelates, being present in this our convocation of the
clergy, as also of the procurators of them that be absent, and at the
instant petition of the procurators of the whole clergy within this
our province of Canterbury, for the more fortification of the common
law in this part; adding thereunto punishment and penalties condign,
as be hereunder written.

  "We will and command, ordain and decree, That no manner of
person, secular or regular, being authorized to preach by the laws now
prescribed, or licensed by special privilege, shall take upon him the
office of preaching the word of God, or by any means preach unto the
clergy or laity, either within the church or without, in English,
except he first present himself, and be examined of the ordinary of
the place where he preacheth: and so being found a fit person, as well
in manners as knowledge, he shall be sent by the said ordinary to some
one church or more, as shall be thought expedient by the said
ordinary, according to the quality of the person. Nor any person
aforesaid shall presume to preach, except first he give faithful
signification in due form of his sending and authority; that is, that
he that is authorized, do come in form appointed him in that behalf,
and that those that affirm they come by special privilege, do show
their privilege unto the parson or vicar of the place where they
preach. And those that pretend themselves to be sent by the ordinary
of the place, shall likewise show the ordinary's letters made unto him
for that purpose, under his great seal. Let us always understand, the
curate (having the perpetuity) to be sent of right unto the people of
his own cure: but if any person aforesaid shall be forbidden by the
ordinary of the placc, or any other superior, to preach, by reason of
his errors or heresies which before, peradventure, he hath preached
and taught; that then, and from thenceforth, he abstain from preaching
within our province, until he have purged himself, and be lawfully
admitted again to preach by the just arbitrement of him that suspended
and forbade him; and shall always, after that, carry with him, to all
places wheresoever he shall preach, the letters testimonial of him
that restored him.

  "Moreover the parish priests or vicars temporal, not having
perpetuities, nor being sent in form aforesaid, shall simply preach in
the churches where they have charge, only those things which are
expressly contained in the provincial constitution set forth by John,
our predecessor, of good memory, to help the ignorance of the priests,
which beginneth, Ignorantia Sacerdotum; which book of constitutions we
would should be had in every parish church in our province of
Canterbury, within three months next after the publication of these
presents, and (as therein is required) that it be effectually declared
by the priests themselves yearly, and at the times appointed. And,
lest this wholesome statute might be thought hurtful to some, by
reason of payment of money, or some other difficulty, we therefore
will and ordain, that the examinations of the persons aforesaid, and
the making of their letters by the ordinary, be done gratis and
freely, without any exaction of money at all by those to whom it shall
appertain. And if any man shall willingly presume to violate this our
statute grounded upon the old law, after the publication of the same,
he shall incur the sentence of greater excommunication, ipso facto;
whose absolution we specially reserve, by tenor of these presents, to 
us and our successors. But if any such preacher, despising this
wholesome statute, and not weighing the sentence of greater
excommunication, do, the second time, take upon him to preach, saying
and alleging, and stoutly affirming, that the sentence of greater
excommunication aforesaid cannot be appointed by the church in the
persons of the prelates of the same, that then the superiors of the
place do worthily rebuke him, and forbid him from the communion of all
faithful Christians.

  "And that the said person hereupon lawfully convicted (except he
recant and abjure after the manner of the church) be pronounced a
heretic by the ordinary of the place. And that from thenceforth he be
reputed and taken for a heretic and schismatic, and that he incur the
penalties of heresy and schismacy, expressed in the law; and, chiefly,
that his goods be adjudged confiscate by the law, and apprehended, and
kept by them to whom it shall appertain. And that his abettors,
receivers, and defenders, being convicted, in all cases be likewise
punished, if they cease not off within one month, being lawfully
warned thereof by their superiors.

  "Furthermore, no clergyman, or parochians of any parish or place
within our province of Canterbury, shall admit any man to preach
within their churches, church-yards, or other places whatsoever,
except first there be manifest knowledge had of his authority,
privilege, or sending thither, according to the order aforesaid:
otherwise the church, churchyard, or what place soever in which it was
so preached, shall ipso facto receive the ecclesiastical interdict,
and so shall remain interdicted, until they that so admitted and
suffered him to preach, have reformed themselves, and obtained the 
place so interdicted to be released in due form of law, either from
the ordinary of the place, or else his superior.

  "Moreover, like as a householder casteth wheat into the ground,
well ordered for that purpose, thereby to get the more increase, even
so we will and command that the preacher of God's word, coming in form
aforesaid, preaching either unto the clergy or laity, according to his
matter proponed, shall be of good behaviour, sowing such seed as shall
be convenient for his auditory: and chiefly, preaching to the clergy,
he shall touch the vices commonly used amongst them; and to the laity,
he shall declare the vices commonly used amongst them; and not
otherwise. But if he preach contrary to this order, then shall he be
sharply punished by the ordinary of that place, according to the
quality of that offence.

  "Item, Forasmuch as the part is vile that agreeth not with the
whole, we do decree and ordain, that no preacher aforesaid, or any
other person whatsoever, shall otherwise teach or preach concerning
the sacrament of the altar, matrimony, confession of sins, or any
other sacrament of the church, or article of the faith, than that
already is discussed by the holy mother church; nor shall bring any
thing in doubt that is determined by the church, nor shall, to his
knowledge, privily or apertly pronounce blasphemous words concerning
the same; nor shall teach, preach, or observe any sect, or kind of
heresy whatsoever, contrary to the wholesome doctrine of the church.
He that shall wittingly and obstinately attempt the contrary, after
the publication of these presents, shall incur the sentence of
excommunication ipso facto: from the which, except in point of death,
he shall not be absolved, until he hath reformed himself by abjuration
of his heresy, at the discretion of the ordinary in whose territory he
so offended, and hath received wholesome penitence for his offences.
But if the second time he shall so offend, being lawfully convicted,
he shall be pronounced a heretic, and his goods shall be confiscated
and apprehended, and kept by them to whom it shall appertain. The
penance before-mentioned, shall be after this manner: if any man,
contrary to the determination of the church, that is, in the decrees,
decretals, or our constitutions provincial, do openly or privily teach
or preach any kind of heresy or sect, he shall in the parish church of
the same place where he so preached, upon one Sunday or other solemn
day, or more, at the discretion of the ordinary, and as his offence is
more or less, expressly revoke what he so preached, taught, or
affirmed, even at the time of the solemnity of the mass, when the
people are most assembled; and there shall he, effectually and without
fraud, preach and teach the very truth determined by the church; and,
further, shall be punished after the quality of his offence, as shall
be thought expedient, at the discretion of the ordinary.

  "Item, Forasmuch as a new vessel, being long used, savoureth
after the head, we decree and ordain, that no schoolmasters and
teachers whatsoever, that instruct children in grammar, or others
whosoever, in primitive sciences, shall, in teaching them, intermingle
any thing concerning the catholic faith, the sacrament of the altar,
or other sacraments of the church, contrary to the determination of
the church; nor shall suffer their scholars to expound the Holy
Scriptures, (except the text as hath been used in ancient time,) nor
shall permit them to dispute openly or privily concerning the catholic
faith, or sacraments of the church. Contrariwise, the offender herein
shall be grievously punished by the ordinary of the place, as a
favourer of errors and schisms.

  "Item, For that a new way doth more frequently lead astray than
an old way, we will and command, that no book or treatise made by John
Wickliff, or others whomsoever, about that time, or since, or
hereafter to be made, be from henceforth read in schools, halls,
hospitals, or other places whatsoever, within our province of
Canterbury aforesaid, except the same be first examined by the
university of Oxford or Cambridge; or, at least, by twelve persons,
whom the said universities, or one of them, shall appoint to be chosen
at our discretion, or the laudable discretion of our predecessors; and
the same being examined as aforesaid, to be expressly approved and
allowed by us or our successors, and in the name and authority of the
university, to be delivered unto the stationers to be copied out, and
the same to be sold at a reasonable price, the original thereof always
after to remain in some chest of the university. But if any man shall
read any such kind of book in schools or otherwise, as aforesaid, he
shall be punished as a sower of schism, and a favourer of heresy, as
the quality of the fault shall require.

  "Item, It is a dangerous thing, as witnesseth blessed St. Jerome,
to translate the text of the Holy Scripture out of one tongue into
another; for in the translation the same sense is not always easily
kept, as the same St. Jerome confesseth, that although he were
inspired, yet oftentimes in this he erred: we therefore decree and
ordain, that no man hereafter, by his own authority translate any text
of the Scripture into English, or any other tongue, by way of book,
libel, or treatise; and that no man read any such book, libel, or
treatise, now lately set forth in the time of John Wickliff, or since,
or hereafter to be set forth, in part or in whole, privily or apertly,
upon pain of greater excommunication, until the said translation be
allowed by the ordinary of the place, or, if the case so require, by
the council provincial. He that shall do contrary to this, shall
likewise be punished as a favourer of error and heresy.

  "Item, For that Almighty God cannot be expressed with any
philosophical terms, or otherwise invented of man; and St. Augustine
saith, that he hath oftentimes revoked such conclusions as have been
most true, because they have been offensive to the ears of the
religious; we do ordain and specially command, that no manner of
person, of what state, degree, or condition soever he be, do allege or
propone any conclusions or propositions contrary to the catholic
faith, or repugnant to good manners, (except necessary doctrine
pertaining to their faculty of teaching or disputing in their schools
or otherwise,) although they defend the same with never so curious
terms and words. For, as saith blessed St. Hugh of the sacraments,
That which oftentimes is well spoken, is not well understood. If any
man, therefore, after the publication of these presents, shall be
convicted wittingly to have proponed such conclusions or propositions,
except (being monished) he reform himself in one month, by virtue of
this present constitution, he shall incur the sentence of greater
excommunication ipso facto, and shall be openly pronounced an
excommunicate, until he hath confessed his fault openly in the same
place where he offended, and hath preached the true meaning of the
said conclusion or proposition in one church or more, as shall be
thought expedient to the ordinary.

  "Item, No manner of person shall presume to dispute upon the
articles determined by the church, as is contained in the decrees,
decretals, or constitutions provincial, or in the general councils;
but only to seek out the true meaning thereof, and that expressly,
whether it be openly or in secret; nor shall call in doubt the
authority of the said decretals or constitutions, or the authority of
him that made them; nor teach any thing contrary to the determination
thereof: and, chiefly, concerning the adoration of the holy cross, the
worshipping of images, of saints, going on pilgrimage to certain
places, or to the relics of saints, or against the oaths, in cases
accustomed to be given in both common places, that is to say,
spiritual and temporal. But of all it shall be commonly taught and
preached, that the cross and image of the crucifix, and other images
of saints, in the honour of them whom they represent, are to be
worshipped with procession, bowing of knees, offering of frankincense,
kissing, oblations, lighting of candles, and pilgrimages, and with all
other kind of ceremonies and manners that have been used in the time
of our predecessors; and that giving of oaths in cases expressed in
the law, and used of all men to whom it belongeth, in both common
places, ought to be done upon the book of the gospel of Christ.
Contrary unto this whosoever doth preach, teach, or obstinately
affirm, (except he recant in manner and form aforesaid,) shall
forthwith incur the penalty of heresy, and shall be pronounced a
heretic, in all effect of law.

  "Item, We do decree and ordain, that no chaplain be admitted to
celebrate in any diocese within our province of Canterbury, where he
was not born, or received not orders; except he bring with him his
letters of orders, and letters commendatory from his ordinary, and
also from other bishops in whose diocese of a long time he hath been
conversant, whereby his conversation and manners may appear; so that
it may be known, whether he hath been defamed with any new opinions
touching the catholic faith, or whether he be free from the same:
otherwise, as well he that celebrateth, as he that suffereth him to
celebrate, shall be sharply punished at the discretion of the
ordinary.

  "Finally, Because those things which newly and unaccustomably
creep up, stand in need of new and speedy help, and where more danger
is, there ought to be more wary circumspection and stronger
resistance; and not without good cause, the less noble ought
discreetly to be cut away, that the more noble may the more perfectly
be nourished: considering, therefore, and in lamentable wise showing
unto you, how the ancient university of Oxford, which as a fruitful
vine was wont to extend forth her fruitful branches to the honour of
God, the great perfection and defence of the church, now partly being
become wild, bringeth forth bitter grapes, which being undiscreetly
eaten of ancient fathers, that thought themselves skilful in the law
of God, hath set on edge the teeth of their children; and our province
is infected with divers and unfruitful doctrines, and defiled with a
new and damnable name of Lollardy, to the great reproof and offence of
the said university, being known in foreign countries, and to the
great irksomeness of the students there, and to the great damage and
loss of the church of England, which in times past by her virtue, as
with a strong wall, was wont to be defended, and now is like to run
into ruin not to be recovered: at the supplication, therefore, of the
whole clergy of our province of Canterbury, and by the consent and
assent of all our brethren and suffragans, and other the prelates in
this convocation assembled, and the proctors of them that are absent,
lest the river being cleansed, the fountain should remain corrupt, and
so the water coming from thence should not be pure, intending most
wholesomely to provide for the honour and utility of the holy mother
the church and the university aforesaid; we do ordain and decree, that
every warden, provost, or master of every college, or principal of
every hall within the university aforesaid, shall, once every month at
the least, diligently inquire in the said college, hall, or other
place where he hath authority, whether any scholar or inhabitant of
such college or hall, &c., have holden, alleged, or defended, or by
any means proponed, any conclusion, proposition, or opinion,
concerning the catholic faith, sounding contrary to good manners, or
contrary to the determination of the church, otherwise than
appertaineth to necessary doctrine; and if he shall find any suspected
or defamed herein, he shall, according to his office, admonish him to
desist. And if, after such monition given, the said party offend again
in the same or such like, he shall incur ipso facto (besides the
penalties aforesaid) the sentence of greater excommunication. And
nevertheless, if it be a scholar that so offendeth the second time,
whatsoever he shall afterward do in the said university shall not
stand in effect. And if he be a doctor, a master, or bachelor, he
shall forthwith be suspended from any scholar's act, and in both cases
shall lose the right that he hath in the said college or hall, whereof
he is, ipso facto; and by the warden, provost, master, principal, or
other to whom it appertaineth, he shall be expelled, and a catholic,
by lawful means, forthwith placed in his place. And if the said
wardens, provosts, or masters of colleges, or principals of halls,
shall be negligent concerning the inquisition and execution of such
persons suspected and defamed, by the space of ten days from the time
of the true or supposed knowledge of the publication of these
presents, that then they shall incur the sentence of greater
excommunication, and nevertheless shall be deprived ipso facto of all
the right which they pretend to have in the colleges, halls, &c., and
the said colleges and halls to be effectually vacant: and after lawful
declaration hereof made by them to whom it shall appertain, new
wardens, provosts, masters, or principals, shall be placed in their
places, as hath been accustomed in colleges and halls, being vacant in
the said university. But if the wardens themselves, provosts, masters,
or principals aforesaid, be suspected and defamed of and concerning
the said conclusions or propositions, or be favourers and defenders of
such as do therein offend, and do not cease, being thereof warned by
us, or by our authority, or by the ordinary of the place: that then by
law they be deprived, as well of all such privilege scholastical,
within the university aforesaid, as also of their right and authority
in such college, hall, &c., besides other penalties aforementioned,
and that they incur the said sentence of greater excommunication.

  "But if any man, in any case of this present constitution, or any
other above expressed, do rashly and wilfully presume to violate these
our statutes in any part thereof, although there be another penalty
expressly there limited, yet shall he be made altogether unable and
unworthy by the space of three years after, without hope of pardon, to
obtain any ecclesiastical benefice within our province of Canterbury:
and nevertheless, according to all his demerits and the quality of his
excess, at the discretion of his superior, he shall be lawfully
punished.

  And further, that the manner of proceeding herein be not thought
uncertain, considering with ourselves, that although there be a kind
of equality in the crime of heresy and offending the prince, as is
avouched in divers laws; yet the fault is much unlike, and to offend
the Divine Majesty requireth greater punishment than to offend the
prince's Majesty: and where it is sufficient, for fear of danger that
might ensue by delays, to convince by judgment the offender of the
prince's Majesty, proceeding against him fully and wholly, with a
citation sent by messenger, by letters, or edict not admitting proof
by witnesses, and sentence definitive to be: we do ordain, will, and
declare, for the easier punishment of the offenders in the premises,
and for the better reformation of the church divided and hurt, that
all such as are defamed, openly known, or vehemently suspected, in any
of the cases aforesaid, or, in article of the catholic faith, sounding
contrary to good manners, by the authority of the ordinary of the
place or other superior, be cited personally to appear, either by
letters, public messenger being sworn, or by edict openly set at that
place where the said offender commonly remaineth, or in his parish
church, if he have any certain dwelling-house; otherwise, in the
cathedral church of the place where he was born, and in the parish
church of the same place where he so preached and taught: and
afterwards, certificate being given that the citation was formerly
executed against the party cited being absent and neglecting his
appearance, it shall be proceeded against him fully and plainly,
without sound or show of judgment, and without admitting proof by
witnesses and other canonical probations. And also, after lawful
information had, the said ordinary (all delays set apart) shall
signify, declare, and punish the said offender, according to the
quality of his offence, and in form aforesaid; and further, shall do
according to justice, the absence of the offender notwithstanding.
  Given at Oxford."

  Who would have thought, by these laws and constitutions, so
substantially founded, so circumspectly provided, so diligently
executed, but that the name and memory of this persecuted sort should
utterly have been rooted up, and never could have stood? And yet, such
be the works of the Lord, passing all men's admiration, all this
notwithstanding, so far was it off that the number and courage of
these good men was vanquished, that rather they multiplied daily and
increased. For so I find in registers recorded, that these aforesaid
persons, whom the king and the catholic fathers did so greatly detest
for heretics, were, in divers countries of this realm, dispersed and
increased; especially at London, in Lincolnshire, in Norfolk, in
Herefordshire, in Shrewsbury, in Calais, and divers other quarters
more, with whom the archbishop of Canterbury, Thomas Arundel, the same
time had much ado, as by his own registers doth appear. Albeit some
there were that did shrink; many did revolt and renounce, for danger
of the law; among whom was John Purvey, which recanted at Paul's
cross, of whom more followeth, the Lord willing, to be said in the
year 1421. Also John Edward, priest of the diocese of Lincoln, who
revoked in the Green-yard at Norwich; Richard Herbert and Emmot Willy
of London; also John Becket, who recanted at London; item, John
Seynons of Lincolnshire, who was caused to revoke at Canterbury. The
articles of whom, which commonly they did hold, and which they were
constrained to abjure, most especially were these which follow:

  "First, That the office of the holy cross (ordained by the whole
church) celebrated, doth contain idolatry.

  "Item, They said and affirmed, that all they which do reverence
and worship the sign of the cross, do commit idolatry, and are reputed
as idolaters.

  "Item, They said and affirmed, that the true flesh and blood of
our Lord Jesus Christ, is not in the sacrament of the altar, after the
words spoken by the priest truly pronounced.

  "Item, They said and affirmed the sacrament of the altar to be
sacramental bread, not having life, but only instituted for a memorial
of Christ's passion.

  "Item, They said and affirmed, that the body of Christ, which is
taken on the altar, is a figure of the body of Christ as long as we
see the bread and wine.

  "Item, They said and affirmed, that the decree of the prelates
and clergy in the province of Canterbury, in their last convocation,
with the consent of the king and the nobles in the last parliament,
against him that was burnt lately in the city of London, was not
sufficient to change the purpose of the said John, when the substance
of material bread is even as it was before in the sacrament of the
altar, no change being made in the nature of bread.

  "Item, That any layman may preach the gospel in every place, and
may teach it by his own authority, without the licence of his
ordinary.

  "Item, That it is sin to give any thing to the Preaching Friars,
to the Minorites, to the Angus-tines, to the Carmelites.

  "Item, That we ought not to offer at the funerals of the dead.

  "Item, That the confession of sins to the priest is unneedful.

  "Item, That every good man, though he be unlearned, is a priest.

  "Item, That the infant, though he die unbaptized, shall be saved.

  "Item, That neither the pope, nor the prelate, neither any
ordinary, can compel any man to swear by any creature of God, or by
the Bible book.

  "Item, That the bishop, the simple man, the priest and layman, be
of like authority, as long as they live well.

  "Item, That no man is bound to give bodily reverence to any
prelate."



91. WILLIAM THORPE.

  Thus much briefly being signified by the way, touching these
which have been forced in time of this king to open abjuration, next
cometh to our hands the worthy history of Master William Thorpe, a
valiant warrior under the triumphant banner of Christ, with the
process of his examinations before the aforesaid Thomas Arundel,
archbishop of Canterbury, written by the said Thorpe, and storied by
his own pen, at the request of his friends, as by his own words, in
the process hereof, may appear; in whose examination, which seemeth
first to begin, A. D. 1407, thou shalt have, good reader, both to
learn and to marvel: to learn, in that thou shalt hear truth
discoursed and discussed, with the contrary reasons of the adversary
dissolved; to marvel, for that thou shalt behold here in this man, the
marvellous force and strength of the Lord's might, Spirit, and grace,
working and fighting in his soldiers, and also speaking in their
mouths, according to the word of his promise, Luke xxi. To the text of
the story we have neither added nor diminished, but, as we have
received, copied out and corrected by Master William Tindal, who had
his own hand writing, so we have here sent it, and set it out abroad.
Athough for the more credit of the matter, I rather wished it in his
own natural speech, wherein it was first written; notwithstanding, to
put away all doubt and scruple herein, this I thought before to
premonish and testify to the reader, touching the certainty hereof,
that they be yet alive which have seen the self-same copy in his own
old English, resembling the true antiquity both of the speech and of
the time, the name of whom, as for record of the same to avouch, is
Master Whitehead; who, as he hath seen the true ancient copy in the
hands of George Constantine, so hath he given credible relation of the
same, both to the printer, and to me. Furthermore, the said Master
Tindal, albeit he did somewhat alter and amend the English thereof,
and frame it after our manner, yet not fully in all words but that
something doth remain, savouring of the old speech of that time. What
the causes were, why this good man and servant of Christ, William
Thorpe, did write it, and pen it out himself, it is sufficiently
declared in his own preface, set before his book, which here is
prefixed in manner as followeth:

The preface of William Thorpe.

  The Lord God that knoweth all things, wotteth well that I am
right sorrowful to write to make known this sentence beneath written:
whereby of mine even Christian, set in high state and dignity, so
great blindness and malice may be known, that they which do presume of
themselves to destroy vices, and to plant in men virtues, neither
dread to offend God, nor lust to please him, as their works do show.
For certes the bidding of God and his law, which, in the praising of
his most holy name, he commandeth to be known and kept of all men and
women, young and old, after the cunning and power that he hath given
to them, the prelates of this land and their ministers, with the
convent of priests chiefly consenting to them, enforce them most
busily to withstand and destroy the holy ordinance of God. And
therethrough God is greatly wroth, and moved to take hard vengeance,
not only upon them that do the evil, but also on them that consent to
these antichrist's limbs; which know, or might know, their malice and
falsehood, and dress them not to withstand their malice and their
great pride. Nevertheless, four things move me to write this sentence
beneath.

  "The first thing that moveth me hereto is this, that whereas it
was known to certain friends, that I came from the prison of
Shrewsbury, and as it befell indeed that I should to the prison of
Canterbury, then divers friends in divers places spake to me full
heartily and full tenderly, and commanded me then if it so were that I
should be examined before the archbishop of Canterbury, that if I
might in any wise, I should write mine apposing, and mine answering.
And I promised to my special friends, that if I might, I would gladly
do their bidding as I might.

  "The second thing that moveth me to write this sentence is this:
divers friends, which have heard that I have been examined before the
archbishop, have come to me in prison, and counselled me busily, and
coveted greatly that I should do the same thing. And other brethren
have sent to me, and required on God's behalf, that I should write out
and make known, both mine apposing and mine aswering, for the profit
that (as they say) upon my knowledging may come thereof. But this they
bade me, that I should be busy in all my wits, to go as near the
sentence and the words as I could, both that were spoken to me, and
that I spake: peradventure this writing may come another time before
the archbishop and his council. And of this counselling I was right
glad: for in my conscience I was moved to do this thing, and to ask
hitherto the special help of God. And so then I, considering the great
desire of divers friends of sundry places, according all in one, I
occupied all my mind and my wits so busily, that through God's grace I
perceived, by their meaning and their charitable desire, some profit
might come therethrough. For soothfastness and truth hath these
conditions, wherever it is impugned, it hath a sweet smell, and
thereof cometh a sweet savour. And the more violently the enemies
dress themselves to oppress and to withstand the truth, the greater
and the sweeter smell cometh thereof. And therefore this heavenly
smell of God's word, will not, as a smoke, pass away with the wind;
but it will descend and rest in some clean soul that thirsteth
thereafter. And thus some deal by this writing may be perceived
through God's grace, how that the enemies of the truth (standing
boldly in their malice) enforce them to withstand the freedom of
Christ's gospel, for which freedom Christ became man and shed his
heart-blood. And therefore it is great pity and sorrow, that many men
and women do their own wayward will, and busy them not to know nor to
do the pleasant will of God. "The men and women that hear the truth
and soothfastness, and hear or know of this, (perceiving what is now
in the church,) ought herethrough to be the more moved in all their
wits to able them to grace, and to set lesser price by themselves;
that they, without tarrying, forsake wilfully and bodily all the
wretchedness of this life, since they know not how soon, nor when, nor
where, nor by whom God will teach them and essay their patience. For
no doubt, whoever will live piteously, that is, charitably in Christ
Jesus, shall suffer now here in this life persecution, in one wise or
another: that is, if we shall be saved, it behoveth us to imagine full
busily the vility and foulness of sin, and how the Lord God is
displeased therefore; and because of this vility and hideousness of
sin, it behoveth us to busy us in all our wits, to abhor and hold in
our mind a great shame of sin ever, and so then we ought to sorrow
heartily therefore, and ever fleeing all occasion thereof. And then it
behoveth us to take upon us sharp penance, continuing therein, to
obtain of the Lord forgiveness of our fore-done sins, and grace to
abstain hereafter from sin. And if we force ourselves not to do this
wilfully, and in convenient time, the Lord (if he will not utterly
destroy and cast us away) will in divers manners move tyrants against
us; to constrain us violently to do penance, which we would not do
wilfully. And trust that this doing is a special grace of the Lord,
and a great token of life and mercy. And no doubt whoever will not
apply himself (as is said before) to punish himself wilfully, neither
will suffer patiently, meekly, and gladly the rod of the Lord,
howsoever that he will punish him; their wayward wills and their
impatience are unto them earnest of everlasting damnation. But because
there are but few in number that do able them thus faithfully to
grace, to live here so simply and purely, and without gall of malice
and of grudging; therefore the lovers of this world hate and pursue
them that they know patient, meek, chaste, and wilfully poor, hating
and fleeing all worldly vanities and fleshly lusts. For surely their
virtuous conditions are even contrary to the manners of this world.

  "The third thing that moveth me to write this sentence is this: I
thought I shall busy me in myself to do faithfully, that all men and
women (occupying all their business in knowing and in keeping of God's
commandments) able them so to grace, that they might understand truly
the truth, and have and use virtue and prudence, and so deserve to be
lightened from above with heavenly wisdom; so that all their words and
their works may be hereby made pleasant sacrifices unto the Lord God;
and not only for help of their own souls, but also for edification of
holy church. For I doubt not, but all they thatwill apply them to have
this aforesaid business shall profit full mickle both to friends and
foes. For some enemies of the truth, through the grace of God, shall
through charitable folks be made astonied in their conscience, and
peradventure converted from vices to virtues; and also, they that
labour to know and to keep faithfully the biddings of God, and to
suffer patiently all adversities, shall hereby comfort many friends.

  "And the fourth thing that moveth me to write this sentence is
this: I know by my sudden and unwarned apposing and answering, that
all they that will of good heart without feigning able themselves
wilfully and gladly, after their cunning and their power, to follow
Christ patiently, travailing busily, privily, and openly in work and
in word, to withdraw whomsoever that they may from vices, planting in
them (if they may) virtues, comforting them and furthering them that
stand in grace; so that therewith they be not borne up in vain-glory
through presumption of their wisdom, nor inflamed with any worldly
prosperity, but ever meek and patient; purposing to continue
stedfastly in the will of God, suffering wilfully and gladly, without
any grudging, whatsoever rod the Lord will chastise them with; that
then this good Lord will not forget to comfort all such men and women
in all their tribulations, and at every point of temptation that any
enemy purposed for to do against them. To such faithful lovers
specially, and patient followers of Christ, the Lord sendeth by his
wisdom from above them which the adversaries of the truth may not know
nor understand. But through their old and new unshamefast sins, those
tyrants and enemies of soothfastness shall be so blinded and obstinate
in evil, that they shall ween themselves to do pleasant sacrifices
unto the Lord God in their malicious and wrongful pursuing and
destroying of innocent men's and women's bodies; which men and women,
for their virtuous living, and for their true knowledging of the
truth, and their patient, wilful, and glad suffering of persecution
for righteousness, deserve through the grace of God, to be heirs of
the endless bliss of heaven. And for the fervent desire and great love
that these men have, as to stand in soothfastness and witness of it,
though they be suddenly and unwarnedly brought forth to be apposed of
their adversaries; the Holy Ghost yet, that moveth and ruleth them
through his charity, will in that hour of their answering speak in
them, and show his wisdom, that all their encmies shall not gainsay,
nor gainstand, lawfully.

  "And therefore all they that are stedfast in the faith of God,
yea, which through diligently keeping of his commandments, and for
their patient suffering of whatsoever adversity that cometh to them,
hope surely in his mercy, purposing to stand continually in perfect
charity; for those men and women dread not so the adversities of this
life, that they will fear (after their cunning and their power) to
knowledge prudently the truth of God's word, when, where, and to whom
they think their knowledging may profit. Yea, and though therefore
persecution come to them in one wise or another, certes they patiently
take it, knowing their conversation to be in heaven. It is a high
reward and a special grace of God to have and enjoy the everlasting
inheritance of heaven, for the suffering of one persecution in so
short time as is the term of this life. For, lo, this heavenly
heritage and endless reward, is the Lord God himself, which is the
best thing that may be. This sentence witnesseth the Lord God himself,
whereas he said to Abraham, I am thy meed: and as the Lord said, he
was and is the meed of Abraham, so he is of all other his saints. This
most blessed and best meed, he grant to us all for his holy name that
made us of nought, and sent his only most dear worthy Son, our Lord
Jesus Christ, to redeem us with his most precious heart-blood. Amen."
Illustration: The examination of William Thorpe
The examination of William Thorpe, penned with his own hand.

  "Known be it to all men that read or hear this writing, that on
the Sunday next after the feast of St. Peter, that we call Lammas, in
the year of our Lord 1407, I, William Thorpe, being in prison in the
castle of Saltwood, was brought before Thomas Arundel, archbishop of
Canterbury, and chancellor then of England. And when that I came to
him, he stood in a great chamber and much people about him; and when
that he saw me, he went fast into a closet, bidding all secular men
that followed him to go forth from him soon, so that no man was left
then in that closet but the archbishop himself, and a physician that
was called Malveren, parson of St. Dunstan's in London, and other two
persons unknown to me, which were ministers of the law. And I standing
before them, by and by the archbishop said to me, William, I know well
that thou hast this twenty winters and more, travelled about busily in
the north country, and in divers other countries of England, sowing
about false doctrine, having great business if thou might, with thine
untrue teaching and shrewd will to infect and poison all this land.
But through the grace of God thou art now withstanded and brought into
my ward, so that I shall now sequester thee from thine evil purpose,
and let thee to envenom the sheep of my province. Nevertheless, St.
Paul saith, If it may be, as much as in us is, we ought to have peace
with all men: therefore, William, if thou wilt now meekly and of good
heart, without any feigning, kneel down, and lay thy hand upon a book
and kiss it, promising faithfully as I shall here charge thee, that
thou wilt submit thee to my correction, and stand to mine ordinance,
and fulfil it duly by all thy cunning and power, thou shalt yet find
me gracious unto thee. Then said I to the archbishop, Sir, since ye
deem me a heretic, and out of belief, will you give me here audience
to tell my belief? And he said, Yea, tell on. And I said, I believe
that there is not but one God Almighty, and in this Godhead, and of
this Godhead, are three persons, that is, the Father, the Son, and the
soothfast, Holy Ghost. And I believe that all these three persons are
even in power, and in wisdom, and in might, full of grace and of all
goodness. For whatsoever that the Father doth, or can, or will, that
thing also the Son doth, and can, and will; and in all their power,
cunning, and will, the Holy Ghost is equal to the Father, and to the
Son.

  "Over this, I believe that through counsel of this most blessed
Trinity, in most convenient time before ordained for the salvation of
mankind, the second person of this Trinity was ordained to take the
form of man, that is, the kind of man. And I believe, that this second
person, our Lord Jesus Christ, was conceived through the Holy Ghost in
the womb of the most blessed Virgin Mary, without man's seed. And I
believe that after nine months Christ was born of this most blessed
Virgin, without any pain or breaking of the closter of her womb, and
without filth of her virginity.

  "And I believe that Christ our Saviour was circumcised in the
eighth day after his birth, in fulfilling of the law, and his name was
called Jesus, which was so called of the angel, before that he was
conceived in the womb of Mary his mother.

  "And I believe that Christ, as he was about thirty years old, was
baptized in the flood of Jordan of John Baptist; and in the likeness
of a dove the Holy Ghost descended there upon him, and a voice was
heard from heaven, saying, Thou art my well-beloved Son, in thee I am
full pleased.

  "And I believe that Christ was moved then by the Holy Ghost to go
into the desert, and there he fasted forty days and forty nights,
without bodily meat and drink. And I believe that by and by after his
fasting, when the manhood of Christ hungered, the fiend came to him,
and tempted him in gluttony, in vain-glory, and in covetise; but in
all those temptations Christ concluded the fiend, and withstood him.
And then without tarrying Jesus began to preach, and say unto the
people, Do ye penance, for the realm of heaven is now at hand.

  "I believe that Christ in all his time here lived most holily,
and taught the will of his Father most truly: and I believe that he
suffered therefore most wrongfully greatest reproofs and despisings.

  " And after this, when Christ would make an end here of this
temporal life, I believe that in the day next before that he would
suffer passion in the morn, in form of bread and of wine he ordained
the sacrament of his flesh and his blood, that is, his own precious
body, and gave it to his apostles to eat; commanding them, and by them
all their after-comers, that they should do it in this form that he
showed to them, use themselves, and teach and commune forth to other
men and women this most worshipful and holiest sacrament, in
mindfulness of his holiest living, and of his most true preaching, and
of his wilful and patient suffering of the most painful passion.

  "And I believe that this Christ our Saviour, after that he had
ordained this most worthy sacrament of his own precious body, went
forth wilfully against his enemies, and he suffered them most
patiently to lay their hands most violently upon him, and to bind him,
and to lead him forth as a thief, and to scorn him and buffet him, and
all to blow or defile him with their spittings. Over this, I believe
that Christ suffered most meekly and patiently his enemies, to ding
out with sharp scourges the blood that was between his skin and his
flesh; yea, without grudging, Christ suffered the cruel Jews to crown
him with most sharp thorns, and to strike him with a reed. And after,
Christ suffered wicked Jews to draw him out upon the cross, and to
nail him thereupon hand and foot. And so through his pitiful nailing,
Christ shed out wilfully for man's blood the blood that was in his
veins. And then Christ gave wilfully his spirit into the hands or
power of his Father, and so, as he would, and when he would, Christ
died wilfully for man's sake upon the cross. And notwithstanding that
Christ was wilfully, painfully, and most shamefully put to death, as
to the world, there was left blood and water in his heart, as before
ordained, that he would shed out this blood and this water for man's
salvation. And therefore he suffered the Jews to make a blind knight
to thrust him in the heart with a spear, and this blood and water that
was in his heart, Christ would shed out for man's love: and after
this, I believe that Christ was taken down from the cross and buried.
And I believe that on the third day, by the power of his Godhead,
Christ rose again from death to life. And the fortieth day thereafter,
I believe that Christ ascended up into heaven, and that he there
sitteth on the right hand of the Father Almighty. And the fiftieth day
after his up-going, he sent to his apostles the Holy Ghost that he had
promised them before. And I believe that Christ shall come and judge
all mankind, some to everlasting peace, and some to everlasting pains.

  "And as I believe in the Father, and in the Son, that they are
one God Almighty, so I believe in the Holy Ghost that he is also with
them the same God Almighty.

  "And I believe a holy church; that is, all they that have been,
and that now are, and always to the end of the world shall be, a
people the which shall endeavour them to know and to keep the
commandments of God, dreading over all things to offend God, and
loving and seeking most to please him: and I believe that all they
that have had, and yet have, and all they that yet shall have, the
aforesaid virtues, surely standing in the belief of God, hoping
stedfastly in his merciful doings, continuing to their end in perfect
charity, wilfully, patiently, and gladly suffering persecutions, by
the example of Christ chiefly, and his apostles, all these have their
names written in the book of life.

  "Therefore, I believe that the gathering together of this people,
living now here in this life, is the holy church of God, fighting here
on earth against the fiend, the prosperity of the world, and their
filthy lusts. Wherefore, seeing that all the gathering together of
this church beforesaid, and every part thereof, neither coveteth, nor
willeth, nor loveth, nor seeketh any thing but to eschew the offence
of God, and to do his pleasing will; meekly, gladly, and wilfully,
with all mine heart, I submit myself unto this holy church of Christ,
to be ever buxom and obedient to the ordinance of it, and of every
member thereof, after my knowledge and power, by the help of God.
Therefore I knowledge now, and evermore shall, if God will, that with
all my heart, and with all my might, I will submit me only to the rule
and governance of them, whom after my knowledge I may perceive by the
having and using of the beforesaid virtues, to be members of the holy
church. Wherefore these articles of belief and all other (both of the
old law, and of the new, which after the commandment of God any man
ought to believe) I believe verily in my soul, as a sinful, deadly
wretch, of my cunning and power, ought to believe; praying the Lord
God for his holy name, to increase my belief, and to help my unbelief.

  "And because, to the praising of God's name, I desire above all
things to be a faithful member of holy church, I make this
protestation before you all four that are now here present, coveting
that all men and women that now be absent knew the same; that is, what
thing soever before this time I have said or done, or what thing here
I shall do or say at any time hereafter, I believe; that all the old
law and new law, given and ordained by counsel of the three persons of
the Trinity, were given and written to the salvation of mankind. And I
believe that these laws are sufficient for man's salvation. And I
believe every article of these laws, to the intent that these articles
ordained and commanded of these three persons of the most blessed
Trinity are to be believed.

  "And therefore to the rule and the ordinance of these God's laws,
meekly, gladly, and wilfully, I submit me with all mine heart; that
whosoever can or will, by authority of God's law, or by open reason,
tell me that I have erred, or now err, or any time hereafter shall
err, in any article of belief, (from which inconvenience God keep me
for his goodness;) I submit me to be reconciled, and to be buxom and
obedient unto those laws of God, and to every article of them. For by
authority specially of these laws I will, through the grace of God, be
united charitably unto these laws. Yea, sir, and over this, I believe
and admit all the sentences, authorities, and reasons of the saints
and doctors according unto Holy Scripture, and declaring it truly.

  "I submit me wilfully and meekly to be ever obedient, after my
cunning and power, to all these saints and doctors, as they are
obedient in work and in word to God and to his law, and further not,
(to my knowledge,) not for any earthly power, dignity, or state,
through the help of God. But, sir, I pray you tell me, if after your
bidding I shall lay my hand upon the book, to what intent; to swear
thereby? And the archbishop said to me, Yea, wherefore else? And I
said to him, Sir, a book is nothing else but a thing coupled together
of divers creatures, and to swear by any creature, both God's law and
man's law is against it.

  "But, sir, this thing I say here to you before these your clerks,
with my aforesaid protestation, that how, where, when, and to whom,
men are bound to swear or to obey in any wise after God's law, and
saints, and true doctors, according with God's law, I will through
God's grace be ever ready thereto, with all my cunning and power. But
I pray you, sir, for the charity of God, that ye will, before that I
swear, (as I have rehearsed to you,) tell me how or whereto that I
shall submit me; and show me that whereof ye will correct me, and what
is the ordinance that ye will thus oblige me to fulfil.

  And the archbishop said unto me, I will shortly that now thou
swear here to me, that thou shalt forsake all the opinions which the
sect of Lollards hold, and is slandered with; so that after this time,
neither privily nor apertly, thou hold any opinion which I shall
(after thou hast sworn) rehearse to thee here. Nor shalt thou favour
any man or woman, young or old, that holdeth any these aforesaid
opinions; but after thy knowledge and power thou shalt force thee to
withstand all such distroublers of holy church in every diocese that
thou comest in; and them that will not leave their false and damnable
opinions, thou shalt put them up, publishing them and their names, and
make them known to the bishop of the diocese that they are in, or to
the bishop's ministers. And over this, I will that thou preach no more
unto the time that I know by good witness and true, that thy
conversation be such, that thy heart and thy mouth accord truly in
one, contrarying all the lewd learning that thou hast taught here
before.

  "And I, hearing these words, thought in my heart that this was an
unlawful asking; and deemed myself cursed of God if I consented
hereto, and I thought how Susan said, Anguish is to me on every side.
And in that I stood still and spake not, the archbishop said to me,
Answer one way or other. And I said, Sir, if I consented to you thus
as ye have here-before rehearsed to me, I should become an appealer,
or every bishop's espie, somoner of all England. For if I should thus
put up and publish the names of men and women, I should herein deceive
full many persons; yea, sir, as it is likely by the doom of my
conscience, I should herein be cause of the death both of men and
women, yea, both bodily and ghostly. For many men and women that stand
now in the way of salvation, if I should, for the learning and reading
of their belief, publish them therefore up to the bishops or to their
unpiteous ministers, I know some deal by experience that they should
be so distroubled and diseased with persecution or otherwise, that
many of them (I think) would rather choose to forsake the way of truth
than to be travelled, scorned, slandered, or punished as bishops and
their ministers now use to constrain men and women to consent to them.

  "But I find in no place in Holy Scripture, that this office, that
ye would now enfeoff me with, accordeth to any priest of Christ's
sect, nor to any other Christian man: and therefore to do this were to
me a full noyous bond to be bounden with, and over grievous charge.
For I suppose, that if I thus did, many men and women would, yea, sir,
might justly, to my confusion, say to men, that I were a traitor to
God and to them: since (as I think in mine heart) many men and women
trust so mickle in this case, that I would not for saving of my life
do thus to them. For if I thus should do, full many men and women
would (as they might full truly) say that I had falsely and cowardly
forsaken the truth, and slandered shamefully the word of God. For if I
consented to you to do here after your will, for bonchief or mischief
that may befall unto me in this life, I deem in my conscience, that I
were worthy heretofore to be cursed of God and also of all his saints:
from which inconvenience keep me and all Christian people, Almighty
God, now and ever for his holy name.

  "And then the archbishop said unto me, Oh, thine heart is full
hard indurate, as was the heart of Pharaoh, and the devil hath
overcome thee, and perverted thee, and he hath so blinded thee in all
thy wit, that thou hast no grace to know the truth, nor the measure of
mercy that I have proffered to thee. Therefore, as I perceive now by
thy foolish answer, thou hast no will to leave thine old errors.

  "But I say to thee, lewd losel, either quickly consent thou to
mine ordinance, and submit thee to stand to my decrees, or by St.
Thomas thou shalt be degraded, and follow thy fellow into Smithfield.
And at this saying I stood still and spake not, but I thought in mine
heart, that God did to me great grace, if he would of his great mercy
bring me to such an end. And in mine heart I was nothing afraid with
this menacing of the archbishop. And I considered there two things in
him. One, that he was not yet sorrowful that he had made William
Sautre wrongfully to be burnt: and as I considered, that the
archbishop thirsted yet after more shedding out of innocent blood. And
fast therefore I was moved in all my wits, to hold the archbishop
neither for prelate nor for priest of God. And for that mine inward
man was thus altogether departed from the archbishop, methought I
should not have any dread of him. But I was right heavy and sorrowful,
for that there was no audience of secular men by; but in my heart I
prayed the Lord God to comfort me and strengthen me against them that
there were against the soothfastness. And I purposed to speak no more
to the archbishop and his clerks than me need behoved: and all thus I
prayed God for his goodness to give me then and alway grace to speak
with a meek and an easy spirit: and whatsoever thing that I should
speak, that I might thereto have true authorities of the Scriptures or
open reason. And for that I stood thus still and nothing spake, one of
the archbishop's clerks said unto me, What thing musest thou? Do thou
as my lord hath now commanded to thee here.

  "And yet I stood still and answered him not: and then soon after 
the archbishop said to me, Art thou not yet bethought whether thou
wilt do as I have said to thee? And I said then to him, Sir, my father
and my mother, on whose souls God have mercy, (if it be his will,)
spent mickle money in divers places about my learning, for the intent
to have made me a priest to God. But when I came to years of
discretion, I had no will to be priest, and therefore my friends were
right heavy to me, and then methought their grudging against me was so
painful to me, that I purposed therefore to have left their company.
And when they perceived this in me, they spake sometime full fair and
pleasant words to me; but for that they might not make me to consent
of good heart to be a priest, they spake to me full oftentimes very
grievous words, and menaced me in divers manners, showing to me full
heavy cheer. And thus one while in fair manner, another while in
grievous, they were long time (as methought) full busy about me, ere I
consented to them to be a priest.

  "But at the last, when in this matter they would no longer suffer
mine excusations, but either I should consent to them, or I should
ever bear their indignation, yea their curse (as they said); then I,
seeing this, prayed them that they should give me licence to go to
them that were named wise priests, and of virtuous conversation, to
have their counsel, and to know of them the office and the charge of
priesthood. And hereto my father and my mother consented full gladly,
and gave me their blessing and good leave to go, and also money to
spend in this journey. And so I went to those priests whom I heard to
be of best name, and of most holy living, and best learned, and most
wise of heavenly wisdom; and so I communed with them unto the time,
that I perceived by their virtuous and continual occupations, that
their honest and charitable works passed their fame which I had heard
before of them.

  "Wherefore, sir, by the example of the doctrine of them, and
specially for the godly and innocent works which I perceived then of
them, and in them, after my cunning and power, I have exercised me
then and in this time, to know perfectly God's law, having a will and
desire to live thereafter, which willeth that all men and women should
exercise themselves faithfully thereabout. If then, sir, either for
pleasure of them that are neither so wise nor of so virtuous
conversation, to my knowledge, nor, by common fame, to any other men's
knowledge in this land, as these men were of whom I took my counsel
and information, I should now forsake thus suddenly and shortly, and
unwarned, all the learning that I have exercised myself in these
thirty winters and more, my conscience should ever be herewith out of
measure unquieted: and, sir, I know well, that many men and women
should be therethrough greatly troubled and slandered. And as I said,
sir, to you before, for mine untruth and false cowardliness, many a
one should be put into full great reproof: yea, sir, I dread that many
a one (as they might then justly) would curse me full bitterly; and,
sir, I fear not, but the curse of God, which I should deserve herein,
would bring me to a full evil end, if I continued thus. And if,
through remorse of conscience, I repented me any time, returning into
the way, which you do your diligence to constrain me now to forsake;
yea, sir, all the bishops of this land, with full many other priests,
would defame me, and pursue me as a relapse: and they that now have
(though I be unworthy) some confidence in me, hereafter would never
trust to me, though I could teach and live never so virtuously, more
than I can or may. For if after your counsel I left utterly all my
learning, I should hereby first wound and defile mine own soul, and
also I should herethrough give occasion to many men and women of full
sore hurting; yea, sir, as it is likely to me, if I consented to your
will, I should herein by mine evil example in it, as far as in me
were, slay many folk ghostly, that I should never deserve to have
grace of God to the edifying of his church, neither of myself, nor of
any other man's life, and should be undone both before God and man.

  "But, sir, by example chiefly of some whose names I will not now
rehearse, of H., of I. P., and B. and also by the present doing of
Philip Rampington, that now is become bishop of Lincoln, I am now
learned (as many more hereafter through God's grace shall be learned)
to hate and to flee all such slander that these aforesaid men chiefly
have defiled principally themselves with. And in it that in them is,
they have envenomed all the church of God, for the slanderous revoking
at the cross of Paul's, of H. P., and of B., and how now Philip Ram-
pington pursueth Christ's people. And the feigning that these men
dissemble by worldly prudence, keeping them cowardly in their
preaching and communing within the bonds and terms (which without
blame may be spoken and showed out of the most worldly livers) will
not be unpunished of God. For to the point of truth, that these men
showed out sometime, they will not now stretch forth their lives. But
by example each one of them, as their words and their works show, busy
them through their feigning to slander and to pursue Christ in his
members, rather than they will be pursued.

  "And the archbishop said to me, These men, the which thou
speakest of now, were fools and heretics, when they were counted wise
men of thee and other such losels; but now they are wise men, though
thou and other such deem them unwise. Nevertheless, I never wilt any
that right said, that any while were envenomed with your
contagiousness, that is, contaminated and spotted doctrine.

  "And I said to the archbishop, Sir, I think well that these men
and other such are now wise as to this world; but as their words
sounded sometime, and their works showed outwardly, it was like to
move me that they had earnest of the wisdom of God, and that they
should have deserved mickle grace of God to have saved their own souls
and many other men's, if they had continued faithfully in wilful
poverty, and in other simple virtuous living; and specially if they
had with these aforesaid virtues continued in their bust fruitful 
sowing of God's word: as to many men's knowledge they occupied them a
season in all their wits, full busily to know the pleasant will of
God, travailing all their members full busily to do thereafter, purely
and chiefly to the praising of the most holy name of God, and for
grace of edification and salvation of Christian people. But woe worth
false covetise, and evil counsel and tyranny, by which they and many
men and women are led blindly into an evil end.

  "Then the archbishop said unto me, Thou, and such other losels of
thy sect, would shave your beards full near to have a benefice. For,
by Jesus, I know none more covetous shrews than ye are, when that ye
have a benefice; for lo, I gave to John Purvey a benefice but a mile
from this castle, and I heard more complaints about his covetousness
for tithes, and other misdoings, than I did of all men that were
advanced within my diocese.

  "And I said to the bishop, Sir, Purvey is neither with you now
for the benefice you gave him, nor holdethe he faithfully with the
learning that he taught and wrote wrote beforetime; and thus he
showeth himself to be neither hot nor cold, and therefore he and his
fellows may sore dread, that if they turn not hastily to the way that
they have forsaken, peradventure they be put out of the number of
God's chosen people.

  "And the archbishop said, Though Purvey be now a false harlot, I
quit me now to him; but come he more for such a cause before me, (ere
we part,) I shall know with whom he holdeth. But I say to thee, which
are these holy men and wise, of whom thou hat taken thine information?

  "And I said, Sir, Master John Wickliffe was holden of many men
the greatest clerk that they knew then living, and therewith he was
named a passing ruly man and an innocent in his living; and therefore
great men communed of with him, and they loved so his learning, that
they wrote itand busily enforced them to rule themselves thereafter.
Therefore, sir, this aforesaid learning of Master John Wickliff is yet
holden of full many men and women the most agreeable learning unto the
living and teaching of Christ, and of his apostles, and most openly
showing and declaring how the church of Christ hath been, and yet
should be, ruled and governed. Therefore so many men and women covet
this learning, and purpose, through God's grace, to conform their
living like to this learning of Wickliff. Master John Ashton taught
and wrote accordingly and full busily, where, and when, and to whom
that he might, and he used it himself right perfectly unto his life's
end. And also Philip of Rampington, while he was a canon of Leicester,
Nicholas Herford, Davy Gotray of Pakring, monk of Byland, and a master
of divinity, and John Purvey, and many other which were holden right
wise men and prudent, taught and wrote busily this aforesaid learning,
and conformed them thereto. And with all these men I was right homely,
and communed with them long time and oft; and so before all other men
I chose willingly to be informed of them and by them, and specially of
Wickliff himself, as of the most virtuous and godly wise man that I
heard of or knew. And therefore of him specially, and of these men, I
took the learning that I have taught, and purpose to live thereafter
(if God will) to my life's end. For though some of those men be
contrary to the learning that they taught before, I wot well that
their learning was true which they taught; and therefore with the help
of God I purpose to hold and to use the learning which I heard of
them, while they sat on Moses's chair, and specially while that they
sat on the chair of Christ. But after the works that they now do, I
will not do with God's help; for they feign and hide, and contrary the
truth, which before they taught out plainly and truly. For as I know
well, when some of those men have been blamed for their slanderous
doing, they grant not that they have taught amiss or erred beforetime,
but that they were constrained by pain to leave to tell out the sooth,
and thus they choose now rather to blaspheme God, than to suffer a
while here persecution bodily, for soothfastness that Christ shed out
his heart-blood for.

  "And the archbishop said, That learning, that thou callest truth
and soothfastness, is open slander to holy church, as it is proved of
holy church. For albeit that Wickliff, your author, was a great clerk,
and though that many men held him a perfect liver, yet his doctrine is
not approved of holy church, but many sentences of his learning are
damned as they well worthy are. But as touching Philip of Rampington,
that was first canon, and after abbot of Leicester, which is now
bishop of Lincoln, I tell thee, that the day is coming, for which he
fasted the even. For neither he holdeth now, nor will hold, the
learning that he taught when he was a canon of Leicester. For no
bishop of this land pursueth now more sharply them that hold thy way,
than he doth.

  "And I said, Sir, full many men and women wondereth upon him, and
speaketh him mickle shame, and holdeth him for a cursed enemy of the
truth.

  "And the archbishop said to me, Wherefore tarriest thou me thus
here with such fables, wilt thou shortly (as I have said to thee)
submit thee to me or no?

  "And I said, Sir, I tell you at one word, I dare not, for the
dread of God, submit me to you, after the tenor and sentence that ye
have above rehearsed to me.

  "And thus, as if he had been wroth, he said to one of his clerks,
Fetch hither quickly the certification that came to me from Shrewsbury
under the bailiff's seal, witnessing the errors and heresies which
this losel hath venomously sown there.

  "Then hastily the clerk took out, and laid forth on a cupboard,
divers rules and writings, among which there was a little one, which
the clerk delivered to the archbishop. And by and by the archbishop
read this roll containing this sentence:

  "The third Sunday after Easter, the year of our Lord 1407,
William Thorpe came unto the town of Shrewsbury, and through leave
granted unto him to preach, he said openly in St. Chad's church in his
sermon, that the sacrament of the altar, after the consecration, was
material bread. And that images should in no wise be worshipped. And
that men should not go on pilgrimages. And that priests have no title
to tithes. And that it is not lawful to swear in any wise.

  "And when the archbishop had read thus this roll, he rolled it up
again, and said to me, Is this wholesome learning to be among the
people?

  "And I said, Sir, I am both ashamed on their behalf, and right
sorrowful for them that have certified you these things thus untruly,
for I never preached nor taught thus privily nor apertly.

  "And the archbishop said to me, I will give credence to these
worshipful men which have written to me, and witnessed under their
seals there among them. Though now thou deniest this, weenest thou
that I will give credence to thee? Thou, losel, hast troubled the
worshipful commonalty of Shrewsbury, so that the bailiffs and
commonalty of that town have written to me, praying me that am
archbishop of Canterbury, primate and chancellor of England, that I 
will vouchsafe to grant them, that if thou shalt be made (as thou art
worthy) to suffer open jouresse for thine heresies, that thou may have
thy jouresse openly there among them; so that all they whom thou and
such other losels have there perverted, may, through fear of thy deed,
be reconciled again to the unity of holy church. And also they that
stand in true faith of holy church, may, through thy deed, be more
established therein. And as if this asking well pleased the
archbishop, he said, By my thrift this hearty prayer and fervent
request shall be thought on.

  "But certainly, neither the prayer of the men of Shrewsbury, nor
the menacing of the archbishop, made me any thing afraid; but in
rehearsing of this malice, and in the hearing of it, my heart greatly
rejoiced, and yet doth I thank God for the grace that I then thought,
and yet think shall come to all the church of God herethrough, by the
special merciful doing of the Lord. And as having no dread of the
malice of tyrants, by trusting stedfastly in the help of the Lord,
with full purpose to knowledge the soothfastness, and to stand thereby
after my cunning and power, I said to the archbishop, Sir, if the
truth of God's word might now be accepted as it should be, I doubt not
to prove by likely evidence, that they that are feigned to be out of
the faith of holy church in Shrewsbury, and in other places also, are
in the true faith of holy church. For as their words sound, and their
works show to man's judgment, (dreading and loving faithfully God,)
their will, their desire, their love, and their business are most set
to dread to offend God, and to love to please him in true and faithful
keeping of his commandments. And again, they that are said to be in
the faith of holy church in Shrewsbury and in other places, by open
evidence of their proud, envious, malicious, covetous, lecherous, and
other foul words and works, neither know, nor have will to know, nor
to occupy their wits truly and effectually in the right faith of holy
church. Wherefore neither all these, nor any that follow their
manners, shall any time come verily in the faith of holy church,
except they enforce them more truly to come in the way which now they
despise. For these men and women, that are now called faithful and
holden just, neither know, nor will exercise themselves to know (of
faithfulness) commandment of God.

  "And thus full many men and women now, and especially men that
are named to be principal limbs of holy church, stir God to great
wrath, and deserve his curse for that they call or hold them just men,
which are full unjust, as their vicious words, their great customable
swearing, and their slanderous and shameful works, show openly and
witness. And therefore such vicious men and unjust in their own
confession call them unjust men and women, which after their power and
cunning busy themselves to live justly after the commandment of God.
And where, sir, ye say that I have distroubled the commonalty of
Shrewsbury, and many other men and women with my teaching; if it thus
be, it is not to be wondered of wise men, since all the commonalty of
the city of Jerusalem was distroubled of Christ's own person, that was
very God and man, and the most prudent preacher that ever was or shall
be. And also all the synagogue of Nazareth was moved against Christ,
and so fulfilled with ire towards him for his preaching, that the men
of the synagogue rose up and cast Christ out of their city, and led
him up to the top of a mountain to cast him down there headlong; also
accordingly hereto the Lord witnesseth by Moses, that he shall put
dissensions betwixt his people, and the people that contrarieth and
pursueth his people. Who, sir, is he that shall preach the truth of
God's word to the unfaithful people, and shall let the soothfastness
of the gospel, and the prophecy of God Almighty to be fulfilled?

  "And the archbishop said to me, It followeth of these thy words,
that thou and such other thinkest that ye do right well to preach and
teach as ye do, without authority of any bishop. For you presume that
the Lord hath chosen you only to preach, as faithful disciples, and
special followers of Christ.

  "And I said, Sir, by authority of God's law, and also of saints
and doctors, I am learned to deem, that it is every priest's office
and duty to preach busily, freely, and truly the word of God. For no
doubt every priest should purpose first in his soul, and covet to take
the order of priesthood, chiefly to make known to the people the word
of God, after his cunning and power; approving his words ever to be
true by his virtuous works: and for this intent we suppose that
bishops and other prelates of holy church should chiefly take and use
their prelacy, and for the same cause bishops should give to priests
their orders. For bishops should accept no man to priesthood, except
that he had good will and full purpose, and were well disposed, and
well learned to preach. Wherefore, sir, by the bidding of Christ, and
by the example of his most holy living, and also by the witnessing of
his holy apostles and prophets, we are bound under full great pain, to
exercise us after our cunning and power (as every priest is likewise
charged of God) to fulfil duly the office of priesthood. We presume
not here of ourselves to be esteemed (neither in our own reputation,
nor in none other man's) faithful disciples, and special followers of
Christ. But, sir, as I said to you before, we deem this, by authority
chiefly of God's word, that it is the chief duty of every priest to
busy him faithfully to make the law of God known to his people; and so
to commune the commandment of God charitably, how that we may best,
where, when, and to whom that ever we may, is our very duty: and for
the will and business that we owe of due debt to do justly our office
through the stirring and special help, as we trust, of God, hoping
stedfastly in his mercy, we desire to be the faithful disciples of
Christ, and we pray this gracious Lord for his holy name, that he make
us able to please him with devout prayers, and charitable priestly
works, that we may obtain of him to follow him thankfully.

  "And the archbishop said to me, Lewd losel, whereto makest thou
such vain reasons to me? Asketh not St. Paul, How should priests
preach except they be sent? But I sent thee never to preach. For thy
venomous doctrine is so known throughout England, that no bishop will
admit thee to preach by witnessing of their letters. Why then, lewd
idiot, wilt thou presume to preach, since thou art not sent nor
licensed of thy sovereign to preach? Saith St. Paul, that subjects
ought to obey their sovereigns, and not only good and virtuous, but
also tyrants that are vicious.

  "And I said to the archbishop, Sir, as touching your letter of
licence, or other bishop's, which, ye say, we should have to witness
that we are able to be sent to preach; we know well that neither you,
sir, nor any other bishop of this land, will grant to us any such
letters of licence, but if we should oblige us to you and to other
bishops, by unlefull oaths, not to pass the bounds and terms which ye,
sir, or other bishops, will limit to us. And since in this matter your
terms be some too large, and some too strait; we dare not oblige us
thus to be bounden to you to keep the terms, which you will limit to
us, as you do to friars and such other preachers; and therefore,
though we have not your letter, sir, nor letters of any other bishops
written with ink upon parchment, we dare not therefore leave the
office of preaching (to which preaching all priests after their
cunning and power are bound, by divers testimonies of God's law, and
great doctors) without any mention making of bishops' letters. For as
mickle as we have taken upon us the order of priesthood, though we are
unworthy thereto, we came and purpose to fulfil it with the help of
God, by authority of his own law, and by witness of great doctors and
saints, accordingly hereto trusting stedfastly in the mercy of God.
For that he commandeth us to do the office of priesthood, he will be
our sufficient letters and witness, if we, by example of his holy
living and teaching, specially occupy us faithfully to do our office
justly: yea, the people to whom we preach, be they faithful or
unfaithful, shall be our letters, that is, our witness-bearers: for
the truth where it is sown may not be unwitnessed. For all that are
converted and saved by learning of God's word, and by working
thereafter, are witness-bearers, that the truth and soothfastness,
which they heard and did after, is cause of their salvation: and
again, all unfaithful men and women which heard the truth told out to
them, and would not do thereafter; also all they that might have heard
the truth, and would not hear it, because that they would not do
thereafter; all these shall bear witness against themselves, and the
truth which they would not hear, or else heard it and despised to do
thereafter through their unfaithfulness, is and shall be cause of
their damnation. Therefore, sir, since this aforesaid witnessing of
God, and of divers saints and doctors, and of all the people good and
evil, sufficeth to all true preachers; we think that we do not the
office of priesthood, if that we leave our preaching, because that we
have not, or may not have duly, bishops' letters, to witness that we
are sent of them to preach. This sentence approveth St. Paul, where he
speaketh of himself and of faithful apostles and disciples, saying
thus: We need no letters of commendations as some preachers do, which
preach for covetousness of temporal goods, and for men's praising. And
where ye say, sir, that Paul biddeth subjects obey their sovereigns,
that is sooth, and may not be denied. But there be two manner of
sovereigns, virtuous sovereigns, and vicious tyrants. Therefore to
these last sovereigns neither men nor women, that be subject, owe to
obey in two manners. To virtuous sovereigns and charitable subjects
they owe to obey wilfully and gladly, in hearing of their good
counsel, in consenting to their charitable biddings, and in working
after their fruitful works.

  "This sentence Paul approveth, where he saith to subjects, Be ye
mindful of your sovereigns, that speak to you the word of God, and
follow you the faith of them, whose conversation you know to be
virtuous. For, as Paul saith after, these sovereigns to whom subjects
ought to obey in following of their manners, work busily in holy
studying, how they may withstand and destroy vices, first in
themselves and after in all their subjects, and how they may best
plant in them virtues. Also these sovereigns make devout and fervent
prayers to purchase grace of God, that they and their subjects may
over all things dread to offend him, and to love to please him. Also
these sovereigns to whom Paul biddeth us obey, as it is said before,
live so virtuously, that all they that will live well, may take of
them good example, to know and to keep the commandments of God., But
in this aforesaid wise, subjects ought not to obey nor to be obedient
to tyrants, while they are vicious tyrants, since their will, their
counsel, their biddings, and their works are so vicious, that they
ought to be hated and left. And though such tyrants be masterful and
cruel in boasting and menacing, in oppressions and divers punishings,
St. Peter biddeth the servants of such tyrants to obey meekly such
tyrants, suffering patiently their malicious cruelness; but Peter
counselleth not any servant or subject to obey any lord, or prince, or
sovereign, in any thing that is not pleasing to God.

  "And the archbishop said unto me, If a sovereign bid his subject
do that thing that is vicious, this sovereign herein is to blame, but
the subject for his obedience deserveth meed of God; for obedience
more pleaseth God than any sacrifice.

  "And I said, Samuel the prophet said to Saul the wicked king,
that God was more pleased with the obedience of his commandments than
with any sacrifice of beasts. But David saith, and St. Paul, and St.
Gregory accordingly together, that not only they that do evil are
worthy of death and damnation, but also they that consent to evil-
doers. And, sir, the law of the holy church teacheth in the decrees,
that no servant to his lord, nor child to the father or mother, nor
wife to her husband, nor monk to his abbot, ought to obey, except in
lefull things, and lawful.

  "And the archbishop said to me, All these allegings that thou
bringest forth, are not else but proud presumptuousness. For hereby
thou enforcest thee to prove, that thou and such other are so just,
that ye ought not to obey to prelates. And thus, against the learning
of St. Paul, that teacheth you not to preach but if ye were sent, of
your own authority ye will go forth and preach, and do what ye list.

  "And I said, Sir, presenteth not every priest the office of the
apostles, or the office of the disciples of Christ? And the archbishop
said, Yea. And I said, Sir, as the 10th chapter of Matthew and the
last chapter of Mark witnesseth, Christ sent his apostles to preach. 
And the 10th chapter of Luke witnesseth, that Christ sent his two and
seventy disciples to preach in every place that Christ was to come to.
And St. Gregory in the common law saith, that every man that goeth to
priesthood, taketh upon him the office of preaching: for, as he saith,
that priest stirreth God to great wrath, of whose mouth is not heard
the voice of preaching. And as other more glosses upon Ezekiel
witness, that the priest that preacheth not busily to the people,
shall be partaker of their damnation that perish through his default.
And though the people be saved by other special grace of God, than by
the priests' preaching, yet the priests, in that they are ordained to
preach, and preach not, as before God they are manslayers. For as far
as on them is, such priests as preach not busily and truly, slay all
the people ghostly; in that they withhold from them the word of God,
that is the life and substance of men's souls. And St. Isidore said,
Priests shall be damned for wickedness of the people, if they teach
not them that are ignorant, or blame not them that are sinners: for
all the work or business of priests standeth in preaching and
teaching, that they edify all men as well by cunning of faith, as by
discipline of works, that is, virtuous teaching; and as the Gospel
witnesseth, Christ said in his teaching, I am born and come into this
world, to bear witness to the truth, and he that is of the truth
heareth my voice.

  "Then, sir, since by the word of Christ specially, that is, his
voice, priests are commanded to preach, whatsoever priest that it be,
that hath not good will and full purpose to do thus, and ableth not
himself after his cunning and power to do his office by the example of
Christ and of his apostles, whatsoever other thing that he doth,
displeaseth God. For, lo, St. Gregory saith, that thing left that a
man is bound chiefly to do, whatsoever other thing that a man doth, it
is unthankful to the Holy Ghost; and therefore saith Lincoln, The
priest that preacheth not the word of God, though he be seen to have
none other default, he is antichrist and Satan's, a night thief, and a
day thief, a slayer of souls, and an angel of light turned into
darkness. Wherefore, sir, these authorities and other well considered,
I deem myself damnable, if I, either for pleasure or displeasure of
any creature, apply me not diligently to preach the word of God. And
in the same damnation I deem all those priests, which of good purpose
and will enforce them not busily to do thus, and also all them that
have purpose or will to let any priest of this business.

  "And the archbishop said to those three clerks that stood before
him, Lo, sirs, this is the manner and business of this losel and such
other, to pick out such sharp sentences of Holy Scripture and doctors,
to maintain their sect and lore against the ordinance of holy church.
And therefore, losel, it is thou that covetest to have again the
Psalter that I made to be taken from thee at Canterbury, to record
sharp verses against us. But thou shalt never have that Psalter nor
any other book, till that I know that thy heart and thy mouth accord
fully to be governed by holy church.

  "And I said, Sir, all my will and power is, and ever shall be, (I
trust to God,) to be governed by holy church.

  "And the archbishop asked me, what was holy church.

  "And I said, Sir, I told you before what was holy church. But
since ye ask me this demand, I call Christ and his saints holy church.

  "And the archbishop said unto me, I wot well that Christ and his
saints are holy church in heaven, but what is holy church in earth?

  "And I said, Sir, though holy church be every one in charity, yet
it hath two parts: the first and principal part hath overcome
perfectly all the wretchedness of this life, and reigneth joyfully in
heaven with Christ. And the other part is here yet in earth, busily
and continually fighting day and night against temptations of the
fiend; forsaking and hating the prosperity of this world, despising
and withstanding their fleshly lusts, which only are the pilgrims of
Christ, wandering toward heaven by stedfast faith, and grounded hope,
and by perfect charity. For these heavenly pilgrims may not nor will
not be letted of their good purpose, by the reason of any doctors
discording from Holy Scripture, nor by the floods of any tribulation
temporal, nor by the wind of any pride, of boast, or of menacing of
any creature; for they are all fast grounded upon the sure stone,
Christ; hearing his word and loving it, exercising them faithfully and
continually in all their wits to do thereafter.

  "And the archbishop said to his clerks, See ye not how his heart
is indurate, and how he is travailed with the devil, occupying him
thus busily to inedge such sentences to maintain his errors and
heresies. Certain, thus he would occupy us here all day, if we would
suffer him.

  "One of the clerks answered, Sir, he said right now, that this
certification, that came to you from Shrewsbury, is untruly forged
against him. Therefore, sir, appose you him now here in all the points
which are certified against him, and so we shall hear of his own mouth
his answers, and witness them.

  "And the archbishop took the certification in his hand, and
looked thereon awhile, and then he said to me,

  "Lo here it is certified against thee by worthy men and faithful
of Shrewsbury, that thou preachedst there openly in St. Chad's church,
that the sacrament of the altar was material bread after the
consecration; what sayest thou? Was this truly preached?

  "And I said, Sir, I tell you truly that I touched nothing there
of the sacrament of the altar, but in this wise as I will, with God's
grace, tell you here. As I stood there in the pulpit, busying me to
teach the commandment of God, there knelled a sacred bell, and
therefore mickle people turned away hastily, and with noise ran from
towards me. And I, seeing this, said to them thus, Good men, ye were
better to stand here still and to hear God's word. For certes the
virtue and the meed of the most holy sacrament of the altar standeth
mickle more in the belief thereof that you ought to have in your soul,
than it doth in the outward sight thereof; and therefore ye were
better to stand still quietly to hear God's word, because that through
the hearing thereof men come to very true belief. And otherwise, sir,
I am certain I spake not there of the worthy sacrament of the altar.

  "And the archbishop said to me, I believe thee not, whatsoever
thou sayest, since so worshipful men have witnessed thus against thee;
but since thou deniest that thou saidst thus there, what sayest thou
now? Resteth there, after the consecration in the host, material bread
or no?

  "And I said, Sir, I know in no place in Holy Scripture where this
term material bread is written; and therefore, sir, when I speak of
this matter, I use not to speak of material bread.

  "Then the archbishop said to me, How teachest thou men to believe
in this sacrament?

  "And I said, Sir, as I believe myself, so I teach other men.

  "He said, Tell out plainly thy belief thereof.

  "And I said with my protestation, Sir, I believe that the night
before that Christ Jesus would suffer (wilfully) passion for mankind
on the morn after, he took bread in his holy and most worshipful
hands, lifting up his eyes, and giving thanks to God his Father,
blessed this bread, and brake it, and gave it to his disciples, saying
to them, Take and eat of this all you, this is my body. And that this
is, and ought to be, all men's belief, Matthew, Mark, Luke, and Paul
witnesseth. Other belief, sir, I have none, nor will have, nor teach;
for I believe that this sufficeth in this matter. For in this belief
with God's grace I purpose to live and die, knowledging, as I believe,
and teach other men to believe, that the worshipful sacrament of the
altar is the sacrament of Christ's flesh and blood in the form of
bread and wine.

  "And the archbishop said to me, It is sooth that this sacrament
is very Christ's body in form of bread, but thou and thy sect teachest
it to be substance of bread. Think you this true teaching?

  "And I said, Neither I, nor any other of the sect that ye damn,
teach any otherwise than I have told you, nor believe otherwise to my
knowing. Nevertheless, sir, I ask of you for charity, that you will
tell me here plainly, how ye shall understand the text of St. Paul,
where he saith thus, This thing feel you in yourself that is in Christ
Jesus, while he was in the form of God. Sir, calleth not Paul here the
form of God, the substance or kind of God? Also, sir, saith not the
church, in the hours of the most blessed Virgin accordingly hereto,
where it is written thus, Thou author of health, remember that
sometime thou took of the undefiled virgin the form of our body? Tell
me for charity, therefore, whether the form of our bodies be called
here the kind of our body or no?

  "And the archbishop said to me, Wouldst thou make me to declare
this text after thy purpose, since the church now hath determined that
there abideth no substance of bread, after the consecration, in the
sacrament of the altar? Believest thou not this ordinance of the
church?

  "And I said, Sir, whatsoever prelates have ordained in the
church, our belief standeth ever whole. I have not heard that the
ordinance of men under belief should be put into belief.

  "And the archbishop said to me, If thou hast not learned this
before, learn now to know that thou art out of belief, if in this
matter and other thou believest not as the holy church believeth. What
say doctors treating of this sacrament?

  "And I said, Sir, St. Paul, that was a great doctor of holy
church, speaking to the people, and teaching them in the right belief
of this most holy sacrament, calleth it bread that we break. And also
in the canon of the mass, after the consecration, this most worthy
sacrament is called holy bread. And every priest in this land, after
that he hath received this sacrament, saith in this wise, That thing
that we have taken with our mouth, we pray God that we may take it
with a pure and clean mind; that is, as I understand, We pray God that
we may receive, through very belief, this holy sacrament worthily.
And, sir, St. Augustine saith, That thing that is seen is bread, but
that men's faith asketh to be informed of is very Christ's body. And
also Fulgence, an ententive doctor, saith, As it were an error to say
that Christ was but a substance, that is, very man, and not very God,
or to say that Christ was very God and not very man; so is it, this
doctor saith, an error to say, that the sacrament of the altar is but
a substance. And also, sir, accordingly hereto, in the secret of the
mid mass on Christmas day, it is written thus, Idem refulsit Deus, sic
terrena substantia nobis conferat quod divinum est; which sentence,
sir, with the secret of the fourth ferie, quatuor temporum Septembris,
I pray you, sir, declare here openly in English.

  "And the archbishop said to me, I perceive well enough whereabout
thou art, and how the devil blindeth thee, that thou may not
understand the ordinance of holy church, nor consent thereto; but I
command thee now, answer me shortly, believest thou that, after the
consecration of this aforesaid sacrament, there abideth substance of
bread or not?

  "And I said, Sir, as I understand, it is all one to grant or
believe that there dwelleth substance of bread, and to grant and to
believe that this most worthy sacrament of Christ's own body is
accident without subject. But, sir, for as mickle as your asking
passeth my understanding, I dare neither deny it, nor grant it; for it
is school matter, about which I busied me never to know; and,
therefore, I commit this term, accidens sine subjecto, to those clerks
which delight them so in curious and subtle sophistry, because they
determine oft so difficult and strange matters, and wade and wander so
in them from argument to argument, with pro et contra, till that they
wot not where they are, and understand not themselves. But the shame
that these proud sophisters have to yield them to men, and before men,
maketh them oft fools, and to be concluded shamefully before God.

  "And the archbishop said to me, I purpose not to oblige thee to
the subtle arguments of clerks, since thou art unable thereto; but I
purpose to make thee obey to the determination of holy church.

  "And I said, Sir, by open evidence and great witness, a thousand
years after the incarnation of Christ, the determination which I have
here before you rehearsed, was accept of holy church, as sufficient to
the salvation of all them that would believe it faithfully, and work
thereafter charitably. But, sir, the determination of this matter was
brought in, since the fiend was loosed, by Friar Thomas again,
especially calling the most worshipful sacrament of Christ's own body
an accident without subject: which term, since I know not that God's
law approveth it in this matter, I dare not grant, but utterly I deny
to make this friar's sentence, or any such other, my belief; do with
me God what thou wilt.

  "And the archbishop said to me, Well, well, thou shalt say
otherwise ere that I leave thee. But what sayest thou to this second
point that is recorded against thee by worthy men of Shrewsbury,
saying that thou preachedst there, that images ought not to be
worshipped in any wise?

  "And I said, Sir, I preached never thus, nor through God's grace
will I at any time consent to think, or to say thus, either privily or
apertly. For lo, the Lord witnesseth by Moses, that the things which
he made were right good, and so then they were, and yet they are and
shall be good and worshipful in their kind. And therefore, to the end
that God made them so, they are all praiseable and worshipful, and
specially man, that was made after the image and likeness of God, is
full worshipful in his kind, yea, this holy image, that is man, God
worshippeth. And therefore every man should worship other, in kind,
and also for heavenly virtues that men use charitably. And also I say,
wood, tin, gold, silver, or any other matter that images are made of,
all these creatures are worshipful in their kind, and to the end that
God made them for. But the carving, casting, and painting of an
imagery, made within man's hand, albeit that this doing be accept of
man of highest state and dignity, and ordained of them to be a
calendar to lewd men, that neither can nor will be learned to know God
in his word, neither by his creatures, nor by his wonderful and divers
workings; yet this imagery ought not to be worshipped in form, nor in
the likeness of man's craft. Nevertheless, that every matter the
painters paint with, since it is God's creature, ought to be
worshipped in the kind, and to that end that God made and ordained it
to serve man.

  "Then the archbishop said to me, I grant well that nobody ought
to do worship to any such images for themselves. But a crucifix ought
to be worshipped for the passion of Christ that is painted therein,
and so brought therethrough to man's mind; and thus the images of the
blessed Trinity, and of the Virgin Mary, Christ's mother, and other
images of saints, ought to be worshipped. For lo, earthly kings and
lords which use to send their letters ensealed with their arms, or
with their privy signet, to them that are with them, are worshipped of
these men. For when these men receive their lords' letters, in which
they see and know the wills and biddings of the lords, in worship of
their lords, they doff their caps to these letters. Why not then,
since in images made with man's hand, we may read and know many and
divers things of God, and of his saints, shall we not worship their
images?

  "And I said, Within my aforesaid protestation I say, that these
worldly usages of temporal laws that ye speak now of, may be done in
case without sin. But this is no similitude to worship images, made by
man's hand, since that Moses, David, Solomon, Baruch, and other saints
in the Bible, forbid so plainly the worshipping of such images.

  "Then the archbishop said to me, Lewd losel, in the old law
before that Christ took mankind, was no likeness of any person of the
Trinity neither showed to man, nor known of man: but now since Christ
became man, it is lefull to have images to show his manhood, yea,
though many men which are right great clerks, and other also, held it
an error to paint the Trinity; I say, it is well done to make and to
paint the Trinity in images. For it is great moving of devotion to
men, to have and to behold the Trinity and other images of saints
carved, cast, and painted. For beyond the sea are the best painters
that ever I saw. And, sirs, I tell you, this is their manner, and it
is a good manner; when that an image-maker shall carve, cast in mould,
or paint any images, he shall go to a priest, and shrive him as clean
as if he should then die and take penance, and make some certain vow
of fasting or of praying, or pilgrimages doing, praying the priest
specially to pray for him, that he may have grace to make a fair and a
devout image.

  "And I said, Sir, I doubt not if these painters that ye speak of,
or any other painters, understood truly the text of Moses, of David,
of the wise man, of Baruch, and of other saints and doctors; these
painters should be moved to shrive them to God with full inward sorrow
of heart, taking upon them to do right sharp penance for the sinful
and vain craft of painting, carving, or casting they had used:
promising God faithfully never to do so after: knowledging openly
before all men their reprovable learning. And also, sir, these priests
that shrive (as you do say) painters, and enjoin them to do penance,
and pray for their speed, promising to them help of their prayers to
be curious in their sinful crafts, sin herein more grievously than the
painters. For these priests do comfort and give them counsel to do
that thing, which of great pain, yea, under the pain of God's curse,
they should utterly forbid them. For certes, sir, if the wonderful
working of God, and the holy living and teaching of Christ, and of his
apostles and prophets, were made known to the people by holy living,
and true and busy teaching of priests; these things (sir) were
sufficient books and calendars to know God by, and his saints, without
any images made with man's hand. But certes, the vicious living of
priests and their covetousness are chief cause of this error, and all
other viciousness that reigneth among the people.

  "Then the archbishop said unto me, I hold thee a vicious priest
and accurst, and all they that are of thy sect; for all priests of
holy church, and all images that move men to devotion, thou and such
other go about to destroy. Losel, were it a fair thing to come into
the church, and see therein none image?

  "And I said, Sir, they that come to the church, to pray devoutly
to the Lord God, may in their inward wits be the more fervent, that
all their outward wits be close from all outward seeing and hearing,
and from all disturbance and lettings. And since Christ blessed them
that saw him not bodily, and have believed faithfully in him; it
sufficeth then to all men, through hearing and knowing God's word, and
doing thereafter; to believe in God, though they never see images made
with man's hand after any person of the Trinity, or of any other
saint.

  "And the archbishop said to me with a fervent spirit, I say to
thee, losel, that it is right well done to make and to have an image
of the Trinity: yea, what sayest thou? is it not a stirring thing to
behold such an image?

  "And I said, Sir, ye said right now, that in the old law, ere
Christ took mankind, no likeness of any person of the Trinity was
showed to men: wherefore, sir, ye said it was not then lefull to have
images, but now ye say, since Christ is become man, it is lefull to
have and to make an image of the Trinity, and also of other saints.
But, sir, this thing would I learn of you: since the Father of heaven,
yea, and every person of Trinity, was without beginning God Almighty,
and many holy prophets that were deadly men, were martyred violently
in the old law, and also many men and women then died confessors; why
was it not then as lefull and necessary as now, to have made an image
of the Father of heaven, and to have made and had other images of
martyrs, prophets, and holy confessors, to have been calendars to
advise men and move them to devotion, as ye say that images now do?

  "And the archbishop said, The synagogue of the Jews had not
authority to approve those things as the church of Christ hath now.

  "And I said, Sir, St. Gregory was a great man in the new law, and
of great dignity, and, as the common law witnesseth, he commended
greatly a bishop, in that he forbade utterly the images made with
man's hand should be worshipped.

  "And the archbishop said, Ungracious losel, thou savourest no
more truth than a hound. Since at the rood at the north door at
London, at our Lady at Walsingham, and many other places in England,
are many great and praiseable miracles done: should not the images of
such holy saints and places at the reverence of God, and of our Lady,
and other saints, be more worshipped than other places and images,
where no miracles are done?

  "And I said, Sir, there is no such virtue in any imagery, that
any image should heretofore be worshipped; wherefore I am certain that
there is no miracle done of God in any place in earth, because that
any images made with man's hand should be worshipped. And therefore,
sir, as I preached openly at Shrewsbury and other places, I say now
here before you, That nobody should trust that there were any virtue
in imagery made with man's hand; and therefore no body should vow to
them, nor seek them, nor kneel to them, nor bow to them, nor pray to
them, nor offer any thing to them, nor kiss them, nor incense them.
For, lo, the most worthy of such images, the brazen serpent, by Moses
made, at God's bidding, the good king Hezekiah worthily and
thankfully, and all because it was incensed. Therefore, sir, if men
take good heed to the writing and the learning of St. Augustine, of
St. Gregory, and of St. John Chrysostom, and of other saints and
doctors, how they spake and wrote of miracles, that shall be done now
in the last end of the world; it is to be dreaded, that for the
unfaithfulness of men and women, the fiend hath great power to work
many of the miracles that now are done in such places. For both men
and women delight now more to hear and know miracles, than they do to
know God's word, or to hear it effectually. Wherefore, to the great
confusion of all them that thus do, Christ saith, The generation of
adulterers requireth tokens, miracles, and wonders. Nevertheless, as
divers saints say, now when the faith of God is published in
Christendom, the word of God sufficeth to man's salvation, without
such miracles; and thus also the word of God sufficeth to all faithful
men and women without any such images. But, good sir, since the Father
of heaven, that is God in his Godhead, is the most unknown thing that
may be, and the most wonderful Spirit, having in it no shape nor
likeness and members of any deadly creature; in what likeness, or what
image, may God the Father be showed or painted?

  "And the archbishop said, As holy church hath suffered the images
of the Trinity, and all other images, to be painted and showed, it
sufficeth to them that are members of holy church. But since thou art
a rotten member, cut away from holy church, thou savourest not the
ordinance thereof. But since the day passeth, leave we this matter.

  "And then he said to me, What sayest thou to the third point that
is certified against thee, preaching openly in Shrewsbury, that
pilgrimage is not lefull? And over this thou saidst that those men and
women that go on pilgrimages to Canterbury, to Beverley, to
Karlington, to Walsingham, and to any other such places, are accursed
and made foolish, spending their goods in waste.

  "And I said, Sir, by this certification I am accused to you that
I should teach, that no pilgrimage is lefull. But I never said thus.
For I know that there be true pilgrimages and lefull, and full
pleasant to God; and therefore, sir, howsoever mine enemies have
certified you of me, I told at Shrewsbury of two manner of
pilgrimages.

  "And the archbishop said to me, Whom callest thou true pilgrims?

  "And I said, Sir, with my protestation I call them true pilgrims
travelling toward the bliss of heaven, which, in the state, degree, or
order that God calleth them to, do busy them faithfully to occupy all
their wits, bodily and ghostly, to know truly and to keep faithfully
the biddings of God, hating and fleeing all the seven deadly sins, and
every branch of them: ruling them virtuously (as it is said before)
with their wits, doing discreetly, wilfully, and gladly, all the works
of mercy, bodily and ghostly, after their cunning and power, abling
them to the gifts of the Holy Ghost, disposing them to receive them in
their souls, and to hold therein the right blessings of Christ;
busying them to know and to keep the seven principal virtues, and so
then they shall obtain herethrough grace, to use thankfully to God all
the conditions of charity. And then they shall be moved with the good
Spirit of God, to examine oft and diligently their conscience, that
neither wilfully nor wittingly they err in any article of belief,
having continually, as frailty will suffer, all their business to
dread and to fly the offence of God, and to love over all, and to seek
ever to do his pleasant will. Of these pilgrimages I said, whatsoever
good thought that they at any time think, what virtuous word that they
speak, and what fruitful work that they work; every such thought,
word, and work is a step numbered of God toward him into heaven. These
aforesaid pilgrims of God, delight sore when they hear of saints, or
of virtuous men and women, how they forsook wilfully the prosperity of
this life, how they withstood the suggestion of the fiend, how they
restrained their fleshly lusts, how discreet they were in their
penance doing, how patient they were in all their adversities, how
prudent they were in counselling of men and women, moving them to hate
all sins, and to fly them, and to shame ever greatly thereof, and to
love all virtues, and to draw to them; imagining how Christ, and his
followers by example of him, suffered scorns and slanders, and how
patiently they abode and took the wrongful menacing of tyrants; how
homely they were, and serviceable to poor men, to relieve and to
comfort them, bodily and ghostly, after their power and cunning; and
how devout they were in prayers, how fervent they were in heavenly
desires, and how they absented them from spectacles of vain sayings
and hearings; and how stable they were to let and destroy all vices,
and how laborious and joyful they were to sow and to plant virtues.
These heavenly conditions and such other have pilgrims, or endeavour
to have them, whose pilgrimage God accepteth.

  "And again, I said, As their works show, the most part of men and
women that go now on pilgrimages, have not these aforesaid conditions,
nor love to busy them faithfully to have. For as I well know, since I
have full oft essayed, examine whosoever will twenty of these
pilgrims, and he shall not find three men or women that know surely a
commandment of God, nor can say their Pater Noster and Ave Maria, nor
their creed, readily in any manner of language. And as I have learned,
and also know somewhat by experience, of these same pilgrims, telling
the cause why that many men and women go hither and thither now on
pilgrimage, it is more for the health of their bodies than of their
souls; more to have riches and prosperity of this world, than to be
enriched with virtues in their souls; more to have here worldly and
fleshly friendship, than to have friendship of God and of his saints
in heaven; for whatsoever thing man or woman doth, the friendship of
God, or of any other saint, cannot be had, without keeping of God's
commandments. Further with my protestation, I say now, as I said in
Shrewsbury, though they that have fleshly wills, travel far their
bodies, and spend mickle money, to seek and to visit the bones or
images (as they say they do) of this saint or of that, such
pilgrimage-going is neither praiseable nor thankful to God, nor to any
saint of God, since, in effect, all such pilgrims despise God and all
his commandments and saints; for the commandments of God they will
neither know, nor keep, nor conform them to live virtuously by example
of Christ and of his saints. Wherefore, sir, I have preached and
taught openly, and so I purpose all my lifetime to do with God's help,
saying that such fond people waste blamefully God's goods in their
vain pilgrimages, spending their goods upon vicious hostelars, which
are oft unclean women of their bodies; and, at the least, those goods
with the which they should do works of mercy, after God's bidding, to
poor needy men and women.

  "These poor men's goods, and their livelode, these runners about
offer to rich priests, which have mickle more livelode than they need;
and thus those goods they waste wilfully, and spend them unjustly
against God's bidding upon strangers, with which they should help and
relieve, after God's will, their poor needy neighbours at home; yea,
and over this folly, oftentimes divers men and women, of these runners
thus madly hither and thither into pilgrimage, borrow hereto other
men's goods, yea, and sometimes they steal men's goods hereto, and
they pay them never again. Also, sir, I know well that when divers men
and women will go thus after their own wills, and finding out one
pilgrimage, they will ordain with them before, to have with them both
men and women, that can well sing wanton songs, and some other
pilgrims will have with them bagpipes, so that every town that they
come through, what with the noise of their singing, and with the sound
of their piping, and with the jangling of their Canterbury bells, and
with the barking out of dogs after them, they make more noise than if
the king came there away with all his clarions, and many other
minstrels. And if these men and women be a month out in their
pilgrimage, many of them shall be an half year after great janglers,
tale-tellers, and liars.

  "And the archbishop said to me, Lewd losel, thou seest not far
enough in this matter, for thou considerest not the great travail of
pilgrims, therefore thou blamest that thing that is praiseable. I say
to thee, that it is right well done, that pilgrims have with them both
singers and also pipers; that when one of them that goeth barefoot
striketh his toe upon a stone, and hurteth him sore, and maketh him to
bleed, it is well done that he or his fellow begin then a song, or
else take out of his bosom a bagpipe, to drive away with such mirth
the hurt of his fellow: for with such solace the travail and weariness
of pilgrims is lightly and merrily borne out.

  "And I said, Sir, St. Paul teacheth men to weep with them that
weep.

  "And the archbishop said, What janglest thou against men's
devotion? Whatsoever thou or such other say, I say that the pilgrimage
that now is used, is to them that do it a praiseable and a good mean
to come the rather to grace. But I hold thee unable to know this
grace, for thou enforcest thee to let the devotion of the people,
since by authority of Holy Scripture men may lefully have and use such
solace as thou reprovest: for David, in his last psalm, teacheth men
to have divers instruments of music to praise God therewith.

  "And I said, Sir, by the sentence of divers doctors, expounding
the Psalms of David, that music and minstrelsy that David and other
saints of the old law spake of, ought now neither to be taken nor used
by the letter; but these instruments with their music ought to be
interpreted ghostly, for all those figures are called virtues and
grace, with which virtues men should please God, and praise his name.
For St. Paul saith, all such things befell to them in figure.
Therefore, sir, I understand that the letter of this psalm of David,
and such other psalms and sentences, doth slay them that take them now
literally; this sentence, as I understand, sir, Christ himself
approveth, putting out the minstrels, that he would quicken the dead
damsel.

  "And the archbishop said to me, Lewd losel, is it not lefull to
us to have organs in the church to worship therewithal God? And I
said, Yea, sir, by man's ordinance; but by the ordinance of God, a
good sermon, to the people's understanding, were mickle more pleasant
to God.

  "And the archbishop said, that organs and good delectable songs
quickened and sharpened more men's wits, than should any sermon.

  "But I said, Sir, lusty men and worldly lovers delight, and
covet, and travail to have all their wits quickened and sharpened with
divers sensible solace, but all the faithful lovers and followers of
Christ, have all their delight to hear God's word, and to understand
it truly, and to work thereafter faithfully and continually. For no
doubt, to dread to offend God, and to love to please him in all
things, quickeneth and sharpeneth all the wits of Christ's chosen
people; and ableth them so to grace, that they joy greatly to withdraw
their ears and all their wits and members from all worldly delight,
and from all fleshly solace. For St. Jerome (as I think) saith, Nobody
may joy with this world and reign with Christ.

  "And the archbishop (as if he had been displeased with my answer)
said to his clerks, What guess ye that this idiot will speak there
where he hath no dread, since he speaketh thus now here in my
presence? Well, well, by God, thou shalt be ordained for. And then he
spake to me all angerly.

    What sayest thou to this fourth point, that  is certified
against thee, preaching openly and boldly in Shrewsbury, that priests
have no title to tithes?

  "And I said, Sir, I named there no word of tithes in my
preaching. But more than a month after that I was arrested there in
prison, a man came to me into the prison, asking me what I said of
tithes; and I said to him, Sir, in this town are many clerks and
priests, of which some are called religious men, though many of them
be seculars, therefore ask ye of them this question. And this man said
to me, Sir, our prelates say, that we also are obliged to pay our
tithes of all things that renew to us; and that they are accursed that
withdraw any part wittingly from them of their tithes. And I said,
sir, to that man, as with my protestation I say now before you, that I
wonder that any priest dare say man to be accursed, without any ground
of God's word. And the man said, Sir, our priests say, that they curse
men thus by the authority of God's law. And I said, Sir, I know not
where this sentence of cursing is authorized now in the Bible. And
therefore, sir, I pray ye that ye will ask the most cunning clerk of
this town, that ye may know where this sentence of cursing them that
tithe not, is now written in God's law; for if it were written there,
I would right gladly be learned where. But, shortly, this man would
not go from me to ask this question of another body, but required me
there, as I would answer before God, if in this case that cursing of
priests were lawful and approved of God? And shortly herewith came to
my mind the learning of St. Peter, teaching priests specially to
hallow the Lord Christ in their hearts, being evermore ready, as far
as in them is, to answer through faith and hope to them that ask of
them a reason. And this lesson Peter teacheth men to use with a meek
spirit, and with dread of the Lord. Wherefore, sir, I said to this man
in this wise, In the old law, which ended not fully till the time that
Christ rose up again from death to life, God commanded tithes to be
given to the Levites, for the great business and daily travail that 
pertained to their office. But priests, because their travail was
mickle more easy and light, than was the office of the Levites, God
ordained the priests should take for their livelihood to do their
office, the tenth part of those tithes that were given to the Levites.
But now, I said, in the new law, neither Christ nor any of his
apostles took tithes of the people, nor commanded the people to pay
tithes, neither to priests, nor to deacons. But Christ taught the
people to do alms, that is, works of mercy, to poor needy men, (of
surplus, that is, superfluous of their temporal goods,) which they had
more than them needed reasonably to their necessary livelihood. And
thus, I said, not of tithes, but of pure alms of the people, Christ
lived and his apostles, when they were so busy in preaching of the
word of God to the people, that they might not travail otherwise to
get their livelihood. But after Christ's ascension, and when the
apostles had received the Holy Ghost, they travailed with their hands
to get their livelihood, when that they might thus do for busy
preaching. Therefore, by example of himself, St. Paul teacheth all the
priests of Christ to travail with their hand, when for busy teaching
of the people they might thus do. And thus all these priests, whose
priesthood God accepteth now, or will accept, or did in the apostles'
time, and after their decease, will do to the world's end. But, as
Cisterciensis telleth, in the thousand year of our Lord Jesus Christ,
211 year, one Pope Gregory the Tenth ordained new tithes first to be
given to priests now in the new law. But St. Paul in his time, whose
trace or trample all priests of God enforce them to follow, seeing the
covetousness that was among the people, desiring to destroy that foul
sin through the grace of God and true virtuous living and example of
himself, wrought and taught all priests to follow him as he followed
Christ, patiently, willingly, and gladly in high poverty: wherefore
Paul saith thus, The Lord hath ordained that they that preach the
gospel, shall live of the gospel. But we, saith Paul, that covet and
busy us to be faithful followers of Christ, use not this power. For
lo, (as Paul witnesseth afterward,) when he was full poor and needy,
preaching among the people, he was not chargeous unto them, but with
his hands he travailed not only to get his own living, but also the
living of other poor and needy creatures; and since the people was
never so covetous nor so avaricious, I guess, as they are now, it were
good counsel that all priests took good heed to this heavenly learning
of Paul, following him here in wilful poverty, nothing charging the
people for their bodily livelihood. But because that many priests do
contrary to Paul in this aforesaid doctrine, Paul biddeth the people
take heed to those priests that follow him as he had given them
example. As if Paul would say thus to the people; Accept ye none other
priests than they, that live after the form that I have taught you.
For certain, in whatsoever dignity or order that any priest is in, if
he conform him not to follow Christ and his apostles in wilful
poverty, and in other heavenly virtues, and specially in true
preaching of God's word; though such a one be named a priest, yet he
is no more but a priest in name, for the work of a very priest in such
a one wanteth. This sentence approveth Augustine, Gregory, Chrysostom,
and Lincoln, plainly.

  "And the archbishop said to me, Thinkest thou this wholesome
learning to sow openly, or yet privily among the people? Certain this
doctrine contrarieth plainly the ordinance of holy fathers, which have
ordained, granted, and licensed priests to be in divers degrees, and
to live by tithes and offerings of the people, and by other duties.

  "And I said, Sir, if priests were now in measurable measure and
number, and lived virtuously, and taught busily and truly the word of
God, by example of Christ and of his apostles, without tithes, 
offerings, and other duties that priests now challenge and take, the
people would give them freely sufficient livelihood.

  "And a clerk said to me, How wilt thou make this good, that the
people will give freely to priests their livelihood; since that now by
the law every priest can scarcely constrain the people to give them
their livelihood?

  "And I said, Sir, it is now no wonder though the people grudge to
give priests the livelihood that they ask; mickle people know now, how
that priests should live, and how that they live contrary to Christ
and to his apostles. And therefore the people is full heavy to pay, as
they do, their temporal goods to parsons, and to other vicars and
priests, which should be faithful dispensators of the parish'sgoods;
taking to themselves no more but a scarce living of tithes, nor of
offerings, by the ordinance of the common law. For whatsoever priests
take of the people (be it tithe or offering, or any other duty or
service) the priests ought to have thereof no more but a bare living;
and to depart the residue to the poor men and women, specially of the
parish of whom they take this temporal living. But the most deal of
priests now wasteth their parishes' goods, and spendeth them at their
own will after the world, in their vain lusts: so that in few places
poor men have duly, as they should have, their own sustenance, neither
of tithes, nor of offerings, nor of other large wages and foundations
that priests take of the people in divers manners above that they need
for needful sustenance of meat and clothing: but the poor needy people
are forsaken and left of priests to be sustained of the parishioners,
as if the priests took nothing of the parishioners to help the people
with.

  "And thus, sir, into over-great charges of the parishioners they
pay their temporal goods twice, where once might suffice, if priests
were true dispensators. Also, sir, the parishioners that pay their
temporal goods, be they tithes or offerings, to priests that do not
their office among them justly, are partners of every sin of those
priests; because that they sustain those priests' folly in their sin,
with their temporal goods. If these things be well considered, what
wonder is it then, sir, if the parishioners grudge against these
dispensators?

  "Then the archbishop said to me, Thou that shouldst be judged and
ruled by holy church, presumptuously thou deemest holy church to have
erred in the ordinance of tithes and other duties to be paid to
priests. It shall be long ere thou thrive, losel, that thou despisest
thy ghostly mother. How darest thou speak this, losel, among the
people? Are not tithes given to priests to live by?

  "And I said, Sir, St. Paul saith, that tithes were given in the
old law to Levites and to priests, that came of the lineage of Levi.
But our priests, he saith, came not of the lineage of Levi, but of the
lineage of Judah, to which Judah no tithes were promised to be given.
And therefore Paul saith, since the priesthood is changed from the
generation of Levi to the generation of Judah, it is necessary that
changing also be made of the law. So that priests live now without
tithes and other duties that they claim, following Christ and his
apostles in wilful poverty, as they have given them example. For since
Christ lived, all the time of his preaching, by pure alms of the
people; and by example of him his apostles lived in the same wise, or
else by the travail of their hands, as it is said above: every priest,
whose priesthood Christ approveth, knoweth well, and confesseth in
word and work, that a disciple ought not to be above his master; but
it sufficeth to a disciple to be as his master, simple and pure, meek
and patient; and by example specially of his Master Christ, every
priest should rule him in all his living; and so, after his cunning
and power, a priest should busy him to inform and to rule whomsoever
he might charitably.

  "And the archbishop said to me with a great spirit, God's curse
have thou and mine for this teaching; for thou wouldst hereby make the
old law more free and perfect than the new law. For thou sayest that
it is lefull to Levites and to priests to take tithes in the old law,
and so to enjoy their privileges: but to us priests in the new law,
thou sayest it is not lawful to take tithes; and thus thou givest to
Levites of old law more freedom than to priests of the new law.

  "And I said, Sir, I marvel that ye understand this plain text of
Paul thus. Ye wot well, that the Levites and priests in the old law
that took tithes, were not so free nor so perfect as Christ and his
apostles that took no tithes. And, sir, there is a doctor (I think
that it is St. Hierome) that saith thus, The priests that challenge
now in the new law tithes, say, in effect, that Christ is not become
man, nor that he hath yet suffered death for man's love. Wherefore
this doctor saith this sentence: Since tithes were the heirs and wages
limited to Levites and to priests of the old law for bearing about of
the tabernacle, and for slaying and flaying of beasts, and for burning
of sacrifice, and for keeping of the temple, and for trumping of
battle before the host of Israel, and other divers observances that
pertained to their office; those priests that will challenge or take
tithes, deny that Christ is come in the flesh, and do the priests'
office of the old law, for whom tithes were granted, for else, as this
doctor saith, priests now take tithes wrongfully.

  "And the archbishop said to his clerks, Heard you ever losel
speak thus? Certain this is the learning of them all, that wheresoever
they come, and they may be suffered, they enforce them to expugn the
freedom of holy church.

  "And I said, Sir, why call ye the taking of tithes and of such
other duties that priests challenge now, wrongfully, the freedom of
holy church, since neither Christ nor his apostles challenged nor took
such duties? Therefore these takings of priests now are not called
justly the freedom of holy church, but all such giving and taking
ought to be called and holden, the slanderous covetousness of men of
the holy church.

  "And the archbishop said to me, Why, losel, wilt not thou, and
other that are confederate with thee, seek out of Holy Scripture and
of the sense of doctors, all sharp authorities against lords, knights,
and squires, and against other secular men, as thou dost against
priests?

  "And I said, Sir, whatsoever men or women, lords or ladies, or
any other that are present in our preaching specially, or in our
communing, after our cunning, we tell out to them their office and
their charges; but, sir, since Chrysostom saith, that priests are the
stomach of the people, it is needful in preaching, and also in
communing, to be most busy about this priesthood: since by the
viciousness of priests both lords and commons are most sinfully
infected and led into the worst. And because that the covetousness of
priests and pride, and the boast that they have and make of their
dignity and power, destroyeth not only the virtues of priesthood in
priests themselves, but also over this, it stirreth God to take great
vengeance both upon the lords, and upon the commons, which suffer
these priests charitably.

  "And the archbishop said to me, Thou judgest every priest proud
that will not go arrayed as thou doest: by God, I deem him to be more
meek that goeth every day in a scarlet gown, than thou in thy
threadbare blue gown. Whereby knowest thou a proud man?

  "And I said, Sir, a proud priest may be known, when he denieth to
follow Christ and his apostles in wilful poverty and other virtues;
and coveteth worldly worship, and taketh it gladly, and gathereth
together, with pleading, menacing, or with flattering, or with simony,
any worldly goods; and most, if a priest busy him not chiefly in
himself, and after in all other men and women after his cunning and
power, to withstand sin.

  "And the archbishop said to me, Though thou knewest a priest to
have all these vices, and though thou sawest a priest a fornicator,
wouldst thou therefore damn this priest damnable? I say to thee, that
in the turning about of thy hand, such a sinner may be verily
repented.

  "And I said, Sir, I will not damn any man for any sin that I know
done or may be done, so that the sinner leaveth his sin. But by
authority of Holy Scripture, he that sinneth thus openly as you show
here, is damnable for doing of such a sin; and most specially a
priest, that should be example to all other to hate and flee sin. And
in how short time soever ye say that such a sinner may be repented, he
ought not of him that knoweth his sinning, to be judged verily
repentant, without open evidence of great shame and hearty sorrow for
sin. For whosoever (and specially a priest) that useth pride, envy,
covetousness, lechery, simony, or any other vices, showeth not as open
evidence of repentance as he hath given evil example and occasion of
sinning, if he continue in any such sin as long as he may, it is
likely that sin leaveth him, and he not sin. And, as I understand,
such a one sinneth unto death, for whom nobody oweth to pray, as St.
John saith.

  "And a clerk said then to the archbishop, Sir, the longer that ye
oppose him, the worse he is; and the more you busy you to amend him,
the waywarder he is. For he is of so shrewd a kind, that he shameth
not only to be himself a foul nest, but without shame he busieth him
to make his nest fouler.

  "And then the archbishop said to his clerk, Suffer a while, for I
am at an end with him, for there is another point certifled against
him, and I will hear what he saith thereto.

  "And so then he said to me, Lo, it is here certified against
thee, that thou preachedst openly at Shrewsbury, that it is not lawful
to swear in any case.

  "And I said, Sir, I never preached so openly, nor have I taught
in this wise in any place. But, sir, as I preached in Shrewsbury, with
my protestation I say to you now here, that by the authority of the
Epistle of St. James, and by witness of divers saints and doctors, I
have preached openly in one place or other, that it is not lefull in
any case to swear by any creature. And over this, sir, I have also
preached and taught by the aforesaid authorities, that nobody should
swear in any case, if that without oath in any wise he that is charged
to swear might excuse him to them that have power to compel him to
swear in lefull thing and lawful. But if a man may not excuse him,
without oath, to them that have power to compel him to swear, then he
ought to swear only by God, taking him only, that is soothfastness, to
witness to soothfastness.

  "And then a clerk asked me, If it were not lefull to a subject,
at the bidding of his prelate, to kneel down and touch the holy gospel
book, and kiss it, saying, So help me God and this holy dame? for he
should after his cunning and power do all things that his prelate
commandeth him.

  "And I said to them, Sirs, ye speak here full generally or
largely. What if a prelate commanded his subject to do an unlawful
thing, should he obey thereto?

  "And the archbishop said to me, A subject ought not to suppose
that his prelate will bid him do an unlawful thing. For a subject
ought to think that his prelate will bid him do nothing but that he
will answer for before God, that it is lefull: and then, though the
bidding of the prelate be unlawful, the subject hath no peril to
fulfil it, since that he thinketh and judgeth, that whatsoever thing
his prelate biddeth him to do, that it is lefull to him for to do it.

  "And I said, Sir, I trust not thereto. But to our purpose: sir, I
tell you that I was once in a gentleman's house, and there were then
two clerks there, a master of divinity, and a man of law, which man of
law was also communing in divinity. And among other things, these men
spake of oaths; and the man of law said, At the bidding of his
sovereign which had power to charge him to swear, he would lay his
hand upon a book, and hear his charge; and if his charge to his
understanding were unlefull, he would hastily withdraw his hand upon
the book, taking there only God to witness, that he would fulfil that
lefull charge, after his power. And the master of divinity said then
to him thus, Certain, he that layeth his hand upon a book in this
wise, and maketh there a promise to do that thing that he is
commanded, is obliged thereby by book-oath, then to fulfil his charge.
For no doubt, he that chargeth him to lay his hand thus upon a book
(touching the book, and swearing by it, and kissing it, promising in
this form to do this thing or that) will say and witness that he that
toucheth thus a book, and kisseth it, hath sworn upon that book. And
all other men that see that man thus do, and also all those that hear
hereof, in the same wise will say and witness, that this man hath
sworn upon a book. Wherefore, the master of divinity said, it was not
lefull either to give or to take any such charge upon a book; for
every book is nothing else, but divers creatures of which it is made
of. Therefore to swear upon a book, is to swear by creatures, and this
swearing is ever unlefull. This sentence witnesseth Chrysostom
plainly, blaming them greatly that bring forth a book to swear upon,
charging clerks that in nowise they constrain any body to swear,
whether they think a man to swear true or false.

  "And the archbishop and his clerks scorned me, and blamed me
greatly for this saying. And the archbishop menaced me with great
punishment and sharp, except I left this opinion of swearing.

  "And I said, Sir, this is not my opinion, but it is the opinion
of Christ our Saviour, and of St. James, and of Chrysostom, and of
other divers saints and doctors.

  "Then the archbishop had a clerk read this homily of Chrysostom, 
which homily this clerk held in his hand written in a roll, which roll
the archbishop caused to be taken from my fellow at Canterbury. And so
then this clerk read this roll, till he came to a clause where
Chrysostom saith, That it is sin to swear well.

  "And then a clerk (Malveren, as I guess) said to the archbishop,
Sir, I pray you wete of him, how he understandeth Chrysostom here,
saying it to be sin to swear well.

  "And so the archbishop asked me, how I understood here
Chrysostom.

  "And certain, I was somewhat afraid to answer hereto. For I had
busied me to study about the sense thereof, but lifting up my mind to
God, I prayed him of grace. And as fast as I thought how Christ said
to his apostles, When for my name ye shall be brought before judges, I
shall give into your mouth wisdom that your adversaries shall not
against say. And trusting faithfully in the word of God, I said, Sir,
I know well that many men and women have now swearing so in custom,
that they neither know, or will know, that they do evil to swear as
they do: but they think and say, that they do well to swear as they
do, though they know well that they swear untruly. For they say, they
may by their swearing, though it be false, void blame or temporal
harm, which they should have if they swear not thus. And, sir, many
men and women maintain strongly that they swear well, when that thing
is sooth that they swear for. Also full many men and women say now,
that it is well done to swear by creatures, when they may not, as they
say, otherwise be believed. And also, full many men and women now say,
that it is well done to swear by God, and by our Lady, and by other
saints, to have them in mind. But since all these sayings are but
excusations, and sin; methinketh, sir, that this sense of Chrysostom
may be alleged well against all such swearers: witnessing that all
these sin grievously, though they think themselves to swear in this
aforesaid wise well: for it is evil done, and great sin, to swear
truth, when in any manner a man may excuse himself without oath.

  "And the archbishop said, that Chrysostom might be thus
understood.

  "And then a clerk said to me, Wilt thou tarry my lord no longer,
but submit thee here meekly to the ordinance of holy church, and lay
thy hand upon a book, touching the holy gospel of God, promising not
only with thy mouth, but also with thine heart, to stand to my lord's
ordinance?

  "And I said, Sir, have I not told you here, how that I heard a
master of divinity say, that in such case it is all one to touch a
book, and to swear by a book?

  "And the archbishop said, There is no master of divinity in
England so great, but if he hold thisopinion before me, I shall punish
him as I shall do thee, except thou swear as I shall charge thee.

  "And I said, Sir, is not Chrysostom an ententive doctor?

  "And the archbishop said, Yea.

  "And I said, If Chrysostom proveth him worthy great blame, that
bringeth forth a book to swear upon; it must needs follow, that he is
more to blame that sweareth on that book.

  "And the archbishop said, If Chrysostom meant accordingly to the
ordinance of holy church, we will accept him.

  "And then said a clerk to me, Is not the word of God and God
himself equipollent, that is, of one authority.

  "And I said, Yea.

  "Then he said to me, Why wilt thou not swear then by the gospel
of God, that is, God's word, since it is all one to swear by the word
of God and by God himself?

  "And I said, Sir, since I may not now otherwise be believed but
by swearing, I perceive (as Augustine saith) that it is not speedful
that ye that should be my brethren, should not believe me; therefore I
am ready by the word of God (as the Lord commanded me by his word) to
swear.

  "Then the clerk said to me, Lay then thine hand upon the book,
touching the holy gospel of God, and take thy charge.

  "And I said, Sir, I understand that the holy gospel of God may
not be touched with man's hand.

  "And the clerk said I fonded, and that I said not truth.

  "And I asked this clerk, whether it were more to read the gospel
than to touch the gospel.

  "And he said, It was more to read the gospel.

  "Then I said, Sir, by authority of St. Hierome, the gospel is not
the gospel for reading of the letter, but for the belief that men have
in the word of God. That it is the gospel that we believe, and not the
letter that we read; because the letter that is touched with man's
hand, is not the gospel, but the sentence that is verily believed in
man's heart, is the gospel. For so Hierome saith, The gospel, that is
the virtue of God's word, is not in the leaves of the book, but it is
in the root of reason. Neither the gospel, he saith, is in the writing
alone of the letters, but the gospel is in the marking of the sentence
of Scriptures. This sentence approveth St. Paul, saying thus, The
kingdom of God is not in word, but in virtue. And David saith, The
voice of the Lord, that is, his word, is in virtue. And after David
saith, Through the word of God the heavens were formed, and in the
spirit of his mouth is all the virtue of them. And I pray you, sir,
understand ye well how David saith then, In the spirit of the mouth of
the Lord is all the virtue of angels and of men.

  "And the clerk said to me, Thou wouldst make us too fond with
thee. Say we not that the gospel is written in the mass book?

  "And I said, Sir, though men use to say thus, yet it is an
imperfect speech, for the principal part of a thing is properly the
whole thing; for lo, man's soul, that may not now be seen here, nor
touched with any sensible thing, is properly man. And all the virtue
of a tree is in the root thereof that may not be seen; for do away the
root, and the tree is destroyed. And, sir, as ye said to me right now,
God and his word are of one authority; and, sir, St. Hierome
witnesseth that Christ, very God and very man, is hid in the letter of
the law; thus, also, sir, the gospel is hid in the letter. For, sir,
as it is full likely, many and divers men and women, here in the
earth, touched Christ and saw him, and knew his bodily person, which
neither touched, nor saw, nor knew ghostly his Godhead; right thus,
sir, many men now touch, and see, and write, and read the Scriptures
of God's law, which neither see, touch, nor read effectually the
gospel. For as the Godhead of Christ, that is, the virtue of God, is
known by the virtue of belief, so is the gospel, that is, Christ's
word.

  "And a clerk said to me, These be full misty matters and
unsavoury, that thou showest here to us.

  "And I said, Sir, if ye that are masters know not plainly this
sentence, ye may sore dread that the kingdom of heaven be taken from
you, as it was from the princes of priests, and from the elders of the
Jews.

  "And then a clerk (as I guess, Malveren) said to me, Thou knowest
not thine equivocations; for the kingdom of heaven hath divers
understandings. What callest thou the kingdom of heaven in this
sentence that thou showest here?

  "And I said, Sir, by good reason and sentence of doctors, the
realm of heaven is called here the understanding of God's word.

  "And a clerk said to me, From whom thinkest thou that this
understanding is taken away?

  "And I said, Sir, (by authority of Christ himself,) the effectual
understanding of Christ's word is taken away from all them chiefly,
which are great lettered men, and presume to understand high things,
and will be holden wise men, and desire mastership and high state and
dignity, but they will not conform them to the living and teaching of
Christ and of his apostles.

  "Then the archbishop said, Well, well, thou wilt judge thy
sovereigns. By God, the king doth not his duty, unless he suffer thee
to be condemned.

  "And then another clerk said to me, Why (on Friday that last was)
counselledst thou a man of my lord's that he should not shrive him to
no man, but only to God?

  "And with this asking I was abashed; and then by and by I knew
that I was subtlely betrayed of a man that came to me in prison on the
Friday before, communing with me in this matter of confession: and
certain, by his words I thought that this man came then to me of full
fervent and charitable will, but now I know he came to tempt me and to
accuse me; God forgive him if it be his will. And with all my heart
when I had thought thus, I said to this clerk, Sir, I pray you that
you would fetch this man hither, and all the words, as near as I can
repeat them, which I spake to him on Friday in the prison, I will
rehearse now here before you all, and before him.

  "And, as I guess, the archbishop said then to me, They that are
now here suffice to repeat them. How saidst thou to him?

  "And I said, Sir, that man came and asked me in divers things,
and after his asking, I answered him (as I understood) that good was.
And as he showed to me by his words, he was sorry of his living in
court, and right heavy for his own vicious living, and also for the
viciousness of other men, and specially of priests' evil living, and
therefore he said to me, with a sorrowful heart, as I guessed, that he
purposed fully within short time to leave the court, and to busy him
to know God's law, and to conform all his life thereafter. And when he
had said to me these words, and more other which I would rehearse if
he were present, he prayed me to hear his confession. And I said to
him, Sir, wherefore come ye to me to be confessed of me? Ye wot well
that the archbishop putteth and holdeth me here, as one unworthy
either to give or to take any sacrament of holy church.

  "And he said unto me, Brother, I wot well, and so wot many other
more, that you and such other are wrongfully vexed, and therefore I
commune with you the more gladly. And I said to him, Certain I wot
well that many men of this court, and specially the priests of this
household, would be full evil apaid both with you and me, if they wist
that ye were confessed of me. And he said, that he cared not
therefore, for he had full little affection in them. And, as
methought, he spake these words and many other of a good will, and of
a high desire to have known and done the pleasant will of God; and I
said to him, as with my aforesaid protestation I say to you now here,
Sir, I counsel you to absent you from all evil company, and to draw
you to them that love and busy them to know and to keep the precepts
of God, and then the good Spirit of God will move you to occupy busily
all your wits in gathering together of all your sins, as far as ye can
bethink you, shaming greatly of them and sorrowing heartily for them;
yea, sir, the Holy Ghost will then put in your heart a good will and a
fervent desire to take and to hold a good purpose, to hate ever and to
flee, after your cunning and power, all occasion of sin: and so then
wisdom shall come to you from above, lightening, with divers beams of
grace and of heavenly desire, all your wits, informing you how ye
shall trust stedfastly in the mercy of the Lord, knowledging to him
only all your vicious living, praying to him ever devoutly of
charitable counsel and continuance, hoping without doubt, that if ye
continue thus, busying you faithfully to know and to keep his
biddings, he will, for he only may, forgive you all your sins. And
this man said to me, Though God forgive men their sins, yet it
behoveth men to be assoiled of priests, and to do the penance that
they enjoin them.

  "And I said to him, Sir, it is all one to assoil men of their
sins, and to forgive men their sins. Wherefore, since it pertaineth
only to God to forgive sin, it sufficeth in this case, to counsel men
and women to leave their sin, and to comfort them that busy them thus
to do, to hope stedfastly in the mercy of God. And again, priests
ought to tell sharply to customable sinners, that if they will not
make an end of their sin, but continue in divers sins while that they
may sin, all such deserve pain without any end. And therefore, priests
should ever busy them to live well and holily, and to teach the people
busily and truly the word of God, showing to all folk, in open
preaching and in privy counselling, that the Lord God only forgiveth
sin. And, therefore, those priests that take upon them to assoil men
of their sins, blaspheme God; since that it pertaineth only to the
Lord to assoil men of all their sins. For no doubt a thousand years
after that Christ was man, no priest of Christ durst take upon him to
teach the people, neither privily nor apertly, that they behoved needs
to come to be assoiled of them as priests now do. But by authority of
Christ's word priests bound indurate customable sinners to everlasting
pains, which in no time of their living would busy them faithfully to
know the biddings of God, nor to keep them. And again, all they that
would occupy all their wits to hate and to flee all occasion of sin,
dreading over all things to offend God, and loving to please him
continually; to these men and women priests showed how the Lord
assoiled men of all their sins; and thus Christ promised to confirm in
heaven all the binding and loosing that priests by authority of his
word bind men in sin that are indurate therein, or loose them out of
sin here upon earth that are verily repentant. And this man hearing
these words said, that he might well in conscience consent to this
sentence. But he said, Is it not needful to the lay-people that cannot
thus do, to go shrive them to priests? And I said, If a man feel
himself so distroubled with any sin, that he cannot by his own wit
avoid this sin without counsel of them that are herein wiser than he;
in such a case the counsel of a good priest is full necessary. And if
a good priest fail, as they do now commonly, in such a case, St.
Augustine saith, that a man may lawfully commune and take counsel of a
virtuous secular man. But certain, that man or woman is overladen and
too beastly, which cannot bring their own sins into their mind,
busying them night and day to hate and to forsake all their sins,
doing a sigh for them after their cunning and power. And, sir, full
accordingly to this sentence upon Mid-lent Sunday, two years, as I
guess, now agone, I heard a monk of Feversham, that men called Borden,
preach at Canterbury at the cross within Christ-church abbey, saying
thus of confession, That as through the suggestion of the fiend,
without counsel of any other body, of themselves many men and women
can imagine and find means and ways enough to come to pride, to theft,
to lechery, and other divers vices; in contrariwise this monk said,
since the Lord God is more ready to forgive sin than the fiend is or
may be of power to move any body to sin, then whosoever will shame and
sorrow heartily for their sins, knowledging them faithfully to God,
amending them after their power and cunning, without counsel of any
other body than of God and of himself, through the grace of God, all
such men and women may find sufficient means to come to God's mercy,
and so to be clean assoiled of all their sins. This sentence I said,
sir, to this man of yours, and the self words as near as I can guess.

  "And the archbishop said, Holy church approveth not this
learning.

  "And I said, Sir, holy church, of which Christ is Head, in heaven
and in earth, must needs approve this sentence. For lo, hereby all men
and women may, if they will, be sufficiently taught to know and keep
the commandments of God, and to hate and to fly continually all
occasion of sin, and to love and to seek virtues busily, and to
believe in God stably, and to trust in his mercy stedfastly, and so to
come to perfect charity and continue therein perseverantly. And more
the Lord asketh not of any man here now in this life. And certain,
since Jesus Christ died upon the cross wilfully, to make men free; men
of the church are too bold and too busy to make men thrall, binding
them under the pain of endless curse (as they say) to do many
observances and ordinances, which neither the living nor teaching of
Christ nor of his apostles approveth.

  "And a clerk said then to me, Thou showest plainly here thy
deceit, which thou hast learned of them that travailed to sow the
popple among the wheat; but I counsel thee to go away clean from this
learning, and submit thee lowly to my lord, and thou shalt find him
yet to be gracious to thee.

  "And as fast then another clerk said to me, How wast thou so bold
at Paul's Cross in London, to stand there hard with thy tippet bounden
about thine head, and to reprove in his sermon the worthy clerk
Alkerton, drawing away all that thou mightest? yea, and the same day
at afternoon, thou, meeting the worthy doctor in Watling Street,
calledst him false flatterer and hypocrite.

  And I said, Sir, I think certainly that there was no man nor
woman that hated verily sin and loved virtues, hearing the sermon of
the clerk at Oxford, and also Alkerton's sermon, but they said, or
might justly say, that Alkerton reproved that clerk untruly, and
slandered him wrongfully and uncharitably. For, no doubt, if the
living and teaching of Christ chiefly and of his apostles be true,
nobody that loveth God and his law will blame any sentence that the
clerk then preached there, since by authority of God's word, and by
approved saints and doctors, and by open reason, this clerk approved
all things clearly that he preached there.

  "And a clerk of the archbishop said to me, His sermon was false,
and that he showed openly, since he dare not stand forth and defend
his preaching that he then preached there.

  "And I said, Sir, I think that he purposeth to stand stedfastly
thereby, or else he slandereth foully himself, and also many other
that have great trust that he will stand by the truth of the gospel.
For I wot well, this sermon is written both in Latin and English, and
many men have it, and they set great price thereby. And, sir, if ye
were present with the archbishop at Lambeth when this clerk appeared
and was at his answer before the archbishop, ye wot well that this
clerk denied not there his sermon, but two days he maintained it
before the archbishop and his clerks.

  "And then the archbishop or one of his clerks said, I wot not
which of them, That harlot shall be met with for that sermon; for no
man but he and thou, and such other false harlots, praiseth any such
preaching.

  "And then the archbishop said, Your cursed sect is busy, and it
joyeth right greatly, to contrary and to destroy the privilege and
freedom of holy church.

  "And I said, Sir, I know no men that travail so busily as this
sect doth, which you reprove, to make rest and peace in holy church;
for pride, covetous.ness, and simony, which distrouble holy church,
this sect hateth and fleeth, and travaileth busily to move all other
men in like manner, unto meekness, and wilful poverty, and charity,
and free ministering of the sacrament; this sect loveth and useth, and
is full busy to move all other folks thus to do. For these virtues owe
all members of holy church to their Head, Christ.

  "Then a clerk said to the archbishop, Sir, it is far day, and ye
have far to ride to-night, therefore make an end with him, for he will
none make; but the more, sir, that ye busy you to draw him toward you,
the more contumacious he is made and the further from you.

  "And then Malveren said to me, William, kneel down, and pray my
lord's grace, and leave all thy fantasies, and become a child of holy
church.

  "And I said, Sir, I have prayed the archbishop oft, and yet I
pray him for the love of Christ, that he will leave his indignation
that he hath against me, and that he will suffer me, after my cunning
and power, to do mine office of priesthood, as I am charged of God to
do it; for I covet nought else but to serve my God to his pleasing in
the state that I stand in, and have taken me to.

  "And the archbishop said to me, If of good heart thou wilt submit
thee now here meekly, to be ruled from this time forth by my counsel,
obeying meekly and wilfully to my ordinance, thou shalt find it most
profitable and best to thee to do thus: therefore tarry thou me no
longer, grant to do this that I have said to thee now here shortly, or
deny it utterly.

  "And I said to the archbishop, Sir, owe we to believe that Jesus
Christ was and is very God and very man?

  "And the archbishop said, Yea.

  "And I said, Sir, owe we to believe that all Christ's living and
his teaching is true in every point? "And he said, Yea.

  "And I said, Sir, owe we to believe that the living of the
apostles, and the teaching of Christ and all the prophets, are true,
which are written in the Bible for the health and salvation of good
people?

  "And he said, Yea.

  "And I said, Sir, owe all Christian men and women, after their
cunning and power, to conform all their living to the teaching
specially of Christ, and also to the teaching and living of his
apostles and of prophets, in things that are pleasant to God, and
edification of his church?

  "And he said, Yea.

  "And I said, Sir, ought the doctrine, the bidding, or the counsel
of any body to be accepted or obeyed unto, except this doctrine, these
biddings, or this counsel may be granted and affirmed by Christ's
living and his teaching specially, or by the living and teaching of
his apostles and prophets?

  "And the archbishop said to me, Other doctrines ought not to be
accepted, nor owe we to obey to any man's bidding or counsel, except
we can perceive that this bidding or counsel accordeth with the life
and teaching of Christ, and of his apostles and prophets.

  "And I said, Sir, is not all the learning, and biddings, and
counsels of holy church, means and healing remedies, to know and
understand the privy suggestions and the apert temptations of the
fiend? and also ways and healing remedies to slay pride and all other
deadly sins, and the branches of them, and sovereign means to procure
grace to withstand and overcome all the fleshly lusts and movings?

  "And the archbishop said, Yea.

  "And I said, Sir, whatsoever thing ye or any other body bid or
counsel me to do, accordingly to this aforesaid learning, after my
cunning and power, through the help of God, I will meekly with all my
heart obey thereto.

  "And the archbishop said to me, Submit thee then now here meekly
and wilfully to the ordinance of holy church, which I shall show to
thee.

  "And I said, Sir, accordingly as I have here now before you
rehearsed, I will now be ready to obey full gladly to Christ the Head
of the holy church, and to the learnings, and biddings, and counsels
of every pleasing member of him.

  "Then the archbishop, striking with his hand fiercely upon a
cupboard, spake to me with a great spirit, saying, By Jesus, but if
thou leave not such additions, obliging thee now here without any
exception to mine ordinance, or that I go out of this place, I shall 
make thee as sure, as any thief that is in the prison of Lanterne;
advise thee now what thou wilt do. And then, as if he had been
angered, he went from the cupboard where he stood, to a window.

  "And then Malveren and another clerk came nearer me, and they
spake to me many words full pleasantly; and another while they menaced
me, and counselled full busily to submit me, or else they said I
should not escape punishing over measure; for they said I should be
degraded, cursed, and burned, and so then damned. But now they said,
Thou mayst eschew all these mischiefs, if thou wilt submit thee
wilfully and meekly to this worthy prelate, that hath cure of thy
soul. And for the pity of Christ (said they) bethink thee, how great
clerks the bishop of Lincoln, Herford, and Purvey were, and yet are,
and also B., that is a well understanding man; which also have
forsaken and revoked all the learning and opinions that thou and such
other hold. Wherefore since each of them is mickle wiser than thou
art, we counsel thee for the best; that by the example of these four
clerks, thou follow them, submitting thee as they did.

  "And one of the bishop's clerks said then there, that he heard
Nicholas Herford, say, that since he forsook and revoked all the
learning and Lollards' opinions, he hath had mickle greater favour and
more delight to hold against them, than ever he had to hold with them,
while he held with them.

  "And therefore Malveren said to me, I understand and thou wilt
take thee to a priest, and shrive thee clean, forsake all such
opinions, and take the penance of my lord here for the holding and
teaching of them, within short time thou shalt be greatly comforted in
this doing.

  "And I said to the clerks, that thus busily counselled me to
follow these aforesaid men, Sirs, if these men, of whom ye counsel me
to take example, had forsaken benefices of temporal profit, and of
worldly worship, so that they had absented them, and eschewed from all
occasions of covetousness and of fleshly lust, and had taken upon them
simple living and wilful poverty, they had herein given good example
to me and to many other to have followed them. But now since all these
four men have slanderously and shamefully done the contrary,
consenting to receive and to have and to hold temporal benefices,
living now more worldly and more fleshly than they did before,
conforming them to the manners of this world; I forsake them herein,
and in all their aforesaid slanderous doing. For I purpose, with the
help of God, into remission of my sins, and of my foul, cursed living,
to hate and to flee privily and apertly to follow these men, teaching
and counselling whomsoever that I may, to flee and to eschew the way
that they have chosen to go in, which will lead them to the worst end,
if in convenient time they repent them not, verily forsaking and
revoking openly the slander that they have put, and every day yet put
to Christ's church. For certain, so open blasphemy and slander as they
have spoken and done in their revoking and forsaking of the truth,
ought not, nor may not, privily be amended duly. Wherefore, sirs, I
pray you that you busy not to move me to follow these men, in revoking
and forsaking the truth, soothfastness as they have done, and yet do;
wherein by open evidence they stir God to great wrath, and not only
against themselves, but also against all them that favour them, or
consent to them herein, or that commune with them, except it be to
their amendment. For whereas these men first were pursued of enemies,
now they have obliged them by oath to slander and pursue Christ in his
members. Wherefore, as I trust stedfastly in the goodness of God, the
worldly covetousness, and the lusty living, and the sliding from the
truth, of these runagates, shall be to me and to many other men and
women an example and an evidence to stand more stiffly by the truth of
Christ.

  "For certain, right many men and women do mark and abhor the
foulness and cowardness of these aforesaid untrue men, how that they
are overcome and stopped with benefices, and withdrawn from the truth
of God's word, forsaking utterly to suffer therefore bodily
persecution. For by this unfaithful doing and apostacy of them,
specially, that are great lettered men, and have knowledged openly the
truth, and now, either for pleasure or displeasure of tyrants, have
taken hire and temporal wages to forsake the truth, and to hold
against it, slandering and pursuing them that covet to follow Christ
in the way of righteousness; many men and women therefore are now
moved. But many more, through the grace of God, shall be moved hereby
to lcarn the truth of God to do thereafter, and to stand boldly
thereby.

  "Then the archbishop said to his clerks, Busy you no longer about
him, for he, and other such as he is, are confederate together that
they will not swear to be obedient, and to submit them to prelates of
holy church. For now since I stood here, his fellow also sent me word
that he will not swear, and that this fellow counselled him that he
should not swear to me. And, losel, in that thing that in thee is,
thou hast busied thee to loose this young man; but blessed be God,
thou shalt not have thy purpose of him. For he hath forsaken all thy
learning, submitting him to be buxom and obedient to the ordinance of
holy church, and weepeth full bitterly, and curseth thee full
heartily, for the venomous teaching which thou hadst showed to him,
counselling him to do thereafter.

  "And for thy false counselling of many other and him, thou hast
great cause to be sorry. For long time thou hast busied thee to
pervert whomsoever thou mightest. Therefore, as many deaths thou art
worthy of, as thou hast given evil counsels. And therefore, by Jesus,
thou shalt go thither where Nicholas Herford and Thomas Purvey were
harboured. And I undertake ere this day eight days, thou shalt be
right glad to do what thing that ever I bid thee to do. And, losel, I
shall essay if I can make thee there as sorrowful as (it was told me)
thou wast glad at my last going out of England. By St. Thomas, I shall
turn thy joy into sorrow.

  "And I said, Sir, there can nobody prove lawfully that I joyed
ever of the manner of your going out of this land.

  "But, sir, to say the sooth, I was joyful when ye were gone; for
the bishop of London, in whose prison ye left me, found in me no cause
to hold me longer in his prison, but at the request of my friends, he
delivered me to them, asking of me no manner of submitting.

  "Then the archbishop said to me, Wherefore that I yede out of
England, is unknown to thee; but be this thing well known to thee,
that God (as I wot well) hath called me again, and brought me into
this land, to destroy thee and the false sect that thou art of; as, by
God, I shall pursue you so narrowly, that I shall not leave a slip of
you in this land.

  "And I said to the archbishop, Sir, the holy prophet Jeremy said
to the false prophet Anany, When the word, that is, the prophecy, of a
prophet is known or fulfilled, then it shall be known, that the Lord
sent the prophet in truth.

  "And the archbishop, as if he had not been pleased with my
saying, turned him awayward hither and thither, and said, By God, I
shall set upon thy shins a pair of pearls, that thou shalt be glad to
change thy voice.

  "These and many more wonders and convincing words were spoken to
me, menacing me and all other of the same sect to be punished and
destroyed unto the uttermost.

  "And the archbishop called then to him a clerk, and rowned with
him; and that clerk went forth, and soon he brought in the constable
of Saltwood castle, and the archbishop rowned a good while with him;
and then the constable went forth, and then came in divers seculars,
and they scorned me on every side, and menaced me greatly, and some
counselled the archbishop to burn me by and by, and some other
counselled him to drown me in the sea, for it is near hand there.

  "And a clerk standing beside me, there kneeled down to the
archbishop, praying him that he would deliver me to him to say matins
with him, and he would undertake, that within three days I should not
resist any thing that were commanded me to do of my prelate.

  "And the archbishop said, that he would ordain for me himself.

  "And then after came again the constable and spake privily to the
archbishop; and the archbishop commanded the constable to lead me
forth thence with him, and so he did. And when we were gone forth
thence, we were sent after again. And when I came in again before the
archbishop, a clerk had me kneel down and ask grace, and submit me
lowly, and I should find it for the best.

  "And I said then to the archbishop, Sir, as I have said to you
divers times to-day, I will wilfully and lowly obey and submit me to
be ordained ever, after my cunning and power, to God and to his law,
and to every member of holy church, as far forth as I can perceive
that these members accord with their Head, Christ, and will teach me,
rule me, or chastise me by authority specially of God's law.

  "And the archbishop said, I wist well he would not without such
additions submit him.

  "And then I was rebuked, scorned, and menaced on every side; and
yet after this divers persons cried upon me to kneel down and submit
me; but I stood still, and spake no word. And then there was spoken of
me, and to me, many great words, and I stood and heard them menace,
curse, and scorn me: but I said nothing.

  "Then awhile after the archbishop said to me, Wilt thou not
submit thee to the ordinance of holy church?

  "And I said, Sir, I will full gladly submit me, as I have showed
you before.

  "And then the archbishop bade the constable to have me forth
thence in haste.

  "And so then I was led forth, and brought into a foul, unhonest
prison, where I came never before. But thanked be God, when all men
were gone forth then from me, and had sparred fast the prison door
after them; by and by after, I therein by myself busied me to think on
God, and to thank him for his goodness. And I was then greatly
comforted in all my wits, not only for that I was then delivered for a
time from the sight, from the hearing, from the presence, from the
scorning, and from the menacing of mine enemies; but much more I
rejoiced in the Lord, because that through his grace he kept me so,
both among the flattering especially, and among the menacing of mine
adversaries, that without heaviness and anguish of my conscience I
passed away from them. For as a tree laid upon another tree overthwart
or cross-wise, so was the archbishop and his three clerks always
contrary to me, and I to them.

  "Now, good God, for thine holy name, and to the praising of thy
most blessed name, make us one together, if it be thy will, by
authority of thy word, that is true perfect charity, and else not. And
that it may thus be, all that this writing read or hear, pray heartily
to the Lord God, that he for his great goodness, that cannot be with
tongue expressed,grant to us, and to all other which in the same wise,
and for the same cause specially, or for any other cause, be at
distance, to be knit and made one in true faith, in stedfast hope, and
in perfect charity. Amen."
Illustration: William Thorpe in prison

  What was the end of this good man, and blessed servant of God,
William Thorpe, I find as yet in no story specified. By all
conjectures it is to be thought that the archbishop, Thomas Arundel,
being so hard an adversary against those men, would not let him go;
much less it is to be supposed, that he would ever retract his
sentence and opinion, which he so valiantly maintained before the
bishop; neither doth it seem that he had any such recanting spirit.
Again, neither is it found that he was burned; wherefore it remaineth
most like to be true, that he, being committed to some strait prison,
(according as the archbishop in his examination before did threaten
him,) there, (as Thorpe confesseth himself,) was so straitly kept,
that either he was secretly made away with, or else there he died by
sickness.
The like end also I find to happen to John Ashton, another good
follower of Wickliff, who, for the same doctrine of the sacrament, was
condemned by the bishops; and, because he would not recant, he was
committed to perpetual prison, wherein the good man continued till his
death, A. D. 1382.



92. JOHN PURVEY.

  Furthermore, in the said examination of William Thorpe, mention
is made, as ye heard, of John Purvey, of whom also something we
touched before; promising of the said John Purvey more particularly to
treat, in order and process of time. Of this Purvey, Thomas Walden
writeth thus in his second tome: "John Purvey," saith he, "was the
brary of Lollards, and glosser upon Wickliff. He said that the
worshipping of Abraham was but a salutation." And in his third tome he
saith, "This John Purvey, with Herford, a doctor of divinity, were
grievously tormented and punished in the prison of Saltwood, and at
the length recanted at Paul's Cross at London; Thomas Arundel being
then archbishop of Canterbury. Afterward again, he was imprisoned
under Henry Chichesley, archbishop of Canterbury, in the year of our
Lord 1421." Thus much writeth Walden. The works of this man which he
wrote, were gathered by Richard Lavingham, his adversary, which I
think worthy to be remembered. First, as touching the sacrament of the
last supper, the sacrament of penance, the sacrament of orders, the
power of the keys, the preaching of the gospel, of marriages, of vows,
of possessions, of the punishing and correcting of the clergy, of the
laws and decrees of the church, of the state and condition of the pope
and the clergy; of all these generally be left divers monuments
gravely and exactly written, part whereof here in the end of his story
we thought to exhibit, being translated out of Latin into English.

  The articles which he taught, and afterwards was forced to recant
at Paul's Cross, were these hereafter following:

  "1. That in the sacrament of the altar, after the consecration,
there is not, neither can be, any accident without the subject; but
there verily remaineth the same substance, and the very visible and
corruptible bread, and likewise the very same wine, the which, before
the consecration, were set upon the altar to be consecrate of the
priest; likewise as when a pagan or infidel is baptized, he is
spiritually converted into a member of Christ through grace, and yet
remaineth the very same man which he before was, in his proper nature
and substance.

  "2. That auricular confession, or private penance, is a certain
whispering, destroying the liberty of the gospel, and newly brought in
by the popeand the clergy, to entangle the consciences of men in sin,
and to draw their souls into hell.

  "3. That every layman being holy and predestinate unto
everlasting life, albeit he be a layman, yet is he a true priest
before God.

  "4. That divers prelates and other of the clergy do live
wickedly, contrary to the doctrine and example of Christ and his
apostles: therefore they which so live have not the keys either of the
kingdom of heaven, or yet of hell; neither ought any Christian to
esteem his censure any more than as a thing of no force. Yea, albeit
the pope should, peradventure, interdict the realm, yet could he not
hurt, but rather profit us, forasmuch as thereby we should be
dismissed from the observation of his laws, and from saying of service
according to the custom of the church.

  "5. That if any man do make an oath or vow, to keep perpetual
chastity, or do any thing else whereunto God hath not appointed him,
giving him grace to perform his purpose, the same vow or oath is
unreasonable and indiscreet, neither can any prelate compel him to
keep the same, except he will do contrary unto God's ordinance. But he
ought to commit him unto the governance of the Holy Ghost and of his
own conscience; forasmuch as every man, which will not fulfil his vow
or oath, cannot do it for that cause.

  "6. That whosoever taketh upon him the office of priesthood,
although he have not the charge of souls committed unto him according
to the custom of the church, not only may, but ought, to preach the
gospel freely unto the people; otherwise he is a thief, excommunicated
of God, and of the holy church.

  "7. That Innocent the Third, pope, and six hundred bishops, and a
thousand other prelates, with all the rest of the clergy, which
together with the same pope agreed and determined, that in the
sacrament of the altar, after the conversion of the bread and wine
into the body and blood of Christ, the accidents of the said bread and
wine do remain there without any proper subject of the same; the which
also ordained, that all Christians ought to confess their sins once a
year unto a proper priest, and to receive the reverend sacrament at
Easter, and made certain other laws at the same time: all they, saith
he, in so doing, were fools and blockheads, heretics, blasphemers, and
seducers of Christian people. Wherefore we ought not to believe the
determinations of them, or of their successors; neither ought we to
obey their laws or ordinances, except they be plainly grounded upon
the Holy Scripture, or upon some reason which cannot be impugned."

Other articles drawn out of Purvey's books more at large, by Richard
Lavingham.

  "As touching the sacrament of thanksgiving, he saith, That that
chapter of repentance and remission, Omnis utriusque sexus, wherein it
is ordained that every faithful man ought once every year at the
least, that is to say, at Easter, to receive the sacrament of the
eucharist, is a beastly thing, heretical and blasphemous.

  "Item, That Innocent the Third, pope, was the head of antichrist,
who, after the letting loose of Satan, invented a new article of our
faith, and a certain feigned verity touching the sacrament of the
altar; that is to say, that the sacrament of the altar is an accident
without a substance, or else a heap of accidents without a substance:
but Christ and his apostles do teach manifestly, that the sacrament of
the altar is bread and the body of Christ together, after the manner
that he spake. And in that he calleth it bread, he would have the 
people to understand, as they ought with reason, that it is very and
substantial bread, and no false nor feigned bread.

  "And although Innocent, that antichrist, doth allege, that in the
Council of Lyons, where this matter was decided, were six hundred
bishops with him, and one thousand prelates, which were in one opinion
of this determination, all those notwithstanding he calleth fools,
according to that saying of Eccles. i., Of fools there are an infinite
number. And so in like manner he calleth them false Christs and false
prophets, of whom Christ speaketh in the 24th of Matthew, Many false
Christs and false prophets shall arise, and deceive many. And
therefore every Christian man ought to believe firmly, that the
sacrament of the altar is very bread indeed, and no false nor feigned
bread. And although it be very bread indeed, yet, notwithstanding, it
is the very body of Christ in that sort he spake, and called it his
body; and so it is very bread, and the very body of Christ. And as
Christ, concerning his humanity was both visible and passible, and by
his Divinity was invisible and impassible; so likewise this sacrament,
in that it is very bread, may be seen with the corporal eye, and may
also abide corruption. But although a man may see that sacrament, yet
notwithstanding cannot the body of Christ in that sacrament be seen
with the corporal eye, although it be the body of Christ in that
manner he spake it; for, that notwithstanding, the body of Christ is
now incorruptible in heaven. So the sacrament of the cup is very wine,
and the very blood of Christ, according as his manner of speaking was.
Also, Innocent the Third, with a great multitude of his secular
clerks, made a certain new determination, That the sacrament of the
altar is an accident without a substance, whereas neither Jesus
Christ, nor any of his apostles, taught this faith, but openly and
manifestly to the contrary, neither yet the holy doctors, for the
space of a thousand years and more, taught this faith openly.

  "Therefore when antichrist, or any of his shavelings, doth ask of
thee that art a simple Christian, whether that this sacrament be the
very body of Christ or not? affirm thou it manifestly so to be. And if
he ask of thee whether it be material bread, or what other bread else?
say thou, that it is such bread as Christ understood and meant by his
proper word; and such bread as the Holy Ghost meant in St. Paul, when
he called that to be very bread which he brake; and wade thou no
further therein. If he ask thee how this bread is the body of Christ?
say thou, As Christ understood the same to be his body, which is both
omnipotent and true, and in whom is no untruth; say thou also as the
holy doctors do say, That the terrestrial matter or substance may be
converted into Christ, as the pagan or infidel may be baptized, and
hereby spiritually be converted, and be a member of Christ, and so,
after a certain manner, become Christ, and yet the same man remain
still in his proper nature. For so doth St. Augustine grant that a
sinner, forsaking his sin, and being made one spirit with God by
faith, grace, and charity, may be converted into God, and be, after a
manner, God, as both David and St. John do testify, and yet be the
same person in substance and nature, and in soul and virtue be altered
and changed. But yet men of more knowledge and reason may more plainly
convince the falsity of antichrist, both in this matter and in others,
by the gift of the Holy Ghost working in them. Notwithstanding, if
those that be simple men will humbly hold and keep the manifest and
apparent words of the Holy Scripture, and the plain sense and meaning
of the Holy Ghost, and proceed no further, but humbly commit that unto
the Spirit of God, which passeth their understanding; then may they
safely offer themselves to death, as true martyrs of Jesus Christ.

  "As touching the sacrament of penance, that chapter by which a
certain new-found auricular confession was ordained, is full of
hypocrisy, heresy, covetousness, pride, and blasphemy, he saith; and
reproveth the same chapter, and that by the sentences of the same
process: also, that the penance and pains limited by the canons be
unreasonable and unjust, for the austerity and rigorousness which they
contain, more than are taxed by God's law. He also doth exemplify of
the solemn and public denial of penitents to be received into orders,
according to the decree of the general council: also of the sevenfold
penitence of a priest committing fornication, according to the
chapter, Presbyter, Dist. 82. And further he showeth another example
of the penitence of priests, according to that chapter, Qui
presbyterium, &c., where the decretal of the general council saith,
That such a one ought to remain continuing his life in the wars, and
not to marry; and how Innocent the Third brought, in a new-found
confession, whereby the priests do oppress the simple laymen; and that
many other things they do, compelling them to confess themselves to
blind and ignorant priests, in whom is nothing else but pride and
covetousness, having such in contempt as are learned and wise. Also,
that the decretal of Innocent the Third, touching the aforesaid
auricular or vocal confession, was brought in and invented to
intricate and entangle men's consciences with sin, and to draw them
down to hell; and furthermore, that such manner of confession
destroyeth the evangelical liberty, and doth let men to inquire after
and to retain the wise counsel and doctrine of such as be good
priests, which know faithfully how to observe his precepts and
commandments, and which would willingly teach the people the right way
to heaven: for which abuse all Christian men, and especially all
Englishmen, ought to exclaim against such wicked laws.

  "As touching the sacrament of order, Purvey saith, That all good
Christians are predestinate and be ordained of God, and made true
priests to offer Christ in themselves, and to Christ themselves; as
also to teach and preach the gospel to their neighbours, as well in
word, as in example of living. But the worldly shavelings do more
magnify the naked and bare signs of priesthood, invented by sinful 
men, than the true and perfect priesthood of God, grounded by a true
and lively faith, annexed with good works. Also, if it were needful to
have such shavelings, God knoweth how, and can make, when it pleaseth
him, priests (without man's working and sinful signs; that is to say,
without either sacraments or characters) to be known and discerned of
the people by their virtuous life and example, and by their true
preaching of the law of God; for so made he the first-made priests and
elders before the law of Moses; and so made he Moses a priest before
Aaron, and before the ceremonies of the law, without man's operation
at all; and even so hath God made all such as are predestinate, to be
his priests. But such as be true Christians receive none such as
priests, unless they follow Christ and his apostles; neither do they
believe that they make the sacrament of the altar, which they affirm
to be God's body, when it pleaseth them, lest haply God be not with
them, forasmuch as they do this thing for covetousness' sake, or else
to brag of their own power. And therefore, such as be simple men will
worship that sacrament in this doubtfulness, with a silent condition,
that is, if it be made by God's authority, and have their devotion to
the body of Christ in heaven. Also, that such as be elders, if they be
God's priests, be bishops, prelates, and curates of their Christian
brethren, whom they may lead to heaven by the example of their holy
conversation, and by preaching of the gospel, although they make no
sacrifice to that antichrist of Rome for their confirmation; neither
be they dedicated to the world by secular divine things, and by
consuming the livings of the poor, as be those secular bishops,
prelates, and curates. Also, that although there were no pope,
according as the custom of the church is, yet Christ, which is the
Head of his church, doth ordain such a pope as pleaseth him; and that
is, whosoever is most humble and lowly, and best doth the office of a
true priest, although he be unknown to the world; and although there
were no such proud bishop above all the rest as the church doth use,
yet all the priests might well govern the church by common assent, as
once they did, before such worldly pride crept in amongst the bishops,
&c. And, admit that no such priests were according to the accustomed
use now of receiving of order and tonsure by such a mitred bishop and
his tonsure, yet Christ knoweth both how to make and choose such as
shall well please him both in conversation of life and sincere
preaching of the gospel, in ministering to his people all necessary
sacraments. And every holy man which is a minister of Christ, although
he be not shaven, is a true priest ordained of God, although no mitred
bishop ever laid his character upon him: so that the pope and prelates
do make more estimation of their characters (as tonsures and crowns by
them invented) than of the true and perfect priesthood ordained of
God; whereas all those that are predestinate, are true priests made of
him.

  "As touching the authority of the keys and censures, no Christian
man ought to esteem Satan, whom men call the pope, and his unjust
censures, more than the hissing of a serpent, or the blast of Lucifer.
Also, that no man ought to trust or put confidence in the false
indulgences of covetous priests, which indulgences do draw away the
hope which men ought to repose in God, to a sort of sinful men, and do
rob the poor of such alms as is given to them. Such priests be
manifest betrayers of Christ and of the whole church, and be Satan's
own stewards, to beguile Christian souls by their hypocrisy and
feigned pardons. Also, forasmuch as those prelates and clergymen lived
so execrable a life, contrary to the gospel of Christ and examples of
his apostles, and teach not truly the gospel, but only lies and the
traditions of sinful, wicked men, it appeareth most manifestly, that
they have not the keys of the kingdom of heaven, but rather the keys
of hell; and they may be right well assured that God never gave unto
them authority to make and establish so many ceremonies and
traditions, which be contrary to the liberty of the gospel, and are
blocks in Christian men's ways, that they can neither know nor observe
the same his gospel in liberty of conscience, and so attain a ready
way to heaven.

  "Also, that all manner of religious men, notwithstanding the
chapter Religiosi, touching the privileges in the Clementines, may
lawfully minister all sacraments to them that are worthy the same;
forasmuch as the same is a work of charity, which only the will and
ordinance of the pope and his abettors in this case is to hinder and
let. Item, If the pope shall interdict this our realm, that cannot
hurt us, but much profit us, because that thereby he should separate
us from all his wicked laws, and from the charges of sustaining of so
many thousand shavelings, which, with small devotion, or none at all,
patter and chatter a new-found song, Secundum usum Sarum: so that not
whatsoever the pope in his general council bindeth on earth, is bound
of God in heaven, either for that he bindeth unreasonably, and
contradictorily doth against himself, or else, for that he hath
forsaken the judgment of God.

  "As touching the preaching of the gospel, whosoever receiveth or
taketh upon him the office of a priest, or of a bishop, and
dischargeth not the same by the example of his good conversation and
faithful preaching of the gospel, is a thief, excommunicated of God,
and of holy church. And further, if the curates preach not the word of
God, they shall be damned; and if they know not how to preach, they
ought to resign their benefices: so that those prelates which preach
not the gospel of Christ, although they could excuse themselves from
the doing of any other evil, are dead in themselves, are antichrists,
and Satans transfigured into angels of light, night-thieves, man-
quellers by daylight, and betrayers of Christ's people.

  "Concerning the sacrament of matrimony: notwithstanding any
spiritual kindred or gossopry, a man and woman may lawfully marry
together by the law of God, without any dispensation papistical. And
in the same place he saith, that if our realm do admit one not born in
matrimony, or illegitimate, to the imperial crown, so that he doth
well discharge the office of a king, God maketh him a king, and by
consequence doth reject another king or heir of the kingdom, being
born in matrimony and legitimate: so for such spiritual kindred there
ought no divorce to be made. Also, notwithstanding if any man shall
make any contract with any woman by the words of the future tense, by
an oath taken, and afterwards shall with another woman make the like
contract by the words of the present tense, that then the second
contract standeth. Also, if a man make any contract with a woman by
the words of the future tense, upon his oath taken, and maketh
afterwards the like contract with another, not altering the words, and
hath carnal connexion upon the same, the first contract maketh the
matrimony good, and not the second. Also if a man, before witness,
assure himself to a woman by a contract made in the present tense, and
hath children by the same woman, and afterwards the same man marrieth
another woman, with the like words in the present tense before
witness, although the first witnesses be dead, or, else by bribes
corrupt, and the second bring his witnesses before the judge to prove
the second contract, the first contract yet standeth in force,
although the pope, allowing the second contract, doth compel them to
live in adultery against the commandment of God. Also he condemneth
the decretal of the restitution of things stolen, which willeth, that
a man and woman having carnal connexion in the degree of consanguinity
forbidden, and hath no witness hereof, if the woman will depart from
the man, she shall be compelled by the censures to remain with him, 
and to yield her debt. Also, in case where a man hath made contract
with two women, with one secretly, having no witness, and with the
other openly, having witness, then were it better to acknowledge the
insufficiency of the law, and to suffer men to be ruled by their own
consciences, than by the censures to compel them to commit and live in
adultery.

  "As touching the keeping and making of vows: that vow or oath is
beastly, and is without discretion made, which to perform and keep a
man hath no power, but by grace given him of God; because that some
such there be, whom God not doth accept to persevere in the state of
chastity and perpetual virginity; and such a one cannot keep his vow,
although he make the same. Also, that every one making a vow of
continency or chastity, when, making the same, he shall not be
accepted of God, doth very indiscreetly, and as one without all reason
maketh the same, when he is not able of himself, without the gift of
God, to fulfil his promise, according to that saying of the wise man,
chap. viii., No man hath the gift of continency, unless that God give
it unto him: for otherwise, if God help not such a one to perform the
vow or oath which he hath made and taken, no prelate can compel him,
unless he do contrary to God's ordinance; but he ought to commit
himself to the government of God's Holy Spirit and his own conscience.

  "For the possessions of the church, in another treatise it is
declared, how the king, the lords, and commons, may, without any
charge at all, keep fifteen garrisons, and find fifteen thousand
soldiers, (having sufficient lands and revenues to live upon,) out of
the temporalties gotten into the hands of the clergy, and feigned
religious men, which never do that which pertaineth to the office of
curates to do, nor yet to secular lords. And, moreover, the king may
have, every year, twenty thousand pounds to come freely into his
coffers, and above. Also he may find or sustain fifteen colleges more,
and fifteen thousand priests and clerks with sufficient living, and a
hundred hospitals for the sick, and every house to have one hundred
marks in lands. And all this may they take of the aforesaid
temporalties, without any charge to the realm; whereunto the king, the
lords, and the commons are to be invited: for otherwise, there seemeth
to hang over our heads a great and marvellous alteration of this
realm, unless the same be put in execution. Also, if the secular
priests and feigned religious, which be simoniacs and heretics, which
feign themselves to say mass, and yet say none at all, according to
the canons, which to their purpose they bring and allege, by which
chapter such priests and religious do not make the sacrament of the 
altar: that then all Christians, especially all the founders of such
abbeys, and endowers of bishoprics, priories, and chantries, ought to
amend this fault and treason committed against their predecessors, by
taking from them such secular dominions which are the maintenance of
all their sins: and also, that Christian lords and princes are bound
to take away from the clergy such secular dominion as nousleth and
nourisheth them in heresies, and ought to reduce them unto the simple
and poor life of Christ Jesus and his apostles.

  "And further, that all Christian princes, if they will amend the
malediction and blasphemy of the name of God, ought to take away their
temporalties from that shaven generation, which most of all doth
nourish them in such malediction. And so in like wise the fat tithes
from churches appropriate to rich monks, and other religious, feigned
by manifest lying, and other unlawful means; likewise ought to debar
their gold to the proud priest of Rome, which doth poison all
Christendom with simony and heresy. Further, that it is a great
abomination that bishops, monks, and other prelates, be so great lords
in this world; whereas Christ, with his apostles and disciples, never
took upon them secular dominion, neither did they appropriate unto
them churches, as these men do, but led a poor life, and gave a good
testimony of their priesthood. And therefore, all Christians ought, to
the uttermost of their power and strength, to swear that they will
reduce such shavelings to the humility and poverty of Christ and his
apostles; and whosoever doth not thus, consenteth to their heresy.
Also, that these two chapters of the immunity of churches are to be
condemned, that is, cap. Non minus, and cap. Adversus; because they do
decree, that temporal lords may neither require tallages nor tenths of
any ecclesiastical persons.

  "Now to the correction of the clergy. By the law of God, and by
reason, the king and all other Christians may take revenge of Italy,
and of all the false priests and clerks within the same, and reduce
them unto the humble ordinance of Jesus Christ. Also, that the law of
Silvester the pope, is contrary to the law of Christ, and either
Testament: and that proud and ambitious Silvester, by his law, so
defended two cardinals which were not to be defended by the law of
Christ, that by no means they might be convinced, although they were
both vicious and evil: and although Christ sustained and suffered the
judgment of unjust temporal judges, our mitred prelates in these days
so magnify themselves beyond Christ and his apostles, that they refuse
and will none of such judgments. Also, that those decretals of
accusations, which do prohibit that any clerks should be brought
before a secular judge to receive judgment, do contain both heresy,
blasphemy, and error, and bring great gain and commodity to
antichrist's coffers.

  "Furthermore, that all Christian kings and lords ought to exclaim
against the pope and those that be his abettors, and banish them out
of their lands, till such time as they will obey God and his gospel,
kings, and other ministers of God's justice. Also, that bishops and
their favourers, that say it appertaineth not to kings and secular
lords, but unto them and their officials, to punish adultery and
fornication, do fall into manifest treason against the king, and
heresy against the Scripture. Also, that it appertaineth to the king
to have the order both of priests and bishops, as these kings Solomon
and Jehoshaphat had.

  "Furthermore, that chapter by the which secular judges are
forbidden, without the bishop's commandment, to condemn any clerk to
death, is manifestly against the Holy Scripture, declaring that kings
have power over clerks and priests, to punish them for their deserved
crimes. Also, that the decree of Boniface, made against the
prosecutors, strikers, and imprisoners of cardinals, is contrary both
to the Holy Scripture, and to all reason. Also, that by the law of God
and reason, a secular lord may lawfully take a cardinal and put him in
prison for committing the crime of open simony, adultery, and manifest
blasphemy. Also, that the chapter which saith that the pope ought to
be judged of none, unless he be devius a fide, is contrary to the
gospel, which saith, If thy brother sin against thee, correct him.
Also, whereas St. Gregory and St. Augustine called themselves the
servants of God's servants, this proud bishop of Rome, which will not
be judged by his subjects, (which be in very deed his lords, if they
be just and good men,) doth destroy the order of God's law, and all
humility, and doth extol himself above God and his apostles. Also,
that Christian kings ought not only to judge this proud bishop of
Rome, but also to depose him, by the example that Cestrensis, lib. 6.
cap. 8, declareth of Otho the emperor, which deposed John the Twelfth,
and did institute Leo in his place. And further, he maketh an
exhortation to the princes to judge the Church of Rome, which he
calleth the great and cursed strumpet, of whom St. John writeth in the
Apocalypse, chap. xviii.

  Lastly, touching the laws and determinations of the church,
Christians have reasonable excuses and causes to repel the statutes of
the pope and of his shavelings, which be not expressly grounded on the
Holy Scriptures, or else upon reason inevitable. Also he saith, That
such secular men as do not receive the sacrament of the altar at
Christmas, Easter, and Whitsuntide, are not to be counted amongst the
number of Christians, nor are to be esteemed as Christians; whereby it
followeth that all clerks and laymen that observe not the same, it
seemeth they go straight to hell. But if this law be of no force, for
that the custom and use in receiving is contrary to the same, then may
we bless such rebellion and disobedience to the pope and his law; for
otherwise we should flee to hell without any stay or let. Whereby we
may conclude, that all Christians ought well to practise this school
of disobedience against the pope and all his laws, (not founded upon
the Holy Scripture,) which do let men to climb to heaven by the
keeping of charity, and the liberty of the gospel. Also, that
Christian men have great cause to refuse the laws and statutes of
these worldly clerks, which the people call the papal laws and bishop-
like statutes, for the covetousness and voluptuousness of them;
without the which the church and congregation of God might safely run
towards heaven by the sweet yoke of the Lord, as it did a thousand
years before the said laws were prescribed and sent to the
universities, and withdrew men from studying of the Holy Scripture,
for the desire of benefices and worldly goods. Also,that simple men do
reverently receive the sentences of the doctors and other laws, so far
forth as they be expressly grounded upon the Holy Scripture or good
reason. Also, that whereas the pope's laws, and laws of his ministers
and clerks, be both contrary to themselves, and have not their
foundation either upon the Scripture, or yet upon reason, simple men
ought to bid them farewell. Also, that when all the apostles' faith
failed them in the time of the Lord's passion, faith then rested in
the blessed Virgin, much more might that proud priest of Rome, with
all his rabble, easily err in the faith; and yet is the Christian
faith preserved whole and safe in the faithful members of Christ,
which are his true church; but the pope and all his rabblement cannot
prove that they be any part of his church. Also that the pope, with
all his supporters, may as well be deceived by a lying spirit, as was
Ahab and all his prophets; and that one true prophet, as was Micaiah,
may have the verity showed unto him, contra concilium. Also, that all
good Christians ought to cast from them the pope's laws, saying, Let
us break their bands in sunder, and let us cast from our necks those
heavy yokes of theirs. Also, that where these prelates do burn one
good book, for one error, perhaps, contained in the same, they ought
to burn all the books of the canon law, for the manifold heresies
contained in them."

  This I thought good to annex further in our story, after the 
examination of William Thorpe, and the martyrdom of William Sautre,
and of John Badby, thus described, as ye have heard; which was about
the year 1409.



93. CONTINUING SCHISM.

  By the way, here is to be considered, at least to be admonished,
that all this while the schism in the Church of Rome did yet continue,
and so endured till the Council of Constance, which was, in the whole,
the space of twenty-nine years; the origin whereof, as was said
before, first began at Urban the Fifth, which Urban being dead, A. D.
1389, next followed Pope Boniface the Ninth, who sat fourteen years.
He, in selling his pardons, was so impudent and so past shame, that he
brought the keys of Peter, as saith Platina, in contempt. After him
succeeded Innocent the Seventh, and sat two years; who being dead, the
cardinals consulting together, and seeing the foul enormity and
inconvenience growing upon this contentious schism in their Church of
Rome, (minding to provide some remedy for the same, after the best
device they could,) in their conclave where they were assembled for a
new election for the pope, took this order, promising among themselves
with solemn vow made to God, to Mary the blessed Virgin, to Peter and
Paul, and to all the blessed company of saints: That if any of them,
within the college or without the college, should be called to that
high place of apostolical pre-eminence, he should effectuously
renounce the jurisdiction and title of his popedom, if or whensoever
the contrary pope for the time being would in like manner renounce his
place and title, and his cardinals in the like manner condescend to
the other cardinals of Rome; so that both these two colleges of
cardinals agreeing together, one chief bishop might be chosen and
taken out of them both, to be made the true pope: provided, moreover,
that none should seek any releasement or absolution from the said
promise, vow, and bond, once passed among them: unto all which things
furthermore every one subscribed with his hand. These things thus
prefixed and ratified upon the same, they proceeded to the election,
in which was chosen Gregory the Twelfth, who, the same day of his
election, in the presence of all the cardinals, confirmed the vow,
sacrament, and promise made, subscribing the same with his hand in
form as followeth: "And I, Gregory, this day, being the last of
November, in the year of our Lord 1407, chosen and elected for bishop
of Rome, do swear, vow, and promise, and confirm, all the premises
above contained," &c. This being done, shortly after he was crowned,
being of the age of eighty years. As the time thus passed, the people
and cardinals were in great expectation, waiting when the pope,
according to his oath, would give over, with the other pope also. And
not long after, the matter began indeed between the two popes to be
attempted by letters from one to another, assigning both day and
place, where and when they should meet together; but yet no effect did
follow.

  This so passing on, great murmuring was among the cardinals, to
see their holy perjured father so to neglect his oath and vow
aforenamed; insomuch that at length divers of them did forsake the
pope, as being perjured, as no less he was, sending, moreover, to
kings and princes of other lands, for their counsel and assistance
therein, to appease the schism. Amongst the rest, Cardinal Bituriensis
was sent to the king of England; who, publishing divers propositions
and conclusions, (remaining in the registers of Thomas Arundel,)
disputeth, that the pope ought to be subject to laws and councils.
Then King Henry (moved to write to Gregory the pope) directeth his
letter hereunder ensuing, which was the year of our Lord 1409. The
contents of the letter be these:

  "Most blessed father! if the discreet providence of the
apostolical see would call to mind with what great perils the
universal world hath been damnified, hitherto, under pretence of this
present schism; and especially would consider, what slaughter of
Christian people, to the number of two hundred thousand, (as they
say,) hath been, through the occasion of war raised up in divers
quarters of the world; and now of late, to the number of thirty
thousand soldiers, which have been slain through the dissension moved
about the bishopric of Leodium between two set up, one by the
authority of one pope, the other by the authority of the other pope,
fighting in camp for the title of that bishopric: certes, ye would
lament in spirit and be sore grieved in mind for the same, so that
with good conscience ye would relinquish rather the honour of the see
apostolic, than suffer such horrible bloodshed hereafter to ensue,
under the cloak of dissimulation; following herein the example of the
true mother in the Book of Kings, who pleading before Solomon for the
right of her child, rather would depart from the child, than the child
should be parted by the sword. And although it may be vehemently
suspected by the new creation of nine cardinals, by you last made,
contrary to your oath, (as other men do say,) that you do but little
heed or care for ceasing the schism, yet far be it from the hearing
and noting of the world, that your circumspect seat should ever be
noted and distained with such an inconstancy of mind, whereby the last
error may be worse than the first."

King Henry the Fourth to the cardinals.

  And to the cardinals, likewise, the said king directeth another
letter with these contents here following: "We, desiring to show what
zeal we have had and have to the reformation of peace of the church,
by the consent of the states of the realm, have directed to the bishop
of Rome our letters after the tenor of the copy herewith in these
presents enclosed, to be executed effectually: wherefore we seriously
beseech your reverend college, that if it chance the said Gregory to
be present at the council of Pisa, and to render up his popedom,
according to your desire, and his own oath, you then so ordain for his
state totally, that chiefly God may be pleased thereby, and that both
the said Gregory, and also we, which entirely love his honour and
commodity, may have cause to give you worthily condign thanks for the
same."

  This being done in the year of our Lord 1409, afterward in the
year next following, A. D. 1410, the cardinals of both the popes, to
wit, of Gregory and Benedict, by common advice assembled together at
the city of Pisa, for the reformation of unity and peace in the
church. To the which assembly a great multitude of prelates and
bishops being convened, a new pope was chosen, named Alexander the
Fifth. But to this election neither Gregory nor Benedict did fully
agree, whereby there were three popes together in the Roman church;
that is to understand, not three crowns upon one pope's head, but
three heads in one popish church together. This Alexander, being newly
made pope, scarcely had well warmed his triple crown, but straight
giveth out full remission, not of a few, but of all manner of sins
whatsoever, to all them that conferred any thing to the monastery of
St. Bartholomew, by Smithfield, resorting to the said church any of
these days following: to wit, on Maundy-Thursday, Good Friday, Easter-
even, the feast of the Annunciation, from the first even-song to the
latter. But this pope, which was so liberal in giving remission of
many years to others, was not able to give one year of life to
himself, for within the same year he died: in whose stead stept up
Pope John the Twenty-third.



94. JOHN HUSS CONDEMNED BY POPE ALXANDER V.

  In the time of this Alexander great stir began in the country of
Bohemia, by the occasion of the books of John Wickliff, which, then
coming to the hands of John Huss, and of others, both men and women,
especially of the lay-sort, and artificers, began there to do much
good; insomuch that divers of them, not only men, but women also,
partly by the reading of their books translated into their tongue,
partly by the setting forward of John Huss, a notable learned man, and
a singular preacher at that time in the university of Prague, were in
short time so ripe in judgment, and prompt in the Scriptures, that
they began to move questions, yea, and to reason with the priests,
touching matters of the Holy Scriptures.

  By reason whereof complaint was brought to the said Pope
Alexander the Fifth, who caused eftsoons the aforenamed John Huss to
be cited up to Rome: but when he came not at the pope's citation, then
the said Pope Alexander addressed his letters to the archbishop of
Swinco, wherein he straitly charged him to prohibit and forbid, by the
authority apostolical, all manner of preachings or sermons to be made
to the people, but only in cathedral churches, or colleges, or parish
churches, or in monasteries, or else in their churchyards; and that
the articles of Wickliff should in no case, of any person, of what
state, condition, or degree soever, be suffered to be holden, taught,
or defended, either privily or apertly; commanding, moreover, and
charging the said archbishop, that he, with four bachelors of
divinity, and two doctors of the canon law joined unto him, would
proceed upon the same, and so provide that no person in churches,
schools, or any other place,should teach, defend, or approve any of
the aforesaid articles, so that whosoever should attempt the contrary,
should be accounted a heretic, and, unless he shall revoke solemnly
and publicly the said articles, and shall for ever abjure the books
wherein the aforesaid articles be contained, so that they may be
utterly abolished out from the eyes of the faithful, the same should
be apprehended and imprisoned, all appellation set apart, the help
also of the secular arm being called thereunto, if need shall require,
&c. These were the contents of this mighty and fierce bull of Pope
Alexander.

  Against the which bull, on the other side, John Huss, justly
complaining, excepteth again, and objecteth many things: he declareth
this mandate of the pope to stand directly against the doings and
sayings both of Christ and of his apostles; considering how Christ
himself preached to the people, both in the sea, in the desert, in
fields, in houses, in synagogues, in villages; and the apostles also,
in all places, did the same, the Lord mightily working with them. He
declared, moreover, the said mandate or bull of the pope to redound
unto the great detriment of the church, in binding the word of God,
that it might not have his free passage; also, the same to be
prejudicial unto chapels newly erected for the word of God to be
preached in them: "Wherefore," saith he, "from this commandment or
mandate of Pope Alexander, I did appeal unto the said Alexander, being
better informed and advised; and, as I was prosecuting my appeal, the
lord pope," saith John Huss, "immediately died."

  Then the archbishop of Swinco aforesaid, to whom this present
bull was directed, when he saw the process, bulls, and mandates of the
bishop of Rome to be thus contemned of John Huss and his fellows,
neither having any hope of redress in Winceslaus the king, which
seemed to neglect the matter, went out of his country into Hungary, to
complain unto Sigismund, king of Hungary, and brother to the said
Winceslaus. But this quarrelling archbishop, whether before, as the
Bohemians say, or after, as Silvius saith, that he had spoken with
Sigismund, immediately there, by the just judgment of God, died in
Hungary, as the story saith, for sorrow; whereby a little more liberty
and quiet was given by the Lord unto his gospel, newly beginning to
take root among the Bohemians. Albeit, this tranquillity there did not
long continue without trouble and persecution, neither could it in
those furious days and reign of antichrist; for after this Alexander
succeeded Pope John the Twenty-third, who, likewise playing his part
in this tragedy, bent all his might and main to disturb the Bohemians,
as more hereafter, Christ willing, shall be declared in further
process of our history, coming to the year of our Lord 1413.



95. INSUFFERABLE PRIDE AND VAINGLORY OF THE PRELATES

  Thus the poor Christians, as ye see, like to the silly Israelites
under the tyranny of Pharaoh, were infested and oppressed in every
place, but especially here in England; and that so much the more here,
because that the king, not like to Winceslaus, went full and whole
with the pope and his prelates against the gospellers; by reason
whereof the kingdom of the pope and his members here in this realm
began to be so strong, that none durst stir or once mute against them.
The bishops, having the king so full on their side, armed, moreover,
with laws, statutes, punishments, imprisonments, sword, fire, and
faggot, reigned and ruled as they listed, as kings and princes within
themselves. So strong were they of power, that no human force was able
to stand against them; so exalted in pride, and puffed up in glory,
that they thought all things to be subject to their reverend
majesties. Whatsoever they set forth or decreed, it must of all men be
received and obeyed. And such was their superstitious blindness and
curious vanity, that whatsoever toy came once in their fantasy, it was
straightways determined and established for a law of all men to be
observed, were it never so frivolous or superstitious; as well
appeareth by Thomas Arundel, archbishop of Canterbury, and others,
who, having now a little leisure from slaying and killing the innocent
people, martyrs, and confessors of the Lord, and having now brought
their enemies, as they thought, under feet, began to set up
themselves, and to invent new customs, as the guise of the pope's
church is, ever to intrude into the church of God some ceremony or
custom of their own making, whereby the church of Christ hath been
hitherto exceedingly pestered. So likewise this Thomas Arundel,
thinking the church yet not sufficiently stuffed with ceremonies and
vain traditions of men, bringeth in a new-found gaud, commonly called
The tolling of Aves, in honour of our Lady, with certain Aves to be
said, and days of pardon to be given, for the same; for the
ratification whereof, under the pretence of the king's request, he
directed his mandate to the bishop of London, well stuffed with words
of idolatry, as by the reading thereof may appear, in form of terms as
followeth

A mandate of Thomas Arundel, directed to the bishop of London, to warn
men to say certain prayers at the tolling of the Ayes, or ringing of
the curfew.

  "Thomas, &c. To the right reverend our brother, the Lord Robert,
by the grace of God bishop of London, greeting, &c. While we lift our
eyes round about us, and behold attentively with circumspect
consideration, how the most high Word that was in the beginning with
God, chose to him a holy and immaculate virgin of the kingly stock, in
whose womb he took true flesh by inspiral inspiration, that the
merciful goodness of the Son of God, that was uncreate, might abolish
the sentence of condemnation, which all the posterity of mankind, that
was created, had by sin incurred: amongst other labours in the vine of
the Lord of Sabaoth, we sung to God our Saviour with great joy in him,
carefully thinking, that though all the people of the Christian
religion did extol with voices of praises so worthy a virgin, by whom
we received the beginnings of our redemption, by whom the holy day
first shined to us, which gave us hope of salvation; and although all
the same people were drawn to reverence her, which, being a happy
virgin, conceived the Son of God, the King of heaven, the Redeemer and
Saviour of all nations, ministering light to the people that were
miserably drowned in the darkness of death: we truly, as the servants
of her own inheritance, and such as are written of, to be of her
peculiar dower, as we are by every man's confession acknowledged to
be, we, I say, ought more watchfully than any others to show the
endeavours of our devotion in praising her, who being hitherto
merciful to us, yea, being even cowards, would that our power, being,
as it were, spread abroad every where through all the coasts of the
world, should, with a victorious arm, fear all foreign nations; that
our power, being on all sides so defended with the buckler of her
protection, did subdue unto her victorious standards, and made subject
unto us, nations both near at hand and far off.

  "Likewise our happy estate, all the time that we have passed
since the beginning of our lives, may be well attributed only to the
help of her medicine; to whom also we may worthily ascribe now of late
in these our times, under the mighty government of our most Christian
king, our deliverance from the ravening wolves, and the mouths of
cruel beasts, which had prepared against our banquets a mess of meat
mingled full of gall, and hated us unjustly, secretly lying in wait
for us, in recompence of the good will that we showed to them.
Wherefore, that she being on high, sitting before the throne of the
heavenly Majesty, the defendress and patroness of us all, being
magnified with all men's praises, may more plentifully exhibit to us,
the sons of adoption, the teats of her grace, in all those things that
we shall have to do: at the request of the special devotion of our
lord the king himself, we command your brotherhood, straitly enjoining
you, that you command the subjects of your city and diocese, and of
all other suffragans, to worship our Lady Mary, the mother of God and
our patroness and protectress, evermore in all adversity, with such-
like kind of prayer and accustomed manner of ringing, as the devotion
of Christ's faithful people is wont to worship her at the ringing of
curfew. And when before day in the morning ye shall cause them to
ring, that with like manner of prayer and ringing she be every where
honoured devoutly by the aforesaid our and your suffragans, and their
subjects as well religious as secular, in your and their monasteries
and collegiate churches: that we, so humbly calling upon the mercy of
the heavenly Father, the right hand of the heavenly Piety, may
mercifully come to the help, the protection and defence of the same
our Lord the king, who, for the happy remedy of quietness, and for our
succour from tempestuous floods, is ready to apply his hands to work,
and his eyes, with all his whole desire, to watching. We, therefore,
coveting more earnestly to stir up the minds of all faithful people to
so devout an exercise of God, &c., we grant by these presents, to all
and every man, &c., that shall say the Lord's prayer and the
salutation of the angel five times at the morning peal with a devout
mind, forty days' pardon by these presents. Given under our seal, in
our manor of Lambeth, the tenth day of February."

  By this frivolous and barbarous constitution, with many other of
like sort heaped into the church by the papists, appeareth the proper
natures and condition of this catholic generation; who, being
themselves not greatly exercised nor experienced in any serious
cogitation of spiritual matter, as seemeth, take upon them to govern
the spiritual church of Christ, whereof indeed they have no skill or
very little: and, therefore, according to their unskilful handling,
they lead and rule the church after such outward sights and
ceremonies, seemly perhaps to their own gross affection, but not
agreeing, nay rather clean contrary, to the right nature and condition
of the spiritual house and kingdom of the Lord: and like as in their
inventions they swerve utterly from the right handling of all
spiritual government, so, in their manners and form of life likewise,
they do resemble little or no part almost of such as are, and ought to
be, true pastors and ministers of the mystical body of Christ.

   Examples hereof are plenty and plain in these Roman prelates to
be noted, whoso, well considering the humble state and lowly spirit
which ought to be in pastoral leaders of the church, will compare the
same with the usual pomp of these glorious potentates.

  As for example: What can be more convenient for a true pastor
ecclesiastical, than humility of heart and spirit, according to the
example of the head bishop himself? so what greater show of arrogancy
and pride could there be, than in this, whom I have oft named before,
Thomas Arundel, archbishop of Canterbury? who, passing by the high
street of London, did not only look and wait for the ringing of the
bells, for a triumph of his coming, but took great snuff, and did
suspend all such churches in London, (not only with the steeple and
bells, but also with the organs,) so many as did not receive his
coming with the noise of bells, according as out of his own registers
may appear, the words whereof, written to his own somner, I have
hereto annexed in his own form, as followeth.

A commission directed to the somner, to suspend certain churches of
London, because they rung not their bells at the presence of my lord,
the archbishop of Canterbury.

  "Thomas, by the permission of God, &c. To our well-beloved Thomas
Wilton, our somner sworn, health, grace, and blessing. The comeliness
of our holy church of Canterbury, over which we bear rule, deserveth
and requireth, that while we pass through the province of the same our
church, having our cross carried before us, every parish church in
their turns ought, and are bounden, in token of special reverence that
they bear to us, to ring their bells: which notwithstanding, yea, on
Tuesday last past, when we, betwixt eight and nine of the clock before
dinner, passed openly on foot as it were, through the midst of the
city of London, with our cross carried before us, divers churches,
whose names are here beneath noted, showed towards us willingly,
though they certainly knew of our coming, unreverence rather than
reverence, and the duty that they owe to our church of Canterbury,
ringing not at all at our coming. Wherefore we, being willing to
revenge this injury, for the honour of our spouse, as we are bounden,
command you, that by our authority you put all those churches under
our indictment, suspending God's holy organs and instruments in the
same: which we also suspend by the tenor of these presents, till the
ministers of the aforesaid churches be able hereafter to attain of us
the benefit of more plentiful grace. Given," &c.

  What great reason was in this, why this archbishop either should
thus look for the ringing of the bells, or why he should be thus
displeased with not ringing, I do not see. Belike, his mind, in the
mean time, was greatly occupied with some great muse, as feeling of
God's fear, with repentance and remembrance of his sins, with zealous
care and solicitude for his flock, with the earnest meditation of the
passion and life of our Saviour, who in this world was so despised; or
else was set upon some grave study, while he so waited for the ringing
of the bells, which were wont to be so noisome to all students. And
why were not the trumpeters also shent as well, because they did not
sound before his person? But though the bells did not clatter in the
steeples, and therefore his thunderbolt should have fallen upon the
steeples, which had deserved, why should the body of the church
therefore be suspended? At least, the poor organs, methinketh, had
some part of wrong to be put to silence in the quire, because the
bells rang not in the tower.

  Of the like matter, also, we read in the said registers, falling
between the bishop of Worcester and the priory of the same town, for
not ringing at the bishop's coming into the church: whereupon much
suit and contention was between them, till at length the archbishop of
Canterbury took up the matter, moderating it, as in the said
registers, fol. 441, appeareth to be seen as followeth:

  "Thomas, &c. Whereas there happened variance lately between our
reverend brother the lord bishop of Worcester on the one party, and
the religious and discreet men the prior and convent of the same
church on the other party, for not ringing of bells at the coming of
our said brother to his aforesaid church, at length the parties,
considering the great inconvenience that might come thereof, at our
instance and request did agree on this manner: that as often as it
shall happen our reverend brother to go to his aforesaid church,
either to celebrate orders, or to visit his church in the head or in
the inferiors, or to make cream and oil in the same church, also in
the feast of the Assumption of the blessed Virgin Mary, which is the
chiefest feast in the abbey aforesaid; then the prior and the convent,
and their successors for the time being, shall ring solemnly against
his coming, or shall cause to be rung solemnly, without all
contradiction, or any reclaiming hereafter to be made against the
same: which agreement that it may be more firmly kept, we let you all
understand by these presents, sealed with our seal. Given at our
palace of Canterbury, July 12, the tenth year of our government."

  The like stir for bell-ringing and for processions had almost
happened between the archbishop of Canterbury, successor to this
Thomas Arundel, named Henry Chichesley, on the one party, and the
abbey of St. Alban's on the other party, had not the abbot, in time
submitting himself to the archbishop, so provided, that the ringing of
their bells at his coming might not redound to any derogation of their
liberties. Whereunto the archbishop granted by these his letters as
followeth:

  "Henry, &c., to the religious men, the abbot and convent of the
monastery of St. Alban's, in the diocese of Lincoln, health, &c.
Whenas of late there happened a matter of variance between us, and
you, the abbot and convent, by reason of not giving reverence to us,
being due to our province of Canterbury, that is, for not ringing the
bells, and meeting us with processions when we passed by divers places
of our province, as well due of common custom, as of old use and for
the prerogative of the church of Canterbury, as also being due of
every one being within the compass of this our said province, when and
as often as we shall pass by their places; at length your lord abbot,
coming personally to us, did grant both for you and the convent
aforesaid, to do and to give of your gentleness all reverence and
honour, with such reverence both to us and our church of Canterbury,
as often as we pass by your monastery, or the places nigh or adjoining
thereto, or shall hereafter go by; so that it might not be prejudicial
to your exemption, and nothing be attempted to the violating of your
privilege; and that it might not be challenged for duty hereafter.
Wherefore we, desiring to keep you from damage, let you understand by
these presents, that it is not our intent to derogate your exemptions
or privilege whatsoever herein; nor by any means to be prejudicial to
you by these your reverences or other duties, whatsoever you have or
shall grant to us of your devotion and liberality, both by you, and in
places under your dominion. In witness whereof," &c.

  To express, moreover, and describe, the glorious pomp of these
prince-like prelates, in these blind days of popish religion, reigning
then in the church, I thought to adjoin hereunto another example not
much unlike, neither differing much in time, concerning certain poor
men cited up, and enjoined strait penance by William Courtney,
predecessor of the said Thomas Arundel, for bringing litter to his
horse, not in wains as they should do, but in privy sacks, in a secret
manner under their cloaks or coats: for the which so heinous and
horrible trespass, the said archbishop, sitting in his tribunal seat,
did call and cite before him the said persons, and, after their
submission, enjoined them penance; which penance what it was, and what
were the names of the aforesaid parties, here followeth out of the
said archbishop's registers, both by his own words, and by picture of
the persons in the same registers annexed and painted, in all
resemblance, as there standeth, and here is also to be seen.
Illustration: A peasant carrying a sack of straw as a penance

  "Ignorance, the mother of error, so much hath blinded and
deceived certain persons, to wit, Hugh Pennie, John Forstall, John
Boy, John Wanderton, William Hayward, and John White, tenants of the
lord of Wengham, that against the coming of the aforesaid archbishop
to his palace of Canterbury on Palm Sunday even, the year of our Lord
1390, where they, being warned by the bailiff to convey and carry hay,
straw, and other litter to the aforesaid palace, as they were bound by
the tenor of their lands, which they hold of the see of Canterbury;
refusing and disdaining to do their service, as they were accustomed,
brought their straw and other litter, not in carts and wains openly
and sufficiently, but by piece-meal and closely in bags or sacks, in
contempt of their lord, and derogation of the right and title of the
see of Canterbury. Whereupon they, being cited and presented before
the archbishop, sitting in judgment at his manor of State-wood,
yielded and submitted themselves to his lordship's pleasure, humbly
craving pardon of their trespass. Then the aforesaid archbishop
absolved the above-named Hugh Pennie, &c., they swearing to obey the
laws and ordinances of holy church, and to do the punishment that
should be appointed them for their deserts: that is, that they, going
leisurely before the procession, every one of them should carry openly
on his shoulder his bag stuffed with hay and straw, so that the said
hay and straw should appear hanging out, the mouths of the sacks being
open."



96. NOTES OF CERTAIN PARLIAMENT MATTERS PASSED IN HENRY V'S KING'S
DAYS.

  To proceed now further in the reign of this king, and to treat
also something of his parliaments as we have done of other before:
first, we will begin with the parliament holden in the first year of
his coming in.

  Moreover, forasmuch as our catholic papists will not believe, yet
the contrary, but that the jurisdiction of their father the pope hath
ever extended throughout all the world, as well here in England, as in
other places, here, therefore, speaking of the parliaments holden in
this king's days concerning this matter, I refer them to the
parliament of the said King Henry, in his first year holden, and to
the twenty-seventh article of the same, where they may read, in the
tenth objection laid against King Richard, in plain words, how that,
"Forasmuch as the crown of this realm of England, and the jurisdiction
belonging to the same, as also the whole realm itself, at all times
lately past, hath been at such liberty, and enjoyed such prerogative,
that neither the pope, nor any other out of the same kingdom, ought to
intrude himself nor intermeddle therein: it was, therefore, objected
unto the afore-named King Richard the Second, for procuring the
letters apostolical from the pope, to the confirming and corroborating
of certain statutes of his, and that his censures might be prosecuted
against the breakers thereof, which seemed then to the parliament to
tend against the crown and regal dignity, as also against the statutes
and liberties of this the said our realm of England.

  "Furthermore, in the second year of the said king, this was in
the parliament required, that all such persons as shall be arrested by
force of the statute made against the Lollards, in the second year of
Henry the Fourth, may be bailed, and freely make their purgation; that
they be arrested by none other than by the sheriffs, or such-like
officers, neither that any havoc be made of their goods. The king
granted to their advice therein.

  "In the eighth year, moreover, of this king's reign, it was
likewise propounded in the parliament, that all such persons as shall
procure, or sue in the court of Rome, any process touching any
benefice, collation, or presentation of the same, shall incur the pain
of the statute of provisors, made in the thirteenth year of Richard
the Second, whereunto the king granted, that the statutes heretofore
provided should be observed.

  "Item, in the said parliament there, it was put up by petition,
that the king might enjoy half the profits of every parson's benefice
who is not resident thereon. Thereunto the king answered, That the
ordinaries should do their duties therein, or else he would provide
further remedy to stay their pluralities.

  "Item, in the said parliament it was required, that none do sue
to the court of Rome for any benefice, but only to the king's courts."

  In the next year following, which was the ninth of this king,
another petition of the commons was put in parliament against the
court of Rome, which I thought good here to express, as followeth:

  "The commons do beseech, that forasmuch as divers provisors of
the benefices of holy church, dwelling in the court of Rome, through
their singular covetousness, now newly imagined to destroy those that
have been long time incumbents in divers their benefices of holy
church peaceably, some of them by the title of the king, some by title
ordinary, and by the title of other true patrons thereof, by colour of
provisions, relations, and other grants made to the same provisors by
the apostoil, of the said benefices, do pursue processes in the said
court by citation made beyond the sea, without any citations made
within the realm, in deed, against the same incumbents, whereby many
of the said incumbents, through such privy and crafty processes and
sentences of privation and inabilitation, have lost their benefices,
and others put in the places of the said incumbents, before the
publication of the same sentences, they not knowing any thing; and
many are in great hazard to lose their benefices through such
processes, to their perpetual destruction and mischief: and forasmuch
as this mischief cannot be holpen without an especial remedy be had by
parliament: pleaseth it the king to consider the great mischief and
danger that may so come unto divers his subjects without their
knowledge, through such citations out of the realm, and thereupon to
ordain, by the advice of the lords of this present parliament, that
none presented be received by any ordinary unto any benefice of any
such incumbent for any cause of privation or inabilitation, whereof
the process is not founded upon citation made within the realm, and
also that such incumbents may remain in all their benefices, until it
be proved by due inquest in the court of the king, that the citations,
whereupon such privations and inabilitations are granted, were made
within the realm; and that if such ordinaries, or such presented, or
others, do pursue the contrary, that then they and their procurators,
supporters, and counsellors, do incur the pains contained in the
statute made against provisors in the thirteenth year of the reign of
the late Richard the Second, king of England, by processes to be made,
as is declared in the statute made against such provisors in the
twenty-seventh year of the reign of King Edward, predecessor to our
lord the king that now is, any royal licences or grants in any manner
to the contrary notwithstanding; and that all other statutes made
against provisors, and not repealed before this present parliament, be
in their full force, and be firmly kept in all points.

  "That the king's council have power by authority of parliament,
in case that any man find himself grieved in particular, that he may
pursue; and that the said council, by the advice of the justices, do
right unto the parties. This to endure until the next parliament,
reserving always unto the king his prerogative and liberty.

  "Item, That no pope's collector thenceforth should levy any money
within the realm for first-fruits of any ecclesiastical dignity, under
pain of incurring the statute of provisions."

  Besides, in the said parliament holden the eleventh year of this
king, is to be noted, how the commons of the land put up a bill unto
the king, to take the temporal lands out from spiritual men's hands or
possession; the effect of which bill was, "That the temporalties
disordinately wasted by men of the church, might suffice to find to
the king fifteen earls, one thousand five hundred knights, six
thousand two hundred esquires, and a hundred houses of almose, to the
relief of the poor people, more than at those days within England. And
over all these aforesaid charges, the king might put yearly in his
coffers twenty thousand pounds.

  "Provided, that every earl should have of yearly rent three
thousand marks; and every knight a hundred marks and four plough
lands; and every esquire forty marks by year, with two plough lands;
and every house of almose a hundred marks, with oversight of two true
seculars unto every house; and also with provision, that every
township should keep all poor people of their own dwellers, which
might not labour for their living: with condition, that if more fell
in a town than the town might maintain, then the said alms-houses to
relieve such townships.

  "And to hear these charges, they alleged by their said bill, that
the temporalties, being in possession of spiritual men, amounted to
three hundred and twenty-two thousand marks by year, whereof they
affirmed to be in the see of Canterbury, with the abbeys of Christ's-
church, of St. Augustine's, Shrewsbury, Coggeshal, and St. Osus,
twenty thousand marks by year; in the see of York, and abbeys there,
twenty thousand marks; in the see of Winchester, and abbeys there,
twenty thousand marks; in the see of London, with abbeys and other
houses there, twenty thousand marks; in the see of Lincoln, with the
abbeys of Peterborough, Ramsey, and others, twenty thousand marks; in
the see of Norwich, with the abbeys of Bury and others, twenty
thousand marks; in the see of Ely, Spalding, and others, twenty
thousand marks; in the see of Bath, with the abbey of Okinborne, and
others, twenty thousand marks; in the see of Worcester, with the
abbeys of Evesham, Abingdon, and others, twenty thousand marks; in the
see of Chester, with the precinct of the same, with the sees of St.
David, of Salisbury, and Exeter, with the precincts, twenty thousand
marks; the abbeys of Ravens or Revens, of Fountaines, of Gernons, and
divers others, to the number of five more, twenty thousand marks; the
abbeys of Leicester, Walthun, Gosborne, Merton, Ticeter, Osney, and
others, unto the number of six more, twenty thousand marks; the abbeys
of Dover, Battle, Lewes, Coventry, Daventry, and Tourney, twenty
thousand marks; the abbeys of Northampton, Thornton, Bristol,
Killingworth, Winchcomb, Hailes, Parchissor, Frideswide, Notly, and
Grimsby, twenty thousand marks.

  "The which aforesaid sums amount to the full of three hundred
thousand marks. And for the odd twenty-two thousand marks, they
appointed Hertford, Rochester, Huntingdon, Swinshed, Crowland,
Malmesbury, Burton, Tewkesbury, Dunstable, Sher-borne, Taunton, and
Biland.

  "And over this, they alleged by the said bill, that over and
above the said sum of three hundred and twenty-two thousand marks,
divers houses of religion in England possessed as many temporalties as
might suffice to find yearly fifteen thousand priests and clerks,
every priest to be allowed for his stipend seven marks by the year.

  "To the which bill no answer was made, but that the king of this
matter would take deliberation and advisement, and with that answer
ended, so that no further labour was made."

  These things thus hitherto discoursed, touching such acts and
matters as have been incident in the lifetime of this king, followeth
next the thirteenth year of his reign. In the which year the said King
Henry the Fourth, (after that he had sent a little before a certain
company of captains and soldiers to aid the duke of Burgundy in
France, among whom was the Lord Cobham,) keeping his Christmas at
Eltham, fell grievously sick. From thence he was conveyed to London,
where he began to call a parliament, but tarried not the end. In the
mean time, the infirmity of the king more and more increasing, he was
taken and brought into a bed in a fair chamber at Westminster; and as
he lay in his bed, he asked how they called the same chamber; and they
answered and said, Jerusalem. And then he said it was his prophecy,
That he should make his end in Jerusalem. And so, disposing himself
toward his end in the aforesaid chamber, he died; upon what sickness,
whether of leprosy, or of some other sharp disease, I have not to
affirm. The like prophecy we read of Pope Silvester the Second; to
whom, being inquisitive for the time and place where he should die, it
was answered, That he should die in Jerusalem. Who then saying mass in
a chapel, called likewise Jerusalem, perceived his end there to be
near, and died. And thus King Henry the Fourth, successor to the
lawful King Richard the Second, finished his life at Westminster, and
was buried at Canterbury by the tomb of Thomas Becket, A. D. 1413.



97. CORONATION OF HENRY V. SYNOD OF LONDON
Illustration: Storm at the coronation of Henry V

    AFTER this Henry the Fourth, reigned Henry the Fifth, his son,
who was born at Monmouth in Wales, of whose other virtues, and great
victories gotten in France, I have not greatly to intermeddle;
especially, seeing the memory of his worthy prowess being sufficiently
described in other writers in this our time, may both content the
reader and unburden my labour herein; especially seeing these latter
troubles and perturbations of the church offer me so much, that
scarcely any vacant leisure shall be left to intermeddle with matters
profane.

  After the coronation then of this new king, which was the ninth
day of April, called then Passion Sunday, which was an exceeding
stormy day, and so tempestuous, that many did wonder at the portent
thereof, not long after the same, a parliament began to be called, and
to be holden after the feast of Easter, at Westminster, A. D. 1413. At
which time, Thomas Arundel, the archbishop of Canterbury, collected in
Paul's church at London a universal synod of all the bishops and
clergy of England. In that synod, among other weighty matters and
ponderous, it was determined, that the day of St. George, and also of
St. Dunstan, should be a double feast, called Duplex festum, in holy
church; in holy kitchen, I would say.

  And because the order and manner of those pope-holy feasts either
yet is not sufficiently known to some rude and gross capacities, or
may, peradventure, grow out of use, and be strange and unknown to our
posterity hereafter, therefore, to give a little memorandum thereof,
by the way, for erudition of times hereafter to come, touching this
mystical science of the pope's deep and secret divinity, here is to be
noted, that the feasts of the pope's holy mother, catholic church, be
divided into sundry members. Like as a plentiful root in a fruitful
field riseth up and brancheth into manifold arms, and the arms again
do multiply into divers and sundry branches, out of the which,
moreover, although no fruit do come, yet both leaves and flowers do
bud and blossom in most copious wise, right beautiful to behold: even
so this festum, containing a large matter of great variety of days and
feasts, groweth in itself, and multiplieth, being thus divided: first,
into festum duplex, and into festum simplex; that is, into feast
double, and into feast simple. Again, this festum duplex brancheth
four-fold wise; to wit, into festum principale duplex, into majus
duplex, into minus duplex, and inferius duplex; that is, into
principal double, into greater double, into lesser double, and
inferior or lower double. Unto these several sorts of feasts, what
days were peculiarly assigned, it were too long to recite. For this
present purpose it shall suffice to understand, that as unto the
principal double feast only belonged eight days in the year, so the
majus duplex festum had given unto it by this convocation the day of
St. George and of St. Dunstan, as is before remembered: albeit by
constitution it was so decreed, yet by custom it was not so used.
Item, it is to be noted, that these two feasts, to wit, principale
duplex, and majus duplex, did differ, and were known from all other,
by four notes: by service in the kitchen, and by service in the
church, which were both double; by ringing in the steeple, which was 
with double peal; by copes in the quire; and by thurifying or censing
the altars: for in these two principal and greater double feasts, the
seventh, eighth, and ninth lesson must be read with silken copes. Also
at the said feasts, in the time of the lessons, the altars in the
church must be thurified; that is, smoked with incense, &c. And
likewise the minus duplex and inferius duplex had also their peculiar
service to them belonging. Secondly, the simplex festum, which is the
second arm springing of this division, is thus divided: either having
a triple invitory, or a double, or else a single invitory; of the
which, moreover, some have three lessons, some have nine, &c.

  And thus much, by occasion, for popish feasts; not that I do so
much deride them, as I lament, that so much and manifest idolatry in
them is committed, to the great dishonour of our Lord God, which is
only to be honoured.



98. THE TROUBLE AND PERSECUTION OF THE LORD COBHAM.

  But to let this by-matter pass, again to return to the aforesaid
universal synod, assembled by Thomas Arundel at St. Paul's church in
London, as is before remembered, the chief and principal cause of the
assembling thereof, as reporteth the Chronicle of St. Alban's, was to
repress the growing and spreading of the gospel, and especially to
withstand the noble and worthy Lord Cobham, who was then noted to be a
principal favourer, receiver, and maintainer of them, whom the bishop
misnamed to be Lollards; especially in the dioceses of London,
Rochester, and Hereford, setting them up to preach whom the bishops
had not licensed, and sending them about to preach, which was against
the constitution provincial, before remembered; holding also and
teaching opinions of the sacraments, of images, of pilgrimage, of the
keys and Church of Rome, contrary and repugnant to the received
determination of the Romish Church, &c.

  In the mean time, as these were in talk amongst themselves
concerning the good Lord Cobham, there resorted unto them the twelve
inquisitors of heresies, whom they had appointed at Oxford the year
before, to search out heretics, with all Wickliff's books; who brought
two hundred and forty-six conclusions, which they had collected as
heresies out of the said books. The names of the said inquisitors were
these:

  John Whitnam, a master in the New College; John Langedon, monk of
Christ's Church in Canterbury; William Ufford, regent of the
Carmelites; Thomas Claxton, regent of the Dominics; Robert Gilbert,
Richard Earthisdale, John Lucke, Richard Snedisham, Richard Flemming,
Thomas Rotborne, Robert Ronbery, Richard Grafdale.

  These things thus done, and the articles being brought in,
further they proceeded in their communication, concluding among
themselves, that it was not possible for them to make whole Christ's
coat without seam (meaning thereby their patched popish synagogue)
unless certain great men were brought out of the way, which seemed to
be the chief maintainers of the said disciples of Wickliff. Among whom
this noble knight, Sir John Oldcastle, the Lord Cobham, was complained
of by the general proctors to be the chief principal. Him they
accused, first, for a mighty maintainer of suspected preachers in the
dioceses of London, Rochester, and Hereford, contrary to the minds of
the ordinaries. Not only they affirmed him to have sent thither the
said preachers, but also to have assisted them there by force of arms,
notwithstanding their synodal constitution made before to the
contrary. Last of all, they accused him that he was far otherwise in
belief of the sacrament of the altar, of penance, of pilgrimage, of
image-worshipping, and of the ecclesiastical power, than the holy
Church of Rome had taught many years before.

  In the end it was concluded among them, that, without any further
delay, process should be awarded out against him, as against a most
pernicious heretic.

  Some of that fellowship which were of more crafty experience than
the others, thought it not best to have the matter so rashly handled,
but by some preparation made thereunto before: considering the said
Lord Cobham was a man of great birth, and in favour at that time with
the king, their counsel was to know first the king's mind, to save all
things upright. This counsel was well accepted, and thereupon the
archbishop, Thomas Arundel, with his other bishops, and a great part
of the clergy, went straightways unto the king then remaining at
Kennington, and there laid forth most grievous complaints against the
said Lord Cobham, to his great infamy and blemish, being a man right
godly.

  The king gently heard those blood-thirsty prelates, and far
otherwise than became his princely dignity: notwithstanding requiring,
and instantly desiring them, that in respect of his noble stock and
knighthood, they should yet favourably deal with him; and that they
would, if it were possible, without all rigour or extreme handling,
reduce him again to the church's unity. He promised them also, that in
case they were contented to take some deliberation, himself would
seriously commune the matter with him.
Illustration: Lord Cobham and the King

  Anon after, the king sent for the said Lord Cobham, and as he was
come, he called him secretly, admonishing him betwixt him and him, to
submit himself to his mother the holy church, and, as an obedient
child, to acknowledge himself culpable. Unto whom the Christian knight
made this answer: "You, most worthy prince," saith he, "I am always
prompt and willing to obey, forasmuch as I know you a Christian king,
and the appointed minister of God, bearing the sword to the punishment
of evil-doers, and for safeguard of them that be virtuous. Unto you,
next my eternal God, owe I my whole obedience, and submit thereunto,
as I have done ever, all that I have, either of fortune or nature,
ready at all times to fulfil whatsoever ye shall in the Lord command
me. But, as touching the pope and his spiritualty, I owe them neither
suit nor service, forasmuch as I know him, by the Scriptures, to be
the great antichrist, the son of perdition, the open adversary of God,
and the abomination standing in the holy place." When the king had
heard this, with such-like sentences more, he would talk no longer
with him, but left him so utterly.

  And as the archbishop resorted again unto him for an answer, he
gave him his full authority to cite him, examine him, and punish him
according to their devilish decree, which they called The Laws of holy
Church. Then the said archbishop, by the counsel of his other bishops
and clergy, appointed to call before him Sir John Oldcastle, the Lord
Cobham, and to cause him personally to appear, to answer to such
suspect articles, as they should lay against him: so he sent forth his
chief summoner, with a very sharp citation, unto the castle of
Cowling, where he at that time dwelt for his solace; and as the said
summoner was come thither, he durst in no case enter the gates of so
noble a man without his licence, and therefore he returned home again,
his message not done.

  Then called the archbishop one John Butler unto him, which was
then the door-keeper of the king's privy chamber, and with him he
covenanted, through promises and rewards, to have this matter craftily
brought to pass under the king's name. Whereupon the said John Butler
took the archbishop's summoner with him, and went unto the said Lord
Cobham, showing him that it was the king's pleasure that he should
obey that citation, and so cited him fraudulently. Then said he to
them in few words, that he in no case would consent to those most
devilish practices of the priests. As they had informed the archbishop
of that answer, and that it was for no man privately to cite him after
that, without peril of life, he decreed by and by to have him cited by
public process or open commandment; and, in all the haste possible,
upon the Wednesday before the nativity of our Lady, in September, he
commanded letters citatory to be set upon the great gates of the
cathedral church of Rochester, (which was but three English miles from
thence,) charging him to appear personally before him at Ledis, the
eleventh day of the same month and year, all excuses to the contrary
set apart. Those letters were taken down anon after, by such as bore
favour unto the Lord Cobham, and so conveyed aside. After that caused
the archbishop new letters to be set up on the nativity day of our
Lady, which also were rent down, and utterly consumed.

  Then, forasmuch as he did not appear at the day appointed at
Ledis, (where he sat in consistory, as cruel as ever was Caiaphas,
with his court of hypocrites about him,) he judged him, denounced him,
and condemned him, of most deep contumacy. After that, when he had
been falsely informed by his hired spies, and other glosing glaverers,
that the said Lord Cobham had laughed him to scorn, disdained all his
doings, maintained his old opinions, contemned the church's power, the
dignity of a bishop, and the order of priesthood, (for all these was
he then accused of,) in his moody madness, without just proof, did he
openly excommunicate him. Yet was not with all this his fierce tyranny
satisfied, but he commanded him to be cited afresh, to appear before
him the Saturday before the feast of St. Matthew the apostle, with
these cruel threatenings added thereunto, that if he did not obey at
the day, he would more extremely handle him. And to make himself more
strong towards the performance thereof, he compelled the lay-power, by
most terrible menacings of curses and interdictions, to assist him
against that seditious apostate, schismatic, and heretic, the troubler
of the public peace, that enemy of the realm, and great adversary of
holy church; for all these hateful names did he give him.

  This most constant servant of the Lord, and worthy knight, Sir
John Oldcastle, the Lord Cobham, beholding the unpeaceable fury of
antichrist thus kindled against him, perceiving himself also compassed
on every side with deadly dangers; he took paper and pen in hand, and
so wrote a Christian confession or reckoning of his faith, (which
followeth hereafter,) both signing and sealing it with his own hand;
wherein he also answered to the four chiefest articles that the
archbishop laid against him. That done, he took the copy with him, and
went therewith to the king, trusting to find mercy and favour at his
hand. None other was that confession of his, than the common belief or
sum of the church's faith, called The Apostles' Creed, of all
Christian men then used, with a brief declaration upon the same, as
hereunder ensueth:

The Christian belief of the Lord Cobham.

  "I believe in God the Father Almighty, Maker of heaven and earth:
And in Jesus Christ his only Son our Lord, which was conceived by the
Holy Ghost, born of the Virgin Mary, suffered under Pontius Pilate,
crucified, dead, and buried, went down to hell, the third day rose
again from death, ascended up to heaven, sitteth on the right band of
God the Father Almighty; and from thence shall come again to judge the
quick and the dead. I believe in the Holy Ghost, the universal holy
church, the communion of saints, the forgiveness of sins, the uprising
of the flesh, and everlasting life. Amen.

  "And for a more large declaration (saith he) of this my faith in
the catholic church, I stedfastly believe, That there is but one God
Almighty, in and of whose Godhead are these three persons, the Father,
the Son, and the Holy Ghost, and that those three persons are the
selfsame God Almighty. I believe also, that the second person of this
most blessed Trinity, in most convenient time appointed thereunto
before, took flesh and blood of the most blessed Virgin Mary, for the
safeguard and redemption of the universal kind of man, which was
before lost in Adam's offence.

  "Moreover I believe, That the same Jesus Christ our Lord, thus
being both God and man, is the only head of the whole Christian
church, and that all those that have been or shall be saved, be
members of this most holy church. And this holy church I think to be
divided into three sorts or companies.

  "Whereof the first sort be now in heaven, and they are the saints
from hence departed. These, as they were here conversant, conformed
always their lives to the most holy laws and pure examples of Christ,
renouncing Satan, the world, and the flesh, with all their
concupiscence and evils.

  "The second sort are in purgatory, (if any such place be in the
Scriptures,) abiding the mercy of God, and a full deliverance of pain.

  "The third sort are here upon the earth, and be called the church
militant; for day and night they contend against crafty assaults of
the devil, the flattering prosperities of this world, and the
rebellious filthiness of the flesh.

  "This latter congregation, by the just ordinance of God, is also
severed into three divers estates; that is to say, into priesthood,
knighthood, and the commons; among whom the will of God is, that the
one should aid the other, but not destroy the other. The priests,
first of all, secluded from all worldliness, should conform their
lives utterly to the examples of Christ and his apostles. Evermore
should they be occupied in preaching and teaching the Scriptures
purely, and in giving wholesome examples of good living to the other
two degrees of men. More modest also, more loving, gentle, and lowly
in spirit, should they be, than any other sorts of people.

  "In the knighthood are all they which bear sword by law of
office: these should defend God's laws, and see that the gospel were
purely taught, conforming their lives to the same, and secluding all
false preachers; yea, those ought rather to hazard their lives, than
to suffer such wicked decrees as either blemish the eternal testament
of God, or yet let the free passage thereof, whereby heresies and
schisms might spring in the church. For of none other arise they, as I
suppose, than of erroneous constitutions, craftily first creeping in
under hypocritical lies, for advantage. They ought also to preserve
God's people from oppressors, tyrants, and thieves, and to see the
clergy supported so long as they teach purely, pray rightly, and
minister the sacraments freely. And if they see them do otherwise,
they are bound by the law or office to compel them to change their
doings; and to see all things performed according to God's prescript
ordinance.

  "The latter fellowship of this church, are the common people;
whose duty is to bear their good minds and true obedience to the
aforesaid ministers of God, their kings, civil governors, and priests.
The right office of these, is justly to occupy every man his faculty,
be it merchandise, handicraft, or the tithe of the ground. And so one
of them to be as a helper to another, following always, in their 
sorts, the just commandments of the Lord God.

  "Over and besides all this, I most faithfully believe, That the
sacraments of Christ's church are necessary to all Christian
believers; this always seen to, that they be truly ministered
according to Christ's first institution and ordinance. And, forasmuch
as I am maliciously and most falsely accused of a misbelief in the
sacrament of the altar, to the hurtful slander of many, I signify here
unto all men, that this is my faith concerning that: I believe in that
sacrament to be contained very Christ's body and blood under the
similitude of bread and wine, yea, the same body that was conceived of
the Holy Ghost, born of the Virgin Mary, done on the cross, died and
was buried, arose the third day from the death, and is now glorified
in heaven. I also believe the universal law of God to be most true and
perfect, and they which do not so follow it in their faith and works
(at one time or another) can never be saved: whereas he that seeketh
it in faith, accepteth it, learneth it, delighteth therein, and
performeth it in love, shall taste for it the felicity of everlasting
innocency.

  "Finally, this is my faith also, That God will ask no more of a
Christian believer in this life, but only to obey the precepts of that
most blessed law. If any prelate of the church require more, or else
any other kind of obedience, than this to be used, he contemneth
Christ, exalting himself above God, and so becometh an open
antichrist. All the promises I believe particularly, and, generally,
all that God hath left in his Holy Scripture, that I should believe;
instantly desiring you, my liege lord and most worthy king, that this
confession of mine may be justly examined by the most godly-wise and
learned men of your realm; and, if it be found in all points agreeing
to the verity, then let it be so allowed, and I, thereupon, holden for
none other than a true Christian. If it be proved otherwise, then let
it be utterly condemned: provided always, that I be taught a better
belief by the word of God; and I shall most reverently at all times
obey thereunto."

  This brief confession of his faith the Lord Cobham wrote, as is
mentioned before, and so took it with him to the court, offering it
with all meekness unto the king, to read it over. The king would in no
case receive it, but commanded it to be delivered unto them that
should be his judges. Then desired he, in the king's presence, that a
hundred knights and esquires might be suffered to come in upon his
purgation, which he knew would clear him of all heresies. Moreover, he
offered himself, after the law of arms, to fight for life or death
with any man living, Christian or heathen, in the quarrel of his
faith; the king and the lords of his council ex-cepted. Finally, with
all gentleness, he protested before all that were present, that he
would refuse no manner of correction that should, after the laws of
God, be ministered unto him; but that he would at all times with all
meekness obey it. Notwithstanding all this, the king suffered him to
be summoned personally in his own privy chamber. Then said the Lord
Cobham to the king, that he had appealed from the archbishop to the
pope of Rome, and therefore he ought, he said, in no case to be his
judge.
Illustration: Examination of Lord Cobham

  As the day of examination was come, which was the twenty-third
day of September, the Saturday before the feast of St. Matthew, Thomas
Arundel, the archbishop, sitting in Caiaphas' room, in the chapter-
house of Paul's, with Richard Clifford, bishop of London, and Henry
Bolingbrook, bishop of Winchester; Sir Robert Morley, knight, and
lieutenant of the Tower, brought personally before him the said Lord
Cobham, and there left him for the time; unto whom the archbishop said
these words:

  "Sir John, in the last general convocation of the clergy of this
our province, ye were detected of certain heresies, and by sufficient
witnesses found culpable: whereupon ye were, by form of spiritual law,
cited, and would in no case appear. In conclusion, upon your
rebellious contumacy, ye were both privately and openly
excommunicated. Notwithstanding we neither yet showed ourselves
unready to have given you absolution, nor yet do to this hour, would
ye have meekly asked it."

  Unto this the Lord Cobham showed as though he had given no ear,
having his mind otherwise occupied, and so desired no absolution; but
said he would gladly, before him and his brethren, make rehearsal of
that faith which he held, and intended always to stand to, if it would
please them to license him thereunto. And then he took out of his
bosom a certain writing, indented, concerning the articles Whereof he
was accused, and so openly read it before them, giving it unto the
archbishop, as he had made thereof an end; whereof this is the copy:

  "I, John Oldcastle, knight, lord of Cobham, will that all
Christian men know and understand, that I call Almighty God to
witness, that it hath been, now is, and ever, with the help of God,
shall be, mine intent and my will, to believe faithfully and fully all
the sacraments that ever God ordained to be done in holy church; and
moreover, do declare me in these four points: I believe that the most
worshipful sacrament of the altar is Christ's body in form of bread,
the same body that was born of the blessed Virgin, our lady St. Mary,
done on the cross, dead and buried, the third day rose from death to
life, the which body is now glorified in heaven.

  "Also, as for the sacrament of penance, I believe, that it is
needful to every man that shall be saved, to forsake sin, and do due
penance for sin before done, with true confession, very contrition,
and due satisfaction as God's law limiteth and teacheth, and else may
not be saved; which penance I desire all men to do.

  "And as for images, I understand that they be not of belief, but
that they were ordained since the belief of Christ was given by
sufferance of the church, to be calendars to lewd men, to represent
and bring to mind the passion of our Lord Jesus Christ, and martyrdom
and good living of other saints: and that whoso it be that doth the
worship to dead images that is due to God, or putteth such hope or
trust in help of them as he should do to God, or hath affection in one
more than in another, he loth in that the greatest sin of image
worship.

  "Also I suppose this fully, That every man in this earth is a
pilgrim toward bliss, or toward pain; and that he that knoweth not, ne
will not know, ne keep the holy commandments of God in his living
here, albeit that he go on pilgrimages to all the world, and he die
so, he shall be damned: he that knoweth the holy commandments of God,
and keepeth them to his end, he shall be saved, though he never in his
life go on pilgrimage, as men now use, to Canterbury, or to Rome, or
to any other place."

  This answer to his articles thus ended and read, he delivered it
to the bishops, as is said before. Then counselled the archbishop with
the other two bishops and with divers of the doctors, what was to be
done in this matter; commanding him, for the time, to stand aside. In
conclusion, by their assent and information, he said thus unto him:
"Come hither, Sir John: in this your writing are many good things
contained, and right catholic also, we deny it not; but ye must
consider that this day was appointed you to answer to other points
concerning those articles, whereof as yet no mention is made in this
your bill: and therefore ye must yet declare us your mind more
plainly. And thus, whether that ye hold, affirm, and believe, that in
the sacrament of the altar, after the consecration rightly done by a
priest, remaineth material bread, or not? Moreover, whether ye do
hold, affirm, and believe, that, as concerning the sacrament of
penance, where a competent number of priests are, every Christian man
is necessarily bound to be confessed of his sins to a priest ordained
by the church or not?"

  After certain other communication, this was the answer of the
good Lord Cobham: That none otherwise would he dcclare his mind, nor
yet answer unto his articles, than was expressly in his writing there
contained. Then said the archbishop again unto him; "Sir John, beware
what ye do; for if ye answer not clearly to those things that are here
objected against you, especially at the time appointed you only for
that purpose, the law of holy church is, That, compelled once by a
judge, we may openly proclaim you a heretic. Unto whom he gave this
answer, "Do as ye shall think best, for I am at a point." Whatsoever
he or the other bishops did ask him after that, he bade them resort to
his bill; for thereby would he stand to the very death. Other answer
would he not give that day; wherewith the bishops and prelates were in
a manner amazed and wonderfully disquieted.

  At the last the archbishop counselled again with his other
bishops and doctors, and in the end thereof declared unto him, what
the holy Church of Rome, following the saying of St. Augustine, St.
Jerome, St. Ambrose, and of the holy doctors, had determined in these
matters: no manner of mention once made of Christ! "which
determination "(saith he) "ought all Christian men both to believe and
follow."

  Then said the Lord Cobham unto him, that he would gladly both
believe and observe whatsoever holy church of Christ's institution had
determined, or yet whatsoever God had willed him either to believe or
to do: but that the pope of Rome, with his cardinals, archbishops,
bishops, and other prelates of that church, had lawful power to
determine such matter as stood not with His word thoroughly that,
would he not (he said) at that time affirm. With this the archbishop
bade him to take good advisement, till the Monday next following,
(which was the twenty-fifth day of September,) and then justly to
answer, specially unto this point: Whether there remained material
bread in the sacrament of the altar, after the words of consecration,
or not? He promised him also, to send unto him in writing those
matters clearly determined, that he might then be the more perfect in
his answer-making. And all this was nought else, but to blind the
multitude with somewhat. The next day following, according to his
promise, the archbishop sent unto him into the Tower this foolish and
blasphemous writing, made by him and by his unlearned clergy.

  "The faith and determination of the holy church touching the
blissful sacrament of the altar, is this: That after the sacramental
words be once spoken by a priest in his mass, the material bread, that
was before bread, is turned into Christ's very body; and the material
wine, that was before wine, is turned into Christ's very blood; and so
there remaineth in the sacrament of the altar, from thenceforth, no
material bread, nor material wine, which were there before the
sacramental words were spoken. -- How believe ye this article?

  "Holy church hath determined that every Christian man, living
here bodily upon the earth, ought to be shriven to a priest ordained
by the church, if he may come to him. -- How feel ye this article?

  "Christ ordained St. Peter the apostle to be his vicar here in
earth, whose see is the holy Church of Rome; and he granted that the
same power which he gave unto Peter should succeed to all Peter's
successors, which we call now popes of Rome; by whose power, in
churches particular, be ordained prelates, as archbishops, bishops,
parsons, curates, and other degrees more; unto whom Christian men
ought to obey after the laws of the Church of Rome. This is the
determination of holy church. -- How feel ye this article?

  "Holy church hath determined, that it is meritorious to a
Christian man to go on pilgrimage to holy places, and there specially
to worship holy relics and images of saints, apostles, and martyrs,
confessors and all other saints besides, approved by the Church of
Rome. -- How feel ye this article? "

  And as the Lord Cobham had read over this most wretched writing,
he marvelled greatly of their mad ignorance; but that he considered
again, that God had given them over, for their unbelief's sake, into
most deep errors and blindness of soul. Again, he perceived hereby,
that their uttermost malice was purposed against him, howsoever he
should answer. And therefore he put his life into the hands of God,
desiring his only Spirit to assist him in his next answer. When the
said twenty-fifth day of September was come, (which was also the
Monday before Michaelmas,) in the said year of our Lord 1413, Thomas
Arundel, the archbishop of Canterbury, commanded his judicial seat to
be removed from the chapter-house of Paul's to the Dominic Friars
within Ludgate at London. And as he was there set, with Richard the
bishop of London, Henry the bishop of Winchester, and Bennet the
bishop of Bangor, he called in unto him his council and his officers,
with divers other doctors and friars, of whom these are the names here
following: Master Henry Ware, the official of Canterbury; Philip
Morgan, doctor of the laws; Howel Kiffin, doctor of the canon law;
John Kempe, doctor of the canon law; William Carleton, doctor of the
canon law; John Whitnam, of the New College in Oxford; John Whitehead,
doctor in Oxford also; Robert Wombewel, vicar of St. Lawrence in the
Jewry; Thomas Palmer, the warden of Minors; Robert Chamberlain, prior
of the Dominics; Richard Dodington, prior of the Augustines; Thomas
Walden, prior of the Carmelites: all doctors of divinity. John
Stephens also, and James Cole, both notaries, appointed there
purposely to write all that should be either said or done. All these,
with a great sort more of priests, monks, canons, friars, parish
clerks, bell-ringers, pardoners, disdained him with innumerable mocks
and scorns, reckoning him to be a horrible heretic, and a man accursed
before God.

  Anon the archbishop called for a mass-book, and caused all these
prelates and doctors to swear thereupon, that every man should
faithfully do his office and duty that day; and that neither for
favour nor fear, love nor hate of the one party or the other, any
thing should there be witnessed, spoken, or done, but according to the
truth, as they would answer before God and all the world, at the day
of doom. Then were the two aforesaid notaries sworn also to write and
to witness the process that there should be uttered on both parties,
and to say their minds, if they otherwise knew, before they should
register it. And all this dissimulation was but to colour their
mischiefs before the ignorant multitude.

  Consider herein, gentle reader, what this wicked generation is,
and how far wide from the just fear of God; for as they were then, so
are they yet to this day.

  After that, came out before them Sir Robert Morley, knight, and
lieutenant of the Tower; and he brought with him the good Lord Cobham,
there leaving him among them as a lamb among wolves, to his
examination and answer.

  "Then said the archbishop unto him, Lord Cobham, ye be advised, I
am sure, of the words and process which we had unto you upon Saturday
last past, in the chapter-house of Paul's, which process were now too
long to be rehearsed again. I said unto you then, that you were
accursed for your contumacy and disobedience to the holy church,
thinking that ye should with meekness then have desired your
absolution.

  "Then spake the Lord Cobham with a cheerful countenance, and
said, God said by his holy prophet, I shall curse where you bless.

  "The archbishop made then as though he had continued forth his
tale and not heard him, saying, Sir, at that time I gently proffered
to have assoiled you if you would have asked it; and yet I do the same
if ye will humbly desire it in due form and manner as holy church hath
ordained.

  "Then said the Lord Cobham, Nay, forsooth will I not, for I never
yet trespassed against you, and therefore I will not do it. And with
that he kneeled down on the pavement, holding up his hands towards
heaven, and said, I shrive me here unto thee, my eternal living God,
that in my frail youth I offended thee, O Lord! most grievously in
pride, wrath, and gluttony, in covetousness, and in lechery. Many men
have I hurt in mine anger, and done many other horrible sins; good
Lord, I ask thee mercy. And therewith weepingly he stood up again, and
said with a loud voice, Lo, good people! lo! for the breaking of God's
law and his great commandments, they never yet cursed me, but, for
their own laws and traditions most cruelly do they handle both me and
other men; and therefore, both they and their laws, by the promise of
God, shall utterly be destroyed.

  "At this the archbishop and his company were not a little
blemished. Notwithstanding, he took stomach unto him again after
certain words had, in excuse of their tyranny, and examined the Lord
Cobham of his Christian belief.

  "Wherunto the Lord Cobham made this godly answer: I believe,
saith he, fully and faithfully in the universal laws of God; I believe
that all is true which is contained in the holy sacred scriptures of
the Bible; finally, I believe all that my Lord God would I should
believe.

  "Then demanded the archbishop an answer of that bill which he and
the clergy had sent him into the Tower the day before, in manner of a
determination of the church concerning the four articles whereof he
was accused; especially for the sacrament of the altar, how he
believed therein.

  "Whereunto the Lord Cobham said, That with that bill he had
nothing to do; but this was his belief, he said, concerning the
sacrament, that his Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ, sitting at his last
supper, with his most dear disciples, the night before he should
suffer, took bread in his hand; and giving thanks to his eternal
Father, blessed it, brake it, and so gave it unto them, saying, Take
it unto you, and eat thereof all: this is my body which shall be
betrayed for you: do this hereafter in my remembrance. This do I
thoroughly believe, saith he, for this faith am I taught in the Gospel
of Matthew, chap. xxvi., in Mark, chap. xiv., and in Luke, chap.
xxii., and also in the First Epistle of St. Paul to the Corinthians,
chap. xi.

  "Then asked the archbishop, If he believed that it were bread
after the consecration or sacramental words spoken over it.

  "The Lord Cobham said, I believe that in the sacrament of the
altar is Christ's very body in form of bread, the same that was born
of the Virgin Mary, done on the cross, dead, and buried, and that the
third day arose from death to life, which now is glorified in heaven.

  "Then said one of the doctors of the law, After the sacramental
words be uttered, there remaineth no bread, but only the body of
Christ.

  "The Lord Cobham said then to one Master John Whitehead, You said
once unto me in the castle of Cowling, that the sacred host was not
Christ's body; but I held then against you, and proved that therein
was his body, though the seculars and friars could not therein agree,
but held each one against the other in that opinion. These were my
words then, if ye remember it.

  "Then shouted a sort of them together, and cried with great
noise, We say all, that it is God's body. "And divers of them asked
him in great anger, Whether it were material bread after the
consecration, or not?

  "Then looked the Lord Cobham earnestly upon the archbishop, and
said, I believe surely that it is Christ's body, in form of bread.
Sir, believe not you thus?

  "And the archbishop said, Yes, marry, do I.

  "Then asked him the doctors, Whether it were only Christ's body
after the consecration of a priest, and no bread, or not?

  "And he said unto them, It is both Christ's body and bread; I
shall prove it thus: for like as Christ's dwelling here upon the earth
had in him both Godhead and manhood, and had the invisible Godhead
covered under that manhood, which was only visible and seen in him;
so, in the sacrament of the altar, is Christ's very body and bread
also: as I believe the bread is the thing that we see with our eyes,
the body of Christ, which is his flesh and his blood, is thereunder
hid, and not seen but in faith.

  "And, moreover, to prove that it is both Christ's body and also
bread after the consecration, it is by plain words expressed by one of
your own doctors, writing against Eutyches, which saith, Like as the
selfsame sacraments do pass by the operation of the Holy Ghost into a
Divine nature, and yet, notwithstanding, keep the property still of
their former nature, so that principal mystery declareth to remain one
true and perfect Christ, &c.

  "Then smiled they each one upon another, that the people should
judge him taken in a great heresy. And with a great brag divers of
them said, It is a foul heresy.

  "Then asked the bishop what bread it was? And the doctors also
inquired of him whether it were material or not?

  "The Lord Cobham said unto them, The Scriptures make no mention
of this word material, and therefore my faith hath nothing to do
therewith: but this I say and believe, that it is Christ's body and
bread; for Christ said in the sixth of John's Gospel, I,who came down
from heaven, am the living, and not the dead bread. Therefore I say
now again, as I said before, as our Lord Jesus Christ is very God and
very man, so in the most blessed sacrament of the altar is Christ's
very body and bread.

  "Then said they all with one voice, It is a heresy!

  "One of the bishops stood up, by and by, and said, What? it is a
heresy manifest to say, that it is bread after the sacramental words
be once spoken, but Christ's body only.

  "The Lord Cobham said, St. Paul the apostle was, I am sure, as
wise as you be now, and more godly learned, and he called it bread,
writing to the Corinthians: The bread that we break, saith he, is it
not the partaking of Christ? Lo! be called it bread! and not Christ's
body, but a mean whereby we receive Christ's body.

  "Then said they again, Paul must be otherwise understood; for it
is sure a heresy to say that it is bread after the consecration, but
only Christ's body.

  "The Lord Cobham asked, How they could make good that sentence of
theirs?

  "They answered him thus, For it is against the determination of
holy church.

  "Then said the archbishop unto him, Sir John, we sent you a
writing concerning the faith of this blessed sacrament, clearly
determined by the Church of Rome, our mother, and by the holy doctors.

  "Then he said again unto him, I know none holier than Christ and
his apostles. And as for that determination, I wot it is none of
theirs; for it standeth not with the Scriptures, but manifestly
against them. If it be the church's, as ye say it is, it hath been
hers only since she received .the great poison of worldly possessions,
and not before.

  "Then asked they him, to stop his mouth therewith, if he believed
not in the determination of the church?

  "And he said unto them, No, forsooth, for it is no God. In all
our creed, this word in is but thrice mentioned concerning belief: In
God the Father, in God the Son, in God the Holy Ghost, three persons
and one God. The birth, the death, the burial, the resurrection and
ascension of Christ, hath none in for belief, but in him; neither yet
hath the church the sacraments, the forgiveness of sin, the latter
resurrection, nor yet the life everlasting, nor any other in than in
the Holy Ghost.

  "Then said one of the lawyers, Tush, that was but a word of
office; but what is your belief concerning holy church?

  "The Lord Cobham answered, My belief is, as I said before, that
all the Scriptures of the sacred Bible are true. All that is grounded
upon them I believe thoroughly, for I know it is God's pleasure that I
should so do. But in your lordly laws and idle determinations have I
no belief. For ye be no part of Christ's holy church, as your open
deeds do show; but ye are very antichrists, obstinately set against
his holy law and will. The laws that ye have made are nothing to his
glory, but only for your vain-glory and abominable covetousness.

  "This, they said, was an exceeding heresy, and that in a great
fume, not to believe the determination of holy church.

  "Then the archbishop asked him, What he thought of holy church?

  "He said unto him, My belief is, that the holy church is the
number of them which shall be saved, of whom Christ is the Head. Of
this church one part is in heaven with Christ, another in purgatory,
you say, and the third is here in earth. This latter part standeth in
three degrees, in knighthood, priesthood, and the commonalty, as I
said before plainly in the confession of my belief.

  "Then said the archbishop unto him, Can you tell me who is of
this church?

  "The Lord Cobham answered, Yea, truly can I.

  "Then said Doctor Walden, the prior of the Carmelites, It is
doubt unto you, who is thereof. For Christ saith in Matthew, Presume
to judge no man. If ye be here forbidden the judgment of your
neighbour or brother, much more the judgment of your superior.

  "The Lord Cobham made him this answer: Christ saith also in the
selfsame chapter of Matthew, That like as the evil tree is known by
his fruit, so is a false prophet by his works, appear they never so
glorious. But that ye left behind ye. And in John he hath this text:
Believe you the outward doings. And in another place of John: When we
know the thing to be true, we may so judge it, and not offend. For
David said also, Judge rightly always ye children of men. And as for
your superiority, were ye of Christ, ye should be meek ministers, and
no proud superiors.

  "Then said Doctor Walden unto him, Ye make here no difference of
judgments; ye put no diversity between the evil judgments which Christ
hath for.bidden, and the good judgments which he hath commanded us to
have. Rash judgment and right judgment, all is one with you. So swift
judges always are the learned scholars of Wickliff.

  "Unto whom the Lord Cobham thus answered, It is well sophistered
of you, forsooth. Preposterous are your judgments evermore. For as the
prophet Isaiah saith, Ye judge evil good, and good evil: and therefore
the same prophet concludeth, that your ways are not God's ways, nor
God's ways your ways. And as for the virtuous man Wickliff, whose
judgments ye so highly disdain, I shall say here, of my part, both
before God and man, that before I knew that despised doctrine of his,
I never abstained from sin. But since I learned therein to fear my
Lord God, it hath otherwise, I trust, been with me: so much grace
could I never find in all your glorious instructions.

  "Then said Doctor Walden again yet unto him, It were not well
with me (so many virtuous men living, and so many learned men teaching
the Scripture, being also so open, and the examples of fathers so
plenteous) if I then had no grace to amend my life, till I heard the
devil preach. St. Jerome saith, That he which seeketh such suspected
masters shall nut find the mid-day light, but the mid-day devil.

  "The Lord Cobham said, Your fathers, the old Pharisees, ascribed
Christ's miracles to Beelzebub, and his doctrine to the devil; and
you, as their natural children, have still the selfsame judgment
concerning his faithful followers. They that rebuke your vicious
living must needs be heretics, and that must your doctors prove, when
you have no Scripture to do it. Then said he to them all To judge you
as you be, we need go no further than to your own proper acts. Where
do you find in all God's law, that ye should thus sit in judgment of
any Christian man, or yet give sentence upon any other man unto death,
as ye do here daily? No ground have ye in all the Scripture so lordly
to take it upon you, but in Annas and Caiaphas, which sat thus upon
Christ, and upon his apostles after his ascension. Of them only have
ye taken to judge Christ's members as ye do; and neither of Peter nor
John.

  "Then said some of the lawyers, Yes, forsooth, sir, for Christ
judged Judas.

  "The Lord Cobham said, No! Christ judged him not, but he judged
himself, and thereupon went forth and so did hang himself: but indeed
Christ said, Woe unto him, for that covetous act of his, as he doth
yet still unto many of you. For since the venom of him was shed into
the church, ye never followed Christ, neither yet have ye stood in the
perfection of God's law.

  "Then the archbishop asked him, what he meant by that venom?

  "Then Lord Cobham said, Your possessions and lordships. For then
cried an angel in the air, as your own chronicles mention, Woe, woe,
woe, this day is venom shed into the church of God. Before that time
all the bishops of Rome were martyrs in a manner; and since that time
we read of very few. But indeed, since that same time, one hath put
down another, one hath poisoned another, one hath cursed another, and
one hath slain another, and done much more mischief besides, as all
the chronicles tell. And let all men consider well this, that Christ
was meek and merciful; the pope is proud and a tyrant: Christ was poor
and forgave; the pope is rich and a malicious manslayer, as his daily
acts do prove him: Rome is the very nest of antichrist; and out of
that nest come all the disciples of him: of whom prelates, priests,
and monks are the body, these pilled friars are the tail, which
covereth his most filthy part.

  "Then said the prior of the friars Augustines, Alack, sir, why do
you say so? that is uncharitably spoken.

  "And the Lord Cobham said, Not only is it my saying, but also the
prophet Isaiah, long afore my time. The prophet, saith he, which
preacheth lies, is the tail behind. For as you friars and monks be,
like Pharisees, divided in your outward apparel and usages, so make ye
division among the,people. And thus you, with such others, are the
very natural members of antichrist.

  "Then said he unto them all, Christ saith in his gospel, Woe unto
you, scribes and Pharisees, hypocrites! for ye close up the kingdom of
heaven before men, neither enter ye in yourselves, nor yet suffer any
other that would enter into it, but ye stop up the ways thereunto with
your own traditions, and therefore are ye the household of antichrist:
ye will not permit God's verity to have passage, nor yet to be taught
of his true ministers, fearing to have your wickedness reproved. But
by such flatterers as uphold you in your mischiefs, ye suffer the
common people most miserably to be seduced.

  "Then said the archbishop, By our Lady, sir, there shall none
such preach within my diocese, and God will, nor yet in my
jurisdiction, if I may know it, as either make division, or yet
dissension among the poor commons.

  "The Lord Cobham said, Both Christ and his apostles were accused
of sedition-making, yet were they most peaceable men. Both Daniel and
Christ prophesied that such a troublous time should come, as hath not
been yet since the world's beginning. And this prophecy is partly
fulfilled in your days and doings; for many have ye slain already, and
more will ye slay hereafter, if God fulfil not his proChrist saith
also, If those days of yours were not shortened, scarcely should any
flesh be saved; therefore look for it justly, for God will shorten
your days. Moreover, though priests and deacons, for preaching of
God's word, and for ministering the sacraments, with provision for the
poor, be grounded on God's law, yet have these other sects no manner
of ground hereof, so far as I have read.

  "Then a doctor of law, called Master John Kemp, plucked out of
his bosom a copy of the bill which they had before sent him into the
Tower by the archbishop's council, thinking thereby to make shorter
work with him; for they were so amazed with his answers, not all
unlike to them which disputed with Stephen, that they knew not well
how to occupy the time; their wits and sophistry, as God would, so
failed them that day.

  "My Lord Cobham, saith this doctor, we must briefly know your
mind concerning these four points here following. The first of them is
this: and then he read upon the bill, The faith and determination of
holy church touching the blessed sacrament of the altar is this, That
after the sacramental words be once spoken of a priest in his mass,
the material bread, that was before bread, is turned into Christ's
very body, and the material wine is turned into Christ's blood. And so
there remaineth, in the sacrament of the altar, from thenceforth no
material bread, nor material wine, which were there before the
sacramental words were spoken. Sir, believe you not this?

  "The Lord Cobham said, This is not my belief; but my faith is, as
I said to you before, that in the worshipful sacrament of the altar is
Christ's very body in form of bread.

  "Then said the archbishop, Sir John, ye must say otherwise.

  "The Lord Cobham said, Nay, that I will not, if God be upon my
side, as I trust he is; but that there is Christ's body in form of
bread, as the common belief is.

  "Then read the doctor again:

  "The second point is this: Holy church hath determined, that
every Christian man, living here bodily upon earth, ought to be
shriven of a priest ordained by the church, if he may come to him.
Sir, what say you to this?

  "The Lord Cobham answered and said, A diseased or sore wounded
man hath need to have a sure wise chirurgeon and a true, knowing both
the ground and the danger of the same. Most necessary were it
therefore to be first shriven unto God, which only knoweth our
diseases, and can help us. I deny not in this the going to a priest,
if he be a man of good life and learning; for the laws of God are to
be required of the priest, which is godly learned. But if he be an
idiot, or a man of vicious living, that is my curate, I ought rather
to fly from him than to seek unto him; for sooner might I catch evil
of him that is naught, than any goodness towards my soul's health.

  "Then read the doctor again:

  "The third point is this: Christ ordained St. Peter the apostle
to be his vicar here in earth, whose see is the Church of Rome. And he
granted that the same power which he gave unto Peter should succeed
unto all Peter's successors, which we call now popes of Rome: by whose
special power in churches particular be ordained prelates and
archbishops, parsons, curates, and other degrees more, to whom
Christian men ought to obey after the laws of the Church of Rome. This
is the determination of holy church. Sir, believe ye not this?

  "To this he answered and said, He that followeth Peter most
nighest in pure living, is next unto him in succession; but your
lordly order esteemeth not greatly the lowly behaviour of poor Peter,
whatsoever ye prate of him. Neither carc ye greatly for the humble
manners of them that succeeded him, till the time of Silvester, which,
for the more part, were martyrs, as I told you before. Ye can let all
their good conditions go by you, and not hurt yourselves with them at
all. All the world knoweth this well enough by you, and yet ye can
make boast of Peter.

  "With that, one of the other doctors asked him, Then what do you
say of the pope?

  "The Lord Cobham answered, As I said before, so I say again, that
he and you together make whole the great antichrist, of whom he is the
great head: you bishops, priests, prelates, and monks, are the body,
and the Begging Friars are the tail, for they cover the filthiness of
you both with their subtle sophistry; neither will I in conscience
obey any of you all, till I see you with Peter follow Christ in
conversation.

  "Then read the doctor again: The fourth point is this: Holy
church hath determined, that it is meritorious to a Christian man to
go on pilgrimage to holy places, and there specially to worship the
holy relics and images of saints, apostles, martyrs, confessors, and
all other saints besides, approved by the Church of Rome. Sir, what
say you to this?

  "Whereunto he answered, I owe them no service by any commandment
of God, and therefore I mind not to seek them for your covetousness.
It were best ye swept them fair from cobwebs and dust, and so laid
them up for catching of scathe, or else to bury them fair in the
ground as ye do other aged people, which are God's images.

  "It is a wonderful thing, that saints now being dead should
become so covetous and needy, and thereupon so bitterly beg, which all
their lifetime hated all covetousness and begging. But this I say unto
you, and I would all the world should mark it, that with your shrines
and idols, your feigned absolutions and pardons, ye draw unto you the
substance, wealth, and chief pleasures of all Christian realms.

  "Why sir, said one of the clerks, will ye not worship good
images?

  "What worship should I give unto them? said the Lord Cobham.

  "Then said Friar Palmer unto him, Sir, will ye worship the cross
of Christ, that he died upon? "Where is it? said the Lord Cobham.

  "The friar said, I put you the case, sir, that it were here, even
now before you.

  "The Lord Cobham answered, This is a great wise man, to put me an
earnest question of a thing, and yet he himself knoweth not where the
thing itself is. Yet once again I ask you, what worship I should do
unto it.

  "A clerk said to him, Such worship as Paul speaketh of, and that
is this; God forbid that I should joy, but only in the cross of Jesus
Christ.

  "Then said the Lord Cobham, and spread his arms abroad, This is
the very cross, yea, and so much better than your cross of wood, in
that it was created of God; yet will not I seek to have it worshipped.

  "Then said the bishop of London, Sir, ye wot well that he died on
a material cross.

  "The Lord Cobham said, Yea, and I wot also, that our salvation
came not in by that material cross, but alone by him which died
thereupon. And well I wot, that holy St. Paul rejoiced in none other
cross, but in Christ's passion and death only, and in his own
sufferings of like persecution with him, for the selfsame verity that
he hath suffered for before.

  "Another clerk yet asked him, Will ye then do none honour to the
holy cross?

  He answered him, Yes, if it were mine own, I would lay him up
honestly, and see unto him that he should take no more scathe abroad,
nor be robbed of his goods, as he is now adays.

  "Then said the archbishop unto him, Sir John, ye have spoken here
many wonderful words to the slanderous rebuke of the whole
spiritualty, giving a great evil example unto the common sort here, to
have us in the more disdain. Much time have we spent here about you,
and all in vain, so far as I can see. Well, we must now be at this
short point with you, for the day passeth away: ye must either submit
yourself to the ordinance of the holy church, or else throw yourself
(no remedy) into most deep danger. See to it in time, for anon it will
be else too late.

  "The Lord Cobham said, I know not to what purpose I should
otherwise submit me. Much more have you offended me, than ever I
offended you, in this troubling me before this multitude.

  "Then said the archbishop again unto him, We once again require
you to remember yourself well, and to have none other manner of
opinion in these matters, than the universal faith and belief of the
holy Church of Rome is. And so, like an obedient child, return again
to the unity of your mother. See to it, I say, in time, for yet ye may
have remedy, whereas, anon, it will be too late.

  "The Lord Cobham said expressly before them all, I will none
otherwise believe in these points than that I have told you here
before. Do with me what you will.
Ortanmenatal capital Finally, then the archbishop said, Well, then I
see none other but we must needs do the law; we must proceed forth to
the sentence definitive, and both judge you and condemn you for a
heretic."
And with that the archbishop stood up, and read there a bill of his
condemnation, all the clergy and laity veiling their bonnets. And this
was the tenor thereof:

  "In the name of God; so be it. We, Thomas, by the sufferance of
God, archbishop of Canterbury, metropolitan and primate of all
England, and legate from the apostolic see of Rome, will this to be
known unto all men. In a certain cause of heresy, and upon divers
articles, whereupon Sir John Oldcastle, knight, and Lord Cobham, after
a diligent inquisition made for the same, was detected, accused, and
presented before us, in our last convocation of all our province of
Canterbury, holden in the cathedral church of Paul's at London, at the
lawful denouncement and request of our universal clergy of the said
convocation, we proceeded against him according to the law (God to
witness) with all the favour possible: and, following Christ's example
in all that we might, which willeth not the death of a sinner, but
rather that he might be converted and live; we took upon us to correct
him, and sought all other ways possible to bring him again to the
church's unity, declaring unto him what the holy and universal Church
of Rome hath said, holden, determined, and taught, in that behalf. And
though we found him in the catholic faith far wide, and so stiff-
necked that he would not confess his error, nor purge himself, nor yet
repent him thereof, we yet, pitying him of fatherly compassion, and
entirely desiring the health of his soul, appointed him a competent
time of deliberation, to see if he would repent and seek to be
reformed; but since that time we have found him worse and worse.
Considering, therefore, that he is not corrigible, we are driven to
the very extremity of the law, and with great heaviness of heart we
now proceed to the publication of the sentence definitive against
him."

  Then brought he forth another bill, containing the said sentence,
and that he read also in his beggarly Latin. Christi nomine invocato,
ipsumquæ solum preoculis habentes. Quia per acta inactitata, and so
forth. Which I have also translated into English, that men may
understand it.

  "Christ we take unto witness, that nothing else we seek in this
our whole enterprise, but his only glory. Forasmuch as we have found,
by divers acts done, brought forth, and exhibited, by sundry
evidences, signs, and tokens, and also by many most manifest proofs,
the said Sir John Oldcastle, knight, and Lord Cobham, not only to be
an evident heretic in his own person, but also a mighty maintainer of
other heretics against the faith and religion of the holy and
universal Church of Rome; namely, about the two sacraments, (of the
altar and of penance,) besides the pope's power, and pilgrimages; and
that he, as the child of iniquity and darkness, hath so hardened his
heart, that he will in no case attend unto the voice of his pastor;
neither will he be allured by straight admonishments, nor yet be
brought in by favourable words: the worthiness of the cause first
weighed on the one side, and his unworthiness again considered on the
other side, his faults also aggravated or made double through his
damnable obstinacy, (we being loth that he which is naught should be
worse, and so with his contagiousness infect the multitude,) by the
sage counsel and assent of the very discreet fathers, our honourable
brethren, and lords bishops here present, Richard of London, Henry of
Winchester, and Bennet of Bangor, and of other great, learned, and
wise men here, both doctors of divinity, and of the laws canon and
civil, seculars and religious, with divers other expert men assisting
us: we sententially and definitively, by this present writing, judge,
declare, and condemn the said Sir John Oldcastle, knight, and Lord
Cobham, for a most pernicious and detestable heretic, convicted upon
the same, and refusing utterly to obey the church again, committing
him here from henceforth, as a condemned heretic, to the secular
jurisdiction, power, and judgment, to do him thereupon to death.
Furthermore, we excommunicate and denounce accursed, not only this
heretic here present, but so many else besides as shall hereafter, in
favour of his error, either receive him or defend him, counsel him, or
help him, or any other way maintain him, as very favourers, receivers,
defenders, counsellors, aiders, and maintainers of condemned heretics.

  "And that these premises may be the better known of all faithful
Christian men, we commit it here unto your charges, and give you
straight commandment thereupon by this writing also, that ye cause
this condemnation and definitive sentence of excommunication
concerning both this heretic and his favourers, to be published
throughout all dioceses, in cities, towns, and villages, by your
curates and parish priests, at such times as they shall have most
recourse of people. And see that it be done after this sort: As the
people are thus gathered devoutly together, let the curate every where
go into the pulpit, and there open, declare, and expound this excess
in the mother tongue, in an audible and intelligible voice, that it
may be perceived of all men: and that upon the fear of this
declaration also the people may fall from their evil opinions
conceived now, of late, by seditious preachers. Moreover we will, that
after we have delivered unto each one of you bishops, which are here
present, a copy hereof, that ye cause the same to be written out again
into divers copies, and to be sent unto the other bishops and
prelates, of our whole province, that they may also see the contents
thereof solemnly published within their dioceses and cures. Finally,
we will that both you and they signify again unto us, seriously and
distinctly, by your writings, as the matter is, without feigned
colour, in every point performed, the day whereon ye received this
process, the time when it was of us executed, and after what sort it
was done in every condition, according to the tenor hereof, that we
may know it to be justly the same."

  A copy of this writing sent Thomas Arundel, the archbishop of
Canterbury, afterward from Maidstone, the tenth day of October, within
the same year of our Lord, 1413, unto Richard Clifford the bishop
London, which thus beginneth: Thomas, permissione Divina, &c.

  The said Richard Clifford sent another copy thereof, enclosed
within his own letters, unto Robert Maschal, a Carmelite friar, which
was then bishop of Hereford in Wales, written from Haddam, the twenty-
third of October in the same year, the beginning whereof is as 
followeth: Reverende in Christo Pater, &c.

  This Robert Maschal directed another copy thereof from London the
seven and twentieth day of November in the same year, enclosed in his
own commission also, unto his archdeacon and deans in Hereford and
Shrewsbury; and this is thereof the beginning, Venerabilibus et
discretis viris, &c. In like manner did the other bishops within their
dioceses.

  After that the archbishop had thus read the bill of his
condemnation, with most extremity, before the whole multitude, the
Lord Cobham said with a most cheerful countenance: "Though ye judge my
body, which is but a wretched thing, yet am I certain and sure, that
ye can do no harm to my soul, no more than could Satan unto the soul
of Job. He that created that, will of his infinite mercy and promise
save it. I have, therein, no manner of doubt. And as concerning these
articles before rehearsed, I will stand to them even unto the very
death, by the grace of my eternal God."

  And therewith he turned him unto the people, casting his hands
abroad, and saying with a very loud voice, "Good Christian people, for
God's love be well ware of these men, for they will else beguile you,
and lead you blindfold into hell with themselves. For Christ saith
plainly unto you, If one blind man leadeth another, they are like both
to fall into the ditch."

  After this, he fell down there upon his knees, and thus before
them all prayed for his enemies, bolding up both his hands and his
eyes towards heaven, and saying, "Lord, eternal! I beseech thee, of
thy great mercy sake, to forgive my pursuers, if it be thy blessed
will." And then he was delivered to Sir Robert Morley, and so led
forth again unto the Tower of London; and thus there was an end of
that day's work.

  While the Lord Cobham was thus in the Tower, he sent out privily
unto his friends; and they, at his request, wrote this little bill
here following, causing it to be set up in divers quarters of London,
that the people should not believe the slanders and lies that his
enemies, the bishop's servants and priests, had made on him abroad.
And thus was the letter:

  "Forasmuch as Sir John Oldcastle, knight, and Lord Cobham, is
untruly convicted and imprisoned, falsely reported and slandered among
the common people by his adversaries, that he should both otherwise
think and speak of the sacraments of the church, and especially of the
blessed sacrament of the altar, than was written in the confession of
his belief; which was intended and taken to the clergy, and so set up
in divers open places of the city of London: known be it here to all
the world, that he never since varied in any point therefrom, but this
is plainly his belief: That all the sacraments of the church be
profitable and expedient also to all them that shall be saved, taking
them after the intent that Christ and his true church hath ordained.
Furthermore he believeth, That the blessed sacrament of the altar is
verily and truly Christ's body in form of bread."

  After this, the bishops and priests were in great discredit both
with the nobility and commons; partly, for that they had so cruelly
handled the good Lord Cobham, and partly again, because his opinion
(as they thought at that time) was perfect concerning the sacrament.
The prelates feared this to grow to further inconvenience towards them
both ways, wherefore they drew their heads together, and at the last
consented to use another practice somewhat contrary to that they had
done afore. They caused it by and by to be blown abroad by their feed
servants, friends, and babbling Sir Johns, that the said Lord Cobham
was become a good man, and had lowly submitted himself in all things
unto holy church, utterly changing his opinion concerning the
sacrament. And thereupon, they counterfeited an abjuration in his
name, that the people should take no hold of his opinion by any thing
they had heard of him before, and so to stand the more in awe of them,
considering him so great a man, and by them subdued.

  This is the abjuration, say they, of Sir John Oldcastle, knight,
sometime the Lord Cobham.

  "In Dei Nomine. Amen. I, John Oldcastle, denounced, detected, and
convicted of, and upon, divers articles savouring both of heresy and
error, before the reverend father in Christ, and my good lord, Thomas,
by the permission of God, lord archbishop of Canterbury, and my lawful
and rightful judge in that behalf, expressly grant and confess: That
as concerning the estate and power of the most holy father the pope of
Rome, of his archbishops, his bishops, and his other prelates, the
degrees of the church, and the holy sacraments of the same, especially
of the sacraments of the altar, of penance, and other observances
besides of our mother, holy church, as pilgrimages and pardons; I
affirm, I say, before the said reverend father archbishop, and
elsewhere, that I, being evil-seduced by divers seditious preachers,
have grievously erred, and heretically persisted, blasphemously
answered, and obstinately rebelled; and therefore I am, by the said
reverend father, before the reverend fathers in Christ also, the
bishops of London, Winchester, and Bangor, lawfully condemned for a
heretic.

  "Yet nevertheless, I now, remembering myself, and coveting by
this means to avoid that temporal pain which I am worthy to suffer as
a heretic, at the assignation of my most excellent Christian prince
and liege lord, King Henry the Fifth, now, by the grace of God, most
worthy king both of England and of France; minding also to prefer the
wholesome determination, sentence, and doctrine of the holy universal
Church of Rome, before the unwholesome opinions of myself, my 
teachers, and my followers, I freely, willingly, deliberately, and
thoroughly confess, grant, and affirm, that the most holy fathers in
Christ, St. Peter the apostle, and his successors, bishops of Rome,
especially now at this time my most blessed lord, Pope John, by the
permission of God, the three and twentieth pope of that name, which
now holdeth Peter's seat, (and each of them in their succession,) hath
full strength and power to be Christ's vicar in earth, and the head of
the church militant: and that by the strength of his office (what
though he be a great sinner, and afore-known of God to be damned?) he
hath full authority and power to rule and govern, bind and loose, save
and destroy, accurse and assoil, all other Christian men.

  "And agreeably still unto this I confess, grant, and affirm, all
other archbishops, bishops, and prelates in their provinces, dioceses,
and parishes, appointed by the said pope of Rome to assist him in his
doings or business, by his decrees, canons, or virtue of his office,
to have had in times past, to have now at this time, and that they
ought to have in time to come, authority and power to rule and govern,
bind, loose, accurse, and assoil the subjects or people of their
aforesaid provinces, dioceses, and parishes, and that their said
subjects or people ought, of right, in all things to obey them.
Furthermore, I confess, grant, and affirm, that the said spiritual
fathers, as our most holy father the pope, archbishops,bishops, and
prelates, have had, have now, and ought to have hereafter, authority
and power for the state, order, and governance of their subjects or
people, to make laws, decrees, statutes, and constitutions, yea, and
to publish, command, and compel their said subjects and people to the
observation of them.

  "Moreover, I confess, grant, and affirm, that all these aforesaid
laws, decrees, statutes, and constitutions made, published, and
commanded, according to the former spiritual law, all Christian
people, and every man in himself is straitly bound to observe, and
meekly to obey, according to the diversity of the aforesaid powers, as
the laws, statutes, canons, and constitutions of our most holy father
the pope, incorporated in his decrees, decretals, Clementines, codes,
charts, rescripts, sextiles, and extravagants over all the world; and
as the provincial statutes of archbishops in their provinces, the
synodal acts of bishops in their dioceses, and the commendable rules
and customs of prelates in their colleges, and curates in their
parishes, all Christian people are both bound to observe, and also
most meekly to obey. Over and besides all this, I, John Oldcastle,
utterly forsaking and renouncing all the aforesaid errors and
heresies, and all other errors and heresies like unto them, lay my
hand here upon this book or holy evangely of God, and swear, that I
shall never more from henceforth hold these aforesaid heresies, nor
yet any other like unto them, wittingly. Neither shall I give counsel,
aid, help, or favour at any time, to them that shall hold, teach,
affirm, and maintain the same, as God shall help me, and these holy
evangelists.

  "And that I shall from henceforth faithfully obey and inviolably
observe all the holy laws, statutes, canons, and constitutions, of all
the popes of Rome, archbishops, bishops, and prelates, which are
contained and determined in their holy decrees, decretals,
Clementines, codes, charts, rescripts, sextiles, sums-papal
extravagants, statutes provincial, acts synodal, and other ordinary
regules and customs constituted by them, or that shall chance
hereafter directly to be determined or made. To these and all such
other will I myself, with all power possible, apply. Besides all this,
the penance which it shall please my said reverend father the lord
archbishop of Canterbury hereafter to enjoin me for my sins, I will
meekly obey and faithfully fulfil. Finally, all my seducers and false
teachers, and all other besides, whom I shall hereafter know suspected
of heresy or errors, I shall effectually present, send or cause to be
presented, unto my said reverend father, lord archbishop, or to them
which have his authority, so soon as I can conveniently do it, and see
that they be corrected to my uttermost power."

  This abjuration never came to the hands of the Lord Cobham,
neither was it compiled of them for that purpose, but only therewith
to blind the eyes of the unlearned multitude for a time; after the
which like fetch and subtle practice was also devised the recantation
of the archbishop Thomas Cranmer, to stop for a time the people's
mouths: which subtlety in like manner was also practised with the
false recantation of the Bishop Hooper, and divers other, as in their
places hereafter, Christ granting, shall be showed.

  And thus much hitherto concerning the first trouble of Sir John
Oldcastle, Lord Cobham, with all the circumstances of the true time,
place, occasion, causes, and order belonging to the same, wherein I
trust I have sufficiently satisfied all the parts requisite to a
faithful history, without corruption. For the confirmation whereof, to
the intent the mind also of the wrangling caviller may be satisfied,
and to stop the mouth of the adversary, which I see in all places to
be ready to bark, I have, therefore, of purpose annexed withal my
ground and foundation, taken out of the archives and registers of the
archbishop of Canterbury: whereby may appear the manifest error both
of Polydore and of Edward Hall, who, being deceived in the right
distinction of the times, assign this citation and examination of the
Lord Cobham to be after the Council of Constance, whereas Thomas
Arundel, archbishop of Canterbury, at the Council of Constance was not
alive. The copy and testimony of his own letter shall declare the
same, being written and sent to the bishop of London in form as
followeth:

The copy of the epistle of the archbishop of Canterbury, written to
the bishop of London, whereon dependeth the ground and certainty of
this aforesaid history of the Lord Cobham above premised.

  To the reverend father in Christ, and lord, the Lord Robert, by
the grace of God, bishop of Hereford, Richard, by the permission of
God, bishop of London, health and continual increase of sincere love:
We have of late received the letters of the reverend father in Christ,
and lord, the Lord Thomas, by the grace of God, archbishop of
Canterbury, primate of all England, and legate of the apostolic see,
to this effect: Thomas, by the permission of God, archbishop of
Canterbury, primate of all England, and legate of the apostolic see,
to our reverend brother, the Lord Richard, bishop of London, health
and brotherly love in the Lord. It was lately concluded before us, in
the convocation of prelates and clergy of our province of Canterbury
last celebrate in our church of St. Paul, intreating amongst
otherthings with the said prelates and clergy upon the union and
reformation of the Church of England, by us and the said prelates and
clergy; that it was almost impossible to amend the hole of our Lord's
coat which was without seam, unless, first of all, certain nobles of
the realm, which are authors, favourers, protectors, defenders, and
receivers of these heretics called Lollards, were sharply rebuked,
and, if need were, by the censures of the church and the help of the
secular power, they be revoked from their errors. And afterward,
having made diligent inquisition in the convocation amongst the
proctors of the clergy and others, which were there in number out of
every diocese of our province, it was found out amongst others, that
Sir John Oldcastle, knight, was, and is, the principal receiver,
favourer, protector, and defender of them; and that, specially in the
dioceses of London, Rochester, and Hereford, he had sent the said
Lollards to preach, not being licensed by the ordinaries and bishops
of the dioceses or places, contrary to the provincial constitutions in
that behalf made, and hath been present at their wicked sermons,
grievously punishing with threatenings, terrors, and the power of the
secular sword, such as did withstand him: alleging and affirming 
amongst others, that we and our fellow-brethren, suffragans of our
provinces, had not, neither have, any power to make any such
constitutions: also he hath holden and doth hold opinion, and teach,
as touching the sacraments of the altar, of penance, of pilgrimage,
and the worshipping of saints, and of the keys, contrary to that which
the universal Church of Rome doth teach and affirm.

  "Wherefore, on the behalf of the said prelates and clergy, we
were then required that we would vouchsafe to proceed against the said
Sir John Oldcastle upon the premises. Notwithstanding, for the
reverence of our lord the king, in whose favour the said Sir John at
that present was, and no less also for honour of his knighthood, we,
with our fellow brethren, and suffragans then present, with a great
part of the clergy of our province, coming personally before the
presence of our lord the king, being then at his manor of Kennington,
put up against the said Sir John a complaint, partly reciting the
faults of the said Sir John; but at the request of our lord the king,
we, desiring to reduce the said Sir John to the unity of the church,
without any reproach, deferred all the execution of the premises for a
great time. But at the last, forasmuch as our said lord the king, and
his great travails taken about the conversion of him, did nothing at
all profit, as our said lord the king vouchsafed to certify us both by
word and writing, we immediately decreed to call forth the said Sir
John personally to answer before us at a certain time already passed,
in and upon the premises, and sent our messengers with these our
letters of citation to the said Sir John, then being at his castle at
Cowling: unto the which messenger we gave commandment, that he should
in no case go into the castle, except he were licensed; but by the
mean of one John Butler, porter of the king's chamber, he should
require the said Sir John, that he would either licence the said
messenger to come into the castle, or that he would cite him, or at
the least, that he would suffer himself to be cited, without his
castle. The which Sir John openly answered unto the said John Butler,
declaring the premises unto him on the behalf of our Lord the king,
that he would by no means be cited, neither in any case suffer his
citation. Then we, being certified of the premises, lawfully proceeded
further.

  "First, having faithful report made unto us, that he could not be
apprehended by personal citation, we decreed to cite him by an edict,
to be openly set up in the porches of the cathedral church of
Rochester next unto him, little more than three English miles distant
from the said castle of Cowling. As we had thus caused him to be
cited, and our edict aforesaid to be publicly and openly set upon the
porches of the said church, that he should personally appear before us
the eleventh day of September last past, to answer unto the premises,
and certain other things concerning heresy: the which day being come,
and we, sitting in the tribunal seat in our great chapel within the
castle of Leeds, of our diocese, the which we then inhabited, and
whereas we then kept residence with our court, and having taken an
oath, which is requisite in the premises, and the information by us
heard and received, as the common report goeth, in the parts whereas
the said Sir John dwelleth, (fortifying himself in his said castle,)
defending his opinions manifoldly, contemning the keys of the church
and the archbishop's power; we therefore caused the said Sir John
Oldcastle, cited as is aforesaid, to be openly, with a loud voice,
called by the crier; and so being called, long looked for, and by no
means appearing, we judged him (as he was no less worthy) obstinate,
and for punishing of his said obstinacy we did then and there
excommunicate him. And, forasmuch as by the order of the premises, and
other evident tokens of his doings, we understand that the said Sir
John, for the defence of his errors doth fortify himself, as is
aforesaid, against the keys of the church, by pretence whereof, a
vehement suspicion of heresy riseth against him; We have decreed, if
he may be apprehended, again personally to cite him, or else, as
before, by an edict, that he should appear before us the Saturday next
after the feast of St. Matthew the apostle and evangelist next coming,
to show some reasonable cause, if he can, why we should not proceed
against him, to a more grievous punishment, as an open heretic,
schismatic, and open enemy of the universal church. And personally to
declare why he should not be pronounced such a one, or that the aid of
the secular power should not be solemnly required against him; and
further to answer, do, and receive as touching the premises,
whatsoever justice shall require. The which time being come, that is
to say, the Saturday next after the feast of St. Matthew, being the
twenty-fourth day of September, Sir Robert Morley, knight, lieutenant
of the Tower of London, appeared personally before us, sitting in the
chapter-house of the church of St. Paul at London, with our reverend
fellow-brethren and lords, Richard, by the grace of God, bishop of
London, and Henry, bishop of Winchester, and brought with him Sir John
Oldcastle, knight, and set him before us; for a little before he was
taken by the king's servants, and cast into the Tower: unto which Sir
John Oldcastle, so personally present, we rehearsed all the order of
the process, as it is contained in the acts of the day before passed,
with good and modest words and gentle means; That is to say, how he,
the said Sir John, was detected and accused in the convocation of the
prelates and clergy of our said province, as is aforesaid, upon the
articles before rehearsed, and how he was cited, and for his
contumacy, excommunicate: and when we were come to that point, we
offered ourselves ready to absolve him. Notwithstanding, the said Sir
John not regarding our offer, said, that he would willingly rehearse
before us, and my said fellow brethren, the faith which he held and
affirmed. So he, having his desire, and obtaining license, took out of
his bosom a certain schedule indented, and there openly read the
contents of the same, and delivered the same schedule unto us, and the
schedule of the articles whereupon he was examined, which was in form
following:

  "I, John Oldcastle, knight, Lord of Cobham, desire to make
manifest unto all Christians, and God to be taken to witness, that I
never thought otherwise, or would think otherwise, by God's help, than
with a stedfast and undoubted faith to embrace all those his
sacraments which he hath instituted for the use of church.

  "Furthermore, that I may the more plainly declare my mind in
these four points of my faith; first of all, I believe the sacrament
of the altar to be the body of Christ under the form of bread. The
very same body which was born of his mother Mary, crucified for us,
dead, and buried, rose again the third day, sitteth on the right hand
of his immortal Father, now being a triumphant partaker with him of
his eternal glory.

  "Then, as touching the sacrament of penance, this is my belief,
That I do think the correction of a sinful life to be most necessary
for all such as desire to be saved, and that they ought to take upon
them such repentance of their former life, by true confession,
unfeigned contrition, and lawful satisfaction, as the word of God doth
prescribe unto us; otherwise there will be no hope of salvation.

  "Thirdly, as touching images, this is my opinion, That I do judge
them no point of faith, but brought into the world, after the faith of
Christ, by the sufferance of the church, and so grown in use, that
they might serve for a calendar for the lay-people and ignorant; by
the beholding whereof they might the better call to remembrance the
godly examples and martyrdom of Christ and other holy men: but if any
man do otherwise abuse this representation, and give the reverence
unto those images which is due unto the holy men whom they represent,
or rather unto him to whom the holy men themselves owe all their
honour, setting all their trust and hope in them which ought to he
referred unto God; or if they be so affected toward the dumb images,
that they be in any behalf addicted unto them, either be more addicted
unto one saint than another, in my mind they do little differ from
idolatry, grievously offending against God, the author of all honour.

  "Last of all, I am thus persuaded, That there be no inhabitants
here in earth, but that we shall pass straight either to life or
punishment; for whosoever doth so order his life that he stumbleth at
the commandments of God, which either he knoweth not, or he will not
be taught them, it is but in vain for him to look for salvation,
although he ran over all the corners of the world. Contrariwise, he
which observeth his commandments cannot perish, although in all his
lifetime he walked no pilgrimagc, neither to Rome, Canterbury, nor
Compostella, or to any other place, whither the common people are
accustomed to walk.

  "This schedule, with the articles therein contained, being read,
as is aforesaid, by the said Sir John, we, with our fellow-brethren
aforesaid, and many other doctors and learned men, had conference upon
the same; and at the last, by the counsel and consent of them, we
spake these words following unto the said Sir John there present:
Behold, Sir John! there are many good and catholic things contained in
this schedule, but you have at this time to answer unto other matters
which savour of errors and heresies, whereunto, by the consent of this
schedule, it is not fully answered; and, therefore, you must answer
thereunto, and more plainly express and declare your faith and
opinions as touching those points in the same bill: that is to say,
Whether you hold, believe, and affirm, that in the sacrament of the
altar, after the consecration rightly done, there remaineth material
bread or not.

  "Item, Whether you hold, believe, and affirm, that it is
necessary, in the sacrament of penance, for a man to confess his sins
unto a priest appointed by the church?

  "The which articles in this manner delivered unto him, amongst
many other things he answered plainly, That he would make no other
declaration or answer thereunto than was contained in the said
schedule. Whereupon, we, favouring the said Sir John, with the benign 
and gentle means we spake unto him in this manner: Sir John! take
heed, for if you do not plainly answer to these things which are
objected against you, within a lawful time now granted you by the
judges, we may declare you to be a heretic: but the said Sir John
persevered as before, and would make no other answer. Consequently,
notwithstanding, we, together with our said fellow-brethren, and
others of our counsel, took advice, and by their counsel declared unto
the said Sir John Oldcastle, what the said holy Church of Rome in this
matter, following the saying of blessed St. Augustine, Jerome,
Ambrose, and other holy men, hath determined: the which determinations
every catholic ought to observe. Whereupon the said Sir John answered,
That he would believe and observe whatsoever the holy church
determined, and whatsoever God would he should observe and believe.
But that he would in no case affirm, that our lord the pope, the
cardinals, archbishops, and bishops or other prelates of the church,
have any power to determine any such matters. Whereunto, we, yet
favouring him, under hope of better advisement, promised the said Sir
John, that we would give him in writing certain determinations upon
the matter aforesaid, whereunto he should more plainly answer, written
in Latin, and, for his better understanding, translated into English:
whereupon we commanded and heartily desired him, that against Monday
next following he should give a plain and full answer; the which
determination we caused to be translated the same day, and to be
delivered unto him the Sunday next following. The tenor of which
determinations here follow in this manner

  "The faith and determination of the holy church upon the holy
sacrament of the altar is this: That after the consecration done in
the mass by the priest, the material bread shall be changed into the
material body of Christ and the material wine into the material blood
of Christ; therefore, after the consecration, there remaineth no more
any substance of bread and wine, which was there before: -- what do
you answer to this article?

  "And holy mother church hath determined, that every Christian,
dwelling upon earth ought to confess his sins unto a priest ordained
by the church, if he may come unto him: -- how think you by this
article?

  "Christ ordained St. Peter his vicar on earth, whose seat is in
the church of Rome, giving and granting the same authority, which he
gave unto Peter, also to his successors, which are now called popes of
Rome; in whose power it is to ordain and institute prelates in
particular churches, as archbishops, bishops, curates, and other
esclesiastical orders, unto whom the Christian people owe obedience,
according to the tradition of the Church of Rome. This is the
determination of the holy church:what think you by this article?

  "Besides this the holy church hath determined, That it is
necessary for every Christian to go on pilgrimage to holy places, and
there specially to worship the holy relics of the apostles, martyrs,
confessors, and all saints whomsoever the Church of Rome hath allowed:
-- what think you of this article?

  "Upon which Monday, being the five and twentieth day of the said
month of September, before us and our fellow-brethren aforesaid,
having also taken unto us our reverend brother Benedict, by the grace
of God, bishop of Bangor, and, by our commandment, our counsellors and
ministers, Master Henry Ware, official of our court of Canterbury;
Philip Morgan, doctor of both laws; Howel Kiffin, doctor of the
decretals; John Kemp and William Carleton, doctors of law; John
Witnam, Thomas Palmer, Robert Wombewell, John Withe, and Robert
Chamberlain, Richard Dotington, and Thomas Walden, professors of
divinity; also James Cole and John Stephens, our notaries appointed on
this behalf: they, all and every one, being sworn upon the Holy Gospel
of God, laying their hands upon the book, that they should give their
faithful counsel in and upon the matter aforesaid, and in every such
cause, and to the whole world: by and by appeared Sir Robert Morley,
knight, lieutenant of the Tower of London, and brought with him the
aforesaid Sir John Oldcastle, setting him before us; unto whom we
gently and familiarly rehearsed the acts of the day before passed,
and, as before, we told him that he both is and was excommunicate,
requiring and entreating him that he would desire and receive in due
form the absolution of the church. Unto whom the said Sir John then
and there plainly answered: That in this behalf he would require no
absolution at our hands, but only of God. Then, afterwards, by gentle
and soft means we desired and required him to make plain answer unto
the articles which were laid against him; and first of all, as
touching the sacrament of the altar. To the which article, besides
other things, he answered and said thus: That as Christ, being here on
earth, had in him both Godhead and manhood, notwithstanding, the
Godhead was covered and invisible under the humanity, the which was
manifest and visible in him: so likewise, in the sacrament of the
altar, there is the very body and very bread; bread which we do see,
the body of Christ hidden under the same, which we do not see. And
plainly he denied, that the faith, as touching the said sacrament,
determined by the Romish church and holy doctors, and sent unto him by
us in the said schedule, was the determination of the holy church. But
if it be the determination of the church, he said that it was done
contrary unto the Scriptures; after the church was endowed, and after
that poison was poured into the church, and not afore. Also, as
touching the sacrament of penance and confession, he plainly said and
affirmed then and there: That if any man were in any grievous sin, out
of the which he knew not how to to rise, it were expedient and good
for him to go unto some holy and discreet priest to take counsel of
him; but, that he should confess his sin to any proper priest or to
any other, although he might have the use of him, it is not necessary
to salvation; forasmuch as by only contrition such sin can be wiped
away, and the sinner himself purged. As concerning the worshipping of
the cross, he said and affirmed: That the only body of Christ which
did hang upon the cross, is to be worshipped; forasmuch as that body
alone was and is the cross, which is to be worshipped.

  And being demanded what honour he would do unto the image of the
cross, he answered by express words: That he would only do it that
honour, that he would make it clean and lay it up safe. As touching
the power and authority of the keys, the archbishops, bishops, and
other prelates, he said, That the pope is very antichrist, that is the
head; that the archbishops, bishops, and other prelates, be his
members, and that the friars be his tail: the which pope, archbishops,
and bishops, a man ought not to obey, but so far forth as they be
followers of Christ and of Peter, in their life, manners, and
conversation, and that he is the successor of Peter which is best and
purest in life and manners. Furthermore, the said Sir John, spreading
his hands, with a loud voice said thus to those which stood about him:
These men, which judge and would condemn me, will seduce you all and
themselves, and will lead you unto hell; therefore take heed of them.
When he had spoken those words, we again, as oftentimes before, with
lamentable countenance, spake unto the said Sir John, exhorting him,
with as gentle words as we might, that he would return to the unity of
the church, to believe and hold that which the church of Rome doth
believe and hold: who expressly answered, that he would not believe or
hold otherwise than he had before declared. Wherefore, we perceiving,
as it appeared by him, that we could not prevail, at the last, with
bitterness of heart we proceeded to the pronouncing of a definitive
sentence in this manner:

  "In the name of God, Amen. We, Thomas, by the permission of God,
archbishop and humble minister of the holy church of Canterbury,
primate of all England, and legate of the apostolic see, in a certain
cause or matter of heresy upon certain articles, whereupon Sir John
Oldcastle, knight, Lord Cobham, before us, in the last convocation of
our clergy of our province of Canterbury holden in the church of St.
Paul in London, after diligent inquisition thereupon made, was
detected and accused, and by our said province notoriously and openly
defamed. At the request of the whole clergy aforesaid thereupon made
to us in the said convocation, with all favour possible that we might
(God we take to witness), lawfully proceeding against him, following
the footsteps and example of Christ, who would not the death of a
sinner, but rather that he should be converted and live, we have
endeavoured by all ways and means, we might or could, to reform him,
and rather reduce him to the unity of the church, declaring unto him
what the holy universal church of Rome doth teach, hold, and determine
in this behalf. And albeit that we found him wandering astray from the
catholic faith, and so stubborn and stiff-necked, that he would not
confess his error, or clear himself thereof, to detest the same;
notwithstanding, we, favouring him with a fatherly affection, and
heartily wishing and desiring his preservation, prefixed him a certain
competent time to deliberate with himself, and, if he would, to repent
and reform himself. And last of all, forasmuch as we perceived him to
be unreasonable, observing chiefly those things which by the law are
required in this behalf, with great sorrow and bitterness of heart we
proceeded to the pronouncing of the dcfinitive sentence in this wise:-
-

  "The name of Christ being called upon, setting him only before
our eyes: Forasmuch as by act enacted, signs exhibited, evidences, and
divers tokens, besides sundry kind of proofs, we find the said Sir
John to be, and have been, a heretic, and a follower of heretics in
the faith and observation of the sacred universal church of Rome, and
specially as touching the sacraments of the eucharist and of penance;
and that as the son of iniquity and darkness he hath so hardened his
heart, that he will not understand the voice of his Shepherd, neither
will be allured with his monitions, or converted with any fair speech:
having first of all searched and sought out, and diligently
considering the merits of the cause aforesaid, and of the said Sir
John, his deserts and faults aggravated through his damnable
obstinacy, not willing that he that is wicked should become more
wicked, and infect others with his contagion: by the counsel and
consent of the reverend men of profound wisdom and discretion, our
brethren, the lords, Richard, bishop of London, Henry, bishop of
Winchester, and Benedict, bishop of Bangor, and also of many other
doctors of divinity, the decretals and civil law, and of many other
religious and learned persons our assistants, we have judged and
declared sententially, and definitively condemned the said Sir John
Oldcastle, knight, Lord Cobham, being convicted in and upon that most
detestable guilt, not willing penitently to return unto the unity of
the church, and in those things which the sacred universal church of
Rome, doth hold, teach, determine, and show forth. And especially as
one erring in the articles above-written, leaving him from henceforth
as a heretic, unto the secular judgment.

  "Moreover, we have excommunicated, and by these writings do
pronounce and excommunicate him, as a heretic, and all other which
from henceforth, in favour of his error, shall receive, defend, or
give him counsel or favour, or help him in this behalf, as favourers,
defenders, and receivers of heretics. And, to the intent that these
premises may be known unto all faithful Christians, we charge and
command you, that, by your sentence definitive, you do cause the 
curates which are under you, with a loud and audible voice in their
churches, when as most people is present, in their mother tongue,
through all your cities and dioceses, to publish and declare the said
Sir John Oldcastle, as is before said, to be by us condemned as a
heretic, schismatic, and one erring in the articles abovesaid; and all
other which from henceforth in favour of his errors shall receive or
defend him, giving him any counsel, comfort, or favour in this behalf,
to be excommunicate as receivers, favourers, and defenders of
heretics: as is more effectually contained in the process. That by
such means the erroneous opinions of the people, (which, peradventure,
hath otherwise conceived the matter,) by those declarations of the
truth, how the matter is, may be cut off: the which thing also we will
and command to be written and signified by you, word for word, unto
all our fellow brethren, that they all may manifest, publish, and
declare throughout all their cities, and dioceses, the manner and form
of this our process, and also the sentence by us given, and all other
singular the contents in the same; and likewise cause it to be
published by their curates which are under them, as touching the day
of receipt of these presents, and what you have done in the premises,
how you and they have executed this our commandment. We will that you
and they duly and distinctly certify us, the business being done, by
your and their letters patent according to this tenor.

  "Dated in our manor of Maidstone, the tenth of October, A. D.
1413, and in the eighteenth year of our translation."

  Thus have you here the judicial process of the bishops against
this most noble Christian knight, described by their own letters and
style. After all this, the sentence of death being given, the Lord
Cobham was sent away, Sir Robert Morley carrying him again unto the
Tower, where, after he had remained a certain space, in the night
season, (it is not known by what means,) he escaped out and fled into
Wales, where he continued by the space of four years.



99. COPE'S BOOK OF LORD COBHAM, ANSWERED

    AS I was entering into this story of the Lord Cobham, after the
tractation of all the former histories hitherto passed, having next to
set upon this present matter, luckily, and as God would, in such
opportunity of season, as God may seem to work himself for defence of
his saints, cometh to my hands a certain book of new-found dialogues,
compiled in Latin by Nicholas Harpsfield, set out by Alanus Copus, an
Englishman, a person to me unknown, and obscure, hitherto, unto the
world, but now, to purchase himself a name with Erostratus, or with
the sons of Anakim, cometh out not with his five eggs, but with his
six railing dialogues; in the which dialogues the said Alanus Copus,
Anglus (whether he, under the armour of another, or another under the
title of his name, I know not, nor pass not,) uncourteously behaving
himself, intemperately abusing his time, study, and pen, forgetting
himself, neglecting all respect of honesty, and mild modesty, neither
dreading the stroke of God, nor caring for shame, neither favouring
the living, nor sparing the dead, who, being alive as they never
offended him, so now cannot answer for themselves, being gone; thus
provoking both God and man against him, after an unseemly sort, and
with a foul mouth, and a stinking breath, rageth and fareth against
dead men's ashes, taking now the spoil of their good name, after their
bodies lie slain in the field; his gall and choler being so bitter
against them, that he cannot abide any memory after them to remain
upon earth; insomuch that for the hatred of them he spurneth also
against me, and flieth in my face, for that in my Acts and Monuments,
describing the history of the church, I would say any thing in the
favour of them, whom the Romish catholics have so unmercifully put to
death. The answer to whose book, although it would require a several
tractation by itself (as, if Christ grant space and leisure, hereafter
it shall not be forgotten) yet, because such opportunity of the book
is offered to me at this present, coming now to the matter of the Lord
Cobham, Sir Roger Acton, and others, with whom he first beginneth to
quarrel, it shall be requisite a little by the way to cope with this
Cope, whatsoever he be, so much as truth shall give me for their
defence to say something. And here, to cut off all the offals of his
railing talk and unhonest rebukes, which I leave to scolds and men of
his profession against they list to brawl, let us briefly and quietly
consider the matter for discussing of the truth; wherein first I shall
desire the reader, with equality and indifferency, to hear both the
parties to speak, as well what the martyrs, hence gone and slain,
could say for themselves if they were present, as also what this man
here doth object against them now being gone. And so, according to the
same, to judge both upon them, as they deserve, and of me, as they
shall please.

  Now to the scope of Master Cope's matter, which is this: whether
this aforesaid Sir John Oldcastle, Lord Cobham (first to begin with
him), is rather to be commended for a martyr, or to be reproved for a
traitor? and whether that I, in writing of him, and of Sir Roger
Acton, with others more, in my former edition, have dealt fraudulently
and corruptly, in commending them in these Acts and Monuments, or no?
Touching the discussion whereof, first I trust the gentle Master Cope,
my friend, neither will nor well can deny any part of all that
hitherto, touching the story of the Lord Cobham, hath been premised;
who yet all this while was neither traitor to his country, nor rebel
to his prince, as by the course of his history hitherto the reader may
well understand. First, in the time of King Henry the Fourth, he was
sent over to France to the duke of Orleans, he did obey. Afterwards
King Henry the Fifth coming to the crown, he was of him likewise well
liked and favoured, until the time that Thomas Arundel, with his
clergy, complaining to the king, made bate between them. Then the Lord
Cobham, being cited by the archbishop, at his citation would not
appear: but, sent for by the king, he obeyed and came. Being come,
what lowly subjection he showed there to the king, the story
declareth. Afterwards he yielded an obedient confession of his faith;
it would not be rcceived. Then did he appeal to the bishop of Rome,
for the which the king took great displeasure with him, and so was he
repealed by the king to the archbishop, and committed to the Tower;
which also he did obey. From thence he was brought to his examination
once or twice; there, like a constant martyr, and witness of the
truth, he stood to his confession, and that unto the very sentence of
death defined against him. If this be not the effect of a true martyr,
let Alanus Copus say what he will, or what he can: this I say, at
least I doubt, whether the said Alanus Copus, Anglus, put to the like
trial himself, would venture so narrow a point of martyrdom for his
religion, as this Christian knight did for his: certes, it hath not
yet appeared.

  To proceed: After this deadly sentence was thus awarded against
him, the said Lord Cobham was then returned again unto the Tower,
which he with patience and meekness did also obey; from the which
Tower if he afterward by the Lord's providence did escape, whether
hath Alanus Copus herein more to praise God for offering to him the
benefit, or to blame the man for taking that which was offered? What
catholic in all Louvain, having his house over his head on fire, will
not be glad to have, if he might, the door set open to fly the peril?
or else why did Alanus Copus fly his country, having so little need,
if this man, bleeding almost under the butcher's axe, might not enjoy
so great an offer of so lucky deliverance?

  Thus hitherto, I trust, the cause of the Lord Cobham standeth
firm and strong against all danger of just reprehension; who being, as
ye have heard, so faithful and obedient to God, so submiss to his
king, so sound in his doctrine, so constant in his cause, so afflicted
for the truth, so ready and prepared to death, as we have sufficiently
declared, not out of uncertain and doubtful chronicles, but out of the
true originals and instruments remaining in ancient records: what
lacketh now, or what should let to the contrary, but that he,
declaring himself such a martyr, that is, a witness to the verity, for
the which also at last he suffered the fire, may therefore worthily be
adorned with the title of martyr, which is in Greek as much as a
witness-bearer.

  But here now steppeth in dame [Greek: E Diabole], with
her cousin-scold Alecto, &c., who, neither learning to hold her
tongue, nor yet to speak well, must needs find here a knot in a rush,
and beginning now to quarrel, inferreth thus "But after," saith he,
"that the Lord Cobham was escaped out of the Tower, his fellows and
confederates convented themselves together seditiously against the
king, and against their country." A great crime no doubt, Master Cope,
if it be true; so, if it be not true, the greater blame returneth unto
yourself, to enter this action of such slander, unless the ground
whereupon ye stand be sure. First, what fellows of the Lord Cobham
were these you mean? "Sir Roger Acton," ye say, "Master Brown, and
John Beverly, with thirty-six others, hanged and burned in the said
field of St. Giles's." A marvellous matter, that such a great
multitude of twenty thousand, specified in story, should rise against
the king, and yet but three persons only be known and named. And then
to proceed further, I would ask of Master Cope, what was the end of
this conspiracy; to rebel against the king? to destroy their country?
and to subvert the Christian faith? for so purporteth the story. As
like true the one as the other: for even as it is like that they,
being Turks, went about to destroy the faith of Christ wherein they
died, and to subvert their country wherein they were bred; even so
like it is that they went about to destroy the king, whom God and
their conscience taught to obey.

  Yet further proceeds this fumish promoter in his accusation, and
saith, moreover, that these aforesaid fellows and adherents of the
Lord Cobham were in the field assembled, and there encamped in a great
number against the king. And how is this proved? By Robert Fabian:
which appeareth to be as true as that which in the said Robert Fabian
followeth in the same place, where he affirmeth, that John Claydon and
Richard Turming were burned in the same year, being 1413, when indeed
by the true registers they were not burned before the year of our Lord
1415. But what will Master Cope say, if the original copy of the
indictment of these pretensed conspirators do testify that they were
not there assembled or present in the field, as your accusation
pretendeth? "But they purposed," you will say, "and intended to come."
The purpose and intent of a man's mind is hard for you and me to
judge, where no fact appeareth. But grant their intent was so to come,
yet might they not come to those thickets near to the field of St.
Giles's, having Beverly their preacher with them, as ye say yourself,
as well to pray and to preach in that worthy place, as to fight? Is
this such a strange thing in the church of Christ, in time of
persecution, for Christians to resort in desolate woods and secret
thickets, from the sight of enemies, when they would assemble in
praying and hearing the word of God? In Queen Mary's time was not the
same colour of treason objected against George Eagle, and others more,
for frequenting and using into back sides and fields, who suffered for
that whereof he was innocent and guiltless? Did not Adam Damlip die in
like case of treason, for having a French crown given him at his
departure out of Rome by Cardinal Pool? What cannot cankered Calumnia
invent, when she is disposed to cavil? It was not the cardinal's crown
that made him a traitor, but it was the hatred of his preaching that
stirred up the accuser.

  In France, what assemblies have there been in late years, of good
and innocent Christians congregating together in back fields and
coverts, in great routes, to hear the preaching of God's holy word,
and to pray; yea, and not without their weapon also, for their own
safeguard; and yet never intended nor minded any rebellion against
their king. Wherefore, in cases of religion it may and doth happen
many times that such congregations may meet without intent of any
treason meant. But howsoever the intent and purpose was of these
aforesaid confederates of the Lord Cobham, whither to come, or what to
do, seeing this is plain by records, as is aforesaid, that they were
not yet come unto the place, how will Master Cope now justify his
words, so confidently affirming, that they were there assembled
seditiously together in the field of St. Giles against the king? And
mark here, I beseech thee, gentle reader, how unlikely and untidely
the points of this tale are tied and hanged together, I will not say
without all substance of truth, but without all fashion of a cleanly
lie; wherein these accusers in this matter seem to me to lack some
part of Simon's art, in conveying their narration so unartificially.
First, say they, the king was come first, with his garrison, unto the
field of St. Giles; and then, after the king was there encamped,
consequently, the fellows of the Lord Cobham, the captain being away,
came and were assembled in the same field where the king was, against
the king, and yet not knowing of the king, to the number of twenty
thousand, and yet never a stroke in that field given. And furthermore,
of all this twenty thousand aforesaid, never a man's name known but
only three: to wit, Sir Roger Acton, Sir John Brown, and John Beverly,
a preacher. How this gear is clampered together let the reader judge,
and believe as he seeth cause.

  But give all this to be true, although by no demonstration it can
be proved, yet by the pope's dispensation, which in this earth is
almost omnipotent, be it granted, that after the king had taken the
field of St. Giles's before, the companions of the Lord Cobham
afterward coming and assembling in the thickets near the said field,
to fight seditiously against the king, their country, and against the
faith of Christ, to the number of twenty thousand, where no stroke
being given, so many were taken, that all the prisons of London were
full, and yet never a man's name known of all this multitude, but only
three; all this I say, being imagined to be true, then followeth to be
demanded of Master Cope, whether the Lord Cobham was here present with
this company in the field or not? "Not in person," saith Cope, "but
with his mind and with his counsel he was present:" and addeth this
reason, saying, "and therefore he, being brought again after his
escape, was convict both of treason and heresy, and therefore,
sustaining a double punishment, was both hanged and burned for the
same," &c. And how is all this proved? "By Robert Fabian," he saith.
Whereunto briefly I answer, that Robert Fabian in that place maketh no
such mention of the Lord Cobham assisting or consenting to them either
in mind or in counsel. His words be these, "That certain adherents of
Sir John Oldcastle assembled in the field near to St. Giles, in great
number, of whom was Sir Roger Acton, Sir John Brown, and John Beverly:
the which, with thirty-six more in number, were afterwards convicted
of heresy and treason, and for the same were hanged and burned within
the said fields of St. Giles," &c. Thus much in Fabian touching the
commotion and condemnation of these men; but that the Lord Cobham was
there present with them in any part, either of consent or counsel, as
Alanus Copus, Anglus, pretendeth, that is not found in Fabian, but is
added of his liberal cornucopiæ, whereof he is so copious and
plentiful, that he may keep an open shop of such unwritten untruths,
which he may afford very good and cheap, I think, being such a
plentiful artificer.

  But here will be objected against me the words of the statute
made the second year of King Henry the Fifth, whereupon this
adversary, triumphing with no little glory, thinketh himself to have
double vantage against me; first, in proving these aforesaid
accomplices and adherents of the Lord Cobham to have made insurrection
against the king, and so to be traitors: secondly, in convicting that
to be untrue, where, in my former book of Acts and monuments, I do
report, how that after the death of Sir Roger Acton, Brown, and
Beverley, a parliament was holden at Leicester, where a statute was
made to this effect: That all and singular such as were of Wickliff's
learning, if they would not give over, as in case of felony and other
trespasses, losing all their goods to the king, should suffer death in
two manner of kinds: that is, they should first be hanged for treason
against the king, and then be burned for heresy against God.

  Whereupon it remaineth now in examining this objection, and
answering the same, that I purge both them of treason, and myself of
untruth, so far as truth and fidelity in God's cause shall assist me
herein. Albeit in beginning first my history of ecclesiastical
matters, wherein I having nothing to do with debatement of causes
judicial, but only following the simple narration of things done and
executed, I never suspected that ever any would be so captious with
me, or so nice-nosed, as to press me with such narrow points of the
law, in trying and discussing every cause and matter so exactly, and
straining, as ye would say, the bowels of the statute law so
rigorously against me; yet, forasmuch as I am thereunto constrained
now by this adversary, I will first lay open all the whole statute
made the second year of this aforesaid Henry the Fifth, after the
death of the aforesaid Sir Roger Acton and his fellows, at the
parliament holden at Leicester, A. D. 1415. That done, I will note
upon the words thereof, so as by the circumstances of the same may
appear what is to be concluded, either for the defence of their
innocency, or for the accusation of this adversary. The tenor and
purport of the statute hereunder ensueth:

  "Forasmuch as great (A) rumors, congregations and insurrections
here in England, by divers the king's majesty's liege people, have
been made here of late, as well by those which were of the sect of
heresy called Lollardy, as by other of their considerations,
excitations and abatement; to the intent (B) to annul and subvert the
Christian faith and the law of God within the same realm, as also to
(C) destroy our sovereign lord the king himself, and (D) all manner of
estates of the same his realm, as well spiritual as temporal, (E) and
also all manner of policy and the laws of the land; finally, the same
our lord the king, to the honour of God, in conscrvation and
fortification of the Christian faith, and also in salvation of his
royal estate, and of the estate of all his realm, willing to provide a
more open and more due punishment against the malice of such heretics
and Lollards, than hath been had or used in that case heretofore, so
that for the fear of the same laws and punishments, such heresies and
Lollardies may the rather cease in time to come.

  "By the advice and assent aforesaid, and at the prayer of the
said commons, hath ordained and established; that especially the
chancellor, the treasurer, the justice of the one bench and of the
other, justices of assize, justices of peace, sheriffs, mayors, and
bailiffs of cities and towns, and all other officers, having the
government of people either now present, or which for the time shall
be, do make an oath in taking of their charge and offices, to extend
their whole pain and diligence to put out, to do to put out, cease and
destroy, all manner of heresies and errors, commonly called
Lollardies, within the places in which they exercise their charges and
offices, from time to time, with all their power; and that they
assist, favour, and maintain the ordinaries and their commissaries, so
often as they or any of them shall be thereunto required by the said
ordinaries or their commissaries; so that when the said officers and
ministers travel or ride to arrest any Lollard, or to make any
assistance at the (F) instance and request of the ordinaries or their
commissaries, by virtue of this statute, the same ordinaries and
commissaries (G) do pay for their cost reasonably. And that the
services of the king, unto whom the officers be first sworn, be
preferred before all other statutes for the liberty of holy church and
the ministers of the same, and especially for the punishment of
heretics and Lollards, made before these days, and not repealed, but
being in force; and also that all persons convict of heresy, of
whatsoever estate, condition, or degree they be, by the said
ordinaries or their commissaries left unto the secular power,
according to the laws of holy church, shall leese and forfeit all
their lands and tenements which they have in fee simple, in manner and
form as followeth: that is to say, that the king shall have all the
lands and tenements which the said convicts have in fee simple, and
which be immediately holden of him, as forfeited; and that the other
lords, of whom the lands and tenements of such convicts be holden,
immediately after that the king is thereof seized and answered of the
(H) year, day and wast, shall have livery thereof out of the hands of
the king, of the lands and tenements aforesaid, so of them holden, as
hath been used in case of attainder of felonies, except the lands and
tenements which be holden of the ordinaries or their commissaries,
before whom any such impeached of heresy be convict, (I) which lands
and tenements shall wholly remain to the king as forfeit. And
moreover, that all the goods and chattels of such convicted be forfeit
to our right sovereign lord the king, so that no person convict of
heresy, and left unto the secular power (according to the laws of holy
church), do forfeit his lands before that he be dead. And if any such
person so. convicted be enfeoffed, whether it be by fine or by deed,
or without deed, in lands and tenements, rents, or services, in fee or
otherwise, in whatsoever manner, or have any other possessions or
chattels by gift or grant of any person or persons, to the use of any
other than only to the use of such convicts; that the same lands,
tenements, rents, or services, or other such possessions, or chattels,
shall not be forfeit unto our sovereign lord the king in any manner
wise.

  "And moreover, that the justices of the king's bench, the
justices of peace, and justices of assize, have full power to inquire
of all such which hold any errors or heresies, as Lollards, and who be
their maintainers, receivers, favourers, and sustainers, common
writers of such books, as well of their sermons, as schools,
conventicles, congregations, and confederacies, and that this clause
be put in the commissions of the justices of peace. And if any persons
be indicted of any points abovesaid, that the said justices have power
to award against them a capias, and that the sheriff be bound to
arrest the person or persons so indicted, as soon as he can find them,
either by himself or by his officers. And forasmuch as the cognisance
of heresies, errors, or Lollardies, appertaineth to the judges of holy
church, and not unto the secular judges, that such persons indicted,
(K) be delivered unto the ordinaries of the places, or to their
commissaries, by indentures between them to be made, within ten days
after their arrest, or sooner, if it may be done, to be thereof
acquitted, or convicted by the laws of holy church, in case such
persons be not indicted of any other thing, the cognisance whereof
appertaineth to the judges and secular officers; in which case, after
they shall be acquitted, or delivered before the secular judges of
such things as appertain to the secular judges, they shall be safely
sent unto the said ordinaries or their commissaries, and to them to be
delivered by indentures, as is aforesaid, to be acquitted or convicted
of the same heresies, errors, and Lollardies, as is aforesaid,
according to the laws of holy church, and that within the term
abovesaid; provided, that the said indictments be not taken in
evidence, (L) but only for information before the judges spiritual,
against such persons indicted: but that the ordinaries begin their
process against such persons indicted, in the same manner as though no
such judgment were, having no regard to such indictments. And if any
be indicted of heresy, error, or Lollardy, and taken by the sheriff,
or any other officer of the king, he may be let to mainprise, within
the said ten days, by good surety, for whom the said sheriffs or other
officers will answer, so that the person so indicted be ready to be
delivered unto the said ordinaries, or to their commissaries, before
the end of the tenth day abovehere recited, if he may by any means for
sickness. And that every ordinary have sufficient commissaries or
commissary abiding in every county, in place notable, so that if any
such person indicted be taken, the said commissaries or commissary may 
be warned in the notable place of his abiding, by the sheriff, or any
of his officers, to come unto the king's gaol within the said county,
there to receive the same person so indicted, by indenture, as is
aforesaid; and that in the inquests in this case taken, the sheriffs
and other officers unto whom it appertaineth, do impanel good and
sufficient persons, not suspected, nor procured, that is to say, such
as have at the least, every one of them that shall be so impanelled in
such inquests, within the realm, a hundred shillings by the year, in
lands, tenements, or rent, upon pain to leese to the king's use twenty
pounds. And that those which shall be impanelled upon such inquests or
sessions and gaols, have, every one of them, to the value of forty
shillings by the year. And if any such person arrested, whether it be
by the ordinaries, or the officers of the king, (M) either escape or
break prison, before he be thereof acquit before the ordinary; that
then all his goods and chattels which he had at the day of such
arrest, shall be forfeit to the king; and his lands and tenements
which he had the same day be seized also into the king's hands, and
that the king have the profits thereof from the same day until he
render himself to the said prison from whence he escaped. And that the
aforesaid justices have full power to inquire of all such escapes and
breaking of prisons, and also of the lands, tenements, goods, and
chattels of such persons indicted. Provided, that if any such person
indicted do not return unto the said prison, and dieth, not being
convict, that then it shall be lawful for his heirs to enter into the
lands and tenements of his or their ancestor, without any other suit
made unto the king for this cause. And that all those which have
liberties, or franchises royal, in England, as the county of Chester,
the county and liberty of Durham, and other like; and also the lords
which have jurisdictions and franchises royal in Wales, where the
king's writs do not run, have like power to execute and put in
execution in all points these articles, by them or by their officers,
in like manner as do the justices and other the king's officers above
declared."

  Thus having recited the words of the statute, now let us consider
the reasons and objections of this adversary, who, grounding
peradventure upon the preface or preamble of this aforesaid statute,
will prove thereby the Lord Cobham and Sir Roger Acton, with the rest
of their abettors, to have been traitors to their king and their
country. Whereunto I answer, first, in general, that although the face
or preface prefixed before the statute, may show and declare the cause
and occasion original why the statute was made, yet the making of the
statute importeth no necessary probation of the preface always to be
true that goeth before; which being but a colour to induce the making
thereof, giveth no force material thereunto, nor is any necessary part
of the body of the said statute, but only adhereth as a declaration of
the circumstance thereof, and sometimes is clean omitted, and
differeth much from the substance of the same. For, as statutes in
civil policy most commonly do tend to a public end, and are general,
so prefaces before statutes, which most commonly declare the cause or
beginning thereof, are private, and do stand only but upon particular
facts, which either of ill-will or displeasure may be suggested, or by
colour may be exaggerated, or for fear may be believed, at least
suspected, as many suspicions do ofttimes rise in princes' heads
through false surmises, and malicious complaints of certain evil-
disposed about them, whereby many cruel laws, rising upon a false
ground, are promulgated, to the ruin of much innocent blood. Example
whereof we have not only in this present statute, but also in the like
statute, commonly called the statute Ex officio, vel de comburendo,
made by this king's father and predecessor. In the preface of which
bloody statute is contained another like complaint of the prelates and
clergy, not only as heinous, but also as shamefully false and untrue,
against the poor Lollards, as by the words of the complaint may
appear; wherein most falsely they slander and misreport the true
servants of Christ to be Lollards, heretics, subverters of the
commonwealth, destroyers of the Christian faith, enemies to all good
laws, and to the church of Christ. The words of which statute,
proceeding much after the like course as doth this present statute,
may easily bewray the untruth and false surmise thereof, if thou
please, gentle reader, to mark and confer the words according as they
are there to be read and seen, as followeth: Conventiculas et
confederationes faciunt, scholas tenent et exercent, libros conficiunt
atque scribunt, populum nequiter instruunt et informant, et ad
seditionem seu insurrectionem excitant, quantum possunt, et magnas
dissensiones in populo faciunt, et alia diversa enormia auditui
horrenda in dies perpetrant, in fidei catholicæ, et ecclesiæ
subversionem, divinique cultus diminutionem, ac etiam destructionem
status, jurium, et libertatum dictæ ecclesiæ Anglicanæ. And after a
few words, Ad omnem juris, et rationis ordinem atque regimen, penitus
destruendum, &c. He that is or shall be acquainted with old histories,
and with the usual practices of Satan, the old enemy of Christ, from
the first beginning of the primitive church unto this present time,
shall see this to be no news, but a common, and, as one would say, a
quotidian fever among Christ's children, to be vexed with false
accusations and cruel slanders.

  Nemesion, the Egyptian and true martyr of Christ, was he not
first accused to be a felon? And when that could not be proved, he was
condemned at the same judgment for a Christian; and therefore being
cast into bands, was scourged, by the commandment of the president,
double to the other felons, and at length was burned with the thieves,
although he never was found thief nor felon.

  Against Cyprian, in like sort, it was slanderously objected by
Galenus Maximus, proconsul, that he had long continued with a mind
full of sacrilege, and that he had gathered unto him men of wicked
conspiracy.

  So Justin Martyr, what false and criminous accusations suffered
he by Crescens! Cornelius, bishop of Rome, and martyr, was accused of
Decius, that he wrote letters unto Cyprian against the commonwealth.

  To consider the laws and statutes made by tyrants and emperors in
the first persecution of the primitive church, against the innocent
servants of Christ, and to compare the same with the laws and statutes
in this latter persecution under antichrist, a man shall find, that as
they agree all in like cruelty, so was there no great difference in
false forging of pretended causes and crimes devised. For as then the
Christians were wrongfully accused of the Gentiles for insurrections
and rebellions against the emperors and empire, for being enemies to
all mankind, for murdering of infants, for worshipping the sun,
(because they prayed toward the east,) for worshipping also the head
of an ass, &c., upon the rumours whereof divers and sundry laws and
statutes were enacted, some engraven in brass, some otherwise written
against them; so in this aforesaid statute, and in such other statutes
or indictments made and conceived against the Lollards, the case is
not so strange, but it may credibly be supposed, that the making
thereof did rise rather upon malice and hatred against their religion
conceived, than upon any just cause ministered on their parts, whom
they did wrongfully charge and accuse. Like as in the time of
Domitian, for fear of David's stock, all the nephews of Jude, the
Lord's brother in the flesh, were accused to the emperor. And also the
like fear and hatred stirred up other emperors and the senate of Rome,
to proceed with persecuting laws against the Christian flock of
Christ; whereupon rose up those malicious slanders, false surmises,
infamous lies, and wrongful accusations against the Christians; so
that what crimes soever malice could invent, or rash suspicion could
minister, that was imputed against them.

  Not unlike also it may seem, that the pope with his prelates,
fearing and misdoubting lest the procceding of the gospel preached by
these persons should overthrow the state of their majesty, did
therefore, by sinister accusations, inflame the hearts of princes
against them, and under some coloured covert, to shadow their cloaked
hatred, devised these and other like crimes which were not true, but
which might cleanly serve their purpose.

  This hitherto have I said as in a general sum, answering to the
preamble of the aforesaid statute, for the defence of Sir John
Oldcastle, and Sir Roger Acton, and others, as not defining precisely
what was, or was not; (for here I may say with Hall, that as I was not
present at the deed doing, so, with him, I may also leave the same at
large;) but as one, by tracing the footsteps of the truth, as by all
conjectures hunting out in this matter, what is most like, would but
only say my mind.

  Now consequently it followeth that we descend to the special
points and particulars of the aforesaid preamble; to consider what
thereof may be collected, or necessarily is to be judged, either for
proof or disproof, of this aforesaid Sir John Oldcastle and his
fellows.

  (A) And first, where the proem of this statute beginneth with
"rumours, congregations, and insurrections," &c. As it is not like,
that if these men had intended any forcible entries or rebellion
against the king, they would have made any rumours thereof before the
deed done; so is it more credibly to be supposed, all these flourishes
of words to be but words of course, or of office, and to savour rather
of the rankness of the indicter's pen, who disposed either to show his
copy, or else to aggravate the crime; and to make mountains of
molehills, first of rumours maketh congregations, and from
congregations riseth up to insurrections; whereas in all these
rumours, congregations, and insurrections, yet never a blow was given,
never a stroke was stricken, no blood spilled, no furniture nor
instruments of war, no sign of battle, yea, no express signification
either of any rebellious word, or malicious fact, described neither in
records, nor yet in any chronicle. Again, if these rumours were words
spoken against the king, as calling him a tyrant, a "usurper of the
crown," the "prince of priests," &c., why then be none of these words
expressed in their indictments, or left in records? Doth Master Cope
think for a man to be called a traitor, to be enough to make him a
traitor, unless some plain and evident proof be brought for him to be
so indeed, as he is called? "Rumours," saith he, "congregations, and
insurrections were made." Rumours are uncertain, congregations have
been, and may be, among Christian men in dangerous times, for good
purposes, and no treason against their princes meant. The term of
insurrections may be added [Greek: ek ton perisson] by
practice, or surmise of the prelates and penmen, who, to bring them
the more in hatred of the king, might add this rather of their own
gentleness, than of the others' deserving. Certain it is, and
undoubted, that the prelates in those days, being so mightily inflamed
against these Lollards, were not altogether behind for their parts,
nor utterly idle in this matter, but practised against them what they
could, first to bring them into hatred, and then to death.

  Examples of which kind of practice among the popish clergy have
not lacked neither before nor since. Moreover, if these men had made
such a rebellious insurrection against the king, as is pretended in
the preamble before this statute, which were a matter of high treason,
how chanceth then that the whole body of the statute, following after
the said preface or preamble, runneth in all the parts or branches
thereof, both in matter of arrest, of indictment, information,
request, allowance of officers, cognizance of ordinaries, of the
forefact, &c., upon cases of heresy, and not of treason, as by
particular tractation shall be, Christ willing, declared.

  And, forasmuch as these men be so grievously accused of Alanus
Copus, for congregating and rising against their king, and the whole
realm, if I had so much leisure to defend, as he hath pleasure to
defame, here might be demanded of him, to keep him some further play,
touching this mighty insurrection, Where they came in number twenty
thousand against the king? in what order of battle-array they marched?
what captains, under-captains, and petty captains they had, to guide
the wings, and to lead the army? whether they were horsemen or
footmen? If they were horsemen, as is pretensed, what meant they then
to resort to the thickets near to St. Giles's field, which was no meet
place for horses to stir? If they were footmen, how standeth that with
the author, which reporteth them to be horsemen? Moreover, it is to be
demanded, what ensigns or flags, what shot, what powder, what armour,
weapons, and other furniture of war? also what treasure of money to
wage so many, to the number of twenty thousand? what trumpets, drums,
and other noise necessary for the purpose they had? All these
preparations for such an enterprise, are requisite and necessary to be
had. And, peradventure, if truth were well sought, it would be found
at length, that instead of armies and weapons, they were coming only
with their books, and with Beverly their preacher, into those
thickets. But as I was not there present at the fact, as is before
said, so have I neither certainty to define upon their case, nor yet,
Master Cope, to exclaim against them; unless, peradventure, that he,
taking an occasion of the time, will thus argue against them, that
because it was the hot month of January, the second day after the
Epiphany, therefore it is like that Sir John Oldcastle, with twenty
thousand Lollards, camped together in the fields in all the heat of
the weather, to destroy the king and all the nobles, and to make
himself regent of England: and why not as well the king, as regent of
England, seeing all the nobles should have been destroyed, and he only
left alone to reign by himself?

  It followeth more in the preamble of the aforesaid statute, (B)
to annul, destroy, and subvert the Christian faith, and the law of
God, and holy church, &c. He that was the forger and inventor of this
report, as it appeareth to proceed from the prelates, seemeth no
cunning Dædalus, nor half his crafts-master in lying for the
whetstone. Better he might have learned of Sinon in Virgil, more
artificially to have framed and conveyed his narration; which although
in no case could sound like any truth, yet some colour of probability
should have been set upon it, to give it some countenance of a like 
tale: as if he had first declared the Lord Cobham to have been before
in secret confederacy with the great Turk; or if he had made him some
Termagant or Mahound out of Babylonia, or some Herod of Judea, or some
antichrist out of Rome, or some grand paunched epicure of this world,
and had showed, that he had received letters from the great Soldan, to
fight against the faith of Christ, and law of God; then had it
appeared somewhat more credible, that the said Sir John Oldcastle,
with his sect of heresy, went about to "annul, destroy, and subvert
the Christian faith and law of God, within the realm of England," &c.

  But now, where will either he or Master Cope find men so mad to
believe, or so ingenious that can imagine this to be true, that the
Lord Cobham, being a Christian, and so faithful a Christian, would, or
did, ever cogitate in his mind to destroy and annul the faith of
Christ in the realm of England? Whatsoever the report of this pursuant
or preface saith, I report me unto the indifferent reader, how
standeth this with any face of truth? that he which before, through
the reading of Wickliff's works, had been so earnestly converted to
the law of God, who had also approved himself such a faithful servant
of Christ, that for the faith of Christ he, being examined and tried
before the prelates, not only ventured his life, but stood constant
unto the sentence of death defined against him, being a condemned and
a dead man by law, who had, as much as to devotion and fear
appertained, "suffered already what he might or could suffer," as
Cyprian said by Cornelius; that he, I say, which a little before, in
the month of September, stood so constant in defence of Christ's
faith, would now, in the month of January, rise to destroy, annul, and
subvert Christ's faith, and the law of God, and holy church within the
realm of England?

  How can it be, not like only, but possible to he true, that he,
which never in all the time of his life denied the faith; which ever
confessed the faith so constantly; which was for the same faith
condemned; yea, and at last also burned for the faith; would ever
fight against the faith and law of God, to annul and subvert it? Let
us proceed yet further, and see when he should have so destroyed and
annulled the Christian faith and law of God in England, what faith or
law then could he, or did he, intend to bring into the realm of
England? the Turk's faith? or the Jew's faith? or the pope's faith? or
what faith else I pray you? for he that will be an enemy to the faith
of Christ, and will show himself a friend to no other faith besides, I
account him not out of his right faith, but out of his right wits.

  (C) And therefore, even as it is true, that Sir John Oldcastle
with his confederates and abettors were up in arms to subvert and
extinguish the faith of Christ and law of God in the realm of England,
so, by the like truth, it may be esteemed, that the same persons rose
also "to destroy their sovereign lord the king and his brethren."
First, thanks be to God, that neither the king nor any of his brethren
had any hurt by him. But his intent, saith the preface, was to destroy
their sovereign lord the king. Whereunto I answer with this
interrogatory, Whether was his intent privily to have destroyed him,
or by open force of arms? If privily, what needed then such a great
army of twenty thousand men, to achieve that secret feat? rather I
would think that he needed more the help of such as were near about
the king; as some of the king's privy chamber, or some of his secret
counsel; whereof neither chronicle nor record doth insinuate any
mention. If his intent was openly to invade the king; you must
understand Master Cope, that to withstand a king in his own realm,
many things are required: long time, great preparation, many friends,
great assistance, and aid of kindred, money, horse, men, armour, and
all other things appertaining for the same.

  Earl Godwin of Westsax, who had married Canute's daughter, being
a man both ambitious and as false a traitor, for all his six sons and
great alliance, yet durst not set upon King Edward to invade him in
his realm; although he sought many occasions so to do, yet never durst
he enterprise openly that which his ambition so greatly presumed unto.

  In the time of King Henry the Third, Simon Montfort, earl of
Gloucester, Gilbert Clare, earl of Leicester, Humfrey Rone, earl of
Ferrence, with a great number of lords and barons, thought themselves
to have great right on their sides; yet durst they not, for all their
power, openly assail the king in his realm, before great debatement
and talk first had between.

  Likewise, what murmuring and grudging was in the realm against
King Edward the Second, among the peers and nobles, and also prelates,
only Walter, bishop of Coventry, excepted, first for Gaveston, then
for the Spencers, at what time Thomas, earl of Lancaster, Guido, earl
of Warwick, with the most part of all other earls and barons,
concordly consenting together to the displacing first of Gaveston,
then of the Spencers, yet neither rashly, nor without great fear,
durst stir up war in the land, or disquiet or vex the king; but first,
by all means of moderate counsel, and humble petition, thought rather
to persuade, than to invade the king.

  In like manner, and with like grudging minds, in the reign of
King Richard the Second, Thomas Woodstock, duke of Gloucester, the
king's uncle, with the earls of Arundel, Warwick, and Derby, with the
power almost of the whole commons, stood up in arms against the king;
and yet, notwithstanding all their power joined together being so
great, and their cause seeming to them so reasonable, yet were they
not so hardy, straightways to fly upon the king, but by way of
parliament thought to accomplish that which their purpose had
conceived; and so did, without any war striking against the king.

  After King Richard the Second was deposed, and was in prison yet
living, divers noblemen were greatly inflamed against King Henry the
Fourth, as Sir John Holland, earl of Huntingdon, Thomas Spenser, earl
of Gloucester, the earls likewise of Kent and Salisbury, with Sir John
Cheiney, and others more, whereof divers had been dukes before, and
now deposed by King Henry the Fourth; although they had conceived in
their hearts great grudge and malice against the said King Henry yet
had they neither heart nor power openly, with man's force, to assail
the king, but secretly were compelled to achieve their conceived
intent, which notwithstanding they could not accomplish.

  Thus you may see, Master Cope, or else Master Harpsfield, or
whatsoever ye be, to gainstand a king, and with open force to
encounter with him in his own land, and in his own chamber of London,
where he is so sure and strong, what a matter and of how great
achievance it is, wherein so many and so great difficulties do lie,
the attempt so dangerous, the chances so uncertain, the furniture of
so many things required, that scarce in any king's days heretofore any
peers or nobles of the realm, were they never so strongly assisted
with power, wit, or counsel, yet either were able, or else well durst,
ever to enterprise upon a case so dangerous, notwithstanding they were
of themselves never so far from all fear of God, and true obedience.
And shall we then think, or can we imagine, Master Cope, that Sir John
Oldcastle, a man so well instructed in the knowledge of God's word,
being but a poor knight by his degree, having none of all the peers
and nobles in all the world to join with him, being prisoner in the
Tower of London a little before in the month of December, could now,
in the month of January, so suddenly, in such a hot season of the
year, start up an army of twenty thousand fighting men to invade the
king, to kill two dukes his brethren, to annul Christian faith, to
destroy God's law, and to subvert holy church? And why doth not he
add, moreover, to set also all London on fire, and to turn all England
into a fish-pool? Belike these men, which give out these figments of
Sir John Oldcastle, did think him to be one of Deucalion's stock, who
by casting of stones over his shoulder, could, by and by, make men at
his pleasure; or else that he had Cadmus' teeth to sow, to make so
many harvest-men to start up at once.

  But let us consider yet further of these twenty thousand
soldiers, so suddenly, without wages, without victual or other
provision, congregated together, what they were, from whence, out of
what quarter, county, or counties they came. In other kings' days,
whensoever any rebellion was against the king moved by the commons, as
when Jack Straw and Wat Tyler, of Kent and Essex, rose in the time of
King Richard the Second; when William Mandevil of Abingdon, Jack Cade
of Kent, in the time of King Henry the Sixth; in the time of King
Henry the Eighth, when the commotion was of rebels in Lincolnshire,
then in Yorkshire; when in King Edward the Sixth's time, Humphrey
Arundel in Devonshire, and Captain Kett in Norfolk, made stir against
the king, the country and parts from whence these rebels did spring,
were both noted and also defamed. In this so traitorous commotion,
therefore, let us now learn what men these were, and from what county
or counties in all England they came. If they came out of any, let the
chroniclers declare what counties they were. If they came out of none,
as none is named, then let them come out of Eutopia, where, belike,
this figment was first forged and invented. Wherefore, seeing neither
the county from whence they came, nor yet the names of any of all
these twenty thousand, do appear, what they were, either in chronicle
or in record, but remain altogether unknown, I leave it, gentle
reader, to thy judgment, to think thereupon, as thy wisdom shall lead
thee.

  (D) It followeth more in the aforesaid preface: "And to destroy
all other manner of estates of the same realm of England, as well
spiritual as temporal," &c. By the course of this preamble it
appeareth, that the said Sir John Oldcastle was a wonderful cruel
tyrant and murderer, who, being not yet satisfied with the blood of
the king, nor of the two dukes his brethren, would also make havoc and
sweepstake of all manner of estates in the realm of England. What! and
leave no manner of estate alive? No! neither lords spiritual nor
temporal, but all together shall be destroyed. And what had all these
estates done, thus so miserably to be destroyed? Although, percase,
the mood of this man might have been incensed and kindled against the
king and the lords spiritual, by whom he had been condemned, as is
aforesaid; yet why should all other manner of other estates both
spiritual and temporal be killed? If none of all the estates in
England, neither duke, earl, baron, lord, knight, or other gentleman
had been his friend, but all his enemies, how then is it like, that
he, having all the estates, peers, nobles, and gentlemen of the realm
against him, and none to stand with him, either could or durst attempt
any commotion against the whole power of the land, he being but one
gentleman only, with Sir Roger Acton and Master Brown left alone? At
least, good reason yet would, that those hundred knights should have
been spared out of this bloody slaughter, whom he offered to reduce
unto the king, before, for his purgation. And, finally, if this was
his purpose, that all these estates both spiritual and temporal should
have been cut down, what needed then that he should have made himself
a regent, whenas he might as well have made himself a king, or what
else he would, being left then prince alone?

  (E) The preamble, as it began with untruth, and continued in the
same figure, heaping one untruth upon another, so now endeth with
another misreport as untrue as the rest, showing and declaring that
the intent of Sir John Oldcastle was also, "To destroy all manner of
policy," and, finally, "the laws of the land," &c. We read of William
the Conqueror, otherwise named William Bastard, who, being a puissant
duke in his country, when that the crown of England was allotted to
him, and he coming over with all his peers, nobles, and barons of his
whole land, into this realm, and had with great difficulty obtained
victory against King Harold; yet to alter and destroy the policy and
the laws of the land, it passed his power; insomuch that it had not
been permitted unto him to have proceeded so far as he did, unless he
had first sworn to the nobles of this land, to retain still the laws
of King Edward, as he found them. And albeit he afterward forswore
himself, breaking his oath in altering and changing many of the
aforesaid laws, yet, wild he, nild he, he could not so destroy them
all, (for the which much war and great commotions endured long after
in the realm,) but that he was constrained, and also contented, to
allow and admit a great part of the said laws of King Edward. And if
he, being king and conqueror, with all his strength of Normans and
Englishmen about him, was too weak and insufficient to destroy all
manner of policy and laws of this land which he had conquered; how
much less then is it to be supposed that Sir John Oldcastle, being but
a private subject, and a poor knight, and a condemned prisoner,
destitute and forsaken of all lords, earls, and barons, who, to save
his own life, had more to do than he could well compass, would either
take in hand or conceive in his head any such exploit, after the
subversion of Christian faith and law of God, after the slaughter of
the king and all manner of estates, as well spiritual as temporal, in
the realm of England, after the desolation of holy church, to destroy
also all manner of policy, and finally, the laws of the land? Which
monstrous and incredible figment, how true it may seem to Master Cope,
or to some other late chroniclers of the like credulity, I cannot
tell.

  But here will it be said again, perhaps, that the matter of such
preambles and prefaces being but pursuants of statutes, and containing
but words of course, to aggravate and to give a show of a thing which
they would have to seem more odious to the people, is not so precisely
to be scanned, or exquisitely to be stood upon, as for the ground of a
necessary case of truth.

  This is it, Master Cope, that I said before, and now do well
grant and admit the same, that such preambles or forefaces lined with
a non sequitur, containing in them matter but of surmise, and words of
course, and rather monsters out of course, and many times rising upon
false information, are not always in themselves material or necessary
probations in all points to be followed; as appeareth, both by this
statute, and also by the statute of this king's father. And yet,
notwithstanding, out of these same preambles and forefronts of
statutes, and other indictments, which, commonly rising upon matter of
information, run only upon words of course, of office, and not upon
simple truth, a great part of our chroniclers do often take their
matter, which they insert into their stories, having no respect or
examination of circumstanccs to be compared, but only following bare
rumours, or else such words as they see in such fabling prefaces or
indictments expressed; whereby it cometh so to pass, that the younger
chronicler following the elder, as the blind leading the blind, both
together fall into the pit of error. And you also, Master Cope,
following the steps of the same, do seem likewise to err together with
them for good fellowship. And thus concerning the face of this statute
hitherto sufficiently.

  Now let us consider and discuss in like manner, first the
coherence, then the particular contents, of the said statute: as
touching the which coherence, if it be well examined, a man shall find
almost a chimera of it, in which neither the head accordeth with the
body, nor yet the branches of the statute well agree with themselves.

  For whereas the preface of the statute standeth only upon matter
of treason, conceived by false suggestion and wrong information, the
body of the said statute, which should follow upon the same, runneth
only upon matter of heresy pertaining to the ordinaries, as by every
branch thereof may appear.

  (F) For first, Where he saith, "At the instance and request of
the ordinaries or their commissaries," &c.: hereby it appeareth, this
to be no cause of treason nor felony; for that every man, of duty, is
bound to, and by the laws of the realm may, arrest and apprehend a
traitor or a felon, if he can; where otherwise by this statute, an
officer is not bound to arrest him which offendeth in case of this
statute, without request made by the ordinaries or their commissaries;
and therefore this offence seemeth neither to be treason nor felony.

  (G) Secondly, Where it followeth, that "the same ordinaries and
commissaries do pay for their costs," &c.: this allowance of the
officers' charges in this sort proveth this offence neither treason
nor felony.

  (H) Thirdly, Where the statute willeth the king to be "answered
of the year, day, and wast," &c.: by this also is proved the offence
not to be treason; for else in cases of treason, the whole
inheritance, I trow, Master Cope, (speaking as no great skilful
lawyer,) is forfeit to the prince.

  (I) The fourth argument I take out of these words of the statute,
"Whereas such lands and tenements which are holden of the ordinaries,
are willed wholly to remain to the king as forfeit," &c.: whereby it
is manifest, that the prelates for their matter of Lollardy only were
the occasioners and procurers of this statute; and therefore were
barren of the benefit of any forfeit rising thereby, as good reason
was they should. And thus it is notorious, that the preface running
specially and principally upon treason, and the statute running
altogether upon points of heresy, do not well cohere nor join
together.

  (K) Fifthly, In that "such persons indicted shall be delivered
unto the ordinaries of the places," &c.: it cannot be denied, but that
this offence concerneth no manner of treason, forasmuch as ordinaries
cannot be judges in cases of treason or felony, by the laws of our
realm, Bract. in fine libri 1.

  (L) Sixthly, By the indictments provided "not to be taken in
evidence, but only for information, before the judges spiritual," &c.:
it is likewise to be noted, to what end these indictments were taken;
to wit, only to inform the ordinaries, which cannot be in cases of
treason.

  (M) Lastly, Where it followeth, toward the end of the statute,
touching escape or breaking of prison, &c.: by this it may lightly be
smelt, whereto all the purpose of this statute driveth; that is, to
the special escape of the Lord Cobham out of the Tower, to this end,
to have his lands and possessions forfeit unto the king. And yet the
same escape of the Lord Cobham, in this statute considered, is taken
by Mr. Justice Stanford, in the first book of the Pleas of the Crown,
cap. 33, to be an escape of one arrested for heresy, where he speaketh
of the case of the Lord Cobham.

  Moreover, as touching the parts of this aforesaid statute, how
will you join these two branches together, whereas in the former part
is said, "That the lands of such persons convict shall be forfeit to
the king, not before they be dead:" and afterwards it followeth, "That
their goods and possessions shall be forfeit at the day of their
arrest to the king?" But herein standeth no such great doubt, nor
matter to be weighed. This is without all doubt, and notoriously,
evidently, and most manifestly may appear, by all the arguments and
whole purport of the statute; that as well the preamble and preface
thereof, as the whole body of the said statute, were made, framed, and
procured only by and through the instigation, information, and
excitation, of the prelates and the popish clergy; not so much for any
treason committed against the king, but only for fear and hatred of
Lollardy tending against their law, which they more dreaded and
abhorred than ever any treason against the prince. And then, to set
the king and all the states against them, whereby the more readily to
work their despatch, they thought it best, and none so compendious a
policy, as prettily to join treason together with their Lollardy;
wherein the poor men once entangled, could no ways escape destruction.

  This, Master Cope, have I said, and say again, not as one
absolutely determining upon the matter. At the doing whereof, as I was
not present myself, so with your own Hall, I may and do leave it at
large, but as one leading the readers by all conjectures and arguments
of probability and of due circumstances, to consider with themselves
what is further to be thought in these old accustomed practices and
proceedings of these prelates. Protesting, moreover, Master Cope, in
this matter to you, that those chronicles which you so much ground
upon, I take them in this matter neither to be as witnesses
sufficient, nor as judges competent; who, as they were not themselves
present at the deed done, no more than I, but only following uncertain
rumours, and words of course and office, bringing with them no certain
trial of that which they do affirm, may therein both be deceived
themselves, and also deceive you and other which depend upon them.

  And hitherto concerning this statute enough: out of which statute
you see, Master Cope, that neither your chroniclers, nor you, can take
any great advantage, to prove any treason in the Lord Cobham, or in
his fellows, as hath been hitherto abundantly declared in the
premises.

    Thus then having sufficiently cleared the Lord Cobham and his
partners, from all that  you can object unto them out of records and
statutes, let us now come to your English chroniclers wherewith you
seem to press me, and to oppress them, whom ye name to be Robert
Fabian, Edward Hall, Polydore Virgil, Thomas Cooper, Richard Grafton,
with other brief epitomes and summaries, &c.; concerning which
authors, as I have nothing to say, but to their commendations, in this
place; so, if that you had avouched the same to the commendation
rather than to the reproof of others, I would better have commended
your nature, and believed your cause. But now, like a spider-catcher,
sucking out of every one what is the worst, to make up your laystall,
you heap up a dunghill of dirty dialogues, containing nothing in them
but malicious railing, virulent slanders, manifest untruths,
opprobrious contumelies, and stinking blasphemy, able almost to
corrupt and infect the air. Such is the malady and cacoethes of your
pen, that it beginneth to bark, before it hath learned well to write;
which of yours, nevertheless, I do not here reproach or contemn, as
neither do I greatly fear the same. God, of his mercy, keep the sword
out of the papists' hand: it is not the pen of the papists I greatly
pass upon, though twenty Copes and so many surplices were set against
the Book of Monuments, were I so disposed, Master Cope, to dally, or,
as the Greeks do say, [Greek: Autos eoe] and to repay again
as I am provoked. But, in despiteful railing, and in this satirical
sort of barking, I give you over, and suffer you therein to pass not
only yourself, but also Cerberus himself, if ye will, the great ban-
dog of Pluto. Mildness and humanity rather beseemeth, and is the grace
of the Latin phrase. If ye could hit upon the vein thereof, it would
win you much more honesty with all honest men: but the Lord hereafter
may call you, which I beseech him to do, and to forgive you that you
have done.

  In the mean time, seeing this your prattling pen must needs be
walking, yet this you might have learned of these your own authors
whom you allege, more civilly to have tempered your fume in exclaiming
against them whose cause is to you not perfectly known. And now
briefly to answer to these your aforesaid writers, as witnesses
produced against these men: there be two things (as I take it) in
chronicle writers to be considered; first, the grounds which they
follow; secondly, in what place they serve.

  As touching the order and ground of writing among these
chroniclers, ye must consider, and cannot be ignorant, that as none of
all these by you forenamed was present at the deed, nor witness of the
fact, so have they nothing of themselves herein certainly to affirm,
but either must follow public rumour and hearsay for their author; or
else one of them must borrow of another: whereof neither seemeth to me
sufficient; for, as public rumour is never certain, so one author may
soon deceive another.

  By reason whereof it cometh oft to pass, that as these story-
writers hit many times the truth, so again all is not in the gospel
that they do write: wherefore great respect is here to be had, either
not to credit rashly every one that writeth stories, or else to see
what grounds they have whom we do follow.

  Now to demand, Master Cope, of you, what authority or foundation
hath your Robert Fabian, have Polydore Virgil, Edward Hall, and other
of your authors, to prove these men to be traitors? what authority do
they avouch? what acts, what registers, what records, or out of what
court do they show, or what demonstration do they make? And do you
think it sufficient, because these men do only affirm it, without
further probation, with your [Greek: Autos eoe], therefore we
are bound to believe it? Take me not so, Master Cope, that I do here
diminish any thing, or derogate from the credit of those writers you
allege, whose labours have deserved well, and serve to great utility:
but coming now to trial of a matter lying in controversy between us,
we are now forced to seek out the fountain and bottom of the truth,
where it is not enough to say, So it is, but the cause is to be showed
why it is so affirmed. And what though Robert Fabian, Polydore Virgil,
and Edward Hall should altogether (as they do not) agree in the
treason of Sir John Oldcastle, and of the rest? yet neither is this
any sufficient surety to prove them traitors;; considering that
writers of stories, for the most part following either blind report,
or else one taking of another, use commonly all to sound together
after one tune, so that as one saith, all say; and if one err, all do
err. Wherefore you see, Master Cope, how it is not sufficient nor sure
to stick only to the names and authorities of chronographers, unless
the ground be found substantial whereupon they stand themselves, which
yet in none of these whom you have produced doth appear.

  Secondly, In alleging and writing of chronicles, it is to be
considered to what place and effect they serve. If ye would show out
of them the order and course of times, what years were of dearth and
of plenty, where kings kept their Christmas, what conduits were made,
what mayors and sheriffs were in London, what battles were fought,
what triumphs and great feasts were holden, when kings began their
reign, and when they ended, &c.: in such vulgar and popular affairs
the narration of the chronicler serveth to good purpose, and may have
his credit, wherein the matter forceth not much whether it be true or
false, or whether any listeth to believe them. But where a thing is
denied, and in cases of judgment, and in controversies doubtful, which
are to be decided and bolted out by evidence of just demonstration; I
take them neither for judges of the bench, nor for arbiters of the
cause, nor as witnesses of themselves sufficient necessarily to be
sticked unto: albeit I deny not but histories are taken many times,
and so termed, for witnesses of times, and glasses of antiquity, &c.,
yet not such witnesses as whose testimony beareth always a necessary
truth, and bindeth belief.

  The two witnesses which came against Susanna, being senators,
both of ancient years, bare a great countenance of a most evident
testimony, whereby they almost both deceived the people and oppressed
the innocent, had not young Daniel, by the Holy Spirit of God, taken
them aside, and severally examining them one from the other, found
them to be false liars both; leaving to us thereby a lesson of
wholesome circumspection, not rashly to believe all that cometh, and
also teaching us how to try them out. Wherefore, Master Cope,
following here the like example of Daniel in trying these your records
which ye infer against these men, we will, in like manner, examine
them severally one from another, and see how their testimony agreeth:
first, beginning with your Robert Fabian; which Robert Fabian, being
neither in the same age, nor at the deed-doing, can of himself give no
credit herein, without due proof and evidence convenient.

  How then doth Robert Fabian prove this matter of treason to be
true? what probation doth he bring? what authority doth he allege? And
doth Robert Fabian think, if he were not disposed to conceive of the
Lord Cobham and those men, a better opinion but to be traitors, that
men are bound to believe him only at his word, without any ground or
cause declared, why they should so do, but only because he so saith,
and it pleased him so to write? And if ye think, Master Cope, the word
only of this witness sufficient to make authority, speaking against
the Lord Cobham, and proving nothing which followed so many years
after him; why may not I, as well and much rather, take the word and
testimony of Richard Belward, a Norfolk man of the town of Crisam,
who, living both in his time, and possibly knowing the party, and
punished also for the like truth, is not reported, but recorded also
in the registers of the church of Norwich, to give this testimony,
among other his articles, for the aforesaid Lord Cobham, viz. that Sir
John Oldcastle was a true catholic man, and falsely condemned, and put
to death without a reasonable cause, &c.

  Against this man if you take exception, and say, that one heretic
will hold with another; why may not I, with the like exception, reply
to you again, and say as well, one papist will hold with another, and
both conjure together, to make and say the worst against a true
protestant?

  Further yet to examine this aforesaid Fabian, witness against Sir
John Oldcastle, as Daniel examined the witnesses against Susanna: I
will not here ask under what tree these adherents of Sir John
Oldcastle conspired against the king, and subversion of the land, but
in what time, in what year and month, this conspiracy was wrought?
Fabian witnesseth, that it was in the month of January. Contrariwise,
Edward Hall, and others our abridgementers, following him, do affirm
that they were condemned in the Guildhall the twelfth of December, and
that their execution upon the same was in January following, so that
by their sentence the fact was done either in the month of December,
or else before; or, if it were in the month of January, as Fabian
saith, then is Hall and his followers deceived, testifying the fact to
be done in the month of December.

  And yet to object, moreover, against the said Fabian, forasmuch
as he is such a rash witness against these burned persons, whom he
calleth traitors, it would be demanded further of him, or in his
absence of Master Cope, in what year this treason was conspired? If it
were in the same year, as he confesseth himself, in which year John
Claydon, the skinner, and Richard Turming, baker, were burned, then
was it neither in the month of January, nor in the first year of King
Henry the Fifth, for in the register of Canterbury it appeareth plain,
that John Claydon was condemned neither in the time of Thomas Arundel,
archbishop, nor yet in the first or second year of King Henry the
Fifth, but was condemned in the second year of the translation of
Henry Chichesly, archbishop of Canterbury, the seventeenth day of
August, which was the year of our Lord 1415: so that if this
conspiracy was in the same year, after the witness of Fabian, in which
year John Claydon was burned, then doth the testimony of Fabian
neither accord with other witnesses, nor with himself, nor yet with
truth. And thus much concerning the witness of Robert Fabian.

  Let us next proceed to Polydore Virgil, whose partial and untrue
handling of our history, in other places of his books, doth offer to
us sufficient exception not to admit his credit in this: and yet
because we will rather examine him than exclude him, let us hear a
little what he saith, and how he faileth, and in how many points,
numbering the same upon my five fingers.

  First, ending with the life of King Henry the Fourth, he saith,
that he reigned fourteen years and six months, and two days, which is
an untruth worthy to be punished with a whole year's banishment, (to
speak after the manner of Apuleius,) when, as truth is, he reigned, by
the testimony of the story of St. Alban's, of Fabian, of Hall, of our
old English chronicle, and of Scala Mundi, but thirteen and six
months, lacking, as some say, five days; Hall saith he reigned but
twelve years.

  The second untruth of Polydore is this, whereas he, speaking of
this sedition of Sir John Oldcastle and his adherents, affirmeth the
same to be done after the burning of John Huss, and Jerome of Prague,
which was, saith he, A. D. 1415, in which year, saith he, Thomas
Arundel died: in which words he not only erreth, falsely assigning the
cause and occasion of this sedition to the death of John Huss, and of
Jerome, but also misseth as much in the order and computation of the
years. For neither was Sir Roger Acton, with his aforesaid fellows,
alive at the time of the council; neither doth he agree therein with
any of our English writers, except only with Hall, who also erreth
therein as wide as he.

  For the third and fourth untruth I note this, where he addeth and
saith, that after this rebellion raised against the king, the said Sir
John Oldcastle, being there present himself, was taken and imprisoned
in the Tower, and afterward escaped out of the said Tower by night:
wherein is contained a double untruth; for neither was Sir John
Oldcastle there present himself, if we believe Fabian and Cope,
neither yet did he ever escape out of the Tower after that conspiracy,
if ever any such conspiracy was.

  His fifth, but not the last untruth in Polydore, is this, that he
states Thomas Arundel to have died in the same year, noting the year
to be A. D. 1415, whereas by the true registers he died A. D. 1414.

  To this untruth another may be joined, where he, erring in the
computation of the years of the said Thomas Arundel, archbishop of
Canterbury, reporteth him to sit twenty-two years; who was there
archbishop but only eighteen years, as is to be seen in the records of
Canterbury. Albeit in this I do not greatly contend with Polydore,
and, peradventure, the adversary will find some easy shift for this
matter.

  But let us now pass from Polydore, not, as they say, out of the
hall into the kitchen, but out of the kitchen into the hall, examining
and perpending what saith Edward Hall, another witness in this matter;
upon whom Master Cope bindeth so fast that he supposeth his knot is
never able to be loosed. And, moreover, he so treadeth me down under
his feet in the dirt, as a man would think him some dirt-dauber's son,
"so that the spots thereof," he saith, "will never be gotten out while
the world standeth, and a day longer." Notwithstanding I trust, Master
Cope, that your dirty pen, with your cockish brags, hath not so
bedaubed and bespotted me, nor yet convicted me to be such a depraver
of histories, but I hope to spunge it out. At least with a little
asperges of the pope's holy water, I trust to come to a dealbabor (i.
e. a whitener) well enough. But, certes, Master Cope, your mastership
must first understand, that if ye think so to depress and disprove me
of untruth in my history, you must go more groundly to work, and bring
against me other authors than Edward Hall. You must consider, Master
Cope, if you be a controller of story-matters, it is not enough for
you to bring a railing spirit, or a mind disposed to carp and cavil
where any matter may be picked: diligence is required, and great
searching out of books and authors, not only of our time, but of all
ages. And especially where matters of religion are touched pertaining
to the church, it is not sufficient to see what Fabian or what Hall
saith; but the records must be sought, the registers must be turned
over, letters also and ancient instruments ought to be perused, and
authors with the same compared: finally, the writers amongst
themselves one to be conferred with another; and so with judgment
matters are to be weighed, with diligence to be laboured, and with
simplicity, pure from all addition and partiality, to be uttered.

  Thus did Aventine, thus did Sleidan, write. These helps also the
eldest and best historians seemed to have, both Livy, Sallust, Quintus
Curtius, and such-like; as by their letters and records inserted may
well appear. The same helps likewise, both in your Fabian, and in your
Edward Hall, were to be required, but especially in you, Master Cope,
yourself, which take upon you so cockishly, rather than wisely, to be
a controller and master moderator of other men's matters: in which
matters, to say the truth, you have no great skill, and less
experience; neither have you such plenty of authors meet for that
purpose, nor yet ever travelled to search out the origins and grounds
of that whereof ye write; but contented with such only as cometh next
to hand, or, peradventure, receiving such alms as some of your poor
friends bestow upon you, you think it sufficient if you can allege
Fabian and Hall for your purpose.

  Now what purpose and affection herein doth lead you, or rather
doth drive you, to the carping and barking against the history of
these good men that be hence gone, and had their punishment, all men
may see it to be no simple sincerity of a mind indifferent, but the
zeal only of your sect of popery, or rather of fury, which setteth
your railing spirit on fire. But now, out of the fiery kitchen to come
to the hall again, let us see what matter lieth in the testimony of
Edward Hall, to prove these men to be traitors. And here forasmuch,
Master Cope, as you seem neither sufficiently acquainted with this
your own master and author, Master Hall, nor yet well experienced in
the searching out of histories, I will take a little pains for you, in
this behalf, to certify you, concerning the story of this author,
whereof, percase, you yourself are ignorant.

  The truth whereof is this, that as the said Edward Hall, your
great master and testis, was about the compiling of his story, certain
there were which resorted to him, of whom some were drawers of his
pedigree and vineat, some were gravers, the names of whom were John
Betts, and Tyrral, which be now both dead. And other there were of the
same sodality, who be yet alive, and were then in the house of Richard
Grafton, both the printer of the said book, and also, as is thought, a
great helper of the penning of the same. It so befell, that as Hall
was entering into the story of Sir John Oldcastle, of Sir Roger Acton,
and their fellows, the book of John Bale, touching the story of the
Lord Cobham, was the same time newly come over: which book was privily
conveyed, by one of his servants, into the study of Hall, so that in
turning over his books it must needs come to his hands. At the sight
whereof, when he saw the ground and reasons in that book contained, he
turned to the authors in the aforesaid book alleged; whereupon, within
two nights after, moved by what cause I know not, but so it was, that
he, taking his pen, rased and cancelled all that he had written before
against Sir John Oldcastle and his fellows, and was now ready to go to
the print, containing near to the quantity of three pages. And lest,
Master Cope, you or any other should think me to speak beside my book,
be it therefore known both to you, and to all others, by these
presents, that the very selfsame first copy of Hall, rased and crossed
with his own pen, remaineth in my hands to be shown and seen, as need
shall require. The matter which he cancelled out, came to this effect.
Wherein he, following the narration of Polydore, began with like words
to declare how the sacramentaries here in England, after the death of
John Huss, and Jerome of Prague, being pricked, as he saith, with a
demoniacal sting, first conspired against the priests, and after
against the king, having to their captains Sir John Oldcastle the Lord
Cobham, and Sir Roger Acton, knight; with many more words to the like
purpose and effect, as Polydore, and other such-like chroniclers do
write against him. All which matter, notwithstanding, the said Hall,
with his pen, at the sight of John Bale's book, did utterly extinguish
and abolish; adding in the place thereof the words of Master Bale's
book, touching the accusation and condemnation of the said Lord Cobham
before Thomas Arundel, archbishop of Canterbury, taken out of the
letter of the said archbishop, as is in his own story to be seen.

  And thus Edward Hall, your author, revoking and calling back all
that he had devised before against the Lord Cobham, (whereof I have
his own hand to show, and witness substantial upon the same,) in his
printed book recordeth of him no more, but only showeth the process
between the archbishop of Canterbury and him, for matters of religion.
And so, ending with Sir John Oldcastle, he proceedeth further to the
assembly of Sir Roger Acton, (whom he falsely calleth Robert Acton,)
John Brown, and Beverly, the narration whereof he handleth in such
sort, that he neither agreeth with the record of other writers, nor
yet with the truth itself. For where he excludeth the Lord Cobham out
of that assembly, he discordeth therein from Polydore and others; and
where he affirmeth the fact of that conspiracy to be wrought before,
or at the twelfth day of December, that is manifestly false, if the
records before alleged be true. And where he reporteth this assembly
to be after the burning of John Huss, and of Jerome of Prague, therein
he accordeth with Polydore, but not with the truth. Moreover, so
doubtful he is and ambiguous, in declaration of his story, that no
great certainty can be gathered of him.

  First, as touching the confession of them, he confesseth himself
that he saw it not, and therefore leaveth it at large; and as
concerning the causes of their death, he leaveth the matter in doubt,
not daring (as doth Master Cope) to define or pronounce any thing
thereof, but only recite the surmises and minds of divers men
diversely, some thinking it was for conveying the Lord Cobham out of
the Tower, some that it was for treason and heresy. And here cometh in
the mention only of a record, but what record it is neither doth he
utter it, nor doth he examine it; otherwise again affirming, as he
saith, that it was for feigned causes surmised by the spiritualty,
more of displeasure than truth. And thus your author Hall, having
recited the variety of men's opinions, determineth himself no certain
thing thereof; but, as one indifferent, neither bound to the
conjectures of all men, nor to the witnesses of all men, referreth the
whole judgment of the matter free unto the reader. And so, concluding
his narration, forasmuch as he was neither a witness of the fact, nor
present at the deed, he overpasseth the story thereof.

  And what witness then will you, or can you, Master Cope, take of
Edward Hall, which denieth himself to be a witness? will you compel
him to say that he saw not, and to witness that he cannot? Wherefore,
like as Susanna, in the story of Daniel, was quit by right judgment in
the case of adultery, because her accusers and witnesses, being
examined asunder, were found to vary and halt in their tale, and not
to agree in the two trees; so why may not, in like case of treason,
Sir Roger Acton, Sir John Oldcastle, Brown, with the rest, claim the
same privilege? seeing among the accusers and witnesses produced
against them such discord is found, and such halting among them, that
neither do they agree in place, person, year, day, nor month.

  For first, Where Fabian and his fellows say,that they were
assembled together in a great company in the field near to St. Giles,
the forged indictment above alleged saith, they were but riding toward
the field.

  Secondly, Where the aforesaid indictment, and Polydore, give the
Lord Cobham to be present personally in that assembly, Hall, and
Alanus Copus, Anglus, do exclude his personal presence from thence;
and so doth Fabian also seem to agree, speaking only of the adherents
of Sir John Oldcastle.

  Thirdly, Where Hall and Polydore report this assembly to be after
the burning of John Huss and of Jerome, at the council of Constance,
which was A. D. 1415, that cannot be; but if there were any such
conspiracy in the first year of Henry the Fifth, it must needs be in
1413. And here, by the way, why do certain of your epitome-writers,
speaking of the Lord Cobham, committed first to the Tower for heresy,
refer the said imprisonment to the year 1412, whereas by their own
count, reckoning the year from the Annunciation, it must needs be in
the year 1413, being done in harvest-time.

  Fourthly, Where Hall with his followers affirm that Sir Roger
Acton, Brown, and Beverly were condemned the twelfth day of December,
the record is evident against it, which holdeth the fact to be in
working, the tenth day of January.

  Fifthly, Whereas the aforesaid record of the indictment giveth
the Wednesday next after the Epiphany, which was the tenth day of
January that present year, both the fact to be committed the same day,
the commission also to be granted and delivered to the commissioners
the same day, the said commissioners to sit in commission the same
day, the sheriffs of Middlesex to return a jury out of the body of
Middlesex the same day, and the jurors to find the indictment on the
same day; and yet no juror in the indictment named the same day.

  Item, the Lord Cobham the same day to be found conspiring to make
himself regent, whenas the king, that day and year, was not yet passed
into France -- how all these can concur and hang together, and all in
one day -- I suppose it will cost you two days before you, with all
your learned council, will study it out; and when you, in your
unlawful assemblies, have conspired and conferred together all ye can,
yet will ye make it (as I think) three days, before you honestly
despatch your hands of the matter.

  And where ye think that ye have impressed in me such a foul note
of lying, never to be clawed off while the world standeth, yet shall
the posterity to come judge between you and me, whether shall appear
more honest and true, my defence for that worthy lord, or your
uncourteous and viperous wrangling against him, moved with no other
cause but only with the peevish spirit of popery, which can abide
nothing but that savoureth of your own sect. For else, how many loud
lying legends, yea, what legions of lies, are daily used and received
in the popish church! What doltish dreams! what feigned miracles! what
blasphemous tales, and friarly fables, and idle inventions, fighting
against the sincere religion, doctrine, and cross of Christ! And could
you hold your pen from all these, and find nothing else to set your
idleness on work, but only to write against the Lord Cobham, Sir Roger
Acton, Brown, Onley, Cowbridge, with a few others, whom with much ado
at length you have sought out, not so much for any true zeal to rebuke
iniquity, as craftily seeking matter by these to deface and blemish
the book of Acts and Monuments? which seemeth belike to make you
scratch there where it itcheth not. And if I should after the like
dealing take in hand your popish portues, and with the like diligence
excuse every popish martyr and saint there canonized; think you,
Master Cope, I could not make you out half a dozen as rank traitors
and rebels to their kings and princes, as ever were any of these of
your picking out? What pope almost hath there been these last five
hundred years, which hath not been a traitor to his emperor and
prince, and to his country? either openly rebelling against them, or
privily conspiring their destruction, or proudly setting their feet
upon their necks, or spurning their crowns off from their heads, or
making the son to fight against the father? How many have they
deposed, and set up other in their seats! How many emperors and kings
have they wrongfully cursed! What consuls of Rome have they resisted,
deposed, and put to death! What wars have they raised up against their
own country of Rome! Yea, the continual holding of the city of Rome
from his lawful emperor, what is it but a continual point of treason?

  What will you answer me, Master Cope, to the pope, which
conspired to let fall down a stone upon the emperor's head, kneeling
at his prayers?

  And though this treachery, being as big as a millstone, seemed
but a small mote in your eye, that it could not be espied, yet what
will ye say of the monk of Swinstead, that poisoned King John, who was
both absolved by his abbot before his treason committed, and after his
treason had a perpetual mass sung for him, to help him out of
purgatory? And what think ye in your conscience is to be said of
Thomas Becket, who did enough, and more than became him, to set the
French king and the king of England together by the ears? Of Anselm
likewise, and of Stephen Langton, who departed both out of the realm
to complain of their princes and sovereigns? The like may be said also
of John Peckham. John Stratford, archbishop of the same see of
Canterbury, notoriously resisted the king's commandment, being sent
for by King Edward the Third, to come to the parliament at York;
through the default of whose coming the present opportunity of getting
of Scotland was the same time lost.

  Richard Scrope, archbishop of York, was openly in arms to rebel
and fight against King Henry the Fourth, for the which he was
condemned and put to death: and yet, notwithstanding, commission was
sent down from the pope shortly after, to excommunicate them which put
him to death, his treason notwithstanding. Read the story sincerely of
Pope Benedict the Twelfth, and of Pope Clement the Sixth, and see how
the traitorous rebellion of these two popes against Louis, their
rightful emperor, can be defended; which emperor at last was also
poisoned, and not without the practice of Pope Clement, as Hieronimus
Marius doth credibly witness.

  In the reign of King Edward the Second, mention was made before
of Thomas, earl of Lancaster, who, with a great number of other nobles
and barons of the realm, rose in armour against their prince, and,
therefore, at length were put to death as traitors. And yet,
notwithstanding this treason committed, Master Cope, if you be so
ignorant in our stories that you know it not, set your setters-on to
search, and you shall find it true, that certain noblemen went up to
Rome, for the canonizing of the said Thomas of Lancaster to be made a
saint, and obtained the same; insomuch that in a certain old calendar,
the name of the said St. Thomas of Lancaster is yet extant to be seen.

  In the fourth book of the Acts and Monuments, mention was made of
Edmund Abbingdon, archbishop of Canterbury, whom although I do not
disprove, but rather commend, in my history, for his bold and sage
counsel given unto King Henry the Third, and also for offering the
censure of excommunication against the king in so necessary a cause,
yet, notwithstanding, the same Edmund afterwards, about his latter
end, went up with a rebelling mind to complain of his king unto the
pope, and in his journey died, before his return; who, afterward, for
the same was canonized by the pope, and now shineth among the saints
in the pope's calendar.

  Let us come more near to these days and times, and consider the
doings of Thomas Arundel, archbishop of Canterbury, who being first
deposed and exiled for his contemptuous deserts against the king, and
afterwards coming in with Henry Bolingbroke, duke of Hereford, in open
arms, and with main force, rose against his natural and lawful king.
Think you, Master Cope, this is not as great a point of treason, as
that which was done in Thickets' fields? and though he be not placed
among the portuous saints, yet I think nothing contrary, but in your
heart you will not greatly stick to say, Holy St. Thomas, pray for us.

  All these things well considered, tell me, Master Cope, I pray
you, is treason such a strange and uncouth thing in your pope-catholic
church, that your burning zeal of obedience to kings and princes
cannot read the story of the Lord Cobham and Sir Roger Acton, but your
pen must needs be inflamed to write against them, and yet so many
traitors in your own calendars neither seen nor once spoken of? And if
the traitorous conspiracy and rebellion of so many your calendar
saints, committed against emperors, kings, and princes, cannot stir
your zeal, nor move your pen; nor if the treason of Pope Gregory the
Ninth, raising war against his own city of Rome, and causing thirty
thousand citizens in one battle to be slain, deserveth not to be
espied and accused, as much as this treason of the Lord Cobham; yet
what will you or can you answer to me, Master Cope, as touching the
horrible treason of Pope Gregory the Seventh, committed not against
emperor nor king, nor any mortal man, but against the Lord himself,
even against your God of your own making, being therein, as you say,
no substance of bread, but the very personal body, flesh, blood, and
bone of Christ himself; which body, notwithstanding, the aforesaid
Pope Gregory the Seventh took and cast with his own hands into the
burning fire, because he would not answer him to a certain doubt or
demand? Soothly, if Sir John Oldcastle had taken the body of King
Henry the Fifth, and thrown him into the fire, the fact being so
notoriously certain as this is, I would never have bestowed any word
in his defence. And could this, and so many other heinous treasons,
pass through your fingers, Master Cope, and no other to stick in your
pen but the Lord Cobham?

  Finally and simply to conclude with you, Master Cope, and not to
flatter you, what is the whole working, the proceedings, actions, and
practices of your religion, or hath been almost these five hundred
years, but a certain perpetual kind of treason, to thrust down your
princes and magistrates, to derogate from their right and
jurisdiction, and to advance your own majesties and dominations, as
hath been sufficiently above proved and laid before your faces in a
parliament holden in France, by the Lord Peter de Cugneriis?
Wherefore, if the assembly of these forenamed persons, either within
or without St. Giles's field, be such a great mote of treason in your
eyes, first look upon the great blocks and millstones of your own
traitors at home, and when you have well discussed the same, then
after pour out your wallet of trifling dialogues, or trialogues, if ye
list, against us, and spare us not. Not that I so think this to be a
sufficient excuse to purge the treason of these men, if your popish
calendars and legends be found full of traitors: but this I think,
that the same cause which made them to suffer as traitors, hath made
you also to rail against them for traitors, that is, mere hatred only
against their religion, rather than any true affection you have to
your princes and governors, who, if they had been as fervent in your
popery, and had suffered so much for the holy father of Rome, or for
the liberties of the holy mother church of Rome, I doubt not but they,
as holy children of Rome, had been rung into your Romish calendar with
a festum duplex, or at least with a festum simplex, of nine lessons;
also with a vigil, peradventure, before them.

  Now, because they were of the contrary profession, and enemies to
your great Diana you play with them as the Ephesian carvers did with
St. Paul, and worse. Ye thrust them out as seditious rebels, not only
out of life and body, but also cannot abide them to have any poor
harbour in their own friends' houses, among our Acts and Monuments to 
be remembered. In the which Acts and Monuments, if gentle Master
Ireneus, with his fellow Critobulus, in your clerkly dialogues, will
not suffer them to be numbered for martyrs; yet speak a good word for
them, Master Cope, they may stand for tests or witness-bearers of the
truth. And thus much for defence of them.

  Now to the other part of his accusation; wherein this Alarms
Copus, Anglus, in his [Greek: exapla], or six-fold dialogues,
contendeth and chafeth against my former edition, to prove me in my
history to be a liar, forger, impudent, a misreporter of truth, a
depraver of stories, a seducer of the world, and what else not; whose
virulent words, and contumelious terms, how well they become his
popish person, I know not. Certes, for my part, I never deserved this
at his hands wittingly, that I do know. Master Cope is a man whom yet
never I saw, and less offended, nor ever heard of him before. And if
he had not, in the front of his book, entitled himself to be an 
Englishman, by his writing I would have judged him rather some wild
Irishman, lately crept out of St. Patrick's purgatory, so wildly he
writeth, so fumishly he fareth.

  But I cease here, and temper myself, considering not what Master
Cope deserveth to be said unto, nor how far the pen here could run, if
it had its scope, but considering what the tractation rather of such a
serious cause requireth; and therefore seriously to say unto you,
Master Cope, in this matter; where you charge my history of Acts and
Monuments so cruelly, to be full of untruths, false lies, impudent
forgeries, depravations, fraudulent corruptions, and feigned fables;
briefly, and in one word, to answer you, not as the Lacones answered
to the letters of their adversary, with si, but with osi; would God,
Master Cope, that in all the whole book of Acts and Monuments, from
the beginning to the latter end of the same, were never a true story,
but that all were false, all were lies, and all were fables! would God
the cruelty of your catholics had suffered all them to live, of whose
death ye say now, that I do lie! Although I deny not but in that book
of Acts and Monuments, containing such diversity of matter, something
might overscape, yet I have bestowed my poor diligence. My intent was
to profit all men, to hurt none.

  If you, Master Cope, or any other, can better my rude doings, and
find things out more finely and truly, with all my heart I shall
rejoice with you and the commonwealth, taking profit by you. In
perfection of writing, of wit, cunning, dexterity, finesse, or other
endowments required in a perfect writer, I contend neither with you
nor any other. I grant that in a laboured story, such as you seem to
require, containing such infinite variety of matter as this doth, much
more time would be required: but such a time as I had, that I did
bestow; if not so laboriously as other could, yet as diligently as I
might.

  But here partly I hear what you will say -- I should have taken
more leisure and done it better. I grant and confess my fault; such is
my vice, I cannot sit all the day, Master Cope, fining and mincing my
letters, and combing my head, and smoothing myself all the day at the
glass of Cicero; yet, notwithstanding, doing what I can, and doing my
good will, methinks I should not be reprehended, at least not so much
railed on at Master Cope's hand; who if he be so pregnant in finding
fault with other men's labours, which is an easy thing to do, it were
to be wished, that he had enterprised himself upon the matter; and so
should have proved what faults might have been found in him. Not that
I herein do utterly excuse myself, yea, rather am ready to accuse
myself, but yet, notwithstanding, think myself ungently dealt withal
at Master Cope's hands; who, being mine own countryman, an Englishman,
as he saith, also of the same university, yea, college and school,
that I was of; knowing that the first edition of these Acts and
Monuments was begun in the far parts of Germany, where few friends, no
conference, small information could be had; and the same edition
afterward translated out of Latin into English by others, whilst I, in
the mean time, was occupied about other registers; and now the said
Cope, hearing moreover and knowing that I was about a new edition of
the same Acts and Monuments, at this present time to be set forth, for
the amending of divers things therein to be reformed, if he had known
any fault needful to be corrected, he might gently, by letters, have
admonished me thereof; gentleness would so have required it, time
would well have suffered it. Neither was he so far off, but he might
sooner have written a letter to me, than a book against me; neither
was I so ungrateful and inhuman, but I would have thanked him for his
monition; neither yet so obstinate, but being admonished, I would have
corrected willingly, where any fault had been committed.

  But herein your nature, Master Cope, doth right well appear.
First, in the said book of Acts and Monuments, where many other good
things be contained, not unfruitful nor unprofitable, peradventure,
for the instruction of your conscience, and wherein my labours perhaps
might have deserved your thanks, all that you dissemble and pass over,
only excepting those matters which make for cavillation. Thus the
black spider out of pleasant flowers sucketh his poison. And what book
is so pleasant and fruitful, though it were the pope's own portues,
yea, his own decretals, yea, his own very mass-book, to the reading
whereof if I brought the like mind so disposed to cavil, as you brink
to the reading of my history, but I could find out twice as many
"lies," "faults," "follies," as you have done in these Acts and
Monuments? and yet you have done pretty well.

  Besides all this, yet better to mark the goodness of your gentle
nature: be it so that I had been in some piece of my story deceived,
as I do not justify myself in all points therein, yet you,
understanding that I was about the correction of my book again, might
either have taken the best, and left the worst, or else have gently
taken the pains to have advertised me of such notes as you had,
without further exclamation, or at least might have deferred your
dialogues for a time, till the coming out of my book, to see first
what would in the later edition be altered. But belike your gall was
full, your haste could not tarry, your venom must needs burst out.

  Seeing therefore the order of your doings to be such, and
disposition of your nature so far from all humanity, dealing with me
so extremely, if I, thus provoked with your extremity again, should
now after this your currish nature shape you a name accordingly, and
instead of Cope, godfather you to be a perpetual sycophant, could you
much blame me? and doth not your sycophantical book well deserve it?
or think you I could not repay you again with like extremity as you
bring, and dress your drowsy, or rather lousy, Dialogues in their
right colours, if I were so disposed? But my purpose is with patience
to spare you, and rather to pray for you: God make you a good man!
Peradventure he may hereafter call you; and rather had I to win you,
than to sting you. Leaving therefore the consideration of your
ungrateful doings, I will now consider only the points wherein you
charge me in your book, answering briefly unto the same: briefly, I
say, because the greatness of this volume, and abundance of other more
fruitful matter, giveth me little leisure at this present to stand
about brawling words.

  First, he seemeth to be highly grieved with me for my calendar
prefixed before the Book of Monuments; wherein he hath no cause either
to be offended with me, or to chafe with himself. As touching which
calendar I have sufficiently and expressly declared before so much, as
might quickly satisfy this scruple of Master Cope, if he either would
have taken the pains, or else had had leisure to read the words
contained in the Latin preface before the book prefixed, which are
thus: Quanquam a me quidem non aliter Calendarium hoc institutum est,
nisi ut pro indice duntaxat suum cujusque Martyris mensem et annum
designante, at privatum lectoris serviret usum, &c.: in which words
preventing before the cavilling objection of the adversary, I
forewarned the reader aforehand touching the calendar, wherefore it
was ordained and prefixed; for no other purpose, but to serve the use
only of the reader, instead of a table, showing the year and month of
every martyr, what time he suffered, &c. What hurt, I pray you, is in
this calendar prefixed; before the Book of Monuments, more than in the
table of Master Cope's book set after his Dialogues? But Master Cope
had no leisure to peruse this place; it made not for his humour.

  But this grieveth him in the calendar, and that very sore: for
that I place in this calendar, Sir John Oldcastle, Sir Roger Acton,
Brown, Beverly, and other for martyrs; and displace for them other
holy, ancient martyrs and saints, as Anatholius, Sother, Dorothea,
Clarus, Lucianus, Severinus, &c. -- Answer. If Master Cope cannot
abide the Lord Cobham, Sir Roger Acton, Brown, and Beverly, which were
hanged, (as he saith, for treason,) to have the name of martyrs, then
let them bear the name of witness-bearers, or testes of the truth,
because they were also burned for the testimony oftheir faith: seeing
there is no difference in the said names, all is one to me by which
they are called. And where he chargeth me for thrusting and
shouldering out the old and ancient holy saints aforenamed out of this
calendar, and placing other new-come saints in their rooms; this is
not the first untruth that Master Cope hath made in his Dialogues, nor
yet the least: unto whom I might, therefore, fitly answer again with
his own familiar phrase, or rather the phrase of Cicero, which he doth
so much affect: Quod nimirum hic ipse Alanus Copus, Anglus, unde me
mendacii coarguit, inde sibi ipsi sempiternam ac indelebilem
turpissimi mendacii ac singularis impudentiæ notam inurat; for why
have not I as just cause to say this to him, as he to me? forasmuch as
in the first beginning and preface of the said book of Acts and
Monuments, I so diligently and expressly do warn all men beforehand,
first, that I make here no calendar purposely of any saints, but a
table of good and godly men that suffered for the truth, to show the
day and month of their suffering. My words be extant and evident,
which are these: Neque vero ideo inter divos a me referuntur isti,
quod inseruntur in calendarium, &c.; and declaring afterward how the
said calendar doth stand but instead of a table, my words do follow 
thus: Haud aliter calendarium hoc institutum est, nisi ut pro indice
duntaxat suum cujusque martyris mensem et annum designante, lectori ad
usum atque ad manum serviat, &c.

  Again, neither did I receive these men into that calendar, that
holy Anatholius, Sother, Dorothea, with other ancient holy saints,
should be removed out, as you do falsely and untruly affirm, but
because the course of that story, reaching but five hundred years, did
not comprehend those former times of such ancient martyrs, but only of
such as suffered in these latter days: therefore, requisite it was,
that in the table such should be placed chiefly of whom the whole book
did then principally and only treat; to demonstrate thereby the time
and day of their martyrdom. Neither yet were the other excluded out of
this new calendar, which were never inserted in the same before, but
only because both together could not there have standing; necessity so
there required these in no case to be omitted; and yet no injury meant
to the other to be excluded out of their own calendars, whereto
properly they did pertain. As for this calendar, or this table,
because they were not pertinent unto it, they could not therein,
neither was it necessary they should, be included: and yet neither did
I, Master Cope, without due and solemn protestation omit the same in
my aforesaid catalogue, to prevent and stop all cavilling mouths; as
by special words in the said proem of my book unto the reader doth
appear, following in this wise: Interim nullius ego boni sanctique
viri (modo qui vere sanctus sit) causam redo, nec memoriam extinguo,
nec gloriam minuo. Et si cui hoc displiceat calendarium, mimineret,
non in templis a me collocari sed domesticæ tantum lectioni præparari,
&c. And where is now, Master Cope, this your rejecting, expelling,
removing, expulsing, exempting, deturbating, and thrusting out, of
Anatholius, Sother, Dorothea, and other holy saints, out of
Catalogues, fasts, and calendars? or what man is that, or where
dwelleth he, "which tumbleth down true martyrs from heaven into hell?"
which if ye mean by me, in one word I answer, ye falsely belie me,
Master Copus; I had almost called you Master Capus, so like a capon
you speak. Neither have you, nor any other, ever heard me so say.
Neither have I ever heard of any so mad, to play so the giants with
their mountains to climb the heavens, to tumble down God's true and
holy martyrs out of heaven into hell, unless it were yourself, (as yet
ye are, ye may be better,) and such other of your gilded and popish
fraternity, which make of God's true saints stinking dunghills, (for
so ye term them in your books,) and not only thrust into heaven your
pseudosanctos, saints of your own making, whom God by his word, doth
not allow; but also depulse down from heaven, and make dunghills of
God's well-beloved servants, his faithful people and blessed martyrs,
which have died for the word of God. And what marvel then, if in your
blasphemous books ye cast down from heaven to hell the poor saints of
Christ, when in effect you deject also the blood and cross of the Son
of God, Christ Jesus himself, setting up the blood of St. Thomas in
his office and place. Say, Master Cope, your conscience indifferently;
set all popish partiality apart; whereas the Scripture teacheth us
simply, "Without blood there is no remission;" whether ye think, by
this blood of the New Testament is meant the blood of Christ alone, or
the blood of other more besides? If the blood of one must stand alone,
why do ye then with the giants build up your mountains, and make a
ladder of Becket's popish blood, for men to scale the heavens? Or in
so doing, how can you, but either with the protestants wipe out of 
your calendar the blood of Thomas, or else demolish from heaven the
blood of Christ, with the papists?

  Now what will the reader say, or what may he judge, considering
and conferring this your cavilling with the matter of my premonition
made before, but that you are altogether set to play the perpetual syc
-- : I had almost called you by your right name, Master Cope. But God
make you, as I said, a good man! -- Reading further in your book, I
could not but smile and laugh at this your ridiculous and most loud-
lying hyperbolismum; where you, comparing my making of saints with the
pope's making, can find, as ye say, in the pope, no such impudent
arrogancy in presuming, as ye find in me, &c. If the pope had not
abused his arrogant jurisdiction in canonizing and deifying his
saints, more than I have done, the year should not be cumbered with so
many idle holy-days, nor the calendars with so many rascal saints;
some of them as good as ever were they that put Christ to death.

  But where will you find, Master Cope, any man to believe this
your hyperbolical comparison to be true, which seeth and knoweth the
infinite and unmeasurable excess of the pope's arrogancy, not only in
shrining such a rabble of blind saints of his own creating, but also
in prescribing the same to be received universally in the whole world;
and not to be received only, but also to be invocated for gifts and
graces; also to be worshipped for advocates and mediators? wherein
riseth a double abomination of the pope, the one for his idolatrous
making and worshipping of saints; the other for his blasphemous injury
and derogation to Christ in repulsing him out of his office of
mediation, and placing other mediators of his own making.

  And now, to consider what saints these were, or what were the
causes of their sancting: what saint almost among all the pope's
saints shall you find, Master Cope, made within these five hundred
years, but commonly he was either some pope, or some rich bishop and
prelate, or some fat abbot, or some blind friar, some monk or nun,
some superstitious regular, or some builder of monasteries, or some
giver and benefactor to the popish clergy, or maintainer, agonizing
for the dignities and liberties of the popish church? What poor layman
or laywoman, were their lives never so Christian, their faith and
confession never so pure, their death never so agonizing for the
witness of Christ and truth of his word, shall find any place of
favour in all the pope's calendar, either in red colour, or else in
black?

  But here, Master Cope, if ye had the wit so much to defend as ye
have to overthwart, you might take me with the manner, and reply again
for the defence of your great saint-maker, or rather god-maker, of
Rome, that he maketh more martyrs and saints of these aforesaid poor
laymen and laywomen, than ever he did of any other: for he burneth
them, he hangeth them, he drowneth them, imprisoneth and famisheth
them, and so maketh truer martyrs of Christ, than any other of his new
shrined saints, whom he hath so dignified in his calendar; for the one
he doth rubricate only with his red letters, the other doth he
rubricate with their own blood. And, therefore, to answer you, Master
Cope, to your comparison made between the pope and me, for making of
holy martyrs and saints: briefly I say, and report me to all the
world, that therein is no comparison; for if ye speak of true martyrs,
who doth make them, but the pope? if ye speak of false martyrs, who
doth make them, but the pope? And, furthermore, to compare together
the causes of these martyred saints in my calendar with them which
shine shrined in the pope's calendar, taking the same proportion of
time as I do, within these last five hundred years, why may not I have
as good cause to celebrate these in my calendar, which lost their
lives and were slain principally for the cause of Christ and of his
word, as the pope hath to celebrate his double and simple feasted
saints in his calendar; who in their doings, doctrine, and life, as
they seemed rather to serve the pope, than Christ the Lord, so in
their death appeared no such cause why they should be sanctified in
the church beyond all others? Let not the church of Christ, Master
Cope, be deluded with hypocritical names, nor feigned apparitions and
fabulous miracles, neither be you deceived yourself, but let us resort
sincerely to the word of God.

  What was in St. Francis, (look upon his superstitious life and
presumptuous testament, wrought no doubt by Satan to diminish and
obscure the Testament of Jesus Christ,) why he should be made a saint,
and not an enemy, rather, of Christ? What was, likewise, in friar
Dominic, who, before Francis, ten years together persecuted the poor
Waldenses to death and destruction? why should he stand a saint and a
pillar of the church? I pray you what see you in Thomas Becket, but
that he died for the ambitious liberties of the popish church? What in
Aldelm and in Anselm, but only that they chased away married priests
from the churches, and planted in idle monks in their stead? The like
also did Dunstan, who was rubricated with a double festival.
Elizabeth, who was the wife of the marquis of Thuringia, when she had,
with much persuasion, got out her husband to fight against the Turks,
and he was there slain, she afterward encloistered herself, and was
made a nun. And do ye think these causes to be sufficient why they
should be made saints, worshipped in churches, and set in calendars?
Long it were to make rehearsal of all this riff-raff, and almost
infinite. One example may suffice for many. St. Gilbert of Sempringham
was the son of Jocelin, a knight, who, for the deformity of his body,
was set to learning, and afterward made canon, and was author of the
Gilbertines in the time of King John.

  This Gilbert, after he had erected thirteen monasteries of his
order of Sempringham, was afterwards laboured for unto the pope to be
made a saint, who, hearing of his miracles, wrote his letters to
Hubert, archbishop of Canterbury, in the behalf of the aforesaid
Gilbert, willing and commanding that the feast of the said Gilbert
should be solemnized through all the province of Canterbury;
whereupon, Hubert, the archbishop, directeth down his writings to all
the bishops within his province.

  The sum of the which writing of the archbishop tendeth to this
effect: That forasmuch as the pope, hearing of the life and miracles
of Gilbert, master of the order of Sempringham, by sufficient witness
and testimonies, hath in his letters commanded him, by the advice of
his cardinals, that the said Gilbert should be canonized and ascribed
in the catalogue of saints, and that his solemnity should be
celebrated solemnly throughout all the province of Canterbury; and
also his body to be taken up and shrined to the honour and glory of
God; he, therefore, at the pope's commandment writing unto them,
willeth all the suffragans within his province of Canterbury, yearly
to solemnize, and cause to be solemnized, reverently, the deposition
of the said St. Gilbert, confessor; to the intent that their devotion
may be commended of the Lord, and of him. And also that the humble
intercession of the said saint, may profit them to their salvation.

  Furthermore, for the more full canonizing (canvising, I had
almost said) of this new-made saint, the said Pope Innoccnt, writing
to Hubert aforesaid, adjoineth withal a collect of his own making,
which is this: "Work in us, O eternal Saviour, full remedy of thy
virtue, that we which worship the worthy merits of blessed Gilbert,
thy confessor, being succoured by his suffrages, may be delivered from
all languors and diseases of our souls; who livest and reignest," &c.

  The consecration of this one saint, who perhaps was not the
worst, I thought here to commemorate, to the intent that the reader,
measuring, by this one, the canonization of all the rest, may judge
the better upon this comparison of Master Cope, whether of us doth
vindicate more impudent authority, the pope in his calendar, or I in
mine; or, to make the comparison more fit, whether is more impudent,
the pope in his calendar, or else Master Cope, in his Dialogues, more
doltish.

  But, briefly to make an end of this matter with you: to canonize
or to authorize any saints, for man it is presumptuous; to prescribe
any thing here to be worshipped, beside God alone, it is idolatrous;
to set up any mediators but Christ only, it is blasphemous. And
whatsoever the pope doth, or hath done, in his calendar, my purpose in
my calendar, was neither to deface any old saint, or to solemnize any
new. In my book of Acts and Monuments treating of matters passed in
the church, these latter five hundred years, I did regulate out a
calendar, not for any canon to constitute saints, but only for a table
of them, which, within the same time did suffer for the testimony of
the word, whom I did, and do, take to be good and godly men. If any
have other judgment of them, I bind no man to my opinion, as the pope
doth to his. The day will come which shall judge both them and you. In
the mean season it shall be best for you, Master Cope, in my judgment,
to keep a good tongue in your head, and to quiet your railing mood. A
hard thing it is to judge before the Lord. Man's judgment may fail and
is uncertain, the judgment of God is always sure. Best it is,
therefore, either to be sure by the word and judgment of God before,
what you do say, or else to say the best. Of such slanderous and
intemperate railing can come no good; neither to them whom ye rail
upon, nor to yourself which raileth, nor to the church of God that
heareth you rail. For them you cannot hurt; they are gone: to
yourself, though your matters be true, yet little honesty it will
bring to be counted a railer; and if it be uncertain, your state is
dangerous, and if it be false, most miserable: and as to the church,
what great edification can proceed of such contentious brawling and
barking one against another, I do not greatly see. And if the zeal of
the bishop of Rome's church have so much swallowed you up, that you
cannot but stamp and stare at traitors when ye see them put in
calendars, first, Master Cope, be ye sure that they be traitors
(wisdom would) whom you call traitors. And if ye can so prove them,
(as ye have not yet,) then let your Irenæus, or Critobulus, tell me,
why doth not this flagrant zeal of yours, as hot as purgatory, burn
out and flame as well against your own traitors, having so many in
your own calendar and church at home?

  And if there be such a catholic zeal in you, that hath set your
gentle breast on such a pelting chafe, why then is not this your
catholic zeal equally indifferent? What indifference, Master Cope,
call you this? or what zeal make you this to be? albeit, your zeal I
judge not, as I know it not. Swift judgment shall not become me, which
go about to correct the same in you; but this I exhort you to beware,
Master Cope, that by your own fruits and doings evident, ye do not
bewray this zeal in you to be not according to knowledge, nor such a
zeal as fighteth pro domo Dei, sed pro domo pontificis. As I said, I
judge you not. You have your Judge to whom ye stand or fall. My
counsel is, that you do not so zeal the bishop of Rome, that for his
sake ye lose your own soul. Ye remember the old vulgar voice, it is
not good Ludere cum sanctis; worse it is Illudere; worst of all it is
Debacchari in immerentes; because that Deus ipse ultionem Dominus many
times taketh their cause in hand, according as it is written, The
rebukes of thy rebuker fell upon me. And seldom have I seen any such
blasphemous railers against the end or punishment of God's saints and
servants, without great repentance, to come to any good end
themselves.

  And admit this, as granted unto you, Master Cope, that these men
had been traitors, which ye are not able to prove: Well! they had
their punishment therefore; the world can go no further, and what
would you have more? who, if they repented, why may they not have as
good part in Christ's kingdom as yourself? Now, forasmuch as the said
persons also suffering a double punishment were so constant in the way
of truth, and most principally for the same were persecuted, and
chiefly therefore brought to their death: that part of example,
because I saw it pertain to the profit of the church, why might I not
insert it with other church stories in my book? Let the church take
that which belongeth to the church. Let the world take that which to
the world pertaineth, and go no further. And if ye think it much, that
I would exemplify these whom ye call traitors in the Book of Martyrs;
first, ye must understand, that I wrote no such book bearing the title
of the Book of Martyrs; I wrote a book called the Acts and Monuments
of things passed in the Church, &c., wherein many other matters be 
contained beside the martyrs of Christ. But this, peradventure, moveth
your choler, that in the calendar I name them for martyrs. And why may
I not, in my calendar, call them by the name of martyrs, which were
faithful witnesses of Christ's truth and testament, for the which they
were also chiefly brought unto that end? Or why may I not call them
holy saints, whom Christ hath sanctified with his blessed blood? And
what if I should also call the thief and murderer, hanging on the
right side of the Lord, by the name of a holy saint and confessor, for
his witnessing of the Lord? what can Master Cope say against it?

  And as for colouring the names of certain martyrs in the said
calendar in red or scarlet letters, (although that pertaineth nothing
to me, which was as pleased the painter or printer,) yet, if that be
it, that so much breaketh patience, why rather doth he not expostulate
in this behalf with the great saint-maker of Rome, who hath redded
them much more than ever did I? for he did red and dye them with their
own blood, whereas I did but only colour them with red letters. And
thus for matter of my calendar enough.

  Proceeding now out of the calendar unto the book, wherein he
chargeth me with so many lies, impudencies, vanities, depravations,
and untruths, it remaineth likewise I clear myself, answering first to
those lies and untruths, which to the story of Sir Roger Acton, and
Sir John Oldcastle do appertain; and after to other particulars, as in
order of my book do follow. And first, where he layeth against me
whole heaps and cart-loads, I cannot tell how many, of lies and
falsities: I here briefly answer Master Cope again, or what English
Harpsfield else soever lieth covered under this English Cope, that if
a lie be, after the definition of St. Austin, whatsoever thing is
pronounced with the intent to deceive another; then, I protest to you,
Master Cope, and to all the world, there is never a lie in all my
book. What the intent and custom is of the papists to do, I cannot
tell: for mine own part I will say, although many other vices I have,
yet from this one I have always of nature abhorred, wittingly to
deceive any man or child, so near as I could, much less the church of
God, whom I with all my heart do reverence, and with fear obey. And
therefore, among divers causes that have withdrawn my mind from the
papists' faction, almost there is none greater than this; because I
see them so little givcn to truth, so far from all serious feeling and
care of sincere religion, so full of false pretensed hypocrisy and
dissimulation; so little regarding the church of Christ in their
inward hearts, which they so much have in their mouths, so as under
the title thereof they may hold up their own estate. Otherwise, so
little reverence they yield to the true and honourable church of Jesus
the Son of God, that what unworthy and rascal ministers they take into
it they pass not; what fictions, what lies and fables, what false
miracles and absurd forgeries, they invent to delude it, they care
not. I speak not of all.

  Some there be of that sect unfeigned in conscience, and more
religious and better disposed natures, only of simple ignorance
deceived: but such commonly have been, and be, the chief guides and
leaders of the papists' church, that little true care and small zeal
hath appeared in them toward the church of Christ, not much regarding
what corruption increased therein, so that their commodity might not 
decrease. Thus out of this fountain have gushed out so many prodigious
lies in church legends, in saints' lives, in monkish fictions, in
fabulous miracles, in false and forged relics; as in pieces of the
holy cross, in the blood of Hales, in our Lady's milk, in the nails of
Christ, which they make to a great number. Likewise in their false and
blind errors, corrupt doctrines, absurd inventions, repugnant to the
truth of the word. Item, in their bastard books, forged epistles,
their Apocrypha, and Pseudopigrapha. Here come in their forged canons,
their foisting and cogging in ancient councils and decrees, as in
[Greek: os apo emou petrou], in Canons of the Apostles,
(if those canons were the apostles',) foisted into the decrees by
Gratian, also the cogging in a false canon to the Council of Nice for
the maintenance of the see of Rome, as appeareth in the sixth synod of
Carthage.

  Here come in also the epistles of Clement, and other sundry
epistles decretal, which as they are no doubt fastly inserted by
others, so are they the wellhead of many superstitious traditions,
oppressing this day the church of Christ. To speak, moreover, of the
liturgies of St. James, of Chrysostom and others, of the first mass
said by St. Peter at Rome, and that St. Peter sat twenty-five years
bishop of Rome. To speak also of the works of Augustine, Ambrose,
Jerome, and Gregory, what doctor or famous writer hath there been in
the church, under whose name some counterfeited books have not falsely
been fathered, and yet stand still authorized under their patronage,
to the great detriment of the church? What should I speak of Abdias,
Amphilochius, Dionysius Areopagita; the Dialogues of Gregory, which
falsely to this day have been ascribed to Gregory the First, whereas
indeed they were first written in Greek by Gregory the Third, and
afterward translated out of Greek into Latin by Pope Zachary, vide
supra. Likewise that worthy and imperial sermon entitled, Eusebii
Pamphili Sermo ad Conventum Sanctorum, hath to this day wrongfully
borne the name of Eusebius; whereas, in very truth, it was made by the
good emperor Constantine himself, in his own heroical style in Latin,
and afterward translated out of Latin into Greek by Eusebius, as he
himself confesseth in his work De Vita Constant. lib. 4. But as
touching this sermon, although the name be changed, so godly and
fruitful it is, that it mattereth not much under whose name it be
read, yet worthy to be read under the name of none so much, as of the
emperor Constantine himself, who was the true author and owner
thereof.

  Briefly, except it be the books only of the New Testament, and of
the Old, what is almost in the pope's church, but either it is
mingled, or depraved, or altered, or corrupted, either by some
additions interlaced, or by some diminution mangled and mutilated, or
by some gloss adulterate, or with manifest lies contaminate? so that
in their doctrine standeth little truth; in their legends, portues,
and mass-book, less truth; in their miracles and relics least truth of
all. Neither yet do their sacraments remain clear and void of manifest
lies and corruption. And specially here cometh in the master-bee,
which bringeth in much sweet honey into the pope's hives; the master-
lie, I mean, of all lies, where the pope, leaving not one crumb of
bread nor drop of wine in the reverend communion, untruly and
idolatrously taketh away all substance of bread from it, turning the
whole substance of bread into the substance of Christ's own body;
which substance of bread if the pope take from the sacrament, then
must he also take the breaking from it; for breaking, and the body of
Christ, can in no wise stand literally together by the Scripture.
Thus, then, as this is proved by the word of God to be a manifest lie,
so think not much, good reader, hereat, as though I passed the bounds
of modesty in calling it the arch-lie, or master-lie of all lies;
because upon this one, an infinite number of other lies and errors in
the pope's church, as handmaids, do wait and depend.

  But, forasmuch as I stand here not to charge other men, so much
as to defend myself, ceasing therefore, or rather deferring for a
time, to stir this stinking puddle of these wilful and intended lies
and untruths, which, in the pope's religion, and in papists' books, be
innumerable, I will now return to those untruths and impudent lies,
which Master Cope hath hunted out in my history of Acts and Monuments,
first beginning with those untruths which he carpeth at in the story
of the aforesaid Sir John Oldcastle, and Sir Roger Acton, Brown, and
the rest.

  And first, where he layeth to my charge, that I call them
martyrs, which were traitors and seditious rebels against the king,
and their country; to this I have answered sufficiently before.

  Now here then must the reader needs stay a little, at Master
Cope's request, to see my vanity and impudency yet more fully and
amply repressed in refuting a certain place in my Latin story,
concerning the king's statute made at Leicester, which place and words
by him alleged, be these, page 107: Quocirca rex indicto Leicestriæ
concilio (quod fortassis Londini ob Cobhami fautores non erat tutum)
proposito edicto, immanem denunciat pœnam his, quicunque deinceps hoc
doctrine genus sectarentur; usque adeo in eos severus, ut non modo
hæreticos, sed perduelliones etiam haberi, ac proinde gemino eos
supplicio, suspendio simul et incendio afficiendos statuerit, &c.; et
mox: Adeo ille vires, rationesque intendebat omnes, adversus
Wicklevianos. Wickleviani id temporis dicebantur, quicunque Scripturas
Dei sua lingua lectitarent, &c.

  Upon these words out of my aforesaid Latin book alleged, Master
Cope persuadeth himself to have great advantage against me, to prove
me a notorious liar, in three sundry points. First, in that whereas I
say, that the king did hold his parliament at Leicester, adding this
by the way of parenthesis, quod fortassis Londini ob Cobhami fautores
non erat tutum, &c.: here he concludeth thereby, simpliciter and
precisely, that the Lord Cobham and Sir Roger Acton with his fellows,
were traitors, &c.; whereby a man may soon shape a caviller, by the
shadow of Master Cope. For whereas my Dialysis out of the text
speaketh doubtfully and uncertainly, by this word fortassis meaning
indeed the king to be in fear of the gospellers, that he durst not
hold his parliament at London, but went to Leicester: he argueth
precisely, therefore, that the Lord Cobham, Sir Richard Acton, and his
fellows, went about to kill the king. Secondly, whereas I affirm that
the king in that parliament made a grievous law against all such as
did hold the doctrine of Wickliff, that they should be taken
hereafter, not for heretics, but also for felons, or rebels, or
traitors, and therefore should sustain a double punishment, both to be
hanged, and also to be burned, &c.: here cometh in Master Momus, with
his Cope on his back, and proving me to be a liar, denieth plainly
that the king made any such statute; see page 853, line 6, where his
words be these: Atqui quod hæretici pro perduellionibus, et deinceps
geminatas pœnas suspendii et incendii luerant, ut nugatur Foxus, nullo
modo illic traditur, &c.

  First, here would be asked of Master Cope, what he calleth patriæ
hostes, et proditores? If he call these traitors, then let us see
whether they that followed the sect of Wickliff were made traitors and
heretics by the king's law, or not. And first, let us hear what saith
Polydore Virgil, his own witness, in this behalf, whose words in his
twenty-second book, page 441, be these: "Wherefore it was by public
statute decreed, that whosoever were found hereafter to follow the
sect of Wickliff, should be accounted for traitors; whereby, without
all lenity, they should be punished more severely and quickly," &c.

  Thus have you, Master Cope, the plain testimony of Polydore with
me. And because ye shall further see yourself more impudent in
carping, than I am in depraving of histories, you shall understand,
moreover, and hear, what Thomas Walden, one of your own catholic
brotherhood, and who was also himself alive, and a doer in the same
parliament, being the provincial of the Carmelites, saith in this
matter, writing to Pope Martin, whose very words here follow, written
in his prologue to the said Martin, in this wise: "And it was not long
after, but a public law and statute came out, by the common assent of
the general parliament of the whole realm, that all Wicklevists, as
they are traitors to God, so also should be counted traitors to the
king and to the realm, having their goods lost and confiscate to the
king; and, therefore, should suffer double punishment, as to be burned
for God, and to be hanged for the king," &c. And thus have you, Master
Cope, not only my sentence, but also the very words of my story
confirmed by this author; because ye shall not think me to speak so
lightly or impudently without my book. And, moreover, to confirm the
sentence of Thomas Walden, it followeth also in another place of the
aforesaid author: "And yet when the noble King Henry the Fifth, who as
yet doth live and reign, began first to reign, he began to set forth a
law, by his learned catholics which were about him, against the
falseness of these men; so that whosoever was proved to be a
Wicklevist, through the whole realm, should be punished for a
traitor," &c. What words can you have, Master Cope, more plain these?
or what authority can you require of more credit, which lived in the
same time, and both did see and hear of the same things done? who,
also, writing to Pope Martin, was by the said Pope Martin allowed,
approved, and solemnly commended; as appeareth by the pope's epistle
to him, wherein the pope declareth how he caused his books "by solemn
persons to be seen and examined," &c. So that you must needs grant
either this to be true that Walden writeth, or else that the pope, in
allowing his writings, may err and be deceived. Choose ye, Master
Cope, of these two opinions whether you will take.

  And if ye think this my assertion yet not sufficiently rescued
with these authorities aforesaid, I will also hereunto adjoin the
testimony of another writer, named Roger Wall, who writing De Gestis
Henrici V. and speaking of the said statute of this parliament
something more plainly than the rest, hath these words: "Also in this
parliament the noble king, reputing Christ's enemies to be traitors to
himself, to the intent that all men should know, without all doubt,
that so long as he lived he would be a true and perfect follower of
Christian faith, did enact and decree, that whosoever should be found
followers and maintainers of this sect, which is called the Lollard's
sect, ipso facto, should be counted and reputed guilty of treason
against the king's Majesty," &c.

  By these hitherto alleged, if Master Cope will not be satisfied,
yet let the reader indifferently judge. And yet, moreover, to make the
matter more certain, mark the exclamation of the said Roger Wall added
to the end of those words above recited, whereby we have to understand
more clearly both what were the proceedings of the king in the said
parliament, and also what was the blind affection of monks and priests
at that time toward their king and prince, which was then called
Princeps sacerdotum, in condemning and destroying the poor Lollards.
The words of the monk be these: "O true friend, who taketh and
reckoneth that injury no less done to himself, which is done to his
friend; and that prejudice which is intended against him, reputeth to
be as his own; and, to bear together the burdens of his friend,
sticketh not to lay to his own shoulders, for the easing and helping
of him," &c.

  How can it now be denied, Master Cope, in reading these authors,
and seeing their testimonies, but that Lollardism in the parliament
was made both treason and heresy, and had, therefore, a double
judgment of punishment annexed, to be hanged for the one, and to be
burned for the other; according as in my former Latin story I
recorded, and yet I trifled not?

  But you will say again, as ye do, that there is no mention made
for heresy to be made treason, nor of any double punishment to be
inflicted for the same. In the body of the statute, I grant, there is
no express mention in words of heresy to be made treason, expressly
signified in rigour of words; but that inclusivcly it is so inferred,
it cannot be denied. For, first, where lands, goods, and cattle of the
said Lollards were lost and forfeit to the king, what doth this import
else, but treason or felony?

  And where the Lord Cobham, for whose cause specially this statute
seemed to be made, did sustain afterwards both hanging and burning by
the vigour of the same statute, what is here contained, but a double
penalty? Again, where in the beginning of the statute mention is made
of "rumours" and "congregations," and afterwards upon the same
followeth "the services of the king, whereunto the officers be first
sworn, should be first preferred for liberty of holy church, and
punishment of heretics, made before these days and now repealed," ut
supra: what meaneth this, but to make these congregations of the
Lollards to be forceable entries, riots, great ridings, unlawful
assemblies, affrayers of the people, armour, routs, and insurrections,
and so sendeth them to the former statutes not repealed; that is, to
the statute, Anno 13 Hen. IV. cap. vii., where the punishment is left
to the discretion of the king; or else to the statute, Anno 15 Rich.
II. cap. ii., where the penalty is made fine and ransom; or else to
the statute, Anno 5 Rich. II. cap. vi., where such assemblies be made
plain treason. And as here is matter of treason sufficiently
contained, so for heresy, likewise, the same statute referreth them to
the ordinaries, and to the laws properly to heresy appertaining, and
to the statute, Anno 2 Hen. IV. cap. xv., where the penalty is
burning: also to the statute, Anno 5 Rich. II. cap. v. vi. So that in
this present statute here, mention is contained, as ye see, although
not in express words, yet inclusively (by referring to other statutes
not repealed) both Lollardy, which is punished with burning, and
forcible entries, which are punished at the king's pleasure. And thus
much concerning the second untruth, which Master Cope untruly noted in
me.

  The third untruth which he noteth in me concerning this matter is
this, wherein he reporteth me, that I say, there was no other cause of
devising this sharp law and punishment against these men, but only for
having the Scripture books; and, therefore, here is to be noted in the
margin Foxi dolus malus; but let Master Cope take heed he deceive not
himself and others. For my part I remember no such place in this my
Latin story where I so say. Only my words be these, added in the
latter end of the place above recited: "They were called Wicklevists,
whosoever at that time read the Scriptures in English, or vulgar
tongue," &c. I say not, that for the Scriptures being read in the
English tongue, therefore the law was enacted; but so is Master Cope
disposed to construe it. What law and statutes were made against
writing or reading of any book in English, or in any other tongue,
contrary to the catholic, that is, the Romish faith, or to the
determination of the holy church, that is, of Rome, read, I beseech
thee, the bloody statute made Anno 2 Hen. IV. cap. xv., above
specified. Also read the constitution provincial of Thomas Arundel
above-mentioned, where it was decreed that the text of Holy Scripture
should not be had, or read in the vulgar tongue, from the time of
Master John Wickliff for ever after, unless the said translation be
approved first by the ordinary, or by provincial council, under pain
and punishment of heresy. Now let the reader judge whether the reading
of Scripture books in the English tongue, by the making or translating
of Wickliff, or from the time of Wickliff downward, be counted heresy,
or not. As for the approving of the ordinary, or of the provincial
council added in the end of the said constitution, it maketh more for
a show or pretence, than for any just exception, or any true
intention: for what man, having those Scriptures translated into
English, would either present them to their ordinaries being so set
against the reading of such books? or what ordinary would, or did ever
yet, since Arundel's time,approve any such translation, presented unto
them? Or else why did the good martyrs of Amersham suffer death, in
the beginning of King Henry the Eighth, for having and reading certain
books of Scripture, which were, as is said, only four epistles of St.
Paul, with certain other prayers? and the others which heard them but
only read, did bear faggots; and the same time, the children were
compelled to set faggots unto their fathers, at which time Longland,
being then bishop of Lincoln, and preaching to them at the stake,
said, that whatsoever they were that did but move their lips in
reading those chapters, were damned for ever; as when we come to that
time, by the grace of Christ, shall hereafter more amply and
notoriously appear. And where then is this dolus malus Foxi margined
against me, for crafty dealing in my story?

  Moreover, where Master Cope, proceeding further in this matter,
asketh me, "How was the Lord Cobham obedient to the king, whenas for
the fear of him the king durst not then keep his parliament at London?
"To whom I answer again, asking likewise of Master Cope, How was the
king then afraid to hold his parliament at London for the Lord Cobham,
when the Lord Cobham at that time was in Wales? And here Master Cope,
thinking to have me at a narrow strait, and to hold me fast, biddeth
me tell him how it could be otherwise, but the Lord Cobham must needs
have favourers? "And who should these favourers be (saith be) but Sir
Roger Acton, Brown, and their fellows?" The which mighty question of
Master Cope, I answer again; How could Sir Roger Acton, Brown, and
their fellows be then favourers of the Lord Cobham, for whom the king
durst not hold the parliament at London, whenas the said Roger Acton,
Brown, and the rest, were put to death, a whole year almost before the
parliament at Leicester began?

  And now, as I have hitherto briefly and truly answered your
askings, Master Cope, let me be so bold with you again, to propound to
you likewise another question, forasmuch as you have put me to the
searching of the statutes in this matter, wherewith before I was not
much acquainted. Now, out of the same statutes riseth a double
scruple, or question, worthy to be solved. The case is this, that
forasmuch as so many good martyrs and saints of God hitherto, in this
realm of England, have been burned from the time of King Henry the
Fourth, Henry the Fifth, Henry the Sixth, Henry the Eighth, to the
time, and in the time of Queen Mary, my question is, that you, with
all your learned counsel about you, will tell me, by what law or
statute of the realm were these men burnt? I know the ancient custom
hath been, that heretics convicted by a provincial council were wont
to be left to the secular power. But how will ye prove me, these
heretics were either convicted by such provincial council, or that
these secular men ought to be your butchers in burning them whom ye
have committed to them? If ye allege the six articles made in the
reign of King Henry the Eighth, those articles neither did serve
before the time of King Henry the Eighth, neither yet were they
revived after his time. If ye allege the statute made Anno 5 Rich. II.
cap. v., in that statute, I answer, is contained no matter of burning,
but only of arrest to be done at the certifications of the prelates,
without any further punishment there mentioned. To conclude, if ye
allege the statute made Anno 2 Hen. IV. cap. v., and revived in the
reign of Queen Mary, mentioned before; to that statute I answer, that
although the pretended statute appeareth, in form of words in the
printed book, to give unto the temporal officers authority to bring
them to the stake, and to burn them whom the bishop delivereth, yet is
it not to be proved, either by you or any other, that statute to be
law, or warrant sufficient to burn any person or persons committed to
the secular power by the clergy. And that I prove thus: for although
the statute of King Henry the Fourth, in the books printed, appear to
have law and authority sufficient, by the full assent both of the
king, of the lords, and of the commons; yet, being occasioned by
Master Cope to search further in the statutes, I have found, that in
the rolls and first originals of that parliament, there is no such
mention either of any petition or else of any assent of the commons
annexed, or contained in that statute, according as in the printed
books usual in the lawyers' hands, too craftily and falsely is foisted
in; as by the plain words thereof may well appear.

  In searching of these statutes, as you have occasioned me to find
out these scruples, so being found out, I thought here not to
dissemble them, forasmuch as I see and hear many nowadays so boldly to
bear themselves upon this statute; and thinking so to excuse
themselves, do say, that they have done nothing but the law, the law!
to the intent that these men, seeing now how inexcusable they be, both
before God and man, having no law to bear them out, may the sooner
repent their bloody and unlawful tyranny, exercised so long against
God's true servants, yet, in time, before that the just law of God
shall find out their unjust dealings; which partly he beginneth
already to do, and more, no doubt, will do hereafter.

  In the mean time, this my petition I put up to the commons, and
to all other which shall hereafter put up any petition to the
parliament; that they, being admonished by this abuse, will show
themselves hereafter more wise and circumspect, both what they agree
unto in parliaments, and also what cometh out in their name. And, as
these good commons, in this time of King Henry the Fourth, would not
consent or agree to this bloody statute, nor to any other like; for so
we read that the commons in that bloody time of King Henry the Fourth,
when another like cruel bill was put up by the prelates in Anno 8
Henry the Fourth, against the Lollards, they neither consented to
this, and also overthrew the other: so in like manner it is to be
wished, that the commons, in this our time, or such other that shall
have to do in parliaments hereafter, following the steps of these
former times, will take vigilant heed to such cruel bills of the
pope's prelacy being put up, that neither their consent do pass
rashly, nor that their names in any condition be so abused;
considering with themselves that a thing once being passed in the
parliament, cannot afterward be called back; and a little
inconvenience once admitted, may grow afterward to mischiefs that
cannot be stopped. And sometimes it may so happen, that through rash
consent of voices, the end of things being not well advised, such a
thing may be granted in one day, that afterward many days may cause
the whole realm to rue. But I trust men are bitten enough with such
black parliaments, to beware of after-claps. The Lord Jesus, only
protector of his church, stop all crafty devices of subtle enemies,
and with his wisdom direct our parliaments, as may be most to the
advantage of his word, and comfort of his people! Amen, Amen.

  And thus much having said for the defence of the Lord Cobham, of
Sir Roger Acton, knight, Master John Brown, esquire, John Beverly,
preacher, and of other their fellows, against Alanus Copus, Anglus,
here I make an end with this present interim, till further leisure
serve me hereafter, Christ willing, to pay him the whole interest
which I owe unto him: adding this in the mean time, and by the way;
that if Master Cope had been a Momus any thing reasonable, he had no
great cause so to wrangle with me in this matter, who as I did commend
the Lord Cobham, and that worthily, for his valiant standing by the
truth of his doctrine before Thomas Arundel, the archbishop; so
touching the matter of this conspiracy, I did not affirm or define any
thing thereof in my former history so precisely that he could well
take any vantage thereof against me, who, in writing of this
conspiracy laid against Sir Roger Acton, and Sir John Oldcastle, do
but disjunctively or doubtfully speak thereof, not concluding
certainly this conspiracy either to be true, or not true, but only
proving the same not to be true at that time, as Polydore Virgil, and
Edward Hall; in their histories do affirm; which say, that this
conspiracy began after the burning of John Huss and Jerome of Prague;
which could not be. And thereto tendeth my assertion.

  But to the truth of the matter: as I said before, so I say again,
whatsoever this worthy, noble, virtuous knight, Sir Roger Acton, was
otherwise, this is certain, that he was always of contrary mind and
opinion to the bishop of Rome, and to that kind of people; for the
which cause he had great envy andhatred at their hands, and could as
little bear it: neither do I greatly dissent from them, which do
suspect or judge that the Lord Cobham, by his friendly help, escaped
out of the Tower; and that, peradventure, was the cause why he was
apprehended and brought to trouble, and, in the end, came to his
death. Other causes also there might be, that these good men percase
did frequent among themselves some conventicles, (which conventicles
were made treason by the statute aforesaid,) either in those thickets,
or in some place else, for the hearing of God's word, and for public
prayer; and therefore had they this Beverly, their preacher, with
them. But to conclude: whatsoever this Sir Roger Acton was, this is
the truth, which I may boldly record, as one writing the Acts and
things done in the Church, that he was at length apprehended,
condemned, and put to death or martyrdom, three years and more before
the Lord Cobham died. Likewise Master John Brown, and John Beverly,
the preacher, suffered with him the same kind of death, as some say,
in the field of St. Giles, with others more, to the number of thirty-
six, if the stories be true; which was in the month of January, A. D.
1413, after the computation of our English stories, counting the year
from the Annunciation; but after the Latin writers, counting from
Christ's nativity, A. D. 1414, according as in this picture is
specified.

Illustration: Lollards hanged and burned

  These men, as is said, suffered before the Lord Cobham about
three years, of whose death divers do write diversely. Some say they
were hanged and burned in St. Giles's field; of whom is Fabian, with
such as follow him. Other there be which say that some of them were
hanged and burned. Polydore, speaking only of their burning, maketh no
mention of hanging. Another certain English chronicle I have in my
hands, borrowed of one Master Bowyer, who, somewhat differing from the
rest, recordeth thus of Sir Roger Acton, that his judgment before the
justice was thus; to be drawn through London to Tyburn, and there to
be hanged; and so he was, naked, save certain parts of him covered
with a cloth, &c. "And when certain days were past," saith the author,
"a trumpeter of the king's, called Thomas Cliff, got grant of the king
to take him down, and to bury him; and so he did." And thus have you
the story of Sir Roger Acton, and his fellow brethren. As touching
their cause, whether it were true, or else by error mistaken of the
king, or by the fetch of the bishops surmised, I refer it to the
judgment of him which shall judge both the quick and the dead; to whom 
also I commit you, Master Cope: God speed your journey well to Rome,
whither I hear say you are going, and make you a good man.

  After the decease or martyrdom of these above mentioned, who were
executed in the month of January, A. D. 1414, in the next month
following, and in the same year, the twentieth day of February, God
took away the great enemy of his word, and rebel to his king, Thomas
Arundel, archbishop of Canterbury; whose death following after the
execution of these good men above recited, by the marvellous stroke of
God, so suddenly, may seem somewhat to declare their innocency, and
that he was also some great procurer of their death, in that God would
not suffer him longer to live, striking him with death incontinently
upon the same: but as I did the other before, so this also I do refer
to the secret judgment of the Lord, who once shall judge all secrets
openly.

  In the mean time this may seem strange, that the same Thomas
Arundel, who, a little before, sat in judgment against the Lord
Cobham, and pronounced sentence of death upon him, did himself feel
the stroke of death, and the sentence of God executed upon him before
the other. Who would have thought but that the Lord Cobham, being so
cast and condemned definitively, by the archbishop's sentence, should
have died long before the archbishop? But such be the works of God's
almighty hand, who so turned the wheel, that this condemned lord
survived his condemner three or four years.

  In the death of this archbishop, first Polydore Virgil is
deceived, who affirmed his death to be A. D. 1415, and in the second
year of King Henry the Fifth, also after the beginning of the Council
of Constance; who, indeed, never reached the beginning thereof, nor
ever saw the second year of that king, unless ye count the first day
for a year, but died before, A. D. 1414, February the twentieth.
Furthermore, concerning the death of this Arundel, and the manner
thereof, who had been so heavy a troubler of Christ's saints in his
time, because the thing seem eth worthy of noting, to behold the
punishment of God upon his enemies, this is the report, as I have
found it alleged out of Thomas Gascoin, in Dictionario Theologico,
whose plain words be these: "Thomas Arundel, archbishop of Canterbury,
was so stricken in his tongue, that he could neither swallow nor speak
for a certain space before his death, much like after the example of
the rich glutton; and so died upon the same. And this was thought of
many to come upon him, for that he so bound the word of the Lord, that
it should not be preached in his days." Which if it be true, as it
doth well here appear, these and such other horrible examples of God's
wrath may be terrible spectacles for such as occupy their tongues and
brains so busily to stop the course of God's word, striving but
against the stream; against the force whereof neither are they able to
resist, and many times in resisting are overturned themselves and
drowned therein. And thus much for the death of Thomas Arundel, who
continued archbishop in the see of Canterbury the space of eighteen
years.

  After this Arundel, succeeded next in the said see of Canterbury
Henry Chichesly, made archbishop A. D. 1414, and sat five and twenty
years. This Henry, following likewise the steps of his predecessor,
showed himself no small adversary against the favourers of the truth.
In whose time was much trouble and great affliction in the church;
for, as the preaching and teaching of the word did multiply and spread
abroad daily more and more, so, on the contrary side, more vigilant
care and strait inquisition followed and increased against the people
of God, by reason whereof divers did suffer, and were burned; some for
fear fled the country; many were brought to examination, and by
infirmity constrained to abjure; of whom hereafter, Christ willing,
particularly, in order of their times, we will treat.

  As true piety and sincere preaching of Christ's word began at
this time to decay, so idle monkery and vain superstition in place
thereof began to increase. For about the same year the king began the
foundation of two monasteries, one on the one side of Thames, of
Friars Observants, the other on the other side of Thames, called Sheen
and Zion, dedicated to Charter-house monks, with certain Bridget nuns
or recluses, to the number of sixty, dwelling within the same
precinct, so that the whole number of these, with priests, monks,
deacons, and nuns, should equal the number of twelve apostles, and
seventy-two disciples. The order of these was according to the
description of St. Paul the apostle, Col. i., Eat not, taste not,
touch not, &c.; to eat no flesh, to wear no linen, to touch no money,
&c.

  About Michaelmas, the same year, the king began his parliament at
Leicester, above mentioned. In the which parliament the commons put up
their bill again, which they had put up before, in the eleventh year
of Henry the Fourth, that temporalties, disorderly wasted by men of
the church, might be converted and employed to the use of the king, of
his earls, and knights, and to the relief of the poor people, as is
before recited; in fear of which bill, lest the king would give
thereunto any comfortable audience, as testifieth Robert Fabian and
other writers, certain of the prelates and other head men of the
church, put the king in mind to claim his right in France: whereupon
Henry Chichesly, archbishop of Canterbury, made a long and solemn
oration before the king to persuade him to the same, offering to the
king, in the behalf of the clergy, great and noble sums: by reason
whereof, saith Fabian, the bill was again put off, and the king set
his mind for the recovery of the same: so that soon after he sent his
letters and messengers to the French king concerning that matter, and
received from him again answer of derision, with a pipe of tennis
balls, as some record, sent from the Dauphin, for him to play with at
home. Whereby the king's mind was incensed the more toward that
voyage; who, when furnishing himself with strength and armour, with
powder and shot, and gun-stones, to play with in France, and with
other artillery for that purpose convenient, so set over into France,
where he got Harfleur, with divers other towns and castles in Normandy
and Picardy, and, at Agincourt, had a great victory over the French
army, they being counted but seven thousand, by pricking sharp stakes
before them, &c. After that he won Caen, Touques, Rouen, with other
towns more, as Meldune, or Melione, and married with Katharine, the
French king's daughter. And yet, notwithstanding, the third time he
made his voyage again into France, where at length, at Blois, he fell
sick and died: concerning all which voyages, because they are
sufficiently discoursed in Fabian, Hall, and other chronographers,
referring thereforethe reader unto them, I will return my story to
other matters of the church more effectual.



100. THE ENTRY OF THE STORY OF THE BOHEMIANS.

  I declared a little before, how, by the occasion of Queen Anne,
who was a Bohemian, and married to King Richard the Second, the
Bohemians, coming thereby to the knowledge of Wickliff's books here in
England, began first to taste and savour Christ's gospel, till at
length, by the preaching of John Huss, they increased more and more in
knowledge, insomuch that Pope Alexander the Fifth, hearing thereof,
began at last to stir coals, and directeth his bull to the archbishop
of Swinco, requiring him to look to the matter, and to provide that no
person in churches, schools, or other places, should maintain that
doctrine; citing also John Huss to appear before him. To whom the said 
John answering again, declared that mandate or bull of the pope
utterly to repugn against the manifest examples and doings both of
Christ and of his apostles, and to be prejudicial to the liberty of
the gospel, in binding the word of God not to have free recourse; and,
therefore, from this mandate of the pope, he appealed to the same pope
better advised. But, while he was prosecuting his appeal, Pope
Alexander died, as is aforesaid.

  After whom succeeded Pope John the Twenty-third, who also,
playing his part here in this matter like a pope, sought by all means
possible how to repress and keep under the Bohemians, first beginning
to work his malice upon the aforesaid John Huss, their preacher, who
at the same time preaching at Prague in the temple of Bethlehem,
because he seemed rather willing to teach the gospel of Christ than
the traditions of bishops, was therefore accused of certain to the
forenamed Pope John the Twenty-third for a heretic. The bishop
committted the whole matter unto Cardinal de Columna; who, when he had
heard the accusation, he appointed a day to John Huss, that he should
appear in the court of Rome: which thing once done, Wenceslaus, king
of the Romans, and of Bohemia, at the request specially of his wife
Sophia, and of the whole nobility of Bohemia, as also at the earnest
suit and desire of the town and university of Prague, sent his
ambassadors to Rome, to desire the bishop to quit and clearly deliver
John Huss from that sentence and judgment; and that if the bishop did
suspect the kingdom of Bohemia to be infected with any heretical or
false doctrine, he should send his ambassadors, the which might
correct and amend the same, if there be any error or fault in them;
and that all this should be done at the only cost and charges of the
king of Bohemia; and to promise in his name, that he would aid and
assist the bishop's legates with all his power and authority, to
punish all such as should be taken or found in any erroneous doctrine.
In the mean season, also, John Huss, before his day appointed, sent
his lawful and meek procurators unto the court of Rome, and with most
firm and strong reasons did prove his innocency; whereupon he trusted
so, that he thought he should have easily obtained that he should not
have been compelled, by reason of the great danger, to appear the day
appointed. But when the Cardinal de Columna, unto whose will and
judgment the whole matter was committed, would not admit any defence
or excuse, John Huss's procurators appealed unto the high bishop: yet,
notwithstanding, this last refuge did not so much prevail with
Cardinal de Columna, but that he would openly excommunicate John Huss
as an obstinate heretic, because he came not at his day appointed unto
Rome.
  Notwithstanding, forasmuch as his procurators had appealed unto
the high bishop, they had other judges appointed unto them, as
Cardinal Aquileianus and Cardinal Venetus, with certain others; the
which judges, after they had prolonged and deferred the matter for the
space of a year and a half, at last returned to the sentence and
judgment of Cardinal de Columna, and, confirming the same, commanded
John Huss's procurators that they should leave off to defend him any
more, for they would suffer it no longer: whereupon, when his
procurators would not cease their instant suit, certain of them were
cast into prison, and grievously punished; the others, leaving their
business undone, returned into Bohemia.
Illustration: John Huss preaching

  The Bohemians, notwithstanding, little cared for all this; but
continuing still, as they grew more in knowledge, so the less they
regarded the pope, complaining daily against him and the archbishop
for stopping the word of God and the gospel of Christ to be preached,
saying, that by their indulgences, and other practices of the court of
Rome, and of the bishop's consistory, they sought their own profit,
and not the glory of Jesus Christ; that they plucked from the sheep of
Christ the wool and milk, and did not feed them, either with the word
of God, or with good examples. Teaching, moreover, and affirming, that
the commandments of the pope and prelates are not to be obeyed, but so
far as they follow the doctrine and life of Christ and of his
apostles; and that laymen ought to judge the works of prelates, as
Paul judged the works of Peter in correcting him, Gal. ii.
Furthermore, they had amongst them certain notes and observations,
whereby they might discern how far, and wherein, they might obey their
prelates; they derided also and scorned the pope's jurisdiction,
because of the schism that was then in the church, when there were
three popes together, one striving against another for the papacy.

  Over and besides this, at the same time John Huss did propound
publicly, and by the notaries caused to be written, three doubtful
questions, the tenor whereof followeth here word for word, and is
this: "Forasmuch," saith he, "as it is good for men being in doubt to
ask counsel, whereby all dubitation is removed, they may be able more
firmly to adhere to the truth; three doubts arise here to be solved:
The first doubt is, Whether we ought to believe in the pope? The
second, Whether it be possible for any man to be saved, which
confesseth not with his mouth unto a mortal priest? The third doubt
is, Whether any of the doctors do hold or say, that some of Pharaoh's
host being drowned in the Red Sea, and of the Sodomites being 
subverted, be saved?

  As concerning the first, he did hold negatively, alleging the
saying of Bede upon this place of the apostle, To him that believeth
upon him which justifieth the wicked, his faith is imputed to
righteousness, Rom. iv. Upon this place saith Bede, Aliud est credere
in Deum, aliud credere Deo, aliud credere Deum, &c. "The second
doubt," saith he, "the master of the sentences doth answer in these
words, 'What is then to be holden or said herein? Certes, that without
the confession of the mouth, and assoiling of the outward pain, sins
be forgiven through contrition and humility of the heart,'" &c. For
the third doubt he brought in the words of St. Jerome upon the prophet
Nahum, speaking of the Egyptians destroyed in the sea, and of the
Sodomites destroyed with fire, and of the Israelites destroyed in the
desert. "Know you," saith Jerome, "that God, therefore, punished them
for their sins here temporally, because they should not be punished
hereafter perpetually; and therefore, because they were here punished,
they should not be punished hereafter, for else the Scripture should
lie, which is not to be granted." These three questions belike John
Huss did bring in, to declare how the doctors do not agree in all
things, neither with the Church of Rome, neither are to be followed in
all points of all men.

  It followeth, moreover, after the death of the archbishop Swinco
abovementioned, that one named Conrad was placed by the pope there to
be chief general, which Conrad, conferring with the divines and
doctors of the university of Prague, required their advices and
counsels, what way they might best take to assuage the dissension and
discords between the clergy and the people whereupon a certain council
was devised to be holden after this sort and manner, as followeth

  "1. First, That all doctors and masters of the university of
Prague should be assembled in the court of the archbishop, and that,
in his presence, every doctor and master should swear, not to hold or
maintain any of the forty-five articles of John Wickliff before
condemned.

  "2. Item, Concerning the seven sacraments of the church, the keys
and censures of the church, the manners, rites, ceremonies, customs,
and liberties of the church, concerning also the worshipping of relics
and indulgences, the orders and religions of the church, that every
one shall swear that he doth hold, believe, and maintain, and will
maintain, as doth the Church of Rome, and no otherwise, of which
Church of Rome the pope is the head, and the college of cardinals is
the body, who are the true and manifest successors of blessed St.
Peter, prince of the apostles, and of the college of the other
apostles of Christ.

  "3. Item, That every one shall swear, that in every catholic
matter, belonging to the church, he will stand to the determination of
the apostolical see, and that he will obey the prelates in all manner
of things, wheresoever the thing, which is pure good, is not
forbidden, or that which is mere ill, is not commanded; but is mean
and indifferent between both: which mean or indifferent thing, yet,
notwithstanding, by circumstances of time, place, or person, may be
either good or evil.

  "4. Item, That every one shall swear and confess by his oath,
that the opinions of Wickliff and others, touching the seven
sacraments of the church, and other things above notified, being
contrary to the said Church of Rome, be false.

  "5. Item, That an oath be required of them all, that none of them
shall hold, defend, or maintain any of the forty-five articles of John
Wickliff aforesaid, or in any other matter catholic, and especially of
the seven sacraments and other articles above specified, but only as
doth the Church of Rome, and no otherwise.

  "6. Item, That every ordinary in his diocese shall cause the said
premises, contained in the first, second, third, and fourth articles
aforesaid, to be published in his synods, and by his preachers to be
declared to the people in the kingdom of Bohemia.

  "7. Item, If any clerk, student, or layman shall withstand any of
the premises, that the ordinary have authority, if he be convicted
thereof, to correct him according to the old laws and canons, and that
no man shall defend such a one by any means; for none but the ordinary
hath power to correct such a man, because the archbishop is chancellor
both of the kingdom and university of Prague.

  "8. Item, That the songs lately forbidden, being odious,
slanderous, and offensive to others' fame, be not sung either in
streets, taverns, or any other place.

  "9. Item, That Master John Huss shall not preach so long as he
shall have no absolution of the court, neither shall hinder the
preaching in Prague by his presence; that by this, his obedience to
the apostolical see may be known.

  "10. Item, That this council doth appear to be good and
reasonable for the putting away of ill report and dissension that is
in the kingdom of Bohemia.

  "11. Item, If Master John Huss, with his accomplices, will
perform this, which is contained in the four former articles, then we
will be ready to say as they would wish us and have us, whensoever 
need shall require, that we do agree with them in matter of faith:
otherwise, if they will not so do, we, in giving this testimony,
should lie greatly unto our lord the king and to the whole world. And,
moreover, we will be content to write for them to the court of Rome,
and do the best we can for them, our honours saved."

  This counsel and device being considered amongst the heads of the
university of Prague, the aforesaid administrator, named Conrad,
presented it to the king and to the barons of the realm, and also to
the senate of Prague; whereof, as soon as word came to John Huss and
his adherents, they likewise drew out other articles in manner and
form of a counsel, as followeth:

  "For the honour of God and the true preaching of his gospel, for
the health of the people, and to avoid the sinister and false infamy
of the kingdom of Bohemia, and of the marquesship of Moravia, and of
the city and university of Prague, and for the reforming of peace and
unity between the clergy and the scholars of the university:

  "1. Let the right and just decreement of the princes, and of the
king's council, be holden and stand in force, which, between the lord
archbishop Swinco, on the one party, and between the rector and Master
John Huss, on the other party, was made, proclaimed, sealed, and
solemnly on both parts received and allowed, in the court of our
sovereign lord the king.

  "2. Item, That the kingdom of Bohemia remain in its former rites,
liberties, and common customs, such as other kingdoms and lands do
enjoy, that is, in all approbations, condemnations, and other acts
concerning the holy mother universal church.

  "3. Item, That Master John Huss (against whom the aforesaid Lord
Swinco could object no crime before that council) may be present in
the congregation of the clergy, and there whosoever will object to him
either heresy or error, let him object; binding himself to suffer the
like pain, if he do not prove it.

  "4. Item, If no man will set himself on the contrary part against
him, then let the commandment be made by our sovereign lord the king
through all his cities; and, likewise, let it be ordained and
proclaimed through all villages and towns, that Master John Huss is
ready to render account of his faith; and therefore if any will object
unto him any heresy or error, let him write his name in the chancery
of the lord archbishop, and bring forth his probations openly before
both the parties.

  "5. Item, If none such shall be found to object, or which will
write his name, then let them be called for, which caused to be noised
and rumoured in the pope's court, that in the kingdom of Bohemia, in
the city of Prague, and in the marquisdom of Moravia, many there be
whose hearts be infected with heresy and error, that they may prove
who they be; and if they be not able to prove it, let them be
punished.

  "6. Item, That commandment be directed to doctors of divinity and
of the canon law, and to the chapter of cathedral churches, and that
it be required of them all and of every one particularly, that they
will bring forth his name, if they know any such to be a heretic or
erroneous, and if they deny to know any such, then let them make
recognition thereof, before the public notary, confirming the same
with their seals.

  "7. Item, These things thus done and premised, then that our
sovereign lord the king, and also that the archbishop, will give
commandment under pain, that no man shall call one another heretic or
erroneous, unless he will stand to the probation of that heresy or
error, as it becometh him.

  "8. Item, After these things obtained, that our sovereign lord
the king, with the consent of his barons, will then levy a subsidy, or
collect of the clergy, and direct an honest embassy to the pope's
court, with the which ambassadors let them also go upon their own
proper charges or expenses for their purgation, which have caused this
kingdom falsely and grievously to be defamed in the apostolical court.

  "9. Item, In the mean season, for the presence of Master John
Huss, no interdict ought to be made, as it was made of late, contrary
to the order and determination of our holy mother church," &c.

  As this matter was thus in altercation between the two parties,
the one objecting, the other answering in articles as is aforesaid, in
the mean time it happened by the occasion of Ladislaus, king of
Naples, who had besieged the pope's towns and territories, that Pope
John, raising up war against the said Ladislaus, gave full remission
of sins to all them which would war of his side to defend the church.
When this bull of the pope's indulgence was come to Prague, and there
published, the King Wenceslaus, who then favoured that pope, gave
commandment that no man should attempt any thing against the said
pope's indulgences. But Huss, with his followers, not able to abide
the impiety of those pardons, began manifestly to speak against them;
of the which company were three certain artificers, who, hearing the
priest preaching of these indulgences, did openly speak against them,
and called the pope antichrist, which would set up the cross to fight
against his even-christened. Wherefore they were brought before the
senate, and committed to ward: but the people, joining themselves
together in arms, came to the magistrates, requiring them to be let
loose. The magistrates, with gentle words and fair promises, satisfied
the people, so that every man returning home to his own house, the
tumult was assuaged: but the captains, being in prison, were
notwithstanding there beheaded, whose names were John, Martin, and
Stascon. The death and martyrdom of these three being known unto the
people, they took the bodies of them that were slain, and with great
solemnity brought them unto the church of Bethlem: at whose funeral
divers priests favouring that side, did sing on this wise; "These be
the saints which, for the testament of God, gave their bodies," &c.
And so their bodies were sumptuously interred in the church of
Bethlem, John Huss preaching at the same funeral, much commending them
for their constancy, and blessing God the Father of our Lord Jesus
Christ, which had hid the Way of his verity so from the prudent of
this world, and had revealed it to the simple lay-people and inferior
priests, which chose rather to please God than men.
Illustration: John Huss preaching at the funeral of John, Martin, and
Stascon

  Thus the city of Prague was divided. The prelates, with the
greatest part of the clergy, and most of the barons, which had any
thing to lose, did hold with the pope, especially Stephen Paletz,
being the the chiefest doer on that side. On the contrary part, the
commons, with part of the clergy and students of the university, went
with John Huss. Wenceslaus the king, fearing lest this would grow to a
tumult, being moved by the doctors and prelates and council of his
barons, thought best to remove John Huss out of the city, who had been
excommunicated before by the pope. And further to cease this
dissension risen in the church, he committed the matter to the
disposition of the doctors and the clergy. They, consulting together
among themselves, did set forth a decree, ratified and confirmed by
the sentence of the king, containing the sum of eighteen articles for
the maintenance of the pope and of the see of Rome, against the
doctrine of Wickliff and John Huss. The names of the doctors of
divinity were these: Stephen Paletz, Stanislaus de Znoyma, Petrus de
Ikoyma, Johannes Heliæ, Andræas de Broda, Johannes Hildesen, Mattheus
Monachus, Hermanus Heremita, Georgius Bota, Simon Wenda, &c. John
Huss, thus departing out of Prague, went to his country, where he,
being protected by the lord of the soil, continued preaching, to whom
resorted a great concourse of people; neither yet was he so expelled
out of Prague, but that sometimes he resorted to his church at
Bethlem, and there also preached unto the people.

  Moreover, against the said decree of the doctors, John Huss, with
his company, replied again, and answered to their articles, with
contrary articles again, as followeth:

  "1. The foundation of the doctors, whereupon they found all their
writings and counsels, is false, which foundation is this: whereas
they say that part of the clergy in the kingdom of Bohemia is
pestilent and erroneous, and holdeth falsely of the sacraments.

  "2. The doctors hereby do defame the kingdom of Bohemia, and do
raise up new discords.

  "3. Let them show, therefore, those persons of the clergy, whom
they call pestilent, and so let them verify their report, binding
themselves to suffer the like pain, if they be not able to prove it.

  "4. False it is that they say the pope and his cardinals to be
the true and manifest successors of Peter and of the apostles, and
that no other successors of Peter and of the apostles can be found
upon the earth besides them: whereas no man knoweth whether he be
worthy of hatred or of favour; and all bishops and priests be
successors of Peter and of the apostles.

  "5. Not the pope, but Christ only is the head; and not the
cardinals, but all Christ's faithful people be the body of the
catholic church; as all Holy Scripture and decrees of the holy fathers
do testify and affirm.

  "6. And as touching the pope, if he be a reprobate, it is plain
that he is no head, no nor member also of the holy church of God, but
of the devil and of his synagogue.

  "7. The clergy of the gospellers, agreeing with the saying of St.
Austin which they allege, and according to the sanctions of the
fathers, and determinations of the holy mother church, do say and
affirm laudably: that the condemnation and prohibition of the forty-
five articles is unlawful, and unjust, and rashly done; and that not
only because the doctors, but also all bishops and archbishops, in
such great causes, namely, touching faith, as these articles do, have
no authority at all.

  "8. The second cause of the discord which they allege also is
most false; seeing the faith of whole Christendom, concerning the
Church of Rome, is divided in three parts by reason of three popes,
which now together do reign; and the fourth part is neutral. Neither
is it true, that we ought to stand in all things to the determination
of the pope and of the cardinals, but so far forth as they do agree
with the Holy Scripture of the Old and New Testament, from whence the
sanctions of the fathers, as is evident, did first spring.

  "9. In the fourth article they burst out into a certain dotage,
and are contrary to themselves; by reason that they doltishly have
reprehended the gospellers, who in all their doings receive the Holy
Scripture, which is the law of God, the way of truth and life, for
their judge and measure: and afterwards they themselves do allege the
Scripture, Deut. xvii., where all judges, both popes and cardinals,
are taught to judge and discern between leper and leper, and in every
ecclesiastical cause, only after the rule of God's law. And so are
they contrary unto their second article, wherein they say, that in
every catholic matter we must run to the pope; which is contrary to
the foolish condemnation of the articles aforesaid.

  "10. Consequently, like idiots they do most falsely allege for
their purpose the canon, under the name and authority of Jerome, where
they do apply the words of Jerome most impertinently to the pope of
Rome, which he writeth to St. Austin, calling him a most blessed pope.

  "11. By the which place of Jerome it is manifest that the first
article of those doctors is false: forasmuch as by these words
appeareth that others besides the bishop of Rome and his cardinals are
called blessed popes, holding the faith and seat of Peter, and are
successors of the apostles; as was Austin and other holy bishops more.

  "12. Whereof it followeth moreover, that the Church of Rome is
not that place, where the Lord did appoint the principal see of his
whole church: for Christ, which was the head priest of all, did first
sit in Jerusalem, and Peter did sit first in Antioch, and afterward in
Rome. Also other popes did sit some in Bononia, some at Perugia, some
at Avignon.

  "13. Item, The aforesaid prelates are falsifiers of the Holy
Scriptures and canons, and therefore are worthy to be punished; which
affirm and say, that we must obey the pope in all things. For why? it
is known that many popes have erred, and one pope was also a woman; to
whom not only it was not lawful to give obedience, but also unlawful
to communicate with them, as all rubrics and infinite canons do
declare.

  "14. Item, Their sixth, seventh, eighth, ninth, tenth, and
eleventh articles do stand and are grounded upon untrue and false
persuasions, and therefore are to be rejected and detested like the
other before; seeing they do induce, not to peace and verity, but to
dissension and falsity.

  "15. It is manifest also to the laity, that this dissension among
the clergy riseth for no other cause, but only for the preaching of
the gospel, which reprehendeth such simoniacs, and such heretics in
the church of God, as namely haunt the court of Rome, spreading out
their branches abroad into all the world, who deserve to be removed
and extirpate, not only of the clergy gospellers, but also of the
secular power. And so these three vices, to wit, simony, luxury, and
avarice, which is idol-worship, be the causes of all this dissension
among the clergy in the kingdom of Bohemia, and not the other, which
they falsely ascribe to the gospellers of Prague. These three vices
being removed, peace and unity would soon be restored in the clergy.

  "16. Moreover, their last article is too gross, and not only is
without all law, but also without all colour of law: whereas they
fondly and childishly do argue thus: that the processes made against
Master John Huss ought to be obeyed, because, forsooth, the common
sort of the clergy of Prague hath received them. By the same reason
they may argue also, that we must obey the devil, for our first
parents, Adam and Eve, obeyed him. Also our ancestors before us were
pagans, wherefore we must obey them, and be also pagans.

  "17. But let this frivolous opinion go, this is certain truth,
that the said processes, made against Master John Huss, by law, are
none, forasmuch asthey were obtained, drawn, wrought, and executed,
contrary to the commission of the pope, against the determination of
the holy mother church, and a thousand other laws besides.

  "18. Finally, whosoever wittingly and obstinately doth defend and
execute, (the said process made,) or consenteth unto them, are all to
be counted as blasphemers, excommunicate, and heretics, as hath been
before written and exhibited to the lord general bishop Olomucense;
and more shall be declared and proved, if audience may be given openly
before all the doctors."

  Tedious it were to recite all the bibble-babble of these doctors
in this their long responsal. Whoso listeth to see the bottom of their
profound writing and knowledge, may resort either to the history of
Æneas Silvius, or else to Master Cochleus, in his first book, De Hist.
Hussit.

  Thus then Master John Huss, being driven out of Prague, as is
before touched, by the motion of these doctors, and, moreover, being
so excommunicate, that no mass nor other must be said there where he
was present, the people began mightily to grudge and to cry out
against the prelates and other popish priests, which were the workers
thereof, accusing them to be simoniacs, covetous, whoremasters,
adulterers, proud; sparing not to lay open their vices to their great
ignominy and shame, and much craving reformation to be had of the
clergy.

  The king, seeing the inclination of the people, being also not
ignorant of the wickedness of the clergy, under pretence to reform the
church, began to require greater exactions upon such priests and men
of the clergy, as were known and accused to be wicked livers.
Whereupon they, on the other part, that favoured John Huss, taking
that occasion present, complained of all, accused many, and spared
none, whomsoever they knew to be of the catholic faction, or enemies
to John Huss; by reason whereof the priests of the popish clergy were
brought, such as were faulty, into great distress, and such as were
not faulty, into great fear; insomuch that they were glad to fall in,
at least not to fall out, with the Protestants, being afraid to
displease them. By this means Master Huss began to take some more
liberty unto him, and to preach in his church at Bethlem, and none did
control him: by the same means the people also received some comfort,
and the king much gain and money by that reason.

  And thus the popish clergy, while they went about to persecute
John Huss, were enwrapped themselves in great tribulation, and
afflicted on every side, as well of laymen, as of learned men of the
clergy, insomuch that women also and children were against them; and
by the same reason wherewith they thought to entangle him, they were
overthrown themselves. For the doctors, which before condemned this
doctrine in John Huss for intolerable heresy, and cried out so much
against him, for teaching that temporal lords might take away temporal
livings from the clergy sinning habitualiter, that is, lying and
continuing still in the custom of iniquity; now, when the king and the
lords temporal began to amerce them, and bereave them of their
temporalties for their transgressions, the said doctors did keep
silence and durst speak never a word. Again, where the aforesaid
doctors before could not abide in John Huss, that tithes were to be
counted for pure alms, now coming to the Guildhall, they were feign to
entreat for their temporal goods not to be taken from them; pleading
the same temporalties .to be mere alms and devotion of good men, given
unto the church.

  And thus now did they themselves grant the thing, which before
they did condemn. The more that the pope's clergy was pinched, the
more grudge and hatred redounded to John Huss, although he was in no
cause thereof, but only their own wicked deservings, for the which
cause Stephen Paletz, and Andræas de Broda, being the chief champions
of that faction, though they would not remedy the cause, yet, to ease
their minds, wrote sharp and cruel letters to Master Huss. And, to
help the matter forward, the pope also here must help at a pinch, who
likewise writeth his letters to Wenceslaus, king of Bohemia, which was
brother to Sigismund, emperor, for the suppressing of John Huss and of
his doctrine. Which was in the fifth and last year of his popedom, A.
D. 1414: the tenor of whose letters to King Wenceslaus in this wise
proceedeth.

  "John, bishop, servant of God's servants, to his well-beloved son
in Christ, Wenceslaus, king of Romans and of Bohemia, greeting and
apostolical benediction. Among other desires and delights of our
heart, who, although unworthy, represent the room of Christ here in
earth, this doth chiefly redound to our singular comfort, so often as
we do hear of the brotherly entreaty of peace and of concord (by which
concord kingdoms do increase, as contrary by discord they are
diminished) which is between your honour and our well-beloved son in
the Lord, Sigismund, your brother germain and cousin, for the noble
king of the Romans, &c.

  "And as we have cause to joy at the premises, so likewise again
the heavy rumours which are here, do trouble and damp our minds. For
we hear that in divers places under your dominion, there be certain
which do follow and lean to the errors of that arch-heretic Wickliff,
whose books have been long since condemned in the general Roman
council, tobe erroneous, heretical, and swerving from the catholic
faith. And furthermore, which is worst of all, the said persons,
cleaving to the opinions of the heretics, (lest they should be
corrected of their superior powers for their excess, to cover their
naughtiness and stubbornness in despising the commandments of the
apostolical seat,) do openly teach disobedience and contempt of the
keys and ecclesiastical censure, to the subversion of the apostolical
dignity, setting at naught the decrees of the holy fathers and canons.
Wherefore we do exhort your worship, for the mercy of our God, as
heartily as we may or can, that it would please you, as we desire and
hope you will, so effectuously to show forth your regal power, both
for the glory of God, and defence of the catholic faith, which you go
about to defend, and for the conservation of your kingly name, state,
and honour, for the prosperous and safe government of your kingdom and
dominions, as it becometh a catholic prince: whereby this blot of
heresy, which doth so lamentably and miserably spring and creep in
those parts, and doth so infect the minds of mortal men, to the
destruction of their souls, and doth sequester them from the
congregation of the pure and catholic faith and truth, may be rooted
out, &c.

  "Given at Bononia, in the ides of June, in the fifth year of our
popedom," &c.

  In this epistle of Pope John above prefixed, forasmuch as mention
is made of a certain council before holden at Rome (which was four
years before) against the articles and books of John Wickliff, it
shall not be impertinent, nor out of purpose, to repeat a certain
merry history, and worthy otherwise to be noted, written by Nicholas
Clemangis, of a certain spirit which ruled the popish councils: his
words are these:

  "The same pope called a council at Rome about four years before,
at the earnest suit of divers men; and a mass of the Holy Ghost being
said at the entrance into the said council, according to the
accustomed manner, the council being set, and the said John sitting
highest in a chair prepared for him for that purpose; behold, an ugly
and dreadful owl, or, as the common proverb is, the evil sign of some
mischance of death to follow, coming out of the back half of him, flew
to and fro, with her evil-favoured voice, and standing upon the middle
beam of the church, cast her staring eyes upon the pope sitting. The
whole company began to marvel to see the night-crow, which is wont to
abide no light, how he should, in the mid-day, come in the face of
such a multitude; and judged, not without cause, that it was an ill-
favoured token. 'For behold,' said they, (whispering one in another's
ear,) 'the spirit appeareth in the shape of an owl.' And as they stood
beholding one another, and advising the pope, scarcely could they keep
their countenance from laughter. John himself, upon whom the owl
stedfastly looked, blushing at the matter, began to sweat, and to fret
and fume with himself, and not finding by what other means he might
salve the matter, being so confused, dissolving the council, rose up
and departed. After that there followed another session: in the which
the owl again, after the manner aforesaid, although, as I believe, not
called, was present, looking stedfastly upon the bishop; whom he
beholding to be come again, was more ashamed than he was before, and
justly, saying he could no longer abide the sight of her, and
commanded that she should be driven away with bats and shoutings. But
she, being afraid neither with their noise, neither with any thing
else, would not away, until that, with the strokes of the sticks which
were thrown at her, she fell down dead before them all. This I learned
of a faithful friend, who at the same time came to Rome: the which
thing I scarcely crediting for the rareness of the matter, he affirmed
by his oath, that it was most certain and true; adding, moreover, that
all there present were much offended, and did greatly deride that
council called for such a purpose; and by little and little the
council was dissolved, nothing done there, as he saith."
Illustration: The Council disturbed by an Owl

  Although it hath not been always seen that such spiritual doves
have been present with popes and their councils, and governed them,
yet their evil doctrine declareth no less. Read, gentle reader! the
book of Clemangis, and thou shalt not think thy labour evil bestowed;
for he hath both learnedly, truly, freely, and godly bewrayed the
filthiness of antichrist, and his ministers, their wickedness,
impiety, and cruelty, and the miserable state and face of the church,
&c. And thus much for Pope John.



101. THE COUNCIL OF CONSTANCE.

  Here, by the way, is to be noted and understood, that during all
this time of Pope John, there were three popes reigning together,
neither was yet the schism ceased, which so long time had continued,
the space, as I said, of twenty-nine years; by reason whereof a
general council was ordained and holden at Constance in the same year,
A. D. 1414, being called by Sigismund the emperor, and Pope John the
Twenty-third, for the pacifying of the aforesaid schism, which was
then between three popes striving for the popedom; the first whereof
was John, whom the Italians set up; the second was Gregory, whom the
Frenchmen set up; the third was Benedict, whom the Spaniards placed.
In this schismatical ambitious conflict, every one defended his pope,
to the great disturbance of Christian nations. This council endured
four years long, wherein all their matters were decided mostly by four
nations, namely, the English, German, French, and Italian nation; out
of which four nations were appointed and chosen four presidents, to
judge and determine the matters of the council. The names of which
presidents were these: John, the patriarch of Antioch, for France;
Anthony, archbishop of Riegen, for Italy; Nicholas, archbishop of
Genesuensis, for Germany; and Nicholas, bishop of Bath, for England;
by whom many great and profitable things to the glory of God, and
public profit, might have been concluded, if the rotten flesh of the
churchmen could have abiden the salt of the gospel, and if they had
loved the truth. But, as Gregory Nazianzen writeth, "There lightly
come few general councils, but they end more with disturbance, than
tranquillity," so it happened in this council. For whereas John the
Twenty-third, in the first session, exhorteth them by these words
taken out of the eighth of Zechariah, Veritatem diligite, that is to
say, Love the truth, further monishing them, and especially the
divines, every man to do his endeavour for the unity of the church,
and to speak their mind freely; how soon this his exhortation was
forgotten, it appeared shortly after by the despising of the prophets,
and persecuting of Christ in his members, as by the grace of Christ
shall appear hereafter in the process of this history.

  First, this John did resign his papacy: the emperor, giving him
thanks, kissed his feet. Afterwards, the said John, repenting him that
he had so done, sought means to flee, whereunto Frederic, duke of
Austria, did assist him; for he, changing his garments, fled by night
with a small company. And when he was now come unto Schaffhausen, to
go into Italy, the emperor pursuing, took him, and proclaimed Frederic
traitor, and for that cause took away certain cities from him. At the
last the matter was appeased under this condition, that Frederic
should require grace of the emperor, and resign all his possessions
unto him: whereupon the emperor received him again into favour, and
restored him to his dukedom. This pope, being thus deposed, was
committed unto the county Palatine, and by him carried to the castle
of Manheim, where he was kept prisoner by the space of three years.
Afterwards he was again, by Pope Martin, admitted to the number of
cardinals.

  This Pope John was deposed by the decree of the council, more
than three and forty most grievous and heinous crimes being objected
and proved against him: as that he had hired Marcilus Parmensis, a
physician, to poison Alexander, his predecessor; further, that he was
a heretic, a simoniac, a liar, a hypocrite, a murderer, an enchanter,
a dice-player, an adulterer; and, finally, what crime is it that he
was not infected withal?

  And now, to return unto the council: first, we will declare the
order of their sessions, with things therein concluded, in general;
then we will, Christ willing, adjoin the special tractation of such
matters as pertain to the story of the Bohemians, and John Huss, and
Jerome of Prague, who, in the same ungodly council, were condemned and
burned.

  This council, therefore, of Constance, which was summoned by the
emperor Sigismund, and Pope John the Twenty-third, about the nativity
of our Lord Jesus, A. D. 1414, began the same year to be assembled
about the latter end of the year; which first beginning, as the manner
is, with a mass of the Holy Ghost, as they were singing according to
their custom their hymn, Veni Sancte Spiritus, there was, at the same
time, a certain bill set up in the church by some well-disposed man,
as it seemed, wherein were contained these words following: "We are
otherwise occupied at this time; we cannot attend to come to you."
Here is also to be remembered the worthy saying of the emperor
Sigismund, when talk was ministered as touching the reformation of the
spiritually, and some said, "The reformation ought first to begin at
the Minorites;" the emperor answering again, "Not with the Minorites,
but with the Majorites;" meaning the reformation ought first to begin
with the pope, cardinals, and bishops, and other superior states of
the church; and so to descend after to the inferiors. Thus much by the
way, and now to the purpose and order of the sessions as we promised.
The which council continued, as is aforesaid, by the space of four
years, and had in it forty-five sessions, wherein many things were
concluded, the which altogether were too long to be recited in this
place; as the deposition of three several popes, which were before
spoken of, and the hearing of certain legates. Yet I mind to make some
brief recapitulation of the most principal matters there done in the
sessions orderly ensuing.

  "In the first session chiefly was concluded, First, that this
council was lawfully congregated.

  "In the second session, Item, that the going away of the pope
should be no let or stay, but the council might proceed. -- Wherein
note, gentle reader, that the authority of the general council is
above the pope, contrary to their own doctrine.

  "In the third session, Item, this council should not be dissolved
before the church were reformed, as well in the superiors as
inferiors.

  "In the fourth session, amongst other things this was first
concluded, That a synod congregated in the Holy Ghost, making a
general council, representing the whole catholic church here militant,
hath power of Christ immediately, to the which power every person, of
what state or dignity soever he be, yea, being the pope himself, ought
to be obedient in all such things as concern the general reformation
of the church, as well in the heads, as in the subjects. Item, the
said pope should not translate the court of Rome, and the officers of
the same court, from the city of Constance; and that all his censures,
doings, and workings, after the time of his departure, whatsoever he
should enterprise to do to the prejudice of this council, should be of
no effect.

  "In the fifth session, the same articles were repeated and
concluded again.

  "In the sixth session, procuration and citation was sent out
against the pope. Item, commissioners were appointed out of the four
nations for the hearing of John Huss, which shall be hereafter
mentioned in his story following. Item, the memory of John Wickliff
was condemned, and the sentence, given in the council holden at Rome
upon the condemnation and burning of Wickliff's books, was there
confirmed. Item, in the same session, citation was sent out against
Jerome of Prague, the tenor whereof followeth after in the story of
the said Jerome. Item, in this session was decreed against libels of
infamy.

  "In the seventh session, nothing was handled, but that the tenor
of the citation against Pope John was recited.

  "In the eighth session, the sentence and condemnation of John
Wickliff and his forty-five articles was recited, and sentence given
against his memory, and bones to be burned. The tenor whereof is
rehearsed in the history of John Wickliff before passed.

  "In the ninth session, the matter and cause of Pope John was
again treated, and commissioners appointed to inquire upon his cause,
and judges for the same.

  "In the tenth session, suspension was given out and read against
the said pope.

  "In the eleventh and twelfth sessions, notaries were assigned,
and definitive sentence was given against the said pope; where also it
was decreed that none of them that intended before for the papacy,
should be chosen pope.

  "In the thirteenth session was decreed, that no priest, under
pain of excommunication, shall communicate unto the people under both
kinds of bread and wine.

  "In the fourteenth session came in the resignation of Pope
Gregory the Twelfth, which was one of the three before mentioned,
striving for the papacy, with certain other articles concerning the
election of the bishop of Rome, and the ratification of their
resigning, which gave over the papacy.

  "Then ensueth the fifteenth session, in the which silence was
commanded on all parts under pain of excommunication and the great
curse; that no person or persons, high or low, of what estate or
degree soever he were, emperor, king, cardinal, or other, should
disturb the said session with any manner of noise, either by hand,
foot, or voice. This being done, the sentence and condemnation against
John Huss was read and published, which after in the story of John
Huss followeth to be seen more at large.

  "In the sixteenth session, ambassadors were assigned by the
council to go into Arragon to Benedict the Thirteenth, to treat with
him for the resignation of his papacy, as the other two had done
before. Item, power was given to judges to cite, under pain of
deprivation, all such as privily departed away from the council; in
the which session also the sentence against John Huss was confirmed
and ratified.

  "In the seventeenth session, the emperor took upon him a journey
to the king of Arragon, to treat with Pope Benedict. Item, an
excommunication denounced against all such as should go about to
impeach the emperor's journey about that matter, &c. Item, prayers and
processions were determined to be made by the council every Sunday for
the same cause, with a hundred days of pardon given to them that would
be present thereat; and that all prelates should be present at every
of these said masses and processions, in their pontificalibus.
Granting besides to every priest that said one mass, for the same a
hundred days of pardon: and to all other that once a day should say
one Pater Noster, and one Ave, for the safety of the emperor, forty
days of pardon.

  "In the eighteenth session, certain judges were assigned for the
hearing of matters, which the council had no leisure to hear. It was
there also decreed, that such letters and bulls as were written in the
name of that council, should be received with no less credit and
authority than the bulls proceeding from the see apostolical, and that
the falsifiers of the same should incur no less penalty than the
falsifiers of the other. Legates, also, and ambassadors, were sent
into Italy.

  "In the nineteenth session, which was the same year, in the month
of September, Jerome of Prague, who was cited, as is before said, was
accused of heresy, and cast into prison, by the said council, and
constrained to abjure; the which his abjuration hereafter followeth to
be seen in his history. Item, it was decreed, notwithstanding the safe
conduct given by the emperor and kings, &c., inquiry may be made
against a man for heresy by a sufficient judge, and process to be made
according to the law. Item, the causes of heresies were committed to
certain judges and deputies. Item, the chart called Carolina, and
divers other charts and constitutions concerning the liberties of the
Church of Rome, being brought forth, were approved and confirmed.

  "In the twentieth session, letters and instruments were made and
set upon church doors, to require and admonish Duke Frederic to
restore again unto George, bishop of Austria, such lands, rents, and
revenues as he detained and withheld, under pain of interdictment,
suspending, and excommunication. During the time of this session, the
ambassadors returned out of Arragon from Pope Benedict, and were heard
with great audience; where certain articles and conditions between the
pope and the council were brought forth and agreed upon, to the number
of twelve.

  "In the year of our Lord 1416, was the twenty-first session,
beginning, after their manner, with a mass of the Holy Ghost, with
procession and such other rites; in the time of which mass, James,
bishop of Londe, made a sermon, taking for his theme these words, The
Lord rebuked their misbelief and hardness, &c. This sermon being
ended, Jerome of Prague, which had abjured, as is said, the year
before, being present thereat, stood up upon a certain bench or form,
replying against the aforesaid James and his sermon, alleging and
preaching divers and sundry things; whereupon the patriarch of
Constantinople, one of the commissioners, proceeded against him,
pronouncing the sentence definitive, which he had in writing against
the said Jerome; which sentence being read and approved by the
council, (the tenor whereof ensueth in his history,) the said Jerome
was delivered unto the secular power, and burned.

  "The twenty-second and twenty-third sessions contain no worthy
matter, but only the placing of the ambassadors of Alphonsus, king of
Arragon, and granting them voices in the council.

  "In the twenty-fourth session, citation was given out against
Benedict, keeping with Alphonsus, king of Arragon.

  "The twenty-fifth session containeth nothing but a certain
Commendam given to the church of Olmutz.

  "In the twenty-sixth session there was nothing else handled, but
the uniting and incorporating of the ambassadors of the king of
Navarre into the council; and also concerning the derogation of the
priority of voices.

  "After this followed the twenty-seventh and twenty-eighth
sessions, which were in the year 1417; wherein was treated the
relation and declaration concerning the cause betwixt Duke Frederic
and the bishop of Trent, and process given out against the said duke,
accusing him of sacrilege; and also excommunicating him for not
obeying the admonition of the council, concerning the usurpation and
detaining of the city of Trent and other possessions from Bishop
George, as is before specified.

  "In the twenty-ninth and thirtieth sessions, proctors and
notaries were given out in the cause against Pope Benedict, and order
decreed upon his obstinacy; wherein also the withdrawing of the king
of Arragon from the same pope was recited, and approved by the
council.

  "In the thirty-first session, certain instruments and special
letters monitory were directed from the council to a certain earl of
Italy, named Comes Virtutum, for laying violent hands upon Albert,
bishop of Asce, and for bringing him to prison; requiring the said
earl, under pain of interdiction and excommunication, to set the said
bishop at liberty. Also another decree was set forth for the restoring
again the liberties of the church of Beron.

  "In the thirty-second and thirty-third sessions, the accusation
of Pope Benedict was renewed, and his obstinacy accused, and witness
brought in; at which thing doing the Emperor Sigismund was present.

  "In the thirty-fourth session, the cause of the aforesaid pope
was heard, and process given out against him.

  "In the thirty-fifth session, the ambassadors of the king of
Castile were brought in, and united to the council, and instruments
thereof made and read. Also, that notwithstanding the oaths made to
the aforesaid pope, men might lawfully forsake his obedience.

  "In the thirty-sixth session, a certain citation was made and
read against the pope, containing his deprivation and the sentence
against him, and instruments made upon the same. And whereas this pope
had thundered out his curses, deprivations, and excommunications
against them, the said synod did annihilate all his doings.

  "The thirty-seventh session did renew again the accusation of the
aforesaid pope, and the sentence definitive against him was published.

  "In the thirty-eighth session, certain decrees were made touching
the annihilating of the penalties of the ambassadors of King Henry,
son of Alphonsus, king of Arragon. Also, another decree was made
touching the revocation of the voices granted to the ambassadors of
the king of Arragon.

  "Thus Pope Benedict being deposed and excommunicated, as is
aforesaid, in the next sessions following they addressed themselves to
the election of a new pope, beginning first in the thirty-ninth
session, to give out decrees concerning general councils, and
provision for the avoiding of such-like schisms hereafter; decreeing
every tenth year to have a general council, after the two councils
that should follow immediately after this, of the which, the one
should he kept within five years then next following, and the second
within seven years after that. Item, In the same session was drawn out
a form touching such things as the pope should profess and bind
himself to observe at the time of his election, of the which form, the
order and tenor is this:

  "'I, N., elected for pope, profess with heart and mouth unto
Almighty God, whose church I take upon me to govern by his help, and
to blessed St. Peter, the prince of the apostlcs, so long as I shall
endure in this frail and brittle life, firmly to believe and hold the
holy catholic faith, after the traditions of the apostles, of general
councils, and of other holy fathers, and namely, of the eight general
councils: Nice the first, the second of Constantinople, Ephesus the
third, Chalcedon the fourth, the fifth and sixth of them in
Constantinople, the seventh of Nice, the eighth of Constantinople. And
also of the general councils of Lateran, Lyons, and Vienna; willing to
observe the same faith inviolate even to the uttermost, and to preach
and defend the same, even to the spending of my life and blood; and
also, by all means possible, to prosecute and observe the rites of the
sacraments canonically delivered to the catholic church. And this my
profession and confession, by my commandment being written out by the
notary of the arches of the holy Church of Rome, I have subscribed
with mine own hand, and sincerely, with a pure mind and devout
conscience, I offer it unto the Almighty God upon such an altar, &c.
In the presence of such witnesses, &c. Given,' &c.

  "It was also decided in this session, that no prelates should be
translated against their wills.

  "The third of the same month and the same year, followed the
fortieth session, wherein certain decrees were constituted and read,
as touching reformations to be made through the whole church by the
pope that next should be, with the council, before this synod should
break up. Item, That they should so proceed to the election of the
bishop of Rome, notwithstanding the absence of those cardinals which
were with Pope Benedict in Spain. This done, the order and manner was
decreed for the election of the pope.

  "After these things thus decreed, in the next session, which was
forty-one, the constitution of Clement the Sixth was read, concerning
the order and diet of the cardinals being then in the conclave about
the choosing of the pope; and upon the same, oaths were ministered
unto the cardinals and other electors, binding them to observe and
keep all such things as they should be bound to, during the time of
the election.

  "First, That they should enter into the conclave within ten days
after the fortieth session, which was this present day, after sunset.

  "Secondly, That every cardinal should have but two servitors
attending upon him at the most, either of the laity or clergy, as they
would themselves.

  "Thirdly, That they should remain together in the said conclave,
without any wall betwixt them, or any other cover, save only bare
curtains, if any were disposed to sleep.

  "Fourthly, That the conclave should so be shut up, and the entry
to the privy chamber be kept so straitly, that none of them should
come in or out, nor any have recourse unto them to talk with them
privily or apertly, nor they to admit any man to come to them, except,
by the consent of them all, certain should be called about matters
concerning the election.

  "Fifthly, that no man should send to them either messenger or
writings.

  "Sixthly, that a competent window should be assigned unto them to
receive in their victuals, but that no person might come in thereat.

  "Seventhly, That no day after their first ingress into the
conclave, beside bread, wine, and water, they should have any more
dishes but one of one only kind, either of flesh or fish, eggs,
pottage made of fish or flesh, not after the daintiest sort; besides
salads, cheese, fruit, and conserves, whereof there shall be no
principal mess made, but for sauce and taste.

  "Eighthly, That not one should be compelled to go into the
conclave; but if they did all refuse to go in, then they should be
compelled thereunto.

  "Ninthly, That such as would go out, might: but if they would all
go out before the pope were elect, they should be compelled to go in
again, except such whom infirmity did excuse; but without the excuse
of infirmity, if any went out, he should no more be admitted, except
they went all out together.

  "Tenthly, That such as went out, by reason of infirmity, to be
absent, and return before the election be determined, may be admitted
again into the conclave in the same state wherein they shall find the
election to stand.

  "Further and besides, the keepers of the conclave should also be
sworn to see all these premises observed and kept without fraud or
guile, and that they should not straiten the cardinals and other
electors above the order here taken. And if the king be there himself,
sitting in his throne of estate, he should receive the same oath of
the cardinals. Upon this, such as should be electors, besides the
cardinals, were chosen."

  Furthermore, forasmuch as the goods and substance of such as were
elect, were accustomed to be given and granted unto such as could
catch them, (whereupon, under the pretence of the same, many did
invade the goods of the cardinals, and others which were in the
conclave, falsely feigning them to be elected which were not elected,)
to stop the greedy ravening of such, a decree also was published in
the same session.

  These things thus prepared and set in order, the patriarch of
Constantinople, with the cardinals and other archbishops, bishops,
abbots, priors, deans, archdeacons, doctors, with other electors,
entering into the conclave upon Monday, on Thursday after they had
hatched out a pope, being St. Martin's even, whereupon they named him
Martin. This Martin being thus elected, was straightway brought in by
the emperor and the council into the church of Constance, and there
enthroned for pope, not without great solemnity and triumph. The
twenty-first day of the said month, this aforesaid Martin, according
to their accustomed pomp, was honourably brought in to be crowned with
sumptuous procession from the high church of Constance, unto the
monastery of St. Austin; the emperor on foot leading his horse by the 
bridle on the right hand, and the marquis of Brandenburgh, prince
elector, likewise leading his horse on the left hand; the pope himself
riding in the midst upon his palfrey.
Illustration; Pope Martin riding in procession

  And thus being brought into the monastery aforesaid, and so
reduced round about again from thence to the high church of Constance,
he was there crowned with all magnificence. Notwithstanding all this,
yet all the trifling and fond vanity of this council, more great than
wise, did not end thus; for "in the next session, which was the forty-
second, came out a decree in the name of the pope and the council,
discharging the bond of the emperor and the county palatine, touching
the safe custody of Pope John, who was by bond committed unto them to
be kept in safety.

  "In the forty-third session, certain other decrees and statutes
were made by Pope Martin in the said synod, annulling and reproving
all the acts and proceedings of the other popes before, during the
time of the schism from the time of Gregory the Eleventh; as in
matters concerning exemptions, unions, fruits, and profits of the
church, benefices, simony, dispensations, tithes, and other burdens of
the church. Also concerning the apparel of the clergy, and such other
things.

  "In the forty-fourth session, the sage fathers of this council
were occupied about the determining what place the next council should
be kept in. The forty-fifth session brake up and dissolved this
synod."

  Now, to finish our tedious rehearsal of this synod, the Cardinal
Umbald, by the commandment of the pope and the council, with a high
and loud voice pronounced these words, Domini! ite in pace; which is,
"Lords! depart in peace;" whereunto the standers-by answered,"Amen."

  Thus the council being dissolved, Friar John, bishop of Catania,
by the consent and commandment of the pope and the council, went up
into the pulpit to make a sermon, taking for his theme, "You are now
in sadness, I will see you again, and then your hearts shall rejoice."
The which collation being ended, another cardinal, named Anthony, was
sent up by the pope and the council, with this proclamation; first, to
dismiss the synod, and to give every man leave to depart home. Also to
declare the pope's indulgence unto them, who, by the authority of God
Almighty, had granted to them all and every one present at that
council, full absolution once in their life; so that every one, within
two months after the hearing of this indulgence, should procure the
same in form of writing. Also, another indulgence was granted in like
manner of plenary remission at the hour of death, and that was
understood as well of the household as of the masters themselves; but
under this condition, that from the time of notification of the same,
they should fast by the space of one whole year every Friday, for the
absolution in their life-time; and for the absolution at the hour of
death, to fast the same Friday another year, except they had some
lawful impediment to the contrary, so that after the second year, they
should fast unto their lives' end, or else do some other good work;
the which being in this manner proclaimed, the synod brake up, and
every man departed home.

  The number of the foreigners resorting to this council, both
spiritual and temporal, was sixty thousand five hundred, whereof the
number of archbishops and bishops was three hundred and forty-six;
abbots and doctors, five hundred and sixty-four; princes, dukes,
earls, knights, esquires, sixteen thousand; besides common women
belonging to the same council four hundred and fifty; barbers, six
hundred; minstrels, cooks, and jesters, three hundred and twenty; so
that the whole multitude which were viewed to be in the town of
Constance, between Easter and Whitsuntide, were numbered to be sixty
thousand five hundred strangers and foreigners at that council.

  Here is to be noted that in this council of Constance nothing was
decreed or enacted worthy of memory, but this only, that the pope's
authority is under the council, and that the council ought to judge
the pope. And, as touching the communion in both kinds, although the
council did not deny, but that it was used by Christ and his apostles,
yet, notwithstanding, by the same council it was decreed to the
contrary.



102. JOHN HUSS BEFORE THE COUNCIL OF CONSTANCE

  Hitherto we have comprehended the order and discourse of this
council, with the acts and sessions concerning the same; which
council, although it was principally thought to be assembled, for
quieting of the schism between the three popes; yet, notwithstanding,
a great part thereof was for the cause of the Bohemians, and
especially for John Huss, as appeared by their preparation before the
council. For before the council began, the Emperor Sigismund,
aforesaid, sent certain gentlemen, Bohemians, which were of his own
household, giving them in charge to bring John Huss, bachelor of
divinity, unto the said council, and that under his safe-conduct. The
meaning and intent thereof was, that John Huss should purge and clear
himself of the blame which they had laid against him: and, for the
better assurance, the emperor did not only promise him safe-conduct,
that he might come freely unto Constance, but also that he should
return again into Bohemia, without fraud or interruption; he promised
also to receive him under his protection, and under safeguard of the
whole empire. For the same only cause the emperor sent him afterwards
the safe-conducts double written, both in Latin and Almain; the form
whereof doth hereafter ensue.

  "Sigismund, by the grace of God, king of the Romans, of Hungary
and Denmark, Croatia, &c. To all princes, as well ecclesiastical as
secular, dukes, marquisses, and earls, barons, captains, borough-
masters, judges, and governors, officers of towns, burgages, and
villages, and unto all rulers of the commonalty; and generally, to all
the subjects of our empire, to whom these letters shall come, grace
and all goodness.

  "We charge and command you all, that you have respect unto John
Huss, the which is departed out of Bohemia, to come unto the general
council, the which shall be celebrate and holden very shortly at the
town of Constance. The which John Huss we have received under our
protection, and safeguard of the whole empire, desiring you that you
will cheerfully receive him when he shall come towards you, and that
you entreat and handle him gently, showing him favour and good will,
and show him pleasure in all things, as touching the forwardness,
ease, and assurance of his journey, as well by land as by water.

  "Moreover, we will, that he and all his company, with his
carriage and necessaries, shall pass throughout all places, passages,
ports, bridges, lands, governances, lordships, liberties, cities,
towns, burgages, castles, and villages, and all other your dominions,
without paying of any manner of imposition or Dane-money, peage,
tribute, or any manner of toll, whatsoever it be. We will also, that
you suffer him to pass, rest, tarry, and to sojourn at liberty,
without doing unto him any manner of impeachment, or vexation, or
trouble; and that if need shall so require, you do provide a faithful
company to conduct him withal, for the honour and reverence which you
owe unto our imperial majesty. Given at Spires, the eighteenth of
October, in the year of our Lord God 1414."

  By this it may appear, that this safe-conduct was granted not in
the time of the council, by the bishops, but before the council, by
the emperor, who was or ought to be the principal ordainer and
directer of the council, under God. Now, whether the bishops did well
in breaking and annulling this promise of the emperor, against the
emperor's mind, because the discussion thereof belongeth ad materiam
juris, non facti, being a matter rather of law than of story, I will
defer to reason this case with Master Cope, to such time as may be
more convenient to the full tractation thereof.

  Notwithstanding, briefly to touch and pass, let us consider part
of the reasons of the said Cope, how frivolous and false they be, and
easy to be refelled. "What," saith he, "if he preached by the way,
coming up?" First, that it is false. "What," saith he, "if he stood
obstinate in his heresy?" "what if he sought to escape away after his
coming up?" To this the lords of Bohemia do answer: That this safe-
conduct was broken, and he imprisoned, not only before he attempted to
escape, or before he was condemned for a heretic, but also before he
was heard of the council what he was.

  Further, where Cope saith, that the general council was above the
emperor, and hath power in case of heresy to break public leagues and
grants: to that I say, that this safe-conduct stood not only upon the
emperor, but also upon the consent of the pope himself.

  And admit that to be true, that the council had power to make
this decree, to break promise with heretics; yet this cannot be
denied, but that John Huss was condemned and judged before that decree
in the nineteenth session was made. Finally, when Cope hath proved by
what scripture the councils have power to defeat the authority of
their emperors in such secular causes touching safe-conducts and
outward safety, then will I answer him more fully herein. But to the
purpose again of the story.

  John Huss, seeing so many fair promises, and the assurance which
the emperor had given unto him, sent answer unto the emperor, that he
would come unto the council. But before he departed out of the realm
of Bohemia, and especially out of the town of Prague, he did write
certain bills long enough before, as well in Latin as in the Bohemian
language and Almain, and caused them to be set and fastened upon the
gates of the cathedral churches and parish churches, cloisters and
abbeys, signifying unto them all, that he would go to the general
council at Constance; wherefore, if any man have any suspicion of his
doctrine, that he should declare it before the Lord Conrad, archbishop
of Prague; or, if he had rather, at the general council, for there he
would render and give up unto every one, and before them all, an
account and reason of his faith. The example of his letters and
intimations set up, were these, the copy whereof here followeth:

  "Master John Huss, bachelor of divinity, will appear before the
most reverend father the Lord Conrad, archbishop of Prague, and legate
of the apostolic seat, in their next convocation of all their prelates
and clergy of the kingdom of Bohemia; being ready always to satisfy
all men which shall require him to give a reason of his faith and hope
that he holdeth, and to hear and see all such as will lay unto his
charge either any stubbornness of error or heresy, that they should
write in their names there, as is required both by God's law and
man's. And if so be that they could not lawfully prove any
stubbornness of error or heresy against him, that then they should
suffer the like punishments that he should have had; unto whom
altogether he will answer the next general council at Constance,
before the archbishop and the prelates, and, according to the decrees
and canons of the holy fathers, show forth his innocency in the name
of Christ. -- Dated the Sunday next after the feast of St.
Bartholomew."

  "I, Master John Husnetz, do signify unto all men, that I am ready
to come and stand before the face of my lord the archbishop, and to
answer to all things whereof I am falsely accused in the next
convocation of bachelors; and chiefly to this point, that in many
places they do report me to be a heretic, not having respect unto
justice or law, neither yet to my merits or deserts. Therefore, since
that you, which do never cease to slander and backbite me with your
words, do understand and know these things, come forth openly before
the face and presence of the lord archbishop, and with an open mouth
declare and show forth what false doctrine or other things ye have
heard me teach, contrary to the catholic faith; and if that I shall be
found faulty in never so small a matter, contrary or against the faith
of Christ, or in any false doctrine, and that I do choose that or
other things contrary to the faith of Christ, then I will hold my
peace and suffer punishment as a heretic. And if there be no man that
will resist against me, or accuse me in this point, once again I say
unto you, that I am ready to appear at Constance in the famous
congregation, to the end that I may stand in the company of the
divines, even before the face of the pope. Therefore, whosoever
knoweth any false doctrine contrary to the faith of Christ in me, let
him come thither and show it forth boldly, if he have any thing to lay
against me; and for my part I will not be slack, if I may understand
or know it, to answer as well to small as great, as touching the truth
which I have received of God, and desire to be defended. All you good
men, therefore, which love the truth, say now whether, by these my
words, I do think or go about any thing, either contrary to the law of
God or man. If I be not admitted then to be heard, be it known and
manifest unto all men, that it happeneth not through my fault. -- The
same day."

This epistle which followeth, was set upon the gates of the king's
palace, translated into Latin, out of the Bohemian tongue.

  "Unto the king's Majesty, the queen, and to all such as are of
his council, and to all other rulers and magistrates, which now are in
the king's court, I, John Huss, do signify and publish, that I have
understood, not by any vain rumour or tale, that there be letters
brought from the pope to the king's Majesty, the contents whereof are
these: That the king's Majesty should bring to pass, that the heretics
which were now lately sprung up in his kingdom and dominions, should
not take any firm or strong root. Forasmuch as without any desert, as
I trust by God's grace, the fame or noise is sprung and blown abroad,
it shall be our part to foresee and take heed, that neither the king's
Majesty, neither the noble kingdom of Bohemia, should be driven to
bear or suffer any reproach or slander for me. Wherefore now of late I
have sent my letters to and fro, which I have with great labour and
diligence caused to be openly set up; to this intent, that I might
thereby cause the archbishop to be careful and diligent about the
matter; signifying openly, that if there were any man in all Bohemia,
which did know me to be a follower of any false or corrupt doctrine,
he should profess his name in the archbishop's court, and there show
forth and declare what he thought. And, forasmuch as there would none
be found or come forth, which would accuse me, the archbishop
commanded me and my procurers to depart in peace. Wherefore I require
and desire the king's Majesty, which is the defender of the truth,
also the queen and their counsellors, and all other rulers and
magistrates, that they would give me a faithful testimonial of this
matter; forasmuch as I have oftentimes willed and attempted this, and
no man hath either accused me or troubled me. I do it, moreover, to be
known unto all Bohemia, and to all nations, that I will be present
even at the first time before the council of Constance, in the most
famous place, in the presence of the pope, the pope being president;
and finally, in the presence of all others which will come to that
most famous place; and that whosoever hath any suspicion of me, that I
have either taught or defended any thing contrary unto the faith of
Christ, let him come thither also, let him declare there before, or in
the presence of, the pope, and all the doctors of divinity, what
erroneous and false doctrine I have at any time followed or holden.
Moreover, if he shall convince me of any error, or prove that I have
taught any thing contrary unto the Christian faith, I will not refuse
to suffer whatsoever punishment shall be due for a heretic. But I hope
and trust, even from the bottom of my heart, that God will not give
the victory to unfaithful and unbelieving men, who do willingly kick
and spurn against the truth."

  The same time John Huss sent his procurers to the lord bishop of
Nazareth, ordained, by the apostolic see, inquisitor of heresy of the
city and diocese of Prague, requiring him, that if he had found any
error in him, he would declare it openly. But the said bishop, before
the said procurer, and the public notary, with many other credible
witnesses, answered, that he had often talked with John Huss, and that
he never knew any thing in him, but as becometh a godly and faithful
man; and this his testimony of John Huss, he approved by his letters,
the copy whereof is hereunder written:

  "We, Nicholas, by the grace of God, bishop of Nazareth, and
inquisitor, specially deputed by the apostolic seat, for heresies both
of the city and diocese of Prague, by these presents do it to be known
unto all men, that we in times past have often communed and talked
with that honourable man, Master John Huss, bachelor of divinity, of
the famous university of Prague, and have had divers and sundry
conferences with him, both of the Scriptures and divers other matters;
and in all his sayings, doings, and behaviour, we have proved and
found him to be a faithful and a catholic man, finding no manner of
evil, sinister, or, by any means, erroneous doings, in him unto this
present. We do witness and protest moreover, how the said John Huss,
of late, in the cathedral church of Prague, and in other both
collegiate and parish churches, and in the colleges of the university
of Prague, and in the gates and porches of the most noble prince and
lord, the Lord Wenceslaus, king of Romans and of Bohemia; also in the
gates of the reverend father, the Lord Conrad, archbishop of Prague,
legate of the apostolic see, and chancellor of the university, of
Prague, and of other princes and barons, then being in the city of
Prague, hath set up his letters, written both in Latin and in the
Bohemian tongue, containing sententially in effect, how the aforesaid
Master John Huss would appear before the reverend father, the Lord
Conrad, the aforesaid archbishop of Prague, and all the prelates and
clergy of the kingdom of Bohemia, that shall be congregated and called
together by the said archbishop, at the day appointed in the said city
of Prague; ready always to satisfy every man that shall desire and
require him to show a reason of his faith and hope that he holdeth,
and to see and hear all and every one which could prove any obstinacy
of error or heresy lawfully against him, under the pain to receive the
like punishment: unto whom all together he would, by God's help,
answer in the council of Constance, which was now at hand, before the
said lord archbishop and us, with all other prelates; and there, in
Christ's name, according to the decrees and canons of the holy
fathers, to declare and show forth his innocency. After the which
letters as is aforesaid, by the said Master John Huss openly set up,
there did no man appear before us, the which would accuse the said
Master John Huss of any error, either of any heresy. For the evident
witness of all which things we have commanded these present letters to
be made, and confirmed the same with the setting to of our seal. Dated
in Prague the thirtieth of August, A. D. 1414."
Upon which matter also, a public instrument was drawn, testified with
the hand and seal of the public notary, named Michael Pruthatietz: the
copy of which instrument hereunder followeth:

  "In the name of God, Amen. In the year of his nativity, one
thousand four hundred and fourteen, the thirtieth of August, in the
fifth year of the bishopric of the most holy father in Christ, John,
by the grace of God, pope, the three and twentieth of that name, in
the uppermost parlour of the house of the most famous man the Lord
Peter of Zwogsta, called Zuirglits, master of the mint of the most
famous prince and lord, the Lord Wenceslaus, king of the Romans and of
Bohemia, in the greater city of Prague, about the abbey of St. James
the apostle, in the presence of me the public notary hereunder
written, and certain witnesses here within written, specially called
for that purpose.

  "There was personally present Master John Jessenitz, master of
arts, procurer in the name of the honourable man, Master John Huss,
bachelor, formed in divinity of the university of Prague. He most
humbly and earnestly required of the reverend father in Christ and
lord, Nicholas, bishop of Nazareth, inquisitor of heresies for the
city and diocese of Prague, specially appointed by the apostolic see,
being there also present, saying, 'Reverend father, do you know any
heresy or error in Master John Husnetz, otherwise called Huss?' The
which said Lord Nicholas, not compelled or constrained, but of his own
will and accord freely and openly, did there recognise, saying these
or the like words, in the Bohemian tongue:

  "I have often and many times been conversant with Master John
Huss, and have eaten and drunk with him; also I have been often
present at his sermons, and divers of his collations which he hath
made upon divers places of the Scripture, and I never found or
perceived in him any error or heresy, but in all his words and deeds I 
have found him always a true and a catholic man, neither have I found
any thing that doth savour of any error or heresy.'

  "Again, the said Master John's procurer in the behalf as above,
required and asked the said Lord Nicholas, bishop and inquisitor,
whether any man have accused the said Master John Huss of any heresy
before him, being inquisitor for heresy, and hath convicted him of
heresy. He answered, that since the time he knew John Huss, and that
he was made inquisitor for heresy in the city and diocese of Prague,
(as is aforesaid,) never any man accused, either convinced the said
Master John Huss of any heresy before him unto this present time.
Adding, moreover, that he, the said Master John Huss, did openly set
up his letters patent this present year aforesaid, in the said month
of August, upon the porches of the cathedral church of Prague, and
other collegiate and parish churches of the city of Prague, and upon
the gates of our said lord, our lord the king, and the archbishop of
Prague, containing in them this effect: how that he would appear
before Conrad, archbishop of Prague, and all the prelates and clergy
of the kingdom of Bohemia, which should be congregated and called
together at a certain day of the month aforesaid, ready always to
satisfy all men as touching the faith and hope which he held, and to
see and hear all or singular that would lay any obstinacy of error and
heresy unto him; that they should determine themselves there to suffer
the like punishment, according to the extremity both of God's law and
man's law; unto whom altogether he would answer in his own right
before the said archbishop of Prague, and the said Lord Nicholas,
bishop and inquisitor aforesaid, and the prelates even in the next
general council of Constance; and there, according unto the canons and
decrees of the holy fathers, declare and show forth his uprightness
and innocency; upon all and singular of which proceedings, Master John
de Jessenitz, procurer, and in the procurer's name or behalf as
before, required and desired that he might have one or many public
instruments made unto him by me the public notary here underwritten.
These things were done the year, indiction, day, month, hour, place,
and bishopric, as is aforesaid, in the presence of these noble and
famous men, the Lord William de Zwingelitz, baron of the kingdom of
Bohemia; Peter his son; the Lord Hlawaczion de Renow, likewise Baron
Wenceslaus de Lunarx, Vassone de Miekonitz, burgrave of the castle of
Lichetenburg, Czitborius de Bodanetz, esquire, and William de Dupoer,
knight of the said diocese of Prague, with many other worthy and
credible witnesses, which were specially desired and required unto the
premises. And I, Michael, sometime the son of Nicholas de Prachatitz
of the diocese of Prague, and by the imperial authority, public
notary, was present with the witnesses afore-named, at the affairs
aforesaid, at the request, demand, answer, and petition, and all and
singular the doings within written, and did see and hear all these
things to be done in the aforesaid manner and form. But being busied
with other matters, I have caused this to be faithfully drawn and
written, and subscribing the same with mine own hand, have published
and reduced it into this form, and have signed it with my seal and
name accustomed, being called and required to bear witness of all and
singular the premises."

  After this, as all the barons of Bohemia were assembled in the
abbey of St. James, about the affairs of the realm, where the
archbishop of Prague was also present, there the said John Huss
presented supplications, by the which he most humbly desired the
barons, that they would show him that favour towards the said
archbishop: that if the said archbishop did suspect him of any error
or heresy, that he would declare it openly, and that he was ready to
endure and suffer correction for the same at his hands. And if that he
had found or perceived no such thing in him, that he would then give
him a testimonial thereof, through the which he, being as it were
armed, he might the more freely go unto Constance. The said archbishop
confessed openly, before all the assembly of barons, that he knew not
that the said John Huss was culpable or faulty in any crime or
offence, and this was his only counsel: that the said John Huss should
purge himself of the excommunication he had incurred. This report
which the archbishop had given of John Huss, doth appear by the
letters which the barons of Bohemia sent unto the Emperor Sigismund by
the said Huss, in the town of Constance.

  Finally, all the prelates and clergy assembled together in the
town of Prague, in the archbishop's court, where appeared personally
the worshipful Master John Jessenitz, doctor of decretals and
procurer, in the name and behalf of the honourable man, Master John
Huss, requiring that either the said Master John Huss, or that he, in
the name and behalf of him, might be suffered to come into the said
archbishop's court, to the presence of the archbishop, and the
prelates which were there congregated together, forasmuch as Master
John Huss is ready to satisfy all men which shall require him to show
any reason of his faith or hope which he holdeth, and to see and hear
all and singular which were there gathered together; that is to say,
the lord archbishop and prelates, or any of them which would lay any
manner of obstinacy, or error, or heresy unto him: that they should
there write in their names, and according both unto God's law and
man's, and the canon law, prepare themselves to suffer like
punishment, if they could not lawfully prove any obstinacy of error or
heresy against him: unto whom altogether he would, by God's help,
answer before the said archbishop and the prelates in the next general
council holden at Constance, and stand unto the law: and, according to
the canons and decretals of the holy fathers, show forth and declare
his innocency, in the name of Christ. Unto the which Master John of
Jessenitz, doctor, one called Ulricus Swabe, of Swabenitz, marshal of
the said archbishop, coming forth of the said court, did utterly deny
unto the said master doctor and his party, all manner of ingress and
entrance into the court, and to the presence of the archbishop
aforesaid, and of the prelates there gathered together; pretending
that the archbishop, with the prelates aforesaid, were occupied about
the king's affairs: requiring the said master doctor, that he would
tarry in some place without the said court, that when the archbishop
and the prelates had finished the king's affairs, he might then
return, and have liberty to come into the court there. The said Master
John Huss and the doctor of law tarried awhile, entreating to be
admitted into the archbishop's court; but seeing he could prevail
nothing, he made there a solemn protestation of his request, that both
he, and also Master John Huss and his party, could not be suffered to
come into the archbishop's court, to the presence of the archbishop
and the prelates; requiring of the aforesaid notary, public
instruments to be made of the same, which also was done.

  And these were the things which were done before John Huss took
his journey to the general council of Constance, the which I minded
briefly to rehearse, whereunto I will also annex somewhat as touching
his journey thitherwards.

  About the ides of October, 1414, John Huss being accompanied with
two noble gentlemen, that is, to wit, Wencelate of Duba, and John of
Clum, he departed from Prague, and took his journey towards Constance.
And in every place as he passed, he notified his presence by his
letters which he sent abroad, and especially in every good town or
city of name, the tenor whereof ensueth:

  "Master John Huss goeth now unto Constance, there to declare his
faith which he hath hitherto holden, and even at this present doth
hold, and by God's help will defend and keep even unto death.
Therefore, even as he hath manifested throughout all the kingdom of
Bohemia by his letters and intimations, willing before his departure
to have satisfied and given an account of his faith unto every man,
which should object or lay any thing against him in the general
convocation holden in the archbishop of Prague's court: so likewise he
doth manifest and signify, that if there be any man in this noble and
imperial city, the which will impute or lay any error or heresy unto
him, that he should prepare himself to come unto the council,
forasmuch as the said Master John Huss is ready to satisfy every man
at the said council, which shall lay any thing unto his charge as
touching his faith."

  In all cities as he passed by, and principally when he was
departed out of Bohemia and entered into Almain, a great number of
people did come unto him, and he was very gently received and
entertained of his hosts through all the towns of Germany,
andespecially of the citizens and burgesses, and oftentimes of the
curates; insomuch that the said Huss did confess, in a certain
epistle, that he found in no place so great enemies as in Bohemia. And
if it happened that there were any bruit or noise before of his 
coming, the streets were always full of people which were desirous to
see John Huss and gratify him; and, amongst all others, especially at
Nuremberg, where certain merchants, which went before, certified the
citizens of his coming. In the same city there were many curates which
came unto him, desiring him that they might talk with him secretly
apart, unto whom he answered, That he loved much rather to pronounce
and show forth his mind and opinion openly before all men, than in
hugger-mugger, for he would keep nothing close nor hidden. So, after
dinner, until it was night, he spake before the priests, senators, and
divers other citizens, insomuch that they all had him in great
estimation and reverence, one only doctor excepted, which was a
charter-house monk, and the curate of St. Sebauld, which did improve
all that he had said.
Illustration: John Huss speaking after dinner

  The twentieth day after that he departed out of the town of
Prague, which was the third day of November, he came unto Constance,
and lodged at an honest matron's house, being a widow named Faith, in
St. Galle's Street.

  The morrow after, the gentleman, Master John de Clum, and Master
Henry Latzemboge, went to speak with the pope, and certified him that
John Huss was come, whom they had brought to Constance to the general
council, under the emperor's safe-conduct; desiring him also, that he,
on his part, would grant the said John Huss liberty to remain in
Constance, without any trouble, vexation, or interruption. Unto whom
the pope answered, That albeit that John Huss had killed his brother,
yet would he go about, as much as in him lay, that no outrage or hurt
should be done unto him during his abode in the town of Constance.

  In this mean time, the greatest adversary that John Huss had,
named Master Stephen Paletz, the which was also a Bohemian born, was
come unto Constance. But his companion, Master Stanislaus Znoyma, was
not yet passed the borders of Bohemia when he was stricken with an
imposthume, whereof he died. As soon as the said Paletz was come to
Constance, he did associate unto him one Michael de Causis, the which
had before falsely accused and blamed the same John Huss. And this may
not be forgotten, that the said Paletz had been familiarly conversant
and acquainted with the said John Huss from his youth upward; but
after that there was a bull brought unto Prague, from Pope John the
Twenty-third, against the king of Apulia, named Ladislaus, the said
John Huss withstood it openly, forasmuch as he saw that it was wicked
and naught.

  And as touching the said Paletz, albeit that he had confessed at
a certain banquet, in the presence of the said John Huss, that the
said bull was contrary to all equity and right, yet notwithstanding,
forasmuch as he was obliged and bound unto the pope, by means of
certain benefices received at his hand, he maintained and defended the
said bull against John Huss: and this was the cause of the discord and
falling out between them. As for Michael de Causis, the companion of
Master Paletz, he was sometime the curate of New Prague; but he, not
being content therewith, but seeking after a further prey, dreamed,
and imagined out a new device how to attain unto it, for he made a
semblance that he had found out a new invention, or mean whereby the
mines of gold in Gilory, which were perished and lost, might be
renewed and set on work again. By this means he did so much with the
king Wenceslaus, that he did put a great sum of money into his bands,
to do that withal which he had promised.

  This honest man, after he had laboured and travailed certain days
about it, and perceiving that he brought nothing to pass, and that by
that means he was utterly in despair of his purpose, he conveyed
himself privily out of the realm of Bohemia, with the rest of the
money, and withdrew himself, as a worthy bird for such a nest, into
the court of Rome. Such a man, of such conditions, was easily
corrupted with money, and that, by the adversaries of the said Huss,
and promised them to do what he could for them, the which he did
shortly after. These two jolly roisters, Stephen Paletz and Michael de
Causis, drew out certain articles against the said Huss, saying, that
they had gathered them out of his own writings, and specially out of
his treatise which he had written of the church. They trotted up and
down, hither and thither, taking great pains to show the said articles
unto the cardinals, bishops, and monks, and such other of that sort,
doing them also to understand, that there were other matters of
greater importance, which the said John Huss had committed and done
against the holy constitutions, and other ordinances of the pope and
the church; which, if need were, they said they would propound before
the council. Through the kindling of this their fire, they did so
incense the cardinals and all the priests, that all they, with one
mind and consent, thought to cause the good man to be taken and laid
hands on.

  The twenty-sixth day after the said Huss was come to Constance,
during all which time he was occupied in reading, writing, and
familiar talk with his friends; the cardinals, through the instigation
and motion of Paletz and Michael de Causis, sent two bishops, to wit,
the bishop of Augusta, and of Trent, and with them the borough-master
of the town of Constance, and a certain knight, to the place where
John Huss lodged, about dinner time, which should make report unto
him, that they were sent by the pope and his cardinals, to advertise
him that he should come to render some knowledge or witness of his
doctrine before them, as he had oftentimes desired, and that they were
ready to hear him.

  Unto whom John Huss answered, "I am not come for any such intent,
as to defend my cause particularly before the pope and his cardinals,
protesting that I never desired any such thing, but that I would
willingly appear before the whole assembly of the council, and there
answer for my defence openly, without any fear or doubt, unto all such
things as shall be demanded or required of me. Notwithstanding," said
he, "forasmuch as you require me so to do, I will not refuse to go
with you before the cardinals; and if it happen that they evil entreat
or handle me, yet nevertheless, I trust in my Lord Jesus, that he will
so comfort and strengthen me, that I shall desire much rather to die
for his glory's sake, than to deny the verity and truth which I have
learned by his Holy Scriptures." Wherefore it came to pass, that the
bishops being instant upon him, and not showing any outward semblance
that they bare any malice or hatred against him in their hearts,
albeit they had privily laid garrisons both in the house where they
were assembled, and also in other houses, John Huss took his horse
which he had at his lodgings, and went unto the court of the pope and
the cardinals.

  When he was come thither, and had saluted the cardinals, they
began to speak to him in this sort: "We have heard many reports of
you, the which, if they be true. are in no case to be suffered; for
men say, that you have taught great and manifest errors, and contrary
and against the doctrine of the true church; and that you have sowed
your errors abroad through all the realm of Bohemia, by a long space
or time; wherefore we have caused you to be called hither before us,
that we might understand and know how the matter standeth."

  Unto whom John Huss answered in few words: "Reverend fathers, you
shall understand that I am thus minded and affectioned, that I should
rather choose to die, than I should be found culpable of one only
error, much less of many and great errors. For this cause I am the
more willingly come unto the general council, which is here appointed,
to show myself ready, even with all my heart, to receive correction,
if any man can prove any errors in me." The cardinals answered him
again, that his sayings pleased them very well; and upon that they
went away, leaving the said John Huss, with Master John de Clum, under
the guard and keeping of the armed men.
Illustration; John Huss and the Franciscan

  In the mean season, they did suborn and furnish out a certain
divine, a friar Franciscan, a subtle and crafty man, and a malicious
hypocrite, to question with the said John Huss, which was compassed
round about with armed men. This man drawing near in his monkish
gesture, said, "Reverend master, I, a simple and rude idiot, am come
unto you to learn; for I have heard many strange and contrary things
against the catholic faith to be ascribed unto you, the which do
diversely move my mind, being wholly inclined to the truth. Wherefore
I do desire you, even for the love which you bear unto the truth, and
to all good and godly men, that you would teach me, most simple and
miserable man, some certainty and truth. And first, men say, that you
hold opinion that, after the consecration and pronunciation of the
words in the sacrament of the altar, there remaineth only material
bread." John Huss answered, that it was falsely attributed and imputed
unto him. Then said he, "I pray you, is not this your opinion?" "No
verily," said John Huss, "I do not so think of it." When the monk
asked this question the third time, Master John de Clum, being
somewhat moved with him, said, "Why art thou so importunate upon him?
Verily, if any man had affirmed or denied any thing unto me but once,
I would have believed him. And thou, albeit he hath showed thee his
mind so often, yet ceasest not to trouble him." Then said the monk,
"Gentle master, I pray you pardon me, a poor idiot and simple friar;
surely I did it of a good mind and intent, being willing and desirous
to learn." This friar put forth another question unto him, protesting
his simplicity and ignorance: "What manner of unity of the Godhead and
manhood was in the person of Christ?" When John Huss had heard this
question, he, turning himself unto Master John de Clum, in the
Bohemian language said: "Truly this friar is not simple as he doth
pretend, for he hath propounded unto me a very hard question." And
afterwards, turning himself to the friar, he said unto him, "Brother!
you say that you are simple, but as I have heard of you, I perceive
very well that you are double and crafty, and not simple." "It is not
so, verily," said the friar. "Well," said John Huss, "I will cause you
well to understand that it is so. For as touching the simplicity of a
man, it is required in things that concern civility and manners, that
the spirit, the understanding, the heart, the words, and the mouth,
should agree together: and I do not perceive that this is in you.
There is in your mouth a certain semblance of simplicity, the which
would very well declare you to be an idiot and simple, but your deeds
show plainly and evidently a great subtlety and craft in you, with a
great quickness and liveliness of wit, in that you have proponed unto
me so hard and difficult a question. Notwithstanding, I will not fear
to show you my mind in this question." And when he had made an end,
the monk gave him great thanks for his gentleness, and so departed.
After that, the pope's garrison which was about the said John Huss,
told him that this friar was called Master Didace, who was esteemed
and counted the greatest and most subtle divine in all Lombardy. "Oh!"
said John Huss, "that I had known that before; I would have handled
him after another sort and fashion: but I would to God they were all
such; then, through the help and aid of the Holy Scriptures, I would
fear none of them."

  In this manner the said Huss and Master John de Clum were left
under the keeping of these men of arms, until four of the clock in the
afternoon. After which time the cardinals assembled again in the
pope's court, to devise and take counsel what they should do with John
Huss. Then Stephen Paletz and Michael de Causis, with divers other of
their adherents, made earnest suit that he should not be let go at
liberty again, and having the favour of the judges on their part, they
bragged up and down in a manner as they had been mad-men, and mocked
the said John Huss, saying, "Now we will hold thee well enough; thou
art under our power and jurisdiction, and shalt not depart until such
time as thou hast paid the uttermost farthing."

  A little before night, they sent the provost of the Roman court
unto Master John de Clum, to show him that be might return to his
lodging; but as for John Huss, they had otherwise provided for him.
When Master John de Clum heard this news, he was wonderfully
displeased, forasmuch as through their crafts, subtleties, and glosing
words, they had so trained this good man into their snares; whereupon
he went unto the pope, declaring unto him all that was done; most
humbly beseeching him, that he would call to remembrance the promise
which he had made unto him and Master Henry Latzemboge, and that he
would not so lightly falsify and break his faith and promise. The pope
answered, that all these things were done without his consent or
commandment; and said further to Master Clum apart, "What reason is it
that you should impute this deed unto me, seeing that you know well
enough that I myself am in the hands of these cardinals and bishops?"

  In mine opinion, forasmuch as Pope John feared that which indeed
did after follow, that he should be deprived of his dignity, he 
thought to win the favour of these Herodian cardinals and bishops, by
betraying this good man unto them. So the said Master Clum returned
very pensiveful and sorry; he complained very sore, both privily and
openly, of the injury and outrage that the pope had done; but all
profited nothing. After this, the said John Huss was led by the
officers to the chapter-house of the great church of Constance, where
he was kept prisoner by the space of eight days; from thence he was
carried unto the Jacobines, hard by the river Rhine, and was shut up
in the prison of the abbey, the which was hard by the Bogardes.
Illustration: John Huss in prison

  After he had been enclosed there a certain time, he fell sore
sick of an ague, by means of the stench of the place, and became so
weak, that they despaired of his life. And for fear lest this good man
should die in prison, as others are wont to do, the pope sent unto him
certain of his physicians to cure and help him. In the midst of his
sickness his accusers made importunate suit to the principals of the
council, that the said John Huss might be condemned, and presented
unto the pope these articles hereunder written:

  "First, he doth err about the sacraments of the church, and
especially about the sacrament of the body of Christ, forasmuch as he
hath openly preached, that it ought to be ministered openly unto the
people under both kinds, that is to say, the body and blood. This
article is evident, forasmuch as his disciples at this instant in
Prague do minister the same in both kinds. Moreover, it is affirmed by
divers, that he hath taught both in the schools and in the church, or
at the least that he doth hold this opinion, that after the words of
consecration pronounced upon the altar, there remaineth still material
bread in the sacrament. This article shall be known by his
examination.

  "Secondly, He doth err as touching the ministers of the church,
forasmuch as he saith, that they cannot consecrate or minister the
sacraments when they are in mortal sin. This article shall likewise be
known by his examination: notwithstanding, all that which is here
contained may be gathered by his writings De Ecclesia; the which if he
deny, let there then be some divines and others appointed, to peruse
and look over his said writings of the church. Moreover he saith, that
other men besides priests may minister the sacrament. This article is
evident, forasmuch as his disciples do the same at Prague, the which
of themselves do violently take the sacrament out of the treasury, and
communicate among themselves, when the holy communion is denied unto
them. By this and other things also it is sufficiently evident, that
he hath taught that every man, being without mortal sin, hath the
power of orders or priesthood, forasmuch as such only as have taken
orders ought to minister the sacrament unto themselves. And because he
proceedeth from small matters unto great and weightier, it doth
consequently appear and follow, that those which be in state of grace
can bind and loose.

  "Thirdly, He doth err as touching the church, and especially for
that he doth not allow and admit that the church signifieth the pope,
cardinals, archbishops, and the clergy underneath them; but saith,
that this signification was drawn out from the schoolmen, and is in no
case to be holden or allowed. This article is manifest by his said
treatise upon the church.

  "Moreover, He doth err concerning the church, in that he saith,
that the church ought not to have any temporal possessions. And that
the temporal lords may take them away from the church and the clergy
without any offence. This error is evident, forasmuch as through his
doctrine and enticements many churches in the kingdom of Bohemia, and
in the city of Prague, are already spoiled and robbed of a great part
of their temporalties and goods. He saith also, that Constantine and
other secular princes erred by enriching and enduing churches and
monasteries. This article is manifest by that which goeth next before.

  "Fourthly, He erreth as touching the church, in that he saith,
that all priests are of like power; and therefore affirmeth, that the
reservations of the pope's casualties, the ordering of bishops, and
the consecration of the priests, were invented only for covetousness.
This article doth somewhat appear by those aforegoing, but by his
examination shall be more evident.

  "Fifthly, He erreth concerning the church, in that he saith, that
the church, being in sin, hath no power of the keys, when the pope,
cardinals, and all other of the priests and clergy are in deadly sin,
the which he saith is possible enough. This also doth appear in his
treatise upon the church, in his first error as touching the ministers
of the church.

  "Sixthly, He erreth touching the church, forasmuch as through
contempt he doth not fear excommunication. This doth notoriously
appear by his own doings, that he did contemn and despise the
apostolic and ordinary censure; and in all the apostolic
excommunications and injunctions he hath borne himself upon the divine
commandments; and in contempt of the keys, to the setting out of his
hypocrisy, he hath said mass all the ways between this and the city of
Prague, and thereby hath profaned the process and authority of the
church.

  "Seventhly, He erreth again as touching the church, because he
keepeth not the institutions and investitures thereof, but holdeth
opinion that every man hath authority to invest and appoint any man to
the cure of souls. This is evident by his own doings, forasmuch as
many in the kingdom of Bohemia, by their defenders and favourers, or
rather by himself, were appointed and put into parish churches, the
which they have long ruled and kept, not being appointed by the
apostolic see, neither yet by the ordinary of the city of Prague.

  "Eighthly, He erreth as touching the church, in that he holdeth
opinion, that a man, being once ordained a priest or a deacon, cannot
be forbidden or kept back from the office of preaching. This is
likewise manifest by his own doings, forasmuch as he himself could
never be letted from preaching, neither by the apostolic see, neither
yet by the archbishop of Prague.

  "And to the intent that the said John Huss, who is clothed in
sheep's clothing, and inwardly a ravening wolf, may be the better
known by his fruits, for the better information of you, most reverend
fathers, I say, that from the first time that he took in hand, or went
about to sow such errors and heresies, the which afterward he did
indeed, he, understanding and perceiving himself to be withstanded and
gainsaid by the Germans, which were in the university of Prague,
forasmuch as he could conclude nothing, because they had three voices,
and he on his part had but one voice only: he went about and brought
to pass, and that by the secular power, that the Germans should have
but one voice, and he and his parts three voices; the which thing when
the Germans once perceived, rather then they would lose or forsake any
part of their right which they had in voices, or be in danger in their
persons, the which would then have ensued upon it, to save themselves,
they wholly, with one consent, agreed together to depart out of
Prague; and by this means this solemn and famous university of Prague
was made desolate, that had brought forth so many notable men in
divers sciences. Behold this his first-fruits, which divided that so
famous university, forasmuch as grapes are not gathered of thorns,
neither figs of brambles.

  "Moreover, when there were questions moved amongst the divines of
the university of Prague upon the forty-five articles of John
Wickliff, and that they had called a convocation, and all the divines
of Bohemia, (for the Germans were already departed,) they concluded
that every one of those articles were either heretical, seditious, or
erroneous. He alone held the contrary opinion, that none of those
articles were either heretical, seditious, or erroneous, as afterward
he did dispute, hold, and teach, in the common schools of Prague;
whereby it is evidently enough foreseen, that he doth affirm those
articles of Wickliff, the which are not only condemned in England, but
also by the whole church, because they were first invented and set
forth by the members of antichrist.

  "Moreover, he being complained of to the archbishop of Prague,
that he preached and set forth certain articles which were heretical,
false, and seditious, he was forbidden by the said archbishop to
preach any more, who proceeded against him, according to the canonical
sanctions; the which process is confirmed by the apostolic see, and
published as well in the court of Rome, as without; the which John
Huss and his adherents have divers and manifold ways violated and
profaned. And whosoever did speak against him, they were deprived of
their benefices, and others placed in, which have ruled and yet do
rule the said churches, and the flocks pertaining to the same, not
having any cure or charge of the souls committed unto them, neither by
the apostolic see, neither yet by the ordinary of the place.

  "Also as many, as well priests as laymen, in the city of Prague
and kingdom of Bohemia, which have spoken against the doctrine of
Huss, and the profanation of the process aforesaid, or at the least
not allowing the same, have suffered most mortal hatred and
persecutions, and yet to this day do suffer, but that at this present
it is dissimuled until the end of the proccss against John Huss.
Wherefore, if he be now let go again, without doubt they shall suffer
great persecution both in body and goods, and throughout all the realm
of Bohemia 'house shall be against house;' and this mischief will
creep, yea, suddenly spring up throughout all Germany, and innumerable
souls shall be infected, so that there shall he such persecution of
the clergy and faithful, as hath not been since the time of the
Emperor Constantine to this present day; for he ceaseth not to move
and stir up the laity against the clergy and faithful Christians. And,
when any of the clergy would draw him away, or call him from his 
heresy, and for that cause doth forbid him to preach, that he do not
teach any heresies; then saith he, and teacheth, that the clergy do
that of envy and malice, because he rebuketh their vices and faults;
that is to say, their simony, and pride, and covetousness.

  "Moreover, he stirreth up the secular princes against the
prelates of churches, monasteries, and universities, and generally
against the whole clergy. Going about by this means, he preacheth and
teacheth that prelates and other men of the church ought not to have
any temporal goods or possessions, but only to live upon alms. And by
this means be hath done already very much hurt, and annoyed divers and
many prelates, clerks, and churches in the kingdom of Bohemia and city
of Prague, forasmuch as thereby they are already spoiled and robbed of
their possessions. Yea, he teacheth also that it is lawful for the
lay-people without sin, to withhold and keep back the tithes and
oblations, or to give the church-goods to any other minister; all the
secular princes are greatly inclined hereunto, but especially the
laity, who follow every man his own will.

  "He hath generally to lay for himself all those heretics which do
but very smally regard the ecclesiastical censures, and hate the
authority of the Roman Church, yea, do utterly detest and abhor the
same; the which thing will more and more increase, except it be
effectually and manfully withstood: and if he do by any means escape
from the council, he and his favourers will say that his doctrine is
just and true, and that it is allowed by the authority of the
universal sacred council, and that all his adversaries are wicked and
naughty men; so that he would do more mischief, than ever any heretic
did since the time of Constantine the Great. "Wherefore, most holy
fathers, provide and take heed to yourselves, and to the whole flock
amongst whom the Holy Ghost hath placed you, to rule the church of
Christ, the which he hath purchased with his own blood; and whilst the
disease is new and fresh, help and remedy it, as well touching him
which doth so infect and trouble the church of God, as also concerning
the occasions, through the which he hath presumed, and might do the
same, because the prelates do abuse the ecclesiastical censures, and
as well the prelates as those that are under them, do not keep and
observe the order of the church which is appointed them by God;
whereby it cometh to pass, that whilst they themselves do walk the
broken and unknown paths, their flock falleth headlong into the ditch.

  "Wherefore let our sovereign lord the pope, and this most sacred
council, ordain and depute commissioners, the which may examine the
said John Huss upon all aforewritten, and other things in the presence
of them which know the matter. Let there be also certain doctors and
masters appointed to read over and peruse his books which he hath
written, whereof some are here present; that the church may be
speedily purged and cleansed from these errors."

  Upon this his accusation, they ordained and appointed three
commissioners or judges; that is to say, the patriarch of
Constantinople, and the bishop of Castile, and the bishop of Lybusse;
the which prelates being thus deputed, heard the accusation and the
witness which was brought in by certain babbling priests of Prague,
confirmed by their oaths, and afterwards recited the said accusation
unto the said Huss in the prison, at such time as his ague was fervent
and extremely upon him.

  Upon this, John Huss required to have an advocate to answer for
him; the which was plainly and utterly denied him. And the reasons
that the masters and commissioners brought against it was this, that
the plain canon doth forbid that any man should be a defender of any
cause of his, which is suspected of any kind of heresy. The vanity and
folly of the witnesses was such, that if in case they had not been
both the accusers and judges themselves, there should have needed no
distinct confutation. I would have rehearsed the testimonies in this
place, but that I knew them to be such, as the prudent and wise reader
could have read without great tediousness. Howbeit, some of them shall
be declared, when we come to the process of his judgment.

  Afterward, when John Huss had recovered a little strength or
health, by the commandment of the three commissioners, there were
presented unto him certain articles, many in number, which, they said,
they had gathered out of his book which he made of the church; of
which articles some were forged and invented by Master Paletz, and
other some were gathered only by halves, as shall be more plainly
declared hereafter, when we come to speak of the judgment pronounced
and given against the said Huss.

  Thus John Huss remained in the prison of the convent of the
Franciscans, until the Wednesday before Palm Sunday, and certain
appointed to keep him; and in the mean season, to employ and spend his
time withal, he wrote certain books, that is to say, of the ten
commandments, of the love and knowledge of God, of matrimony, of
penance, of the three enemies of mankind, of the prayer of our Lord,
and of the supper of our Lord.

  The same day Pope John the Twenty-third changed his apparel, and
conveyed himself secretly out of Constance, fearing the judgment by
the which afterwards he was deprived of his papal dignity, by means of
most execrable and abominable forfeits and doings. This was the cause
that John Huss was transported and carried unto another prison; for
the pope's servants, which had the charge and keeping of John Huss,
understanding that their master was fled and gone, delivered up the
keys of the prison unto the Emperor Sigismund, and to the cardinals,
and followed their master the pope. Then, by the whole consent of the
council, the said John Huss was put into the hands of the bishop of
Constance, who sent him to a castle on the other side of the river of
Rhine, not very far from Constance, where he was shut up in a tower
with fetters on his legs, that he could scarce walk in the day-time,
and at night he was fastened up to a rack against the wall hard by his
bed.

  In the mean season, certain noblemen and gentlemen of Poland and
Bohemia did all their endeavour to purchase his deliverance, having
respect to the good renown of all the realm, the which was wonderfully
defamed and slandered by certain naughty persons. The matter was grown
unto this point, that all they which were in the town of Constance,
that seemed to bear any favour unto John Huss, were made as mocking-
stocks, and derided of all men, yea, even of the slaves and base
people. 'Wherefore they took counsel and concluded together to present
their request in writing unto the whole council, or at the least unto
the four nations, of Almain, Italy, France, and England: this request
was presented the fourteenth day of May, A. D. 1415; the tenor here
ensueth:

  "Most reverend fathers and lords, the nobles and lords of Bohemia
and Poland here present, by these their present writings do show and
declare unto your fatherly reverences, how that the most noble king
and lord, the Lord Sigismund, king of Romans, always Augustus, king of
Hungary, Croatia, Dalmatia, &c., hearing of the great dissension that
was in the kingdom of Bohemia, as heir, king, and lord successor,
willing and minding to foresee and provide for his own honour, sent
these noblemen, Master Wencelate de Duba, and John de Clum here
present, that they would bring and assure Master John Huss under the
king's name and safe-conduct; so that he would come to the sacred
general council of Constance, under the safe-conduct of the said king,
and the protection of the said empire, openly given and granted unto
the said Master John Huss, that he might purge himself and the kingdom
of Bohemia from the slander that was raised upon them, and there to
make an open declaration of his faith to every man that would lay any
thing to his charge: the which the said nobles, with the forenamed
Master John Huss, have performed and done, according to the king's
commandment.

  "Whereas the said Master John Huss was freely of his own accord
come unto Constance, under the said safe-conduct, he was grievously
imprisoned before he was heard, and at this present is tormented both
with fetters, and also with hunger and thirst. Albeit that in times
past, at the council holden at Pisa, in the year of our Lord 1410, the
heretics which were condemned, were suffered to remain there at
liberty, and to depart home freely; notwithstanding this, Master John
Huss, neither being convicted nor condemned, no not so much as once
heard, is taken and imprisoned, whereas neither king nor any prince
elector, neither any ambassador of any university, was yet come or
present. And albeit the lord the king, together with the nobles and
lords here present, most instantly required and desired, that as
touching his safe-conduct they would foresee and have respect unto his
honour, and that the said Master John Huss might be openly heard,
forasmuch as he would render and show a reason of his faith; and if he
were found and convicted obstinately to affirm or maintain any thing
against the truth of Holy Scripture, that then he ought to correct and
amend the same, according to the instruction and determination of the
council; yet could he never obtain this. But the said Master John
Huss, notwithstanding all this, is most grievously oppressed with
fetters and irons, and so weakened with thin and slender diet, that it
is to be feared, lest that, his power and strength being hereby
consumed and wasted, he should be put in danger of his wit or reason.

  "And although the lords of Bohemia here present are greatly
slandered, because they, seeing the said Master John Hues so to be
tormented and troubled, contrary to the king's safe-conduct, have not
by their letters put the king in mind of his said safe-conduct, that
the said lord and king should not any more suffer any such matters,
forasmuch as they tend to the contempt and disregard of the kingdom of
Bohemia, which from the first original and beginning, since it
received the catholic faith, never departed or went away from the
obedience of the holy Church of Rome; yet, notwithstanding, they have
suffered and borne all these things patiently hitherto, lest by any
means, occasion of trouble or vexation of this sacred council might
arise or spring thereof.

  "Wherefore, most reverend fathers and lords, the nobles and
lords, before named, do wholly and most earnestly desire and require
your reverences here present, that both for the honour of the safe-
conduct of our said lord the king, and also for the preservation and
increase of the worthy fame and renown, both of the aforesaid kingdom
of Bohemia, and your own also, you will make a short end about the
affairs of Master John Huss; forasmuch as by the means of his strait
handling he is in great danger by any longer delay; even as they do
most specially trust upon the most upright consciences and judgments
of your fatherly reverences. But, forasmuch as, most reverend fathers
and lords, it is now come to the knowledge and understanding of the
nobles and lords of Bohemia here present, how that certain backbiters
and slanderers of the most famous kingdom of Bohemia aforesaid, have
declared and told unto your reverences, how that the sacrament of the
most precious blood of our Lord is carried up and down through Bohemia
in vessels not consecrated or hallowed, and that cobblers do now hear
confessions, and minister the most blessed body of our Lord unto
others: the nobles, therefore, of Bohemia here present, require and
desire you, that you will give no credit unto false promoters and
tale-tellers, for that, as most wicked and naughty slanderers and
backbiters of that kingdom aforesaid, they do report and tell
untruths; requiring also your reverences, that such slanderous persons
of the kingdom aforesaid may be named and known. And the lord the
king, together with your reverences, shall well perceive and see, that
the lords of Bohemia will go about in such manner to refel and put
away the false and frivolous slanders of these naughty persons, that
they shall be ashamed to appear hereafter before the lord the king and
your reverences."

  As soon as this their supplication was read, the bishop of
Luthonis, rising up, said, "Most reverend fathers, I well perceive and
understand, that the last part of this writing doth touch me, my
familiars, and friends, as though the kingdom of Bohemia were
slandered by us. Wherefore I desire to have time and space of
deliberation, that I may purge myself from this crime that is laid
against me." The principal of the council appointed him the
seventeenth day of May, at which day the lords of Bohemia should be
present again, to hear both the answers of the council, and also the
excuse of the bishop of Luthonis; the which thing indeed was afterward
performed, for, the seventeenth day of May, which which was the fourth
day before Whitsuntide, they met there again; where, first of all, a
certain bishop, in the name of the whole council, answered by word to
the nobles of Bohemia; the contents of whose answer may easily be
known by the second supplication which the Bohemians put up to the
council. But first, I shall here, in these few words following, show
how the bishop of Luthonis defended himself against that which is
before written.

  "Most reverend fathers and noble lords, as Peter de Mladoneywitz,
bachelor of arts, in the name of certain of the nobles of the kingdom
of Bohemia, in his writings, amongst other things did propound how
that certain slanderers and backbiters of the said kingdom, have
brought to the ears of your reverences, that the most precious blood
of Christ is carried up and down in Bohemia in bottles, and that
cobblers do hear confessions, and minister the body of Christ unto
others; whereupon, most reverend fathers and lords, albeit that I,
together with the other prelates, doctors, masters, and other
innumerable catholics of the said kingdom, the which do desire, as
much as in them lieth, to defend the faith of Christ, have laboured
for the extirpation and rooting out of that most wicked and detestable
sect of Wickliff's, which now (alas! for sorrow) beginneth to spring
and rise in the said kingdom, as it is well known: notwithstanding,
here, in this my oration, not for any shame or reproof, but for the
honour of the kingdom aforesaid, I have propounded and declared a
certain new sect, which is now lately sprung up in the said kingdom,
the followers whereof do minister and communicate the sacraments in
many cities, towns, and places of the said kingdom, under both kinds,
both of bread and wine, and do constantly teach the common people,
both men and women, that it is so to be communicated, obstinately
affirming the same, and that the clergy which do repugn or say nay
unto it, are to be counted church robbers; as by the writings of their
assertions, being directed and presented hither, shall openly appear.

  "Moreover, by the report and fame which goeth here abroad, and by
the writings which were sent over unto me, I have propounded that it
came to my knowledge, that the blood of Christ is carried about in
vessels not consecrated, approving the aforesaid erroneous assertion
of the Wicklevists, that affirm it necessary for salvation, that the
people should communicate under both kinds of bread and wine; and that
it is necessary, as the body of Christ is carried in the pix or box,
so the blood of Christ should be carried in bottles, or other
necessary vessels, from place to place, and especially about the
ministration of the sick. Also I declared not of myself, but I heard
it to be declared by others, both great and credible persons, that
there was a certain woman, a follower of that sect, the which, taking
by violence the body of Christ out of a priest's hands, did
communicate unto herself, and affirmed that all men ought to do so, if
the priests should deny them the communion. And the same woman,
amongst many other errors of the which she was convicted, did affirm
that a good laywoman might better consecrate and give absolution, than
an evil priest; affirming that an evil priest can neither consecrate
nor absolve. But I know that neither I, neither any of my assistants
in this matter, have brought this at any time unto your ears, that
cobblers in the said kingdom do hear confession, or minister the
sacrament of the body of Christ, as is alleged by the said Peter, in
the behalf of the said supplicants. Notwithstanding that, we did fear,
if means were not found to recounter or stop the offences before
named, that this would immediately follow upon it. Wherefore, most
reverend fathers, lest that the kingdom might be defamed any more by
such pestiferous sects, and that the Christian faith might happen to
be endangered, with all reverence and charity, I do desire you, even
by the bowels of mercy of our Lord Jesus Christ, that this most sacred
council would provide some speedy remedy for this kingdom, as touching
the premises.

  "Moreover, whether be they backbiters and slanderers, or wicked
and false enviers of the kingdom of Bohemia, the which do let the
errors aforesaid, and many others more, which are sown by the
Wicklevists in the said kingdom, and also elsewhere? which also both
do labour, and have laboured, for the extirpation and rooting out of
those errors out of the kingdom aforesaid, and as catholic men, for
the zeal of their faith have manifestly put forth themselves against
the maintainers of the said errors, or such as do maintain and defend
the teachers of those errors? This answer I have here presented before
your reverences, always wholly submitting myself and assistants unto
your judgment, and to the definition of this most sacred council of
Constance."

  The day before Whitsuntide, the nobles of Bohemia did confute
this their answer, made two days before in the council to their former
writing, as here followeth:

  "Most reverend fathers and lords, forasmuch as upon Thursday it
was answered in the behalf of your reverences, to the requests of the
nobles and lords of Bohemia, that the said lords were misinformed of
divers points contained in the declaration of their said bill;
therefore the aforesaid lords have now determined and decreed, to
declare their former propounded requests more at large unto your
reverences, not minding hereby to argue or reprove your fatherly
wisdoms and circumspections; but that your reverences (their desires
being partly on this behalf fulfilled) might the more effectuously and
distinctly discern and judge as touching this matter.

  "And first of all, whereas the lords alleged and said, how that
Master John Huss was come hither unto Constance freely of his own good
will, under the safe-conduct of the lord the king, and the protection
of the sacred empire; it is answered on the behalf of your reverences,
how that the said lords are misinformed as touching the safe-conduct,
and that you have understood by such as are worthy credit, that the
friends and favourers of the said Master John Huss, did first procure
and get his safe-conduct, fifteen days after his imprisonment.

  "The lords of Bohemia, and specially the Lord John de Clum here
present, whom this matter doth chiefly touch, doth answer, that not
only the fifteenth day after, but even the very same day that John
Huss was apprehended and taken, when our reverend father the pope, in
the presence of all his cardinals, demanded of Master John de Clum,
whether Master John Huss had any safe-conduct from the king his son,
he answered, Most holy father and cardinals, know ye that he hath a
safe-conduct; and when he was asked the question again the second
time, he answered in like manner.

  "Yet, notwithstanding, none of them required to have the safe-
conduct showed unto them and again, the third day following, the Lord
John de Clum complained unto our lord the pope, how, notwithstanding
the safe-conduct of our sovereign lord the king, he detained and kept
Master John Huss as prisoner, showing the said safe-conduct unto many.
And for the further truth herein, he referreth himself unto the
testimonies and witnesses of divers earls, bishops, knights,
gentlemen, and famous citizens of the town of Constance, the which all
together at this present, did see the said safe-conduct, and heard it
read; whereupon the said John de Clum is ready to bind himself under
what penalty shall be required, evidently to prove and confirm that
which he hath promised, whosoever say to the contrary.

  "Moreover, the lords of Bohemia refer themselves unto the
knowledge of certain princes electors, and other princes, bishops, and
many other noblemen, which were present before the king's Majesty,
where and when the said safe-conduct was granted and given out by the
special commandment of our said lord the king.

  "Hereby your fatherly reverences may understand and perceive that
the said lords of Bohemia are not evil informed as touching the said
safe-conduct; but rather they, which by such reports have falsely and
untruly informed your reverences. And first of all, they have offended
against the lord our king, and his chancellors. Secondly, against the
lords and nobles of Bohemia, as though we had privily and by stealth
purchased the said safe-conduct. Wherefore the lords aforesaid most
humbly require and desire your reverences, that you will not so
lightly believe such as be not worthy of credit; but rather, hearing
the contrary part, to labour and discuss, that the truth may the more
evidently appear.

  "Secondly, Whereas the lords aforesaid, alleging how Master John
Huss, coming unto Constance of his own free will, being neither
condemned nor heard, was imprisoned, your reverences have made answers
thereunto, that he, the said Master John Huss, in the time of
Alexander the Fifth, was infamed and slandered upon certain heresies,
and thereupon cited personally to appear in the court of Rome, and
there was heard by his procurers.

  "And forasmuch as he refused obstinately to appear, he was
excommunicated; in the which excommunication he continued, as you
affirm, by the space of five years: for the which he was judged, and
counted not only a simple and plain heretic, but a heresiarch, that is
to say, an inventor and sower of new and strange heresies; and that
he, coming toward Constance, did preach by the way openly. To this the
lords aforesaid do answer, that, as touching his slander and citation,
they can affirm nothing but by report. But, as touching that he did
not personally appear, they say they have heard both himself and
divers other credible persons say, yea, even the most famous Prince
Wenceslaus, king of Bohemia, and almost all the whole nobility is
witness, that he would willingly have appeared at Rome, or elsewhere,
if he might safely have come thither, and that deadly enmity had not
letted: and, moreover, his procurers which he sent unto the court of
Rome, alleging reasonble causes for his non-appearance, some of them
were cast into prison, and others were evil entreated.

  "As for the excommunication which he hath so long sustained, they
have often heard him say, that he hath not resisted against the same
by contumacy, or stubbornness, but under evident appellation, and
thereupon referreth himself unto the acts of his causes which were
pleaded in the court of Rome, wherein all this is more largely
contained; the which your reverences may easily perceive and see in
this our present public transumpt, which we have offered unto you upon
certain points aforesaid.

  "As concerning his preaching, wherewithal his enemies do report
and charge, that Master John Huss did preach openly in the city of
Constance; the lords aforesaid, and especially the Lord John de Clum
here present, do answer, that he hath continually lodged with the said
Master John Huss, here in Constance, and that whosoever they be, that
have been so bold, or dare be so bold, to say and affirm that Master
John Huss had preached, as is premised, or, which is less, that since
the time of his coming unto this city, even unto the very day and time
of his captivity and imprisonment, that he went but one step out of
the house of his lodging, that the said Lord John de Clum will and is
content to bind himself with any such as shall affirm the same, under
what penalty soever it be, of money or otherwise, that that which they
have falsely reported unto your reverences, they shall never be able
justly and truly to affirm and prove.

  "Thirdly, Whereas your reverences do say, that you do not
understand or know, what the lords do mean, by the heretics condemned
at the council holden at Pisa, whether the mocking or deriding of the
pope, whose ambassadors came thither for unity or concord, the which
were suffered, and gently treated, as their lords were most inclined
unto unity and peace; or else that they did understand or mean the
particular heretics, which were there condemned; adjoining thereunto,
that the heretics also coming unto the council under the pretence of
that unity, should be gently handled and. entreated, &c. Reverend
fathers and lords, whether they be counted the first, or that they be
thought the second or last, the lords aforesaid require none other
thing, but that the said Master John Huss may use such liberty as they
used, forasmuch as he came willingly unto this most sacred council,
not for any other purpose, but only publicly to recognise his faith.
And in what point soever he shall seem to vary from the word of God,
and the union of the holy mother the church, in that point he will
willingly be united and reconciled again thereunto; and not only
himself, but also his favourers and adherents he would move and
provoke thereunto, of whom the greater number are in the kingdom of
Bohemia. Also he is come hither, that he might purge and clear the
noble kingdom of Bohemia from the sinister and evil slander which was
raised upon it.

  "Last of all, most reverend fathers and lords, forasmuch as your
reverences have most favourably answered unto the principal request
made by the lords aforesaid, that the process of Master John Huss,
through God's help, should be determined and ended with all expedition
and gentleness; the lords aforesaid do render most hearty thanks unto
your reverences, and whensoever their desire, by God's help, shall
come to the end or effect long wished or looked for, they will not
only here, but also before the whole kingdom of Bohemia, and in all
other places wheresoever they come, render most immortal thanks unto
your reverences for ever."

  Whereas the noblemen of Bohemia by long time could receive no
answer of those supplications which they had already put up, they
determined, the last day of May following, by another supplication
being put up unto the principals of the council, to entreat that John
Huss might be delivered out of prison, and defend his own cause
openly: they also put up the testimonial of the bishop of Nazareth as
touching John Huss; the copy whereof is expressed in the beginning of
this history, word by word.

Another supplication of the nobles of Bohemia.

  "Most reverend fathers and lords in Christ, of late there was a
supplication put up unto your reverences on the behalf of the lords
and nobles of Bohemia, and the nation of the Poles, wherein they most
humbly desired your reverences to consider how the informations which
were put up unto your reverences, by the enemies of Master John Huss,
were insufficient, and, with reverence be it spoken, in many points
untrue; as in the safe-conduct granted by the king's Majesty, and also
in other articles, as more plainly appeareth in the schedule, which
was then offered unto you; upon the which said schedule and other
things at that present, being put up, they could not as yet receive
any answer. Wherefore the lords aforesaid most humbly require your
fatherly reverences, that it would please you to consider the said
supplication, and to give some answer to the lords aforesaid
thereupon, and specially having respect unto the great injuries and
griefs which are done unto the said Master John Huss, the which may be
understood and known by the schedule aforesaid, that you will
mercifully consider and foresee, that all those griefs and evils, so
far different from all brotherly love and charity, are done unto him
by his enemies even for very malice and hatred.

  "To the intent, therefore, that the rancour and malice may be
confounded and overthrown, and the plain and evident truth appear, it
may please your fatherly reverences to understand that it is notified
and known unto the barons, nobles, and citizens, the clergy and laity,
of the kingdom of Bohemia, that Master John Huss in all his acts and
doings, as well scholastical as ecclesiastical, and especially in all
his public and open sermons, hath made, and hath accustomed to make,
these manner of protestations; and which, without any thing to the
contrary, he hath always endeavoured to have them strong and firm, as
by this his protestation here following, (which he made about the
determination of a certain question,) it may most evidently and
plainly appear unto every man which would behold and look upon the
same: the form and tenor whereof here followeth, and is such."

The protestation of John Huss.

  "'Forasmuch as about all things I do desire the honour of God,
the profit of the holy church, and that I myself may be a faithful
member of our Lord Jesus Christ, which is the head and husband of the
holy church which he hath redeemed; therefore, as heretofore
oftentimes I have done, even so now again, I make this protestation:
That I never obstinately said, or hereafter will say, any thing that
shall be contrary unto the truth and verity; and, moreover, that I
have always holden, do hold, and firmly desire to hold, the very true
and infallible truth and verity; so that before that I would defend
and maintain any error contrary thereunto, I would rather choose, by
the hope and help of the Lord, to suffer extreme punishment, even unto
death: yea, and through the help of God, I am ready to offer this, my
miserable life unto death for the law of Christ, the which I do
believe, every part and parcel thereof, to be given and promulgated
for the salvation of mankind, by the counsel and determination of the
most holy Trinity and the saints of God,' &c.

  "By the which his protestation, and also other protestations by
the said Master John Huss, being well observed and noted, it may be
easily gathered and known, that his whole intent and purpose was and
is, that he neither would nor will have spoken or written any thing in
his books, treatises, doctrines, or public sermons; or else to have
affirmed any articles, the which willingly and wittingly he did
understand or know to be erroneous, offensive, seditious, heretical,
or offending the godly ear; albeit that these and such-like things are
falsely imputed unto him by his enemies. But it hath always been his
chief intent and purpose, and so is, that every point, conclusion, or
article, contained in his books or articles, to have put and affirmed
them to this end, according to the truth of the gospel, the holy
doctors, and writers upon the Holy Scriptures; and to that end and
purpose, as is before expressed in his protestations: and if in any
point he should be found to vary or go astray, or that he were not
well understood of others, by like information to be informed,
understood, corrected, and amended: and that he will by no means
sustain or defend any manner of article against the holy Church of
Rome, or the catholic faith.

  "Wherefore, most reverend fathers, the premises notwithstanding,
his enemies, through the extreme hatred which they bear unto him, have
picked and taken out by piecemeal, certain articles out of the books
of Master John Huss, rejecting and not looking upon the allegations
and reasons, neither having any relation unto the distinction of their
equivocations, have compounded and made thereof certain false and
feigned articles against him to this end, that, all charity and love
being set apart, they might the better overthrow him, and bring him
unto death, contrary unto the safe-conduct upon good and just occasion
openly assigned and given unto the said Master John Huss, by the most
noble prince the Lord Sigismund, King of the Romans and of Hungary,
for his just defence against all the frivolous accusations and
assaults of the enemies, not only of the said Master John Huss, but
also of the famous kingdom of Bohemia, and for the quiet appeasing of 
all such tumults and rumours rising and springing in the said kingdom
of Bohemia, or elsewhere; the avoiding of which most perilous uproars,
the said king of Romans doth greatly desire and wish, as the right
heir and successor of the said kingdom.

  "Whereupon, the barons and nobles aforesaid most humbly desire
and require, the premises being considered, and respect had unto the
great infamy and slander which may happen by the premises unto the
said kingdom and inhabitants thereof, that you will put to your hands
and take some order and means, that Master John Huss may be directly
heard by some famous men, divines, already deputed, or otherwise to be
appointed, upon all and singular such articles as shall be laid unto
him; to declare his own mind and intent, and also the mind of the
doctors alleged for this purpose, with the manifold distinctions and
equivocations, in the which the drawers-out of the most part of his
articles have also made equivocations, that so, according unto the
disposition of the witnesses, of the which a great number of them are
and have a long time been his mortal enemies, that at the frivolous
instigation of his enemies, when he was miserably detained prisoner,
that he should not be condemned unheard. Forasmuch as by the said
declarations your fatherly reverences might be the better informed of
the truth, he himself is ready always to submit himself under the
determination of this most sacred council. For your reverences, by the
crafty and feigned persuasions of his enemies, are thus informed, that
Master John Huss hath been uncurably obstinate for a long time, in
most perilous articles, the which your reverences may now plainly
perceive to be untrue: and for the more evidence herein to be showed,
there is presented unto your reverences an instrument of public
recognition of the most reverend Father in Christ, the Lord Nicholas,
bishop of Nazareth, an inquisitor of heresies, specially appointed by
the apostolic see in the diocese of Prague, the which by your
reverences is more diligently to be hearkened unto.

  "Wherefore it may please your fatherly reverences to command the
said Master John Huss, neither convicted nor condemned, to be taken
and brought out of his bonds and chains, in the which he is now most
grievously detained and kept, and to put him into the hands of some
reverend lords, bishops, or commissioners, appointed, or to be
appointed, by this present council; that the said Master John Huss may
somewhat be relieved, and recover again his health, and be the more
diligently and commodiously examined by the commissioners. And for the
more assurance, the barons and nobles aforesaid, of the kingdom of
Bohemia, will provide most sure and good sureties, the which will not
break their fidelity and faith for any thing in the world; which also
shall promise in this behalf, that he shall not flee or depart out of
their hands, until such time as the matter be fully determined by the
said commissioners. In the execution of the which premises, we have
determined to provide and foresee, unto the fame and honour of the
said kingdom of Bohemia, and also to the safe-conduct of the most
worthy prince, the king of Romans; lest that the enemies and 
detractors of the honour and fame of the kingdom aforesaid, might not
a little slander and reprove the said lords, pretending and showing
forth hereafter, that they had made unreasonable or unlawful requests:
for the withstanding of which mischief, we require your fatherly
reverences, that you will decree, and most graciously consent, that
this our petition and supplication may be drawn out again by your
notary, and reduced into public form and order."

  After this supplication was read before the deputies of the four
nations, the patriarch of Antioch answered in the name of them all,
unto every article the said supplication; but it was done in few
words.

  "First, as touching the protestation of John Huss, whether it be
true or false, it shall be made evident in the process of his cause.
Moreover, whereas they say that the adversaries of John Huss have
perversely drawn certain things out of his books: that, also, the
matter itself shall declare in the end; whereas, if it shall be found
and decreed that John Huss is unjustly and untruly accused, that then
it shall come to pass that his adversaries shall incur perpetual
ignominy and slander. But as touching sureties, albeit there might be
a thousand put in or bound, yet can it not by any means be, that the
deputies of the council, with a safe conscience, may receive or take
them in this man's cause, unto whom there is no faith or credit to be
given. Howbeit thus much they will do, upon the fifth day of June
next, John Huss shall be brought again unto Constance, and there have
free liberty to speak his mind before the council:" and he promised
that they would lovingly and gently hear him: but the matter in the
end fell out far contrary to this promise.

  The same day the said barons and lords presented a supplication
of this tenor unto the emperor:

  "Unto the most high and mighty prince, the Lord Sigismund, king
of the Romans, always Augustus, king of Hungary, Croatia, and
Dalmatia, our most gracious lord, faithful and true service in all
things, and at all times. Most noble prince and gracious lord, we
signify unto your worthiness, that we all, together with one mind,
consent, and accord, have delivered up unto the reverend fathers and
lords, the deputies of the four nations, and to the whole sacred
council of Constance, this our supplication hereunder written, as
reasonable, just, and worthy of consideration; the tenor whereof here
followeth word by word, and is this."

  The copy of the supplication, which was presented unto the
deputies of the council, is before written, whereunto this which
followeth was annexed:

  "Wherefore we most humbly require and desire your princely
Majesty, that both for the love of justice, and also of the fame and
renown of that most famous kingdom of Bohemia, whereof we acknowledge
you undoubtedly the true lord, heir, and successor; and also
foreseeing unto the liberty of your safe-conduct, that you will, with
your favourable countenance, beholding these most reasonable and just
supplications, which we have put up to the lords aforesaid, put to
your helping hand toward the said most reverend fathers and lords,
that they will effectually hear us in this our most just petition,
which we have offered up to them, as is aforesaid; lest that the
enemies of the renown and honour of the famous kingdom of Bohemia, and
such be our slanderers also, hereafter may detract and slander us,
that we should make unreasonable and unlawful requests unto the said
reverend fathers and lords; and therefore we required and desired of
them, that it would please them to decree by setting to their public
hand and seal, to authorize our said publication. Likewise, we do most
heartily require your Highness, that you would vouchsafe in like
manner to give us your testimony of the premises."

  But what answer the emperor made hereunto, we could never
understand or know; but by the process of the matter a man may easily
judge, that this good emperor was brought and led even unto this
point, through the obstinate mischief of the cardinals and bishops, to
break and falsify his promise and faith which he had made and
promised; and this was their reason whereby he was driven thereunto,
that no defence could or might be given either by safe-conduct, or by
any other means, unto him which was suspected or judged to be a
heretic. But by the epistles and letters of John Huss a man may easily
judge what the king's mind was. Now we will proceed in the history.



103. THE TRIAL OF JOHN HUSS

  The fifth day of June, the cardinals, bishops, and the rest of
the priests, almost all that were in Constance, assembled to a great
number, at the convent of the Franciscans in Constance; and there it
was commanded, that before John Huss should be brought forth, in his
absence they should rehearse the witnesses and articles, which they
had slanderously gathered out of his books; the which articles, with
John Huss's answer, we will hereafter repeat. By chance there was then
present a certain notary, named Peter Mladoniewitz, the which bare
great love and amity unto the said Huss; who, as soon as he perceived
that the bishops and cardinals were already determined and appointed
to condemn the said articles in the absence of John Huss, he went with
all speed unto Master Wencelate de Duba, and John of Clum, and told
them all the matter, who incontinent made report thereof to the
emperor, who, understanding their intent, sent Louis, the county
Palatine of Heidelburgh, and the Lord Frederic, burgrave of Nuremberg,
to signify unto them which ruled the council, that nothing should be
resolved or done in the case of John Huss before that it were first
heard with equity, and that they should send him all such articles as
were laid against the said Huss, which were either false or heretical;
and he would do so much, that the said articles should be examined by
good and learned men. Then, according to the emperor's will, the
judgment of the principals of the council was suspended, until such
time as John Huss were present.

  In the mean season, these gentlemen, Master Wencelate of Duba,
and John of Clum, did give unto the two princes, which the emperor had
sent, certain small treatises which the said John Huss had made, out
of the which they had drawn certain articles to present unto them
which ruled the council; under this condition, that they would render
them again, when they should demand them. The intent and meaning of
these barons was, that by this means the adversaries of John Huss
might the more easily be reproved, the which, of a naughty and corrupt
conscience, had picked out corrupt sentences out of the said books of
John Huss. The books were delivered unto the cardinals and bishops;
and, that done, John Huss was brought forth, and the princes which
were sent by the emperor departed back again. Afterwards they showed
the books unto John Huss, and he confessed openly, before the whole
assembly, that he had made them; and that he was ready, if there were
any fault in them, to amend the same.

  Now hearken a little to the holy proceedings of these reverend
fathers, for there happened a strange and shameful matter. With much
ado they had scarcely read one article, and brought forth a few
witnesses upon the same against him, but, as he was about to open his
mouth to answer, all this mad herd or flock began so to cry out upon
him, that he had not leisure to speak one only word. The noise and
trouble was so great and so vehement, that a man might well have
called it a bruit or noise of wild beasts, and not of men; much less
was it to be judged a congregation of men gathered together to judge
and determine so grave and weighty matters. And if it happened that
the noise and cry did never so little cease, that he might answer any
thing at all out of the Holy Scriptures or ecclesiastical doctors, by
and by be should hear these goodly replies upon him, "That maketh
nothing to the purpose."

  Besides all this, some did outrage in words against him, and
other some spitefully mocked him; so that he, seeing himself
overwhelmed with these rude and barbarous noises and cries, and that
it profited nothing to speak, he determined finally with himself to
hold his peace and keep silence. From that time forward, all the whole
rout of his adversaries thought that they had won the battle of him,
and cried out all together, "Now he is dumb, now he is dumb; this is a
certain sign and token, that he doth consent and agreE unto these his
errors." Finally, the matter came to this point, that certain of the
most moderate and honest among them, seeing this disorder, determined
to proceed no further, but that all should be deferred and put off
until another time. Through their advice, the prelates and others
departed from the council for that present, and appointed to meet
there again the morrow after to proceed in judgment.

  The next day, which was the seventh of June, on which day the sun
was almost wholly eclipsed, somewhat after about seven of the clock,
this same flock assembled again in the cloister of the Friars Minor,
and by their appointment John Huss was brought before them,
accompanied with a great number of armed men. Thither went also the
emperor, whom the gentlemen, Master Wencelate of Duba, and John of
Clum, and the notary named Peter, which were great friends of the said
Huss, did follow to see what the end would be. When they were come
thither, they heard that in the accusation of Michael de Causis, they
read these words following: "John Huss hath taught the people divers
and many errors both in the chapel of Bethlem, and also in many other
places of the city of Prague, of the which errors, some of them he
hath drawn out of Wickliff's books, and the rest he hath forged and
invented of his own head, and doth maintain the same very obstinately
and stiffly.

  "First, that after the consecration and pronunciation of the
words in the supper of the Lord, there remaineth material bread." And
this is proved by the witness of John Protyway, parish priest of St.
Clement's in Prague; John Pecklow, preacher at St. Giles in Prague;
Benise, preacher in the castle of Prague; Andrew Brode, canon of
Prague, and divers other priests. Unto this John Huss, taking a solemn
oath, answered that he never spake any such word; but thus much he did
grant, that at what time the archbishop of Prague forbade him to use
any more that term or word, bread, he could not allow the bishop's
commandment; forasmuch as Christ, in the 6th chapter of John, doth
oftentimes name himself the bread of angels, which came down from
heaven, to give life unto the whole world; but as touching material
bread, he never spake any thing at all. Then the cardinal of Cambray,
taking a certain bill in his hand, which he said he received the day
before, said unto John Huss: "Will you put any universalities, as
touching the thing? "When John Huss answered, that he would, because
St. Anselm and divers others had so done, the cardinal did proceed to
gather his argument in this manner.

  "It followeth then," said he, "that after the consecration is
made, there remaineth the substance of material bread; and that I do
thus prove: that the consecration being done, while the bread is
changed and transubstantiated into the body of Christ, as you say,
either there doth remain the common substance of material bread, or
contrariwise. If the substance do remain, then is our purpose at an
end. If contrariwise, then it doth follow, that by the decision of the
singularity, the universal ceaseth any more to be." John Huss
answered, "Truly it ceaseth to be, in this singular material bread, by
means of this transubstantiation, by which it is changed and
transubstantiated into the body of Christ; but, notwithstanding, in
other singularities it is made subject."
Then a certain Englishman by that argument would prove out of the
first position, that there remained material bread. Then said John
Huss, "That is a childish argument, which every boy in schools
knoweth:" and thereupon gave a solution. Then another Englishman would
prove, that there remained material bread in the sacrament, because
the bread after the consecration was not annihilate. Unto whom John
Huss answered, "Although," said he, "that the bread be not annihilate
or consumed, yet singularly it ceaseth there to be by means of the
alteration of its substance into the body of Christ." Here another
Englishman stepping forth, said; "John Huss seemeth unto me to use the
same kind of crafty speech which Wickliff used, for he granted all
these things which this man hath done, and yet in very deed was fully
persuaded that material bread remained in the sacrament after the
consecration." The which when John Huss had denied, saying, that he
spake nothing but only sincerely and uprightly, according to his
conscience; the Englishman proceeded to demand of him again, whether
the body of Christ be totally and really in the sacrament of the
altar. Whereunto John Huss answered, "Verily, I do think that the body
of Christ is really and totally in the sacrament of the altar, even
that body which was born of the Virgin Mary, suffered, died, and rose
again, and sitteth on the right hand of God the Father Almighty." When
they had disputed a good while to and fro, as touching universalities,
the Englishman, which before would prove that material bread remained
in the sacrament, because that the bread was not annihilate,
interrupting and breaking their talk, said: "To what purpose is this
disputation upon universalities, the which maketh nothing to the
purpose, as touching faith? For as far as I can perceive or hear, this
man holdeth a good opinion as touching the sacrament of the altar."
Then another Englishman, named Stokes, said, "I have seen at Prague a
certain treatise, the which was ascribed unto this man John Huss,
wherein it was plainly set forth, that after the consecration there
remained material bread in the sacrament." "Verily," said John Huss,
"saving your reverence, that is not true."

  Then they returned again unto the witnesses of them which were
spoken of a little before, who, every man for himself, affirmed, with
an oath, that which he had said; amongst whom John Protyway, parish
priest of St. Clement's in Prague, when be should come to confirm his
testimony, added more, that John Huss should say, that St. Gregory was
but a rhymer, when he did allege his authority against him. Unto whom
John Huss answered, that in this point they did him great injury,
forasmuch as he always esteemed and reputed St. Gregory for a most
holy doctor of the church.

  These contentions and disputations being somewhat appeased, the
cardinal of Florence turned himself toward John Huss and said:
"Master, you know well enough that it is written, that in the mouth of
two or three witnesses, all witness is firm and stable; and here you
see now almost twenty witnesses against you, men of authority and
worthy of credit, amongst the which some have heard you teach these
things themselves, the other by report and common bruit or voice do
testify of your doctrine; and all together, generally, bring firm
reasons and proofs of their witness, unto the which we are forced and
constrained to give credit; and, for my part, I see not how you can
maintain and defend your cause against so many notable and well-
learned men." Unto whom John Huss answered in this manner: "I take God
and my conscience to witness, that I never taught any thing, neither
was it ever in my mind or fantasy to teach in sort or manner, as these
men here have not feared to witness against me that which they never
heard. And albeit they were as many more in number as they are, for
all that I do much more esteem, yea, and without comparison regard,
the witness of my Lord God, before the witness and judgment of all
mine adversaries, upon whom I do in no point stay myself."

  Then said the cardinal again unto him, "It is not lawful for us
to judge according to your conscience; for we cannot choose, but that
we must needs stay ourselves upon the firm and evident witness of
these men here. For it is not for any displeasure or hatred, that
these men do witness this against you, (as you do allege,) for they
allege and bring forth such reasons of their witness, that there is no
man that can perceive any hatred in them, or that we can, in any case,
be in doubt thereof. And as touching Master Stephen Paletz, whereas
you say, you do suspect him that he hath craftily and deceitfully
drawn out certain points or articles out of your books to betray them 
afterwards; it seemeth that in this point you do him great wrong, for
in mine advice he hath used and showed a great fidelity and amity
toward you, in that he hath alleviated and moderated many of your
articles much more than they are in your own books. I understand also
that you have like opinion of divers other notable men, and specially
you have said, that you do suspect Master Chancellor of Paris, than
whom there is no more excellent and Christian man in all the whole
world."

  Then was there read a certain article of accusation, in the which
it was alleged, that John Huss had taught, and obstinately defended,
certain erroneous articles of Wickliff's in Bohemia. Whereunto Huss
answered, that he never taught any errors of John Wickliff's, or of
any other man's. "Wherefore, if it be so that Wickliff hath sowed any
errors in England, let the Englishmen look to that themselves." But to
confirm their article, there was alleged that John Huss did withstand
the condemnation of Wickliff's articles, the which were first
condemned at Rome. And afterwards also, when the archbishop of Swinco,
with other learned men, held a convocation at Prague for the same
matter, when they would have there been condemned for this cause, that
none of them were agreeing to the catholic faith or doctrine, but were
either heretical, erroneous, or offensive; he answered, that he durst
not agree thereunto, for offending his conscience, and especially for
these articles, that Silvester the pope, and Constantine, did err in
bestowing those great gifts and rewards upon the church. Also, that
the pope or priest, being in mortal sin, cannot consecrate nor
baptize. "This article," said he, "I have thus determined, as if I
should say, that he doth unworthily consecrate or baptize, when he is
in deadly sin, and that he is an unworthy minister of the sacraments
of God." Here his accusers, with their witnesses, were earnest and
instant that the article of Wickliff was written by the very same
words of the treatise which John Huss made against Stephen Paletz.
"Verily," said John Huss, "I fear not to submit myself, even under the
danger of death, if you shall not find it so as I have said." When the
book was brought forth, they found it written as John Huss had said.
He added also, moreover, that he durst not agree unto them which had
condemned Wickliff's articles, for this article, "The tenths were pure
alms." Here the cardinal of Florence objected unto him this argument,
as touching the alms: "It is required that it should be given freely
without bond or duty. But tenths are not given freely without bond or
duty; therefore are they no alms." John Huss, denying the major of
this syllogism, brought this reason against him: "Forasmuch as rich
men are bound, under the pain of eternal damnation, unto the
fulfilling of the six works of mercy, which Christ repeateth in the
25th chapter of Matthew, and these works are pure alms; ergo, alms are
also given by bond and duty." Then an archbishop of England, stepping
up, said, "If we all be bound unto those six works of mercy, it doth
follow that poor men, which have nothing at all to give, should be
damned." "I answer," said Huss, "unto your antecedent, that I spake
distinctly of rich men, and of those which had wherewithal to do those
works. They, I say, were bound to give alms under pain of damnation."

  He answered, moreover, unto the minor of the first argument, that
tenths were at first given freely, and afterward made a bond and duty;
and when he would have declared it more at large, he could not be
suffered. He declared also divers other causes why he could not, with
safe conscience, consent unto the condemnation of Wickliff's articles.
But howsoever the matter went, he did affirm and say, that he did
never obstinately confirm any articles of Wickliff's, but only that he
did not allow and consent that Wickliff's articles should be condemned
before that sufficient reasons were alleged out of the Holy Scripture
for their condemnation. "And of the same mind," saith John Huss, "are
a great many other doctors and masters of the university of Prague;
for when Swinco the archbishop commanded all Wickliff's books to be
gathered together in the whole city of Prague, and to be brought unto
him, I myself brought also certain books of Wickliff's which I gave
unto the archbishop, desiring him, that if he found any error or
heresy in them, he would note and mark them, and I myself would
publish them openly. But the archbishop, albeit that he showed me no
error nor heresy in them, burned my books, together with those that
were brought unto him, notwithstanding that he had no such commandment
from Pope Alexander the Fifth. But, notwithstanding, by a certain
policy, he obtained a bull from the said pope by means of Jaroslaus,
bishop of Sarepta, of the order of Franciscans, that all Wickliff's
books, for the manifold errors contained in them, (whereof there were
none named,) should be taken out of all men's hands. The archbishop,
using the authority of this bull, thought he should bring to pass that
the king of Bohemia and the nobles should consent to the condemnation
of Wickliff's books; but therein he was deceived. Yet nevertheless,
calling together certain divines, he gave them in commission to sit
upon Wickliff's books, and to proceed against them by a definitive
sentence in the canon law.
  These men, by a general sentence, judged all those books worthy
to be burned; the which when the doctors, masters, and scholars of the
university heard report of, they all together, with one consent and
accord, (none excepted but only they which before were chosen by the
archbishop to sit in judgment,) determined to make supplication unto
the king to stay the matter. The king, granting their request, sent by
and by certain unto the archbishop to examine the matter. There he
denied that he would decree any thing, as touching Wickliff's books,
contrary unto the king's will and pleasure. Whereupon, albeit that he
had determined to burn them the next day after, yet for fear of the
king, the matter was passed over. In the mean time Pope Alexander the
Fifth, being dead, the archbishop, fearing lest the bull which he had
received of the pope, would be no longer of any force or effect,
privily calling unto him his adherents, and shutting the gates of his
court round about him, being guarded with a number of armed soldiers,
consumed  and burned all Wickliff's books.
Illustration: The burning of John Huss's books

  Besides this great injury, the archbishop, by means of his bull
aforesaid, committed another no less intolerable; for he gave out
commandment, that no man after that time, under pain of
excommunication, should teach any more in chapels. Whereupon I did
appeal unto the pope; who being dead, and the cause of my matter
remaining undetermined, I appealed likewise unto his successor John
the Twenty-third: before whom when, by the space of two years, I could
not be admitted by my advocates to defend my cause, I appealed unto
the high Judge, Christ.
When John Huss had spoken these words, it was demanded of him whether
he had received absolution of the pope or no? He answered, "No." Then
again, whether it were lawful for him to appeal unto Christ or no?
Whereunto John Huss answered; "Verily I do affirm here before you all,
that there is no more just or effectual appeal, than that appeal which
is made unto Christ, forasmuch as the law doth determine, that to
appeal, is no other thing than in a cause of grief or wrong done by an
inferior judge, to implore and require aid and remedy at a higher
judge's hand. Who is then a higher judge than Christ? Who, I say, can
know or judge the matter more justly, or with more equity? when in him
there is found no deceit, neither can he be deceived; or, who can
better help the miserable and oppressed than he?" While John Huss,
with a devout and sober countenance, was speaking and pronouncing
those words, he was derided and mocked of all the whole council.

  Then was there rehearsed another article of his accusation, in
this manner; that John Huss, to confirm the heresy which he had taught
the common and simple people out of Wickliff's books, said openly
these words: "That at what time a great number of monks and friars,
and other learned men, were gathered together in England, in a certain
church, to dispute against John Wickliff, and could by no means
vanquish him, or give him the foil; suddenly the church door was
broken open with lightning, so that with much ado Wickliff's enemies
hardly escaped without hurt." He added, moreover, that he wished his
soul to be in the same place where John Wickliff's soul was. Whereunto
John Huss answered, that a dozen years before that any books of
divinity of John Wickliff's were in Bohemia, he did see certain works
of philosophy of his, the which, he said, did marvellously delight and
please him. And when he understood the good and godly life of the said
Wickliff, he spake these words: "I trust," said he, "that Wickliff is
saved; and albeit that I doubt whether he be damned or no, yet, with a
good hope, I wish that my soul were in the same place where John
Wickliff's is." Then again did all the company jest and laugh at him.

  It is also in his accusation, that John Huss did counsel the
people, according to the example of Moses, to resist with the sword
against all such as did gainsay his doctrine. And the next day after
he had preached the same, there were found openly, in divers places,
certain intimations that every man, being armed with his sword about
him, should stoutly proceed; and that brother should not spare
brother, neither one neighbour another. John Huss answered, that all
these things were falsely laid unto his charge by his adversaries; for
he at all times, when he preached, did diligently admonish and warn
the people, that they should all arm themselves to defend the truth of
the gospel, according to the saying of the apostle, with the helmet
and sword of salvation; and that he never spake of any material sword,
but of that which is the word of God. And as touching intimations, or
Moses's sword, he never had any thing to do withal.

  It is moreover affirmed in his accusation and witness, that many
offences are sprung up by the doctrine of Huss. For first of all, he
sowed discord between the ecclesiastical and the political state;
whereupon followed the persecution, spoiling, and robbery of the
clergy and bishops; and moreover, that he, through his dissension,
dissolved the university of Prague. Hereunto John Huss briefly
answered, that these things had not happened by his means or default;
for the first dissension that was between the ecclesiastical and
political state, sprang and grew upon this cause, that Pope Gregory
the Twelfth promised at his election, that at all times, at the will
and pleasure of the cardinals, he would depart from and give over his
seat again; for under that condition he was elect and chosen. This
man, contrary and against Wenceslaus, king of Bohemia, and was then
also king of the Romans, made Louis, duke of Bavaria, emperor.

  A few years after it happened, when Pope Gregory would not refuse
and give over his seat and office at the request of the cardinals,
that the whole college of cardinals sent letters to the king of
Bohemia, requiring him, that, together with them, he would renounce
and forsake his obedience unto Pope Gregory, and so it should come to
pass, that by the authority of a new bishop he should recover again
his imperial dignity. For this cause the king consented to the will of
the cardinals as touching a neutrality; that is to say, that he would
neither take part with Pope Gregory, neither yet with Benedict the
Twelfth, bishop of Avignon, who was then named pope, as it doth appear
by chronicles. In this cause then, forasmuch as the archbishop Swinco
with the clergy were against the king, and abstaining from the divine
service, many of them departed out of the city, and the archbishop
himself, breaking down the tomb of the Lord Wencelate, contrary and
against the king's will, did also take Wickliff's books and burned
them. Thereupon the king, without any gainsaying, suffered that
certain goods of theirs, which of their own wills were fled away,
should be spoiled; because they should not consent or accord with the
bishop. Whereupon it is easy to be understood and known that John Huss
was falsely accused for that matter. Howbeit a certain man, one Naso,
rising up, said: "The clergy did not abstain from the divine service,
because they would not swear to consent unto the king; but because
that they were spoiled and robbed of their goods and substance." And
the cardinal of Cambray, who was one of the judges, said: "Here I must
say somewhat which is come into my mind. When I came from Rome, the
same year that these things were done, by chance I met on the way
certain prelates of Bohemia: whom, when I demanded what news they had
brought out of Bohemia, they answered, that there was happened a
wonderful cruel and heinous fact; for all the clergy were spoiled of
all their substance, and very ill entreated and handled."

  Then John Huss, alleging the same cause which he did before, went
forward unto the second part of the article which was objected against
him, denying, also, that it happened through his fault, that the
Germans departed from the university of Prague. "But when the king of
Bohemia, according to the foundation of Charles the Fourth, his
father, granted three voices unto the Bohemians, and the fourth unto
the Germans; whereat the Germans grudging that they should be exempted
from their voices, of their own accord departed and went their ways;
binding themselves with a great oath, and under a great penalty, both
of their fame, and also money, that none of them should return again
unto Prague. Notwithstanding, I am not ashamed to confess, that I did
approve and allow the doings of the king, unto whom of duty I owe
obedience for the commodity and profit of my country. And because you
shall not think that I have spoken any untruth, here is present Albert
Warren Trapius, which was deacon of the faculties, who had sworn to
depart with the rest of the Germans; he, if that he will say the
truth, shall easily clear me of this suspicion."

  But when Albert would have spoken, he could not be heard. But the
aforesaid Naso, of whom before is made mention, after he had asked
leave to speak, said: "This matter do I understand well enough, for I
was in the king's court when these things were done in Bohemia, when I
saw the masters of the three nations, of the Germans, Bavarians,
Saxons, and Silesians, amongst whom the the Polonians were also
numbered, most humbly come unto the king, requiring that he would not
suffer the right of their voices to be taken from them; then the king
promised them that he would foresee and provide for their requests:
but John Huss and Jerome of Prague, with divers others, persuaded the
king that he should not so do. Whereat the king at the first, being
not a little moved, gave him a sore check, that he and Jerome of
Prague did so much intermeddle themselves, and moved such open
controversies, insomuch that he threatened them, that except they
would foresee and take heed, he would bring it to pass that the matter
should be determined and decreed by fire. Wherefore, most reverend
fathers, you shall understand that the king of Bohemia did never
favour with his heart these men, whose unshamefacedness is such, that
they feared not even of late to entreat me evil, being so much in the
king's favour and credit." After him stepped forth Paletz, saying,
"Verily, most reverend fathers, not only the learned men of other
nations, but also of Bohemia itself, are, through the counsel of John
Huss and his adherents, banished out of Bohemia, of the which number
some remain yet in exile in Moravia." Hereunto John Huss answered:
"How can this be true," said he, "since I was not at Prague at that
time, when these men you speak of departed and went away from thence?"
These things were thus debated the day aforesaid as touching John
Huss.
This done, the said John Huss was committed to the custody of the
bishop of Reggio, under whom Jerome of Prague was also prisoner. But
before that he was led away, the cardinal of Cambray calling him back
again, in the presence of the emperor, said, "John Huss, I have heard
you say, that if you had not been willing of your own mind to come
unto Constance, neither the emperor himself, neither the king of
Bohemia, could have compelled you to do it." Unto whom John Huss
answered: "Under your licence, most reverend father, I never used any
such kind of talk or words. But this I did say, that there was in
Bohemia a great number of gentlemen and noblemen, which did favour and
love me, the which also might easily have kept me in some sure and
secret place, that I should not have been constrained to come into
this town of Constance, neither at the will of the emperor, neither of
the king of Bohemia." With that the cardinal of Cambray, even for very
anger, began to change his colour, and despitefully said: "Do you not
see the unshamefacedness of the man here?" And as they were murmuring
and whispering on all parts, the Lord John de Clum, ratifying and
confirming that which John Huss had spoken, said, that John Huss had
spoken very well; "for on my part," said he, "which, in comparison of
a great many others, am but of small force in the realm of Bohemia,
yet always, if I would have taken it in hand, I could have defended
him easily by the space of one year, even against all the force and
power of both these great and mighty kings. How much better might they
have done it which are of more force or puisance than I am, and have
stronger castles and places than I have!" After that the Lord de Clum
had spoken, the cardinal of Cambray said, "Let us leave this talk; and
I tell you, John Huss, and counsel you, that you submit yourself unto
the sentence and mind of the council, as you did promise in the
prison; and if you will do so, it shall be greatly both for your
profit and honour."

  And the emperor himself began to tell him the same tale, saying,
"Albeit that there be some which say, that the fifteenth day after you
were committed to prison, you obtained of us our letters of safe-
conduct;  I can well prove, by the witness of many princes and
noblemen, that the said safe- conduct was obtained and gotten of us by
my lords de Duba and de Clum, before you were parted out of Prague,
under whose guard we have sent for you, to the end that none should do
you any outrage or hurt, but that you should have full liberty to
speak freely before all the council, and to answer as touching your
faith and doctrine: and, as you see, my lords the cardinals and
bishops have so dealt with you, that we do very well perceive their
good will towards you; for the which we have great cause to thank
them. And forasmuch as divers have told us, that we may not, or ought
not, of right to defend any man which is a heretic, or suspected of
heresy; therefore, now we give you even the same counsel which the
cardinal of Cambray hath given you already, that you be not obstinate
to maintain any opinion, but that you do submit yourself under such
obedience as you owe unto the authority of the holy council, in all
things that shall be laid against you, and confirmed by credible
witnesses; the which thing if you do according to our counsel, we will
give order that, for the love of us, of our brother, and the whole
realm of Bohemia, the council shall suffer you to depart in peace,
with an easy and tolerable penance and satisfaction. The which thing
if you, contrariwise, refuse to do, the presidents of the council
shall have sufficient wherewithal to proceed against you. And, for our 
part, be ye well assured, that we will sooner prepare and make the
fire with our own hands, to burn you withal, than we will endure or
suffer any longer that you shall maintain or use this stiffness of
opinions, which you have hitherto maintained and used. Wherefore our
advice and counsel is, that you submit yourself wholly unto the
judgment of the council." Unto whom John Huss answered in this sort;
"O most noble emperor, I render unto your Highness most immortal
thanks for your letters of safe-conduct." Upon this, Lord John de Clum
did break him of his purpose, and admonished him that he did in no
point excuse himself of the blame of obstinacy.

  Then said John Huss, "O most gentle lord, I do take God to my
witness, that I was never minded to maintain any opinion ever
obstinately; and that for this same intent and purpose I did come
hither of mine own good will, that if any man could lay before me any
better or more holy doctrine than mine, that then I would change mine
opinion without any further doubt." After he had spoken and said these
things, he was sent away with sergeants.



104. THE ARTICLES AGAINST JOHN HUSS, AND HIS ANSWERS

  The morrow after, which was the eighth day of June, the very same
company which was assembled the day before, assembled now again at the
conventof the Franciscans. And in this assembly were also John Huss's
friends, Lord de Duba, and Lord de Clum, and Peter the notary. Thither
was John Huss also brought; and in his presence there were read about
thirty-nine articles, the which, they said, were drawn out of his
books. Huss acknowledged all those that were faithfully and truly
collected and gathered, to be his; of the which sort there were but
very few. The residue were counterfeited and forged by his
adversaries, and specially by Stephen Paletz, the principal author of
this mischief: for they could find no such thing in the books, out of
the which they said they had drawn and gathered them; or at the least,
if they were, they were corrupted by slanders, as a man may easily
perceive by the number of articles.

  These be the same articles in a manner which were showed before
in the prison to John Huss, and are rehearsed here in another order.
Howbeit there were more articles added unto them, and other some
corrected and enlarged. But now we will show them one with another,
and declare what the said Huss did answer both openly before them all,
as also in the prison, for he left his answers in the prison briefly
written with his own hand in these words:

  "I, John Huss, unworthy minister of Jesus Christ, master of arts,
and bachelor of divinity, do confess that I have written a certain
small treatise entitled, Of the Church; the copy whereof was showed me
by the notaries of the three presidents of the council; that is to
say, the patriarch of Constantinople, the bishop of Castile, and the
bishop of Libusse: the which deputies or presidents, in reproof of the
said treatise, delivered unto me certain articles, saying, that they
were drawn out of the said treatise, and were written in the same.

  "The first article: 'There is but one holy universal or catholic
church, which is the universal company of all the predestinate.' I do
confess that this proposition is mine, and is confirmed by the saying
of St. Augustine upon St. John.

  "The second article: 'St. Paul was never any member of the devil,
albeit that he committed and did certain acts like unto the acts of 
the malignant church. And likewise St. Peter, which fell into a
horrible sin of perjury and denial of his Master, it was by the
permission of God, that he might the more firmly and stedfastly rise
again and be confirmed.' I answer, according to St. Augustine, that it
is expedient that the elect and predestinate should sin and offend.
Hereby it appeareth that there are two manner of separations from the
holy church. The first is not to perdition, as all the elect are
divided from the church. The second is to perdition, by the which
certain heretics are, through their deadly sin, divided from the
church. Yet notwithstanding, by the grace of God, they may return
again unto the flock, and be of the fold of our Lord Jesus Christ, of
whom he speaketh himself, saying, I have other sheep which are not of
this fold, John xx.

  "The third article: 'No part or member of the church doth depart
or fall away at any time from the body, forasmuch as the charity of
predestination, which is the bond and chain of the same, doth never
fall.' This proposition is thus placed in my book: As the reprobate of
the church proceed out of the same, and yet are not as parts or
members of the same, forasmuch as no part or member of the same doth
finally fall away, because that the charity of predestination, which
is the bond and chain of the same, doth never fall away.' This is
proved by the 13th chapter of the First to the Corinthians; and to the
Romans, the 8th chapter: All things turn to good to them which love
God. Also, I am certain that neither death nor life can separate us
from the charity and love of God: as it is more at large in the book.

  "The fourth article: 'The predestinate, although he be not in a
state of grace according to present justice, yet is he always a member
of the universal church.' This an error, if it be understood of all
such as be predestinate: for thus it is in the book, about the
beginning of the 5th chapter, where it is declared, that there be
divers manners and sorts of being in the church; for there are some in
the church according to the misshapen faith, and other some according
to predestination, as Christians predestinate, now in sin, but shall
return again unto grace.

  "The fifth article: 'There is no degree of honour or dignity,
neither any human election, or any sensible sign, that can make any
man a member of the universal church.' I answer, this article is after
this manner in my book: 'And such subtleties are understood and known
by considering what it is to be in the church, and what it is to be a
part or member of the church; and that predestination doth make a man
a member of the universal church, the which is a preparation of grace
for the present, and of glory to come; and not any degree of dignity,
neither election of man, neither any sensible sign. For the traitor,
Judas Iscariot, notwithstanding Christ's election, and the temporal
graces which were given him for his office of apostleship, and that he
was reputed and counted of men a true apostle of Jesus Christ, yet was
he no true disciple, but a wolf covered in a sheep's skin, as St.
Augustine saith.'

  "The sixth article: 'A reprobate man is never a member of the
holy church.' I answer, it is in my book, with sufficient long
probation out of the 26th Psalm, and out of the 5th chapter to the
Ephesians; and also by St. Bernard's saying, The church of Jesus
Christ is more plainly and evidently his body, than the body which he
delivered for us to death.' I have also written in the 5th chapter of
my book, that the holy church is the barn of the Lord, in the which
are both good and evil, predestinate and reprobate, the good being as
the good corn or grain, and the evil as the chaff; and thereunto is
added the exposition of St. Augustine.

  "The seventh article: 'Judas was never a true disciple of Jesus
Christ.' I answer, and I do confess the same. This appeareth by the
fifth article, which is passed before, and by St. Augustine in his
Book of Penance, where he doth expound the meaning of St. John, in the
First Epistle and 2nd chapter, where he said, 'They came out from
amongst us, but they were none of us. He knew from the beginning all
them which should believe, and him also which should betray him, and
said, And therefore I say unto you, that none cometh unto me, except
it be given him of my Father. From that time many of the disciples
parted from him: and were not those also called disciples, according
to the words of the gospel? And yet, notwithstanding, they were no
true disciples, because they did not remain and continue in the word
of the Son of God, according as it is said, If you remain in my word,
you be my disciples; forasmuch then as they did not continue with
Christ as his true disciples, so likewise are they not the true sons
of God: although they seem so, unto him they are not so, unto whom it
is known what they shall be, that is to say, of good, evil.' Thus much
writeth St. Augustine. It is also evident that Judas could not be the
true disciple of Christ, by means of his covetousness; for Christ
himself said in the presence of Judas, as I suppose, Except a man
forsake all that he hath, he cannot be my disciple. Forasmuch then as
Judas did not forsake all things, according to the Lord's will, and
follow him, he was a thief, as it is said, John xii.; and a devil,
John vi.; whereby it is evident by the word of the Lord, that Judas
was not his true, but feigned, disciple. Whereupon St. Augustine
writing upon John, declaring how the sheep hear the voice of Christ,
saith, 'What manner of hearers, think ye, his sheep were? Truly, Judas
heard him and was a wolf, yet followed he the Shepherd; but being
clothed in a sheep's skin, he lay in wait for the Shepherd.'

  "The eighth article: 'Of the congregation of the predestinate,
whether they be in the state of grace or no, according unto present
justice, is the holy universal church; and therefore it is an article
of faith, and it is the same church which hath neither wrinkle,
neither spot in it, but is holy and undefiled, the which the Son of
God doth call his own. The answer: The words of the book out of the
which this article was drawn, are these: 'Thirdly, the church is
understood and taken for the congregation and assembly of the
faithful, whether they be in the state of grace, according to present
justice, or not. And in this sort it is an article of our faith, of
the which St. Paul maketh mention in the 5th chapter to the Ephesians,
Christ so loved his church, that he delivered and offered himself for
the same, &c. I pray you, then, is there any faithful man the which
doth doubt that the church doth not signify all the elect and
predestinate, the which we ought to believe to be the universal
church, the glorious spouse of Jesus Christ, holy and without spot?
Wherefore this article is an article of faith, the which we ought
firmly to believe according to our creed, 'I believe the holy catholic
church:' and of this church doth St. Augustine, St. Gregory, St.
Jerome, and divers other make mention.'

  "The ninth article: 'Peter never was, neither is, the head of the
holy universal church.' The answer: This article was drawn out of
these words of my book; 'All men do agree in this point, that Peter
had received of the Rock of the church, (which is Christ,) humility,
poverty, stedfastness of faith, and consequently blessedness. Not as
though the meaning of our Lord Jesus Christ was, when he said, Upon
this Rock I will build my church, that he would build every militant
church upon the person of Peter; for Christ should build his church
upon the Rock, which is Christ himself, from whence Peter received his
stedfastness of faith, forasmuch as Jesus Christ is the only Head and
Foundation of every church, and not Peter.'

  "The tenth article: 'If he that is called the vicar of Jesus
Christ, do follow Christ in his life, then he is his true vicar; but
if so be he do walk in contrary paths and ways, then is he the
messenger of antichrist, and the enemy and adversary of St. Peter, and
of our Lord Jesus Christ, and also the vicar of Judas Iscariot!' I
answer, the words of my book are these: 'If he which is called the
vicar of St. Peter, walk in the ways of Christian virtues aforesaid,
we do believe verily that he is the true vicar, and true bishop of the
church which he ruleth; but if he walk in contrary paths and ways,
then is he the messenger of antichrist, contrary both to St. Peter,
and our Lord Jesus Christ. And therefore St. Bernard, in his fourth
book, did write in this sort unto Pope Eugene: Thou delightest and
walkest in great pride and arrogancy, being gorgeously and sumptuously
arrayed; what fruit or profit do thy flock or sheep receive by thee?
If I durst say it, these be rather the pastures and feedings of devils
than of sheep. St. Peter and St. Paul did not so; wherefore thou
seemest by these thy doings to succeed Constantine, and not St. Peter.
These be the very words of St. Bernard.' It followeth after, in my
book, 'That if the manner and fashion of his life and living be
contrary to that which St. Peter used, or that he be given to avarice
and covetousness, then is he the vicar of Judas Iscariot, which loved
and chose the reward of iniquity, and did set out to sale the Lord
Jesus Christ.' As soon as they had read the same, those which ruled
and governed the council beheld one another, making mocks and mows,
they nodded their heads at him.

  "The eleventh article: 'All such as do use simony, and priests
living dissolutely and wantonly, do hold an untrue opinion of the
seven sacraments, as unbelieving bastards, and not as children, not
knowing what is the office and duty of the keys or censures, rites and
ceremonies; neither of the divine service of the church, or of
veneration or worshipping of relics; neither of the orders constituted
and ordained in the church; neither yet of indulgences or pardons.' I
answer, that it is placed in this manner in my book: 'This abuse of
authority or power is committed by such as do sell and make
merchandise of holy orders, and get and gather together riches by
simony, making fairs and markets of the holy sacraments, and living in
all kind of voluptuousness and dissolute manners, or in any other
filthy or villanous kind of living: they do pollute and defile the
holy ecclesiastical state. And albeit that they profess in words that
they do know God, yet do they deny it again by their deeds, and
consequently believe not in God; but, as unbelieving bastards, they
hold a contrary and untrue opinion of the seven sacraments of the
church. And this appeareth most evidently, forasmuch as all such do
utterly contemn and despise the name of God, according to the saying
of Malachi, chap. i., Unto you, O priests! be it spoken, which do
despise and contemn my name.'

  "The twelfth article: 'The papal dignity hath his original from
the emperors of Rome.' I answer, and mark well what my words are: 'The
pre-eminence and institution of the pope is sprung and come of the
emperor's power and authority. And this is proved by the ninety-sixth
distinction; for Constantine granted this privilege unto the bishop of
Rome, and other after him confirmed the same: That like as Augustus,
for the outward and temporal goods bestowed upon the church, is
counted always the most high king above all others; so the bishop of
Rome should be called the principal father above all other bishops.
This notwithstanding, the papal dignity hath his original immediately
from Christ, as touching his spiritual administration and office to
rule the church.' Then the cardinal of Cambray said, 'In the time of
Constantine, there was a general council holden at Nice, in the which,
albeit the highest room and place in the church was given to the
bishop of Rome, for honour's cause, it is ascribed unto the emperor.
Wherefore then do ye not as well affirm and say, that the papal
dignity took his original rather from that council, than by the
emperor's authority and power?'

  "The thirteenth article: 'No man would reasonably affirm (without
revelation) either of himself or of any other, that he is the head of
any particular church.' I answer, I confess it to be written in my
book, and it followeth straight after, 'Albeit that through his good
living he ought to hope and trust that he is a member of the holy
universal church, the spouse of Jesus Christ, according to the saying
of the Preacher, No man knoweth whether he be worthy and have deserved
grace and favour, or hatred. And Luke xvii., When ye have done all
that ye can, say that you are unprofitable servants.'

  "The fourteenth article: 'It ought not to be believed, that the
pope, whatsoever he be, may be the head of any particular church,
unless he be predestinate or ordained of God.' I answer, that I do
acknowledge this proposition to be mine; and this is easy to prove,
forasmuch as it is necessary that the Christian faith should be
depraved, forasmuch as the church was deceived by N., as it appeareth
by St. Augustine.

  "The fifteenth article: 'The pope's power as vicar, is but vain
and nothing worth, if he do not confirm and address his life according
to Jesus Christ, and follow the manners of St. Peter.' I answer, that
it is thus in my book; 'That it is meet and expedient that he which is
ordained vicar, should address and frame himself, in manners and
conditions, to the authority of him which did put him in place.' And
John Huss said, moreover, before the whole council: 'I understand that
the power and authority in such a pope as doth not represent the
manners of Christ, is frustrate and void, as touching the merit and
reward which he should obtain and get thereby, and doth not get the
same: but not as concerning his office.' Then certain others standing
by, asked of him, saying, 'Where is that gloss in your book?' John
Huss answered, 'You shall find it in my treatise against Master
Paletz:' whereat all the assistants, looking one upon another, began
to smile and laugh.

  "The sixteenth article: 'The pope is most holy, not because he
doth supply and hold the room and place of St. Peter, but because he
hath great revenues.' I answer, that my words are mutilated, for thus
it is written: 'He is not most holy, because he is called the vicar of
St. Peter, or because he hath great and large possessions; but if he
be the follower of Jesus Christ in humility, gentleness, patience,
labour, and travail, and in perfect love and charity.'

  "The seventeenth article: 'The cardinals are not the manifest and
true successors of the other apostles of Jesus Christ, if they live
not according to the fashion of the apostles, keeping the commandments
and ordinances of the Lord Jesus.' I answer, that it is thus written
in my book, and it proveth itself sufficiently: 'For if they enter in
by another way than by the door, which is the Lord Jesus, they be
murderers and thieves.'

  "Then said the cardinal of Cambray, 'Behold, both this and all
other articles before rehearsed, he hath written much more detestable
things in his book than are presented in his articles. Truly, John
Huss, thou hast kept no order in thy sermons and writings, Had it not
been your part to have applied your sermons according to your
audience? for to what purpose was it, or what did it profit you,
before the people to preach against the cardinals, when none of them
were present? It had been meeter for you to have told them their
faults before them all, than before the laity.' Then answered John
Huss: 'Reverend father, forasmuch as I did see many priests and other
learned men present at my sermons, for their sakes I spake those
words.' Then said the cardinal, 'Thou hast done very ill, for by such
kind of talk thou hast disturbed and troubled the whole state of the
church.'

  "The eighteenth article: 'A heretic ought not to be committed to
the secular powers to be put to death, for it is sufficient only that
he abide and suffer the ecclesiastical censure.' These are my words:
That they might be ashamed of their cruel sentence and judgment,
especially forasmuch as Jesus Christ, Bishop both of the Old and New
Testament, would not judge such as were disobedient by civil judgment,
neither condemn them to bodily death.' As touching the first point, it
may evidently be seen in the 12th chapter of St. Luke. And for the
second, it appeared also by the woman which was taken in adultery, of
whom it is spoken in the 8th chapter of St. John. And it is said in
the 18th chapter of St. Matthew, If thy brother have offended thee,
&c. Mark therefore what I do say, That a heretic, whatsoever he be,
ought first to be instructed and taught with Christian love and
gentleness by the Holy Scriptures, and by the reasons drawn and taken
out of the same, as St. Augustine and others have done, disputing
against the heretics. But if there were any which, after all these
gentle and loving admonitions and instructions, would not cease from
or leave off their stiffness of opinions, but obstinately resist
against the truth, such, I say, ought to suffer corporal or bodily
punishment."

  As soon as John Huss had spoken those things, the judges read in
his book a certain clause, wherein he seemed grievously to inveigh
against them which delivered a heretic unto the secular power, not
being confuted or convicted of heresy, and compared them unto the high
priests, scribes, and Pharisees, which said unto Pilate, It is not
lawful for us to put any man to death, and delivered Christ unto him;
and yet, notwithstanding, according unto Christ's own witness, they
were greater murderers than Pilate; For he, said Christ, which hath
delivered me unto thee, hath committed the greatest offence. Then the
cardinals and bishops made a great noise, and demanded of John Huss,
saying, "Who are they that thou dost compare or resemble unto the
Pharisees?" Then he said, "All those which delivered up any innocent
unto the civil sword, as the scribes and Pharisees delivered Jesus
Christ unto Pilate." "No, no," said they again; "for all that, you
spake here of doctors." And the cardinal of Cambray, according to his
accustomed manner, said, "Truly they which have made and gathered
these articles, have used great lenity and gentleness, for his
writings are much more detestable and horrible."

  "The nineteenth article: 'The nobles of the world ought to
constrain and compel the ministers of the church to observe and keep
the law of Jesus Christ.' I answer, that it standeth thus word for
word in my book: 'Those which be on our part do preach and affirm that
the church militant, according to the parts which the Lord hath
ordained, is divided, and consisteth in these parts: That is to say,
ministers of the church, which should keep purely and sincerely the
ordinances and commandments of the Son of God, and the nobles of the
world, that should compel and drive them to keep the commandments of
Jesus Christ, and of the common people, serving to both these parts
and ends, according to the institution and ordinance of Jesus Christ.'

  "The twentieth article: The ecclesiastical obedience is a kind of
obedience, which the priests and monks have invented without any
express authority of the Holy Scriptures.' I answer and confess, that
those words are thus written in my book. I say that there be three
kinds of obedience, spiritual, secular, and ecclesiastical. The
spiritual obedience is that which is only due according to the law and
ordinance of God, under the which the apostles of Jesus Christ did
live, and all Christians ought to live. The secular obedience is that
which is due according to the civil laws and ordinances. The
ecclesiastical obedience is such as the priests have invented, without
any express authority of Scripture. The first kind of obedience doth
utterly exclude from it all evil, as well on his part which giveth the
commandment, as on his also which doth obey the same. And of this
obedience it is spoken in the 24th chapter of Deuteronomy: Thou shalt
do all that which the priests of the kindred of Levi shall teach and
instruct thee, according as I have commanded them.

  "The twenty-first article: 'He that is excommunicated by the
pope, if he refuse and forsake the judgment of the pope and the
general council, and appealeth unto Jesus Christ, after he hath made
his apellation, all the excommunications and curses of the pope cannot
annoy or hurt him.' I answer, that I do not acknowledge this
proposition; but indeed I did make my complaint in my book, that they
had both done me and such as favoured me great wrong, and that they
refused to hear me in the pope's court. For after the death of one
pope, I did appeal to his successor, and all that did profit me
nothing. And to appeal from the pope to the council it were too long;
and that were even as much as if a man in trouble should seek an
uncertain remedy. And therefore, last of all, I have appealed to the
Head of the church, my Lord Jesus Christ, for he is much more
excellent and better than any pope, to discuss and determine matters
and causes, forasmuch as he cannot err, neither yet deny justice to
him that doth ask or require it in a just cause, neither can he
condemn the innocent. Then spake the cardinal of Cambray unto him, and
said, Wilt thou presume above St. Paul, who appealed unto the emperor,
and not unto Jesus Christ?' John Huss answered, 'Forasmuch then as I
am the first that do it, am I therefore to be reputed and counted a
heretic? And yet, notwithstanding, St. Paul did not appeal unto the
emperor of his own motion or will, but by the will of Christ, which
spake unto him by revelation, and said, Be firm and constant, for thou
must go unto Rome.' And as he was about to rehearse his appeal again
they mocked him."

  Forasmuch as mention here is made of the appeal of the said Huss,
it seemeth good here to show the manner and form thereof.

  "Forasmuch as the most mighty Lord, one in essence, three in
person, is both the chief and first, and also the last and uttermost
refuge of all those which are oppressed, and that he is the God which
defendeth verity and truth throughout all generations, doing justice
to such as be wronged, being ready and at hand to all those which call
upon him in verity and truth, unbinding those that are bound, and
fulfilling the desires of all those which honour and fear him,
defending and keeping all those that love him, and utterly destroying
and bringing to ruin the stiff-necked and impenitent sinner; and that
the Lord Jesus Christ, very God and man, being in great anguish,
compassed in with the priests, scribes, and Pharisees, wicked judges
and witnesses, willing, by the most bitter and ignominious death, to
redeem the children of God, chosen before the foundation of the world,
from everlasting damnation; hath left behind him this godly example
for a memory unto them which should come after him, to the intent they
should commit all their causes into the hands of God, who can do all
things, and knoweth and seeth all things, saying in this manner: O
Lord! behold my affliction, for my enemy hath prepared himself against
me, and thou art my protector and defender. O Lord! thou hast given me
understanding, and I have acknowledged thee; thou hast opened unto me
all their enterprises; and for mine own part, I have been as a meek
lamb which is led unto sacrifice, and have not resisted against them.
They have wrought their enterprises upon me, saying, Let us put wood
in his bread, and let us banish him out of the land of the living,
that his name be no more spoken of nor had in memory. But thou, O Lord
of hosts! which judgest justly, and seest the devices and imaginations
of their hearts, hasten thee to take vengeance upon them, for I have
manifested my cause unto thee, forasmuch as the number of those which
trouble me is great, and have counselled together, saying, The Lord
hath forsaken him, pursue him and catch him. O Lord my God! behold
their doings, for thou art my patience; deliver me from mine enemies,
for thou art my God; do not separate thyself far from me, forasmuch as
tribulation is at hand, and there is no man which will succour me. My
God! my God! look down upon me; wherefore hast thou forsaken me? So
many dogs have compassed me in, and the company of the wicked have
besieged me round about; for they have spoken against me with
deceitful tongues, and have compassed me in with words full of
despite, and have enforced me without cause. Instead of love towards
me they have slandered me, and have recompensed me with evil for good;
and in place of charity they have conceived hatred against me.

  "Wherefore, behold, I, staying myself upon this most holy and
fruitful example of my Saviour and Redeemer, do appeal before God for
this my grief and hard oppression, from this most wicked sentence and
judgment, and the excommunication determined by the bishops, scribes,
Pharisees, and judges, which sit in Moses's seat, and resign my cause
wholly unto him; so as the holy patriarch of Constantinople, John
Chrysostom, appealed twice from the council of the bishops and clergy;
and Andrew, bishop of Prague, and Robert, bishop of Lincoln, appealed
unto the sovereign and most just Judge, the which is not defiled with
cruelty, neither can he be corrupted with gifts and rewards, neither
yet be deceived by false witness. Also I desire greatly, that all the
faithful servants of Jesus Christ, and especially the princes, barons,
knights, esquires, and all other which inhabit our country of Bohemia,
should understand and know these things, and have compassion upon me,
which am so grievously oppressed by the excommunication which is out
against me, the which was obtained and gotten by the instigation and
procurement of Michael de Causis, my great enemy, and by the consent
and furtherance .of the canons of the cathedral church of Prague, and
given and granted out by Peter of St. Angles, dean of the Church of
Rome, and cardinal, and also ordained judge by Pope John the Twenty-
third, who hath continued almost these two years, and would give no
audience unto my advocates and procurators: which they ought not to
deny, (no, not to a Jew or pagan, or to any heretic whatsoever he
were,) neither yet would he receive any reasonable excuse, for that I
did not appear personally; neither would he accept the testimonials of
the whole university of Prague with the seal hanging at it, or the
witness of the sworn notaries, and such as were called unto witness.
By this all men may evidently perceive, that I have not incurred any
fault or crime of contumacy or disobedience, forasmuch as that I did
not appear in the court of Rome, was not for any contempt, but for
reasonable causes.

  "And moreover, forasmuch as they had laid ambushments for me on
every side by ways where I should pass, and also because the perils
and dangers of others have made me the more circumspect and advised;
and forasmuch as my procurers were willing and contented to bind
themselves, even to abide the punishment of the fire, to answer to all
such as would oppose or lay any thing against me in the court of Rome;
as also because they did imprison my lawful procurator in the said
court, without any cause, demerit, or fault, as I suppose. Forasmuch
then as the order and disposition of all ancient laws, as well Divine
of the Old and New Testament, as also of the canon laws, is this; that
the judges should resort unto the place where the crime or fault is
committed or done, and there to inquire of all such crimes as shall be
objected and laid against him which is accused or slandered, and that
of such men as by conversation have some knowledge or understanding of
the party so accused (the which may not be the evil-willers or enemies
of him which is so accused or slandered; but must be men of an honest
conversation, no common quarrel-pickers or accusers, but fervent
lovers of the law of God): and finally, that there should be a fit and
meet place appointed, whither as the accused party might without
danger or peril resort or come, and that the judge and witnesses
should not be enemies unto him that is accused. And also forasmuch as
it is manifest, that all these conditions were wanting and lacking, as
touching my appearance for the safeguard of my life, I am excused
before God from the frivolous pretended obstinacy and excommunication.
Whereupon I, John Huss, do present and offer this my appeal unto my
Lord Jesus Christ, my just Judge, who knoweth and defendeth, and
justly judgeth, every man's just and true cause."

  "The twenty-second article: 'A vicious and naughty man liveth
viciously and naughtily; but a virtuous and godly man liveth
virtuously and godly.' I answer, My words are these; 'That the
division of all human works is in two parties, that is, that they be
either virtuous, or vicious; forasmuch as it doth appear, that if any
man be virtuous and godly, and that he do any thing, he doth it then
virtuously and godly. And contrariwise, if a man be vicious and
naught, that which he doth is vicious and naught. For as vice, which
is called crime or offence, and thereby understand deadly sin, doth
universally infect or deprave all the acts and doings of the subject,
that is, of the man which doth them: so likewise virtue and godliness
doth quicken all the acts and doings of the virtuous and godly man;
insomuch that he being in the state of grace, is said to pray and do
good works even sleeping, as it were by a certain means working; as
St. Augustine, St. Gregory, and divers others affirm. And it appeareth
in the 6th chapter of Luke: If thine eye, that is to say, the mind or
intention, be simple, not depraved with the perverseness of any sin or
offence, all the whole body, that is to say, all the acts and doings,
shall be clear and shining, that is, acceptable and grateful unto God.
But if thine eye be evil, the whole body is darkened. And in the
Second to the Corinthians, chap. x., All things that you do, do them
to the glory of God. And likewise in the First Epistle to the
Corinthians, and last chapter, it is said, Let all your doings be done
with charity. Wherefore all kind of life and living according unto
charity, is virtuous and godly; and if it be without charity, it is
vicious and evil. This saying may well be proved out of the 23rd
chapter of Deuteronomy, where God speaketh to the people, that he that
keepeth his commandments is blessed in the house and in the field, out
going and in coming, sleeping and waking; but he that doth not keep
his commandments is accursed in the house and in the fields, in going
out and in coming in, sleeping and waking, &c. The same also is
evident by St. Augustine upon the Psalm, where he writeth, that a good
man in all his doings doth praise the Lord. And Gregory saith, that
the sleep of saints and holy men doth not lack their merit. How much
more then his doings which proceed of good zeal, be not without
reward, and consequently be virtuous and good! And contrariwise, it is
understood of him which is in deadly sin, of whom it is spoken in the
law, that whatsoever the unclean man doth touch, is made unclean.

  "To this end doth that also appertain which is before repeated
out of the 1st of Malachi. And Gregory, in the first book and first
question, saith, We do defile the bread, which is the body of Christ,
when we come unworthily to the table, and when we, being defiled, do
drink his blood. And St. Augustine, upon the 146th Psalm, saith, If
thou dost exceed the due measure of nature, and dost not abstain from
gluttony, but gorge thyself up with drunkenness, whatsoever laud and
praise thy tongue doth speak of the grace and favour of God, thy life
doth blaspheme the same.' When he had made an end of this article, the
cardinal of Cambray said, The Scripture saith, that we be all sinners.
And again, If we say we have no sin, we deceive ourselves, and so we
should always live in deadly sin.' John Huss answered, 'The Scripture
speaketh in that place of venial sins, the which do not utterly expel
or put away the habit of virtue from a man, but do associate
themselves together.' And a certain Englishman, whose name was W.,
said, 'But those sins do not associate themselves with any act morally
good.' John Huss alleged again St. Augustine's place upon 146th Psalm,
the which when he rehearsed, they all with one mouth said, 'What makes
this to the purpose?'

  "The twenty-third article: 'The minister of Christ, living
according to his law, and having the knowledge and understanding of
the Scriptures, and an earnest desire to edify the people, ought to
preach, notwithstanding the pretended excommunication of the pope. And
moreover, if the pope or any other ruler do forbid any priest or
minister, so disposed, to preach, that he ought not to obey him.' I
answer, that these were my words; 'That albeit the excommunication
were either threatened or come out against him, in such sort that a
Christian ought not to do the commandments of Christ, it appeareth by
the words of St. Peter and the other apostles, that we ought rather to
obey God than man. Whereupon it followeth that the minister of Christ,
living according unto his law, &c., ought to preach notwithstanding
any pretended excommunication. For it is evident that it is commanded
unto the ministers of the church to preach the word of God. Acts v.,
God hath commanded us to preach and testify unto the people; as by
divers other places of the Scripture, and the holy fathers rehearsed
in my treatise, it doth appear more at large.' The second part of this
article followeth in my treatise in this manner:

  "'By this it appeareth, that for a minister to preach, and a rich
man to give alms, are not indifferent works, but duties and
commandments. Whereby it is further evident, that if the pope or any
other ruler of the church do command any minister, disposed to preach,
not to preach, or a rich man, disposed to give alms, not to give, that
they ought not to obey him.' And he added, moreover, 'To the intent
that you may understand me the better, I call that a pretended
excommunication, the which is unjustly disordered and given forth,
contrary to the order of the law and God's commandments: For the which
the meet minister appointed thereunto, ought not to cease from
preaching, neither yet to fear damnation.' "

  When they objected unto him, that he said that such kind of
excommunications were rather blessings: "Verily," said John Huss,
"even so I do now say again, that every excommunication, by the which
a man is unjustly excommunicate, is unto him a blessing before God;
according to that saying of the prophet, I will curse whereas you
bless; and the contrariwise, They shall curse, but thou, O Lord, shalt
bless." Then the cardinal of Florence, which had always a notary ready
at his hand to write such things as he commanded him, said, "The law
is, that every excommunication, be it never so unjust, ought to be
feared." "It is true," said John Huss, "for I do remember eight
causes, for the which excommunication ought to be feared." Then said
the cardinal, "Are there no more but eight?" "It may be," said John
Huss, "that there be more."

  "The twenty-fourth article: 'Every man which is admitted into the
ministry of the church, receiveth also by special commandment the
office of a preacher, and ought to execute and fulfil that
commandment, notwithstanding any excommunication pretended to the
contrary.' The answer: My words are these; 'Forasmuch as it doth
appear by that which is aforesaid, that whosoever cometh or is
admittedunto the ministry, receiveth also by especial commandment the
office of preaching, he ought to fulfil that commandment, any
excommunication to the contrary pretended notwithstanding. Also, no
Christian ought to doubt but that a man sufficiently instructed in
learning, is more bound to counsel and instruct the ignorant, to teach
those which are in doubt, to chastise those which are unruly, and to
remit and forgive those that do him injury, than to do any other works
of mercy. Forasmuch then as he that is rich and hath sufficient, is
bound, under the pain of damnation, to minister and give corporal and
bodily alms, as appeareth in the 25th chapter of Matthew, how much
more is he bound to do spiritual alms!'

  "The twenty-fifth article: 'The ecclesiastical censures are
antichristian, such as the clergy have invented for their own
preferment, and for the bondage and servitude of the common people.
Whereby if the laity be not obedient unto the clergy at their will and
pleasure, it doth multiply their covetousness, defendeth their malice,
and prepareth a way for antichrist. Whereby it is an evident sign and
token, that such censures proceed from antichrist; the which censures
in their processes they do call fulminations or lightnings, whereby
the clergy doth chiefly proceed against such as do manifest and open
the wickedness of antichrist, which thrust themselves into the office
of the clergy.' These things are contained in the last chapter of his
treatise Of the Church. I answer, and I deny that it is in that form.
But the matter thereof is largely handled in the 23rd chapter. And in
the examination of the audience, they have gathered certain clauses
most contrary thereunto. The which, when they had read, the cardinal
of Cambray renewed his old song, saying, 'Truly these are much more
grievous and offensive than the articles which are gathered.'

  "The twenty-sixth article: 'There ought no interdictment to be
appointed unto the people, forasmuch as Christ the high Bishop,
neither for John Baptist, neither for any injury that was done unto
him, did make any interdictment.' My words are these: 'When I
complained, that for one minister's sake, an interdictment was given
out, and thereby all good men ceased from the laud and praise of God.
And Christ the high Bishop, notwithstanding that the prophet was taken
and kept in prison, than whom there was no greater amongst the
children of men, did not give out any curse or interdictment, no, not
when Herod beheaded him; neither when he himself was spoiled, beaten,
and blasphemed of the soldiers, scribes, and Pharisees, did he then
curse them, but prayed for them, and taught his disciples to do the
same, as it appeareth in the 5th chapter of Matthew. And Christ's
first vicar, following the same doctrine and learning, saith in his
First Epistle of St. Peter, and the 2nd chapter, Hereunto are ye
called; for Christ hath suffered for us, leaving us an example, that
we should follow his footsteps, who, when he was cursed and evil
spoken of, did not curse again. And St. Paul, following the same order
and way in the 12th chapter of the Romans, saith, Bless them that
persecute you.' There were, besides these, many other places of
Scripture recited in that book; but they, being omitted, these were
only rehearsed, which did help or prevail to stir up or move the
judges' minds."

  And these are the articles which are alleged out of John Huss's
book entitled, Of the Church.

  Other articles, moreover, out of his other books were collected,
and forced against him, first out of his treatise written against
Stephen Paletz, to the number of seven articles. Also six other
articles strained out of his treatise against Stanislaus Znoyma.
Whereunto his answers likewise be adjoined, not unfruitful to be read.

  Here followeth seven articles, which are said to be drawn out of
his treatise which he wrote against Stephen Paletz.

  "The first article: 'If the pope, bishop, or prelate be in deadly
sin, he is then no pope, bishop, nor prelate.' The answer: I grant
thereunto, and I send you unto St. Augustine, Jerome, Chrysostom,
Gregory, Cyprian, and Bernard; the which do say, moreover, that
whosoever is in deadly sin, is no true Christian, how much less then
is he pope or bishop! Of whom it is spoken by the prophet Amos, in his
8th chapter, They have reigned and ruled, and not through me; they
became princes, and I knew them not, &c. But afterwards I do grant
that a wicked pope, bishop, or priest, is an unworthy minister of the
sacrament, by whom God doth baptize, consecrate, or otherwise work to
the profit of his church; and this is largely handled in the text of
the book by the authority of the holy doctors; for even he which is in
deadly sin, is not worthily a king before God, as appeareth in the
First Book of the Kings, the 15th chapter; where God saith unto Saul,
by the prophet Samuel, saying, "Forasmuch as thou hast refused and
cast off my word, I will also refuse and cast thee off, that thou
shalt be no more king." Whilst these things were thus entreating, the
emperor, looking out at a certain window of the cloister, accompanied
with the county Palatine and the burgrave of Nuremberg, conferring and
talking much of John Huss, at length he said, that there was never a
worse or more pernicious heretic than he. In the mean while, when John
Huss had spoken these words, as touching the unworthy king, by and by
the emperor was called, and he was commanded to repeat those words
again; which, after that he had done, his duty therein being
considered, the emperor answered, 'No man,' saith he, 'doth live
without fault.' Then the cardinal of Cambray, being in a great fury,
said, 'Is it not enough for thee that thou dost contemn and despise
the ecclesiastical state, and goest about, by thy writings and
doctrine, to perturb and trouble the same, but that now also thou wilt
attempt to throw kings out of their state and dignity?' Then Paletz
began to allege the laws whereby he would prove that Saul was king,
even when those words were spoken by Samuel, and therefore that David
did forbid that Saul should be slain, not for the holiness of his
life, the which there was none in him, but for the holiness of his
anointing.' And when John Huss repeated out of St. Cyprian, that he
did take upon him the name of Christianity in vain, which did not
follow Christ in his living, Paletz answered, 'Behold and see what a
folly is in this man, which allegeth those things which make nothing
for the purpose; for albeit any man be not a true Christian, is he not
therefore true pope, bishop, or king? whenas these are names of
office, and to be a true Christian is a name of merit and desert, and
so may any man be a true pope, bishop, or king, although he be no true
Christian.' Then said John Huss, 'If Pope John the Twenty-third were a
true pope, wherefore have ye deprived him of his office?' The emperor
answered, 'The lords of the council have now lately agreed thereupon
that he was true pope, but for his notorious and manifest evil doings,
wherewithal he did offend and trouble the church of God, and did spoil
and bring to ruin the power thereof, he is rejected and cast out of
his office.'

  "The second article: 'The grace of predestination is the bond
whereby the body of the church, and every part and member thereof, is
firmly knit and joined unto the Head.' The answer: I acknowledge this
article to be mine, and it is proved in the text out of the 8th
chapter to the Romans, Who shall separate us from the charity and love
of Christ, &c.? and in the 10th chapter of John, My sheep hear my
voice, and I know them, and they follow me, and I give them eternal
life, neither shall they perish eternally, neither is there any man
which shall take them out of my hands. This is the knot of the body of
the church, and of our spiritual head Christ, understanding the church
to be the congregation of the predestinate.

  "The third article: 'If the pope be a wicked man, and especially
a reprobate, then, even as Judas the apostle, he is a devil, a thief,
and the son of perdition, and not the head of the holy militant
church, forasmuch as he is no part or member thereof.' The answer: My
words are thus; 'If the pope be an evil or wicked man, and especially
if he be a reprobate, then, even as Judas, so is he a devil, a thief,
and the son of perdition. How then is he the head of the holy militant
church? whereas he is not truly any member or part thereof; for if he
were a member of the holy church, then should he be also a member of
Christ; and if he were a member of Christ, then should he cleave and
stick unto Christ by the grace of predestination and present justice,
and should be one spirit with God, as the apostle saith in the First
Epistle to the Corinthians, the 6th chapter, Know ye not that your
bodies are the members of Christ? '

  "The fourth article: 'An evil pope or prelate, or reprobate, is
no true pastor, but a thief and a robber. The answer: The text of my
book is thus; 'If he be evil or wicked, then is he an hireling, of
whom Christ speaketh, He is no shepherd, neither are the sheep his
own. Therefore when he seeth the wolf coming, he runneth away and
forsaketh the sheep: and so finally doth every wicked and reprobate
man. Therefore every such reprobate, or wicked pope or prelate, is no
true pastor, but a very thief and a robber, as is more at large proved
in my book.' Then said John Huss, I do so limit all things, that such
as, touching their desert, are not truly and worthily popes and
shepherds before God, but as touching their office and reputation of
men, they are popes, pastors, and priests.'

  "Then a certain man rising up behind John Huss, clothed all in
silk, said, My lords, take heed lest that John Huss deceive both you
and himself with these his glosses, and look whether these things be
in his book or not; for of late I had disputation with him upon these
articles, in the which I said, that a wicked pope, &c. was no pope, as
touching merit and desert, but as touching his office he was truly
pope. Whereupon he used these glosses which he had heard of me, and
did not take them out of his book.' Then John Huss, turning himself
unto him, said, 'Did you not hear that it was so read out of my book?
and this did easily appear in John the Twenty-third, whether he were a
true pope, or a very thief and robber.' Then the bishops and cardinals
looking one upon another, said that he was a true pope, and laughed
John Huss to scorn.

  "The fifth article: 'The pope is not, neither ought to be called
according unto his office, most holy; for then the king ought also to
be called most holy, according to his office. Also the tormentors,
lictors, and devils ought also to be called holy.' The answer: My
words are otherwise placed inthis manner; 'So ought a feigner say,
that if any man be a most holy father, then he doth most holily
observe and keep his fatherliness: and if be a naughty and wicked
father, then doth he most wickedly keep the same. Likewise, if the
bishop be most holy, then is he also most good; and when he saith,
that he is pope, it is the name of his office.

  "'Whereupon it followeth, that the man which is pope, being an
evil and reprobate man, is a most holy man; and consequently, by that
his office he is most good. And forasmuch as no man can be good by his
office, except he do exercise and use the same his office very well;
it followeth, that if the pope be an evil and reprobate man, he cannot
exercise or use his office well. Forasmuch as he cannot use the office
well, except he be morally good; Matthew xii., How can you speak good
things, when you yourselves are evil? And immediately after it
followeth, If the pope by reason of his office be called most holy,
wherefore should not the king of Romans be called most holy, by reason
of his office and dignity; since the king, according unto St.
Augustine's mind, representeth the Deity and Godhead of Christ, and
the priest representeth only his humanity. Wherefore also should not
judges, yea, even tormentors, be called holy, forasmuch as they have
their office by ministering unto the church of Christ? These things
are more at large discoursed in my book; but I cannot find or know,'
saith John Huss, any foundation whereby I should call the pope most
holy, seeing this is only spoken of Christ: Thou only art most holy.
Thou only art the Lord, &c. Should I then truly call the pope most
holy?

  "The sixth article: 'If the pope live contrary unto Christ,
albeit he be lawfully and canonically elect and chosen, according to
human election, yet doth he ascend and come another way than by
Christ.' The answer: The text is thus; 'If the pope live contrary unto
Christ in pride and avarice, how then doth he not ascend and come in
another way into the sheepfold, than by the lowly and meek door, our
Lord Jesus Christ?' But admit, as you say, that he did ascend by
lawful election, the which I call an election principally made of God,
and not according unto the common and vulgar constitution and
ordinances of men, yet for all that, it is affirmed and proved that he
should ascend and come in another way; for Judas Iscariot was truly
and lawfully chosen of the Lord Jesus Christ unto his bishopric, as
Christ saith in the 6th of John, and yet he came in another way into
the sheepfold, and was a thief and a devil, and the son of perdition.
Did he not come in another way? whereas our Saviour spake thus of him,
He that eateth bread with me, shall lift up his heel against me.

  "'The same also is proved by St. Bernard unto Pope Eugenius.'
Then said Paletz, 'Behold the fury and madness of this man; for what
more furious or mad thing can there be than to say, Judas is chosen by
Christ, and notwithstanding he did ascend another way, and not by
Christ?' John Huss answered,' Verily both parts are true, that he was
elect and chosen by Christ, and also that he did ascend and came in
another way, for he was a thief, a devil, and the son of perdition.'
Then said Paletz, 'Cannot a man be truly and lawfully chosen pope, or
bishop, and afterward live contrary unto Christ; and that
notwithstanding, he doth not ascend any other way?' 'But I,' said John
Huss, 'do say, that whosoever doth enter into any bishopric or like
office by simony, not to the intent to labour and travail in the
church of God, but rather to live delicately, voluptuously, and
unrighteously, and to the intent to advance himself with all kind of
pride; every such man ascendeth and cometh up by another way, and
according unto the gospel he is a thief and a robber.'

  "The seventh article: 'The condemnation of the forty-five
articles of John Wickliff made by the doctors is unreasonable and
wicked, and the cause by them alleged is feigned and untrue; that is
to say, that none of these articles are catholic, but that every of
them be either heretical, erroneous, or offensive.' The answer: I have
written it thus in my treatise; 'The forty and five articles are
condemned for this cause, that none of those forty and five is a
catholic article, but each of them is either heretical, erroneous, or
offensive.'

  "O master doctor, where is your proof? you feign a cause which
you do not prove, &c., as it appeareth more at large in my treatise.
Then said the cardinal of Cambray, 'John Huss, thou didst say that
thou wouldst not defend any error of John Wickliff's, and now it
appeareth in your books, that you have openly defended his articles.'
John Huss answered, Reverend father, even as I said before, so do I
now say again, that I will not defend any errors of John Wickliff's,
neither of any other man's; but forasmuch as it seemed unto me to be
against conscience, simply to consent unto the condemnation of them,
no scripture being alleged or brought contrary against them, thereupon
I would not consent or agree unto the condemnation of them; and
forasmuch as the reason, which is copulative, cannot be verified in
every point, according to every part thereof.'"

  Now there remain six articles of thirty-nine. These are said to
be drawn out of another treatise, which he wrote against Stanislaus de
Znoyma.

  "The first article: 'No man is lawfully elect or chosen, in that
the electors or the greater part of them have consented, with a lively
voice, according to the custom of men, to elect and choose any person,
or that he is thereby the manifest and true successor of Christ, or
vicar of Peter in the ecclesiastical office; but in that that any man
doth most abundantly work meritoriously to the profit of the church,
he hath more abundant power given him of God thereunto.' The answer:
These things which follow are also written in my book: 'It standeth in
the power and hands of wicked electors to choose a woman into the
ecclesiastical office, as it appeareth by the election of Agnes, which
was called John, who held and occupied the pope's place and dignity by
the space of two years and more.

  "'It may also be that they do choose a thief, a murderer, or a
devil, and consequently they may also elect and choose antichrist.

  "'It may also be that for love, covetousness, or hatred, they do
choose some person whom God doth not allow. And it appeareth that that
person is not lawfully elect and chosen; insomuch as the electors or
the greater part of them have consented and agreed together according
to the custom of men, upon any person, or that he is thereby the
manifest successor or vicar of Peter the apostle, or any other in the
ecclesiastical office.

  "'Therefore, they which most accordingly unto the Scripture do
elect and choose, revelation being set apart, do only pronounce and
determine by some probable reason upon him they do elect and choose,
whereupon whether the electors do so choose good or evil, we ought to
give credit unto the works of him that is chosen; for in that point
that any man doth most abundantly work meritoriously to the profit of
the church, he hath thereby more abundant power given him of God
thereunto. And hereupon, saith Christ in the 10th of John, give credit
unto works.'

  "The second article: 'The pope being a reprobate, is not the head
of the holy church of God.' The answer: I wrote it thus in my
treatise, that I would willingly receive a probable and effectual
reason of the doctor, how this question is contrary unto the faith, to
say, that if the pope be a reprobate, how is he the head of the holy
church? Behold, the truth cannot decay or fail in disputation, for did
Christ dispute against the faith, when he demanded of the scribes and
Pharisees, Matt. xii., Ye stock and offspring of vipers, how can ye
speak good things, when you yourselves are wicked and evil? And
behold, I demand of the scribes, if the pope be a reprobate, and the
stock of vipers, how is he the head of the holy church of God, that
the scribes and Pharisees, which were in the council-house of Prague,
may make answer hereunto? For it is more possible that a reprobate man
should speak good things, forasmuch as he may be in a state of grace
according unto present justice, than to be the head of the holy church
of God.

  "Also in the 5th of John, our Saviour complaineth upon the Jews,
saying, How can you believe which do seek for glory amongst
yourselves, and do not seek for the glory that cometh only of God? And
I likewise do complain how, that if the pope be a reprobate, can he be
the head of the church of God, which receiveth his glory of the world,
and seeketh not for the glory of God? For it is more possible that the
pope being a reprobate should believe, than that he should be the head
of the church of God, forasmuch as he taketh his glory of the world.

  "The third article 'There is no spark of appearance, that there
ought to be one head in the spiritualty, to rule the church, the which
should be always conversant with the militant church.' The answer: I
do grant it. For what a consequence is this, The king of Bohemia is
head of the kingdom of Bohemia; ergo, the pope is head of the whole
militant church? Christ is the Head of the spiritualty, ruling and
governing the militant church by much more and greater necessity than
Cæsar ought to rule the temporalty. Forasmuch as Christ, that sitteth
on the right hand of God the Father, doth necessarily rule the
militant church as Head. And there is no spark of appearance that
there should be one head in the spiritualty ruling the church, that
should always be conversant with the militant church, except some
infidel would heretically affirm, that the militant church should have
here a permanent and continual city or dwelling-place, and not inquire
and seek after that which is to come. It is also further evident in my
book, how unconsequent the proportion of the similitude is, for a
reprobate pope to be the head of the militant church, and a reprobate
king to be the head of the kingdom of Bohemia.

  "The fourth article: 'Christ would better rule his church by his
true apostles dispersed throughout the whole world without such
monstrous heads.' I answer, that it is in my book as here followeth:
That albeit that the doctor doth say, that the body of the militant 
church is oftentimes without a head, yet, notwithstanding, we do
verily believe that Christ Jesus is the head over every church, ruling
the same without lack or default, pouring upon the same a continual
motion and sense, even unto the latter day; neither can the doctor
give a reason why the church in the time of Agnes, by the space of two
years and five months, lived according to many members of Christ in
grace and favour, but that by the same reason the church might be
without a bead by the space of many years. Forasmuch as Christ should
better rule his church by his true disciples dispersed throughout the
whole world, without such monstrous heads.' Then said they all
together, 'Behold, now he prophesieth.' And John Huss again further
prosecuting his former talk, said, 'But I say that the church in the
time of the apostles, was far better ruled and governed than now it
is. And what doth let and hinder that Christ should not now also rule
the same better by his true disciples without such monstrous heads, as
have now been of late? For, behold, even at this present, we have no
such head; and yet Christ ceaseth not to rule his church.' When he had
spoken these words, he was derided and mocked.

  "The fifth article: 'Peter was no universal pastor or shepherd of
the sheep of Christ, much less is the bishop of Rome.' The answer:
Those words are not in my book, but these which do follow; 'Secondly,
it appeareth by the words of Christ, that he did not limit unto Peter, 
for his jurisdiction, the whole world, no not one only province. So
likewise neither unto any other of the apostles. Notwithstanding
certain of them walked through many regions, and other some fewer,
preaching and teaching the kingdom of God: as Paul, which laboured and
travailed more than all the rest, did corporally visit and convert
most provinces; whereby it is lawful for any apostle or his vicar to
convert and confirm as much people or as many provinces in the faith
of Christ, as they are able, neither is there any restraint of their
liberty or jurisdiction, but only by disability or insufficiency.'

  "The sixth article 'The apostles and other faithful priests of
the Lord have stoutly ruled the church in all things necessary unto
salvation, before the office of the pope was brought into the church,
and so would they very possibly do still, if there were no pope even
unto the latter day.' Then they all cried out again and said, 'Behold
the prophet.' But John Huss said, 'Verily it is true that the apostles
did rule the church stoutly, before the office of the pope was brought
into the church. And certainly a great deal better than it is now
ruled. And likewise may other faithful men which do follow their steps
do the same; for as now we have no pope, and so peradventure it may
continue and endure a year or more.'"

  Besides this, were brought against him other nineteen articles,
objected unto him being in prison, which, with his answers to the
same, here likewise follow. Of the which articles, the first is this:

  "The first article: 'Paul, according unto present justice was a
blasphemer and none of the church, and therewithal was in grace,
according unto predestination of life everlasting.' The answer: This
proposition is not in the book, but this which followeth; 'Whereby it
doth seem probable, that as Paul was both a blasphemer according to
present justice, and therewithal also was a faithful child of our holy
mother the church, and in grace, according to predestination of life
everlasting; so Iscariot was both in grace according unto present
justice, and was never of our holy mother the church, according to the
predestination of life everlasting, forasmuch as he lacked that
predestination. And so Iscariot, albeit he was an apostle, and a
bishop of Christ, which is the name of his office, yet was he never
any part of the universal church.'

  "The second article: 'Christ doth more love a predestinate man,
being sinful, than any reprobate, in what grace possible soever he
be.' The answer: My words are, in the fourth chapter of my book
entitled Of the Church, 'And it is evident that God doth more love any
predestinate, being sinful, than any reprobate, in what grace soever
he be for the time; forasmuch as he will, that the predestinate shall
have perpetual blessedness, and the reprobate to have eternal fire.
Wherefore God partly infinitely loving them both, as his creatures,
yet he doth more love the predestinate, because he giveth him greater
grace, or a greater gift, that is to say, life everlasting, which is
greater and more excellent than only grace, according unto present
justice. And the third article of those articles before soundeth much
near unto this, that the predestinate cannot fall from grace, for they
have a certain radical grace rooted in them, although they be deprived
of the abundant grace for a time. These things are true in the
compound sense.'

  "The third article: 'All the sinful, according unto present
justice, are not faithful, but do swerve from the true catholic faith,
forasmuch as it is impossible that any man can commit any deadly sin
but in that point that he doth swerve from the faith.' The answer: I
acknowledge that sentence to be mine, and it appeareth that if they
did think upon the punishment which is to be laid upon sinners, and
did fully believe, and had the faith of the Divine knowledge and
understanding, &c., then undoubtedly they would not so offend and sin.
This proposition is verified by the saying of the prophet Isaiah, Thy
rulers are unfaithful, misbelievers, fellows and companions of
thieves, they all love bribes and follow after rewards. Behold, the
prophet calleth the rulers of the church infidels for their offences,
for all such as do not keep their faith inviolate unto their principal
Lord, are unfaithful servants, and theyalso are unfaithful children
which keep not their obedience, fear, and love, unto God their Father.

  "Item, this proposition is verified by the saying of the apostle,
the first chapter to Titus, They do confess that they know God, but by
their works they do deny him. And forasmuch as they which are sinful,
do swerve away from the meritorious work of blessedness, therefore
they do swerve from the true faith grounded upon charity, forasmuch as
faith without works is dead. To this end doth also pertain that which
the Lord speaketh, Matthew xxiii., of the faithful and unfaithful
servant.

  "The fourth article: 'These words of John in his 22nd chapter,
Receive the Holy Ghost, and, Whatsoever you shall bind upon earth,
&c.; and Matthew the 16th and 18th chapters, For lack of understanding
shall terrify many Christians, and they shall be wonderfully afraid,
and others shall be deceived by them, presuming upon the fulness of
their power and authority.' The answer: This sentence I do approve and
allow, and therefore I say in the same place, that 'it is first of all
to be supposed that the saying of our Saviour is necessary, as
touching the virtue of the word, forasmuch as it is not possible for a
priest to bind and loose, except that binding and loosing be in
heaven. But for the lack of the true understanding of those words,
many simple Christians shall be made afraid, thinking with themselves
that, whether they be just or unjust, the priests may at their
pleasures, whensoever they will, bind them. And the ignorant priests
do also presume and take upon them to have power to bind and loose
whensoever they will. For many foolish and ignorant priests do say,
that they have power and authority to absolve every man confessing
himself, of what sin or offence soever it be, not knowing that in many
sins it is forbidden them, and that it may happen that a hypocrite do
confess himself, or such a one as is not contrite for his sin, whereof
proof hath oftentimes been found, and it is evident, forasmuch as the
letter doth kill, but the spirit doth quicken.'

  "The fifth article: 'The binding and loosing of God, is simply
and plainly the chief and principal.' The answer: This is evident,
forasmuch as it were blasphemous presumption to affirm, that a man may
remit and forgive an evil fact or offence done against such a Lord,
the Lord himself not approving or allowing the same. For by the
universal power of the Lord, it is necessary that he do first absolve
and forgive, before that his vicar do the same; neither is there one
article of our faith, which ought to be more common or known unto us,
than that it should be impossible for any man of the militant church
to absolve or bind, except in such case as it be conformable unto the
Head of the church, Jesus Christ. Wherefore every faithful Christian
ought to take heed of that saying, If the pope or any other pretend,
by any manner of sign, to bind or loose, that he is thereby bound or
loosed; for he that doth grant or confess that, must also consequently
grant and confess that the pope is without sin, and so that he is a
God; for otherwise he must needs err and do contrary unto the keys of
Christ. This saying proveth the fact of the pope, who always, in his
absolution, presupposeth contrition and confession. Yea, moreover, if
any letter of absolution be given unto any offender, which doth not
declare the circumstances of the offence which ought to be declared,
it is said that thereby the letter of absolution is of no force and
effect. It is also hereby evident, that many priests do not absolve
those which are confessed, because that either through shamefacedness
they do cloak or hide greater offences, or else that they have not due
contrition or repentance; for unto true absolution there is, first,
required contrition; secondly, a purpose and intent to sin no more;
thirdly, true confession; and fourthly, stedfast hope of forgiveness.
The first appeareth by Ezekiel, If the wicked do repent him, &c. The
second in the 5th and 8th of John, Do thou not sin any more. The third
part by this place of Luke, Show yourselves unto the priests. And the
fourth is confirmed by the saying of Christ, My son, believe, and thy
sins are forgiven thee. I also added many other probations in my
treatise out of the holy fathers, Augustine, Jerome, and the master of
the sentences.

  "The sixth article: 'The priests do gather and heap up out of the
Scriptures those things which serve for the belly, but such as pertain
to the true imitation and following of Christ, that they reject and
refuse, as impertincnt unto salvation.' The answer: This St. Gregory
doth sufficiently prove in his 17th Homily, alleging the saying of
Christ, The harvest is great, the workmen are few; speaking also that
which we cannot say without grief or sorrow, that 'albeit there be a
great number which willingly hear good things, yet there lack such as
should declare the same unto them; for behold, the world is full of
priests, but notwithstanding there is a scarcity of workmen in the
harvest of the Lord. We take upon us willingly priesthood, but we do
not fulfil and do the works and office of priesthood.' And immediately
after he saith, 'We are fallen unto outward affairs and business, for
we take upon us one office for honour sake, and we do exhibit and give
another to ease ourselves of labour. We leave preaching, and, as far
as I can perceive, we are called bishops to our pain, which do retain
the name of honour, but not the verity.'

  "And immediately after he saith, 'We take no care for our flock,
we daily call upon for our stipend and wages, we covet and desire
earthly things with a greedy mind, we gape after worldly glory, we
leave the cause of God undone, and make haste about our worldly
affairs and business; we take upon us the place of sanctity and
holiness, and we are wholly wrapped in worldly cares and troubles,'
&c. This writeth St. Gregory, with many other things more in the same
place; also in his Pastoral, in his Morals, and in his Register. Also
St. Bernard, as in many other places, so likewise in his 33rd sermon
upon the Canticles, he saith, 'All friends, and all enemies, all
kinsfolks, and adversaries, all of one household, and no peacemakers;
they are the ministers of Christ, and serve antichrist; they go
honourably honoured with the goods of the Lord, and yet they do
honour,' &c.

  "The seventh article: 'The power of the pope, which doth follow
Christ, is not to be feared.' The answer: It is not so in my treatise,
but contrariwise, 'that the subjects are bound willingly and gladly to
obey the virtuous and good rulers, and also those which are wicked and
evil. But, notwithstanding, if the pope do abuse his power, it is not
then to be feared as by bondage. And so the lords, the cardinals, as I
suppose, did not fear the power of Gregory the Twelfth before his
deposition, when they resisted him, saying, that he did abuse his
power contrary unto his own oath.'

  "The eighth article: 'An evil and a wicked pope is not the
successor of Peter, but of Judas.' The answer: I wrote this in my
treatise; 'If the pope be humble and meek, neglecting and despising
the honours and lucre of the world; if he be a shepherd, taking his
name by the feeding of the flock of God; (of the which feeding the
Lord speaketh, saying, Feed my sheep;) if he feed the sheep with the
word, and with virtuous example, and that he become even like his
flock with his whole heart and mind; if he do diligently and carefully
labour and travail for the church; then is he without doubt the true
vicar of Christ. But if he walk contrary unto these virtues, forasmuch
as there as no society between Christ and Belial, and Christ himself
saith, He that is not with me is against me, how is he then the true
vicar of Christ or Peter, and not rather the vicar of antichrist?
Christ called Peter himself Satanas, when he did contrary him but only
in one word, and that with a good affection, even him whom he had
chosen his vicar, and specially appointed over his church. Why should
not any other then, being more contrary unto Christ, be truly called
Satanas, and consequently antichrist, or at least the chief and
principal minister or vicar of antichrist? There be infinite
testimonies of this matter in St. Augustine, St. Jerome, Cyprian,
Chrysostom, Bernard, Gregory, Remigius, and Ambrose, &c.

  "The ninth article: 'The pope is the same beast of whom it is
spoken in the Apocalypse, Power is given unto him to make war upon the
saints.' The answer: I deny this article to be in my book.

  "The tenth article: 'It is lawful to preach, notwithstanding the
pope's inhibition.' The answer: The article is evident, forasmuch as
the apostles did preach contrary to the commandment of the bishops of
Jerusalem. And St. Hilary did the like, contrary to the commandment of
the pope, which was an Arian. It is also manifest by the example of
cardinals, which, contrary unto the commandment of Pope Gregory the
Twelfth, sent throughout all realms such as should preach against him.
It is also lawful to preach under appeal, contrary unto the pope's
commandment. And finally, he may preach which hath the commandment of
God, whereunto he ought chiefly to obey.

  "The eleventh article: 'If the pope's commandment be not
concordant and agreeable with the doctrine of the gospel or the
apostles, it is not to be obeyed.' The answer: I have thus written in
my book; 'The faithful disciple of Christ ought to weigh and consider
whether the pope's commandment be expressly and plainly the
commandment of Christ or any of his apostles, or whether it have any
foundation or ground in their doctrine or no; and that being once
known or understood, he ought reverently and humbly to obey the same.
But if he do certainly know that the pope's commandment is contrary
and against the Holy Scripture, and hurtful unto the church, then he
ought boldly to resist against it, that he be not partaker of the
crime and offence by consenting thereunto.' This I have handled at
large in my treatise, and have confirmed it by the authorities of St.
Augustine, Jerome, Gregory, Chrysostom, Bernard, and Bede, and with
the Holy Scripture and canons, the which for brevity's cause I do here
pass over. I will only rehearse the saying of St. Isidore, who writeth
thus: 'He which doth rule, and doth say or command any thing contrary
and besides the will of God, or that which is evidently commanded in
the Scriptures, he is honoured as a false witness of God, and a church
robber. Whereupon we are bounden to obey no prelate, but in such case
as he do command or take counsel of the counsels and commandments of
Christ.'

  "Likewise St. Augustine upon this saying, upon the chair of
Moses, &c., saith, 'Secondly, they teach in the chair of Moses the law
of God; ergo, God teacheth by them: but if they will teach you any of
their own inventions, do not give ear unto them, neither do as they
command you. Also in the saying of Christ, He that heareth you,
heareth me, all lawful and honest things be comprehended, in the which
we ought to be obedient, according to Christ's saying, It is not you
which do speak, but the Spirit of my Father which speaketh in you.
Let, therefore, my adversaries and slanderers learn, that there be not
only twelve counsels in the gospel, in the which subjects ought to
obey Christ and his appointed ministers; but that there are so many
counscls and determinations of God, as there be lawful and honest
things joined with precepts and commandments of God, binding us
thereunto, under the pain of deadly sin; for every such thing doth the
Lord command us to fulfil in time and place, with other circumstances,
at the will and pleasure of their minister.

  "The twelfth article: 'It is lawful for the clergy and laity, by
their power and jurisdiction, to judge and determine of all things
pertaining unto salvation, and also the works of the prelates.' The
answer: I have thus written in my book; 'That it is lawful for the
clergy and laity to judge and determine of the works of their heads
and rulers.' It appeareth by this, that the judgment of the secret
counsels of God in the court of conscience is one thing, and the
judgment of the authority and power in the church is another.
Wherefore subjects, first, ought principally to judge and examine
themselves, 1 Cor. xi. Secondly, they ought to examine all things
which pertain unto their salvation, for a spiritual man judgeth and
examineth all things. And this is alleged as touching the first
judgment, and not the second, as the enemy doth impute it unto me.
Whereupon in the same place I do say, that the layman ought to judge
and examine the works of his prelate, like as Paul doth judge the
doings of Peter in blaming him. Secondly, to avoid them, according to
this saying, Beware of false prophets," &c. Thirdly, to rule over the
minister: for the subject ought by reason to judge and examine the
works of the prelates. And if they be good, to praise God therefore
and rejoice; but if they be evil, they ought with paticnce to suffer
them, and to be sorry for them, but not to do the like, lest they be
damned with them, according to this saying, If the blind lead the
blind, both fall into the ditch.

  "The thirteenth article: 'God doth suspend of himself every
wicked prelate from his ministry, while he is actually in sin, for by
that means that he is in deadly sin, he doth offend and sin,
whatsoever he do, and consequently is forbidden so to do; therefore
also is he suspended from his ministry:' The answer: This is proved as
touching suspension from dignity, by Hosea the 4th chapter, and
Isaiah, and Malachi the 1st. And Paul, in the First to the
Corinthians, the 11th chapter, suspendeth all such as be sinful, or in
any grievous crime or offence, from the eating of the body of the
Lord, and the drinking of his blood; and consequently suspendeth all
sinful prelates from the ministration of the reverend sacrament. And
God doth suspend the wicked and sinful from the declaration of his
righteousness, Psal. xlix. Forasmuch then as to suspend in effect, is
to prohibit the ministry or any other good thing for the offence sake,
or, as the new laws do determine or call it, to interdict or forbid:
it is manifest by the Scriptures afore rehearsed, that God doth
prohibit the sinful, being in sin, to exercise or use their ministry
or office, which by God's commandment ought to be exercised without
offence. Whereupon he saith by Isaiah the prophet, Ye that carry the
vessels of the Lord, be ye cleansed and made clean. And to the
Corinthians it is said, Let all things be done with love and charity,
&c. The same thing also is commanded by divers and sundry canons, the
which I have alleged in my treatise.

  "The fourteenth article. The answer which he made to the five and
twentieth article in prison sufficeth for this, that is to say, that
the clergy, for their own preferment and exaltation, doth supplant and
undermine the lay-people, doth increase and multiply their
covetousness, cloaketh and defendeth their malice and wickedness, and
prepareth a way for antichrist.

  "The first part be proveth by experience, by the example of Peter
de Luna, which named himself Benedict, by the example of Angelus
Coriarius, which named himself Gregory the Twelfth, and also by the
example of John the Twenty-third. Likewise by the 13th and 24th of
Ezekiel, and out of Gregory, which saith, 'What shall become of the
flock, when the shepherds themselves are become wolves,' &c. Also out
of Hosea, Michael, and other of the prophets, and many places of St.
Bernard.

  "The second part is proved by the 8th chapter of Jeremiah,
Gregory in his seventeenth Homily, and St. Bernard upon the Canticles.

  "The third part of this article is also proved by experience; for
who defendeth the wickedness of any schism but only the clergy,
alleging Scriptures, and bringing reasons therefore? Who excuseth
simony, but only the clergy? likewise covetousness in heaping together
many benefices, luxuriousness, and fornication? for how many of the
clergy are there now-a-days which do say it is no deadly sin, alleging
(albeit disorderly) the saying of Genesis, Increase and multiply!

  "Hereby also is the fourth part of the article easily verified.
For the way of antichrist is wickedness and sin, of the which the
apostle speaketh to the Thessalonians; Gregory, in his Register,
Pastoral, and Morals; also St. Bernard upon the Canticles plainly
saith, 'Wicked and evil priests prepare the way for antichrist.'

  "The fifteenth article: 'John Huss doth openly teach and affirm
that these conclusions aforesaid are true.' The answer is manifest by
that which I have before written. For some of these propositions I did
write and publish, other some mine enemy did feign, now adding, then
diminishing and taking away, now falsely ascribing and imputing the
whole proposition unto me, the which thing the commissioners
themselves did confess before me. Whom I desired, for the false
invention and feigning of those articles, that they would punish
those, whom they themselves knew and confessed to be mine enemies.

  "The sixteenth article. Hereby also it appeareth, that it is not
true which they have affirmed in the article following, that is to
say, that all the aforesaid conclusions be false, erroneous,
seditious, and such as do weaken and make feeble the power and
strength of the church, invented contrary to the Holy Scriptures and
the church. But if there be any such, I am ready most humbly to revoke
and recant the same.

  "The seventeenth article. There was also an objection made
against me as touching the treatises which I wrote against Paletz and
Stanislaus de Znoyma. The which I desired for God's sake they might be
openly read in the audience of the whole council, and said that I,
notwithstanding my former protestation, would willingly submit myself
to the judgment of the whole council.

  "The eighteenth article. There was also another article objected
against me in this form: 'Item, John Huss said and preached that he
should go to Constance, and if so be that for any manner of cause he
should he forced to recant that he had before taught, yet,
notwithstanding, he never purposed to do it with his mind; forasmuch
as whatsoever he had before taught was pure and true, and the sound
doctrine of Christ.' The answer: This article is full of lies, to the
inventor whereof I suppose the Lord saith thus, All the day long thou
hast imagined mischief and wickedness, and with thy tongue, as with a
sharp razor, thou hast wrought deceit; thou hast delighted and loved
rather to talk of wickedn ss and mischief than of equity and justice.
Verily, I do grant, that I left behind me a certain epistle to be read
unto the people, the which did contain that all such, as did weigh and
consider my careful labours and travails, should pray for me, and
stedfastly persevere and continue in the doctrine of our Lord Jesus
Christ, knowing for a certainty that I never taught them any such
errors as mine enemies do impute or ascribe unto me; and if it should
happen that I were overcome by false witness, they should not be vexed
or troubled in their minds, but stedfastly continue in the truth.'

  "The nineteenth article. Last it was objected against me, that
after I was come into Constance, I did write unto the kingdom of
Bohemia, that 'the pope and emperor received me honourably, and sent
unto me two bishops to make agreement between me and them; and that
this seemeth to be written by me to this end and purpose, that they
should confirm and establish me and my hearers in the errors which I
had preached and taught in Bohemia.' This article is falsely alleged
even from the beginning. For how manifestly false should I have
written that the pope and the emperor did honour me, when otherwise I
have written before that as yet we knew not where the emperor was? And
before the emperor himself came unto Constance, I was by the space of
three weeks in prison. And to write that I was honoured by my
imprisonment, the people of the kingdom of Bohemia would repute the
honour as no great renown and glory unto me. Howbeit, mine enemies may
in derision say unto me, that according to their wills and pleasures I
am exalted and honoured. Wherefore this article is wholly throughout
false and untrue."

  Unto these articles above prefixed were other articles also to be
annexed, which the Parisians had drawn out against Master John Huss,
to the number of nineteen. The chief author whereof was John Gerson,
chancellor of the university of Paris, a great setter-on of the pope
against good men. Of these articles John Huss doth often complain in
his epistles, that he had no time nor space to make answer unto them.
Which articles being falsely collected and wrongfully depraved,
although John Huss had no time to answer unto them, yet I thought it
not unfit here to set them down for the reader to see and judge.

  "The first article: 'No reprobate is true pope, lord, or
prelate.' The error is in the faith, and behaviour, and manners, being
both of late and many times before condemned, as well against the poor
men of Lyons, as also against the Waldenses and Picards. The
affirmation of which error is temerarious, seditious, offensive, and
pernicious, and tending to the subversion of all human policy and
governance, forasmuch as no man knoweth whether he be worthy of love
or hatred, for that all men do offend in many points, and thereby
should all rule and dominion be made uncertain and unstable, if it
should be founded upon predestination and charity:neither should the
commandment of Peter have been good, which willeth all servants to be
obedient unto their masters and lords, although they be wicked.

  "The second article: 'That no man being in deadly sin, whereby he
is no member of Christ, but of the devil, is true pope, prelate,
lord.' The error of this is like unto the first.

  "The third article: 'No reprobate or otherwise being in deadly
sin, sitteth in the apostolic seat of Peter, neither hath any
apostolical power over the Christian people.' This error is also like
unto the first.

  "The fourth article: 'No reprobates are of the church, neither
likewise any which do not follow the life of Christ.' This error is
against the common understanding of the doctors, concerning the
church.

  "The fifth article: 'They only are of the church, and sit in
Peter's seat, and have apostolic power, which follow Christ and his
apostles in their life and living.' The error hereof is in faith and
manners, as in the first article, but containing more arrogancy and
rashness.

  "The sixth article: 'That every man which liveth uprightly
according to the rule of Christ, may and ought openly to preach and
teach, although he be not sent, yea, although he be forbidden or
excommunicate by any prelate or bishop, even as he might and ought to
give alms; for his good life in living together with his learning doth
sufficiently send him.'

  "This is a rash and temerarious error, offensive and tending to
the confusion of the whole ecclesiastical hierarchy.

  "The seventh article: 'That the pope of Rome being contrary unto
Christ, is not the universal bishop, neither hath the Church of Rome
any supremacy over other churches, except peradventure it be given
unto him of Cæsar, and not of Christ.' An error lately and plainly
reproved.

  "The eighth article: 'That the pope ought not to be called most
holy, neither that his feet are holy and blessed, or that they ought
to be kissed.' This error is temerarious, unreverently and offensively
published.

  "The ninth article: 'That according unto the doctrine of Christ,
heretics, be they never so obstinate or stubborn, ought not to be put
to death, neither to be accursed or excommunicated.' This is the error
of the Donatists, temerariously, and not without great offence,
affirmed against the laws of the ecclesiastical discipline, as St.
Augustine doth prove.

  "The tenth article: 'That subjects and the common people may and
ought publicly and openly to detect and reprove the vices of their
superiors and rulers, as having power given them of Christ, and
example of St. Paul so to do.' This error is pernicious, full of
offence, inducing all rebellion, disobedience, and sedition, and the
curse and malediction of Ham.

  "The eleventh article: 'That Christ only is Head of the church,
and not the pope.' It is an error according unto the common
understanding of the doctors, if all the reason of the supremacy, and
of being head, be secluded and taken away from the pope.

  "The twelfth article: 'That the only church, which comprehendeth
the predestinate and good livers, is the universal church, whereunto
subjects do owe obedience.' And this is consequent unto the former
article. The error is contained as in the former articles.

  "The thirteenth article: 'That tithes and oblations, given unto
the church, are public and common alms.' This error is offensive, and
contrary to the determination of the apostle, 1 Cor. ix.

  "The fourteenth article: 'That the clergy, living wickedly, ought
to be reproved and corrected by the lay-people, by the taking away of
their tithes and other temporal profits.' A most pernicious error, and
offensive, inducing the secular people to perpetrate sacrilege,
subverting the ecclesiastical liberty.

  "The fifteenth article: 'That the blessings of such as are
reprobate or evil livers of the clergy are maledictions and cursings
before God, according to the saying, I will curse your blessings.'
This error was lately reproved of St. Augustine, against St. Cyprian
and his followers, neither is the master of the sentences allowed of
the masters in that point that he seemeth to favour this article.

  "The sixteenth article: 'That in these days, and in long time
before, there hath been no true pope, no true church, or faith, which
is called the Romish Church, whereunto a man ought to obey, but that
it both was and is the synagogue of antichrist and Satan.' The error
in this article is in this point, that it is derived, and taketh his
foundation, upon the former articles.

  "The seventeenth article: 'That all gift of money given unto the
ministers of the church, for the ministration of any spiritual matter,
doth make such ministers in that case users of simony.' This error is
seditious and temerarious, forasmuch as something may be given unto
the clergy, under the title of sustentation or maintaining the
minister, without the selling or buying of any spiritual thing. "The
eighteenth article: 'That whosoever is excommunicate of the pope, if
he appeal unto Christ, he is preserved that he need not fear the
excommunication, but may utterly contemn and despise the same.' This
error is temerarious and full of arrogancy.

  "The nineteenth article: 'That every deed done without charity is
sin.' This error was reproved and revoked before this time at Paris,
especially if it be understood of deadly sin; for it is not necessary
that he which lacketh grace should continually sin and offend anew,
albeit he be continually in sin."

Reasons and determinations of the masters of Paris.

  "We affirm that these articles aforesaid are notoriously
heretical, and that they are judicially to be condemned for such, and
diligently to be rooted out with their most seditious doctrines, lest
they do infect others. For albeit they seem to have a zeal against the
vices of the prelates and the clergy, the which (the more is the pity
and grief) do but too much abound, yet is it not according unto
learning; for a sober and discreet zeal suffereth and lamenteth those
sins and offences, which he seeth in the house of God, that he cannot
amend or take away; for vices cannot be rooted out and taken away by
other vices and errors, forasmuch as devils are not cast out through
Beelzebub, but by the power of God, which is the Holy Ghost, who
willeth that in correction the measure and mean of prudence be always
kept, according to the saying, Mark who, what, where, and why, by what
means, and when, prelates and bishops are bound, under grievous and
express penalties of the law, diligently and vigilantly to bear
themselves against the aforesaid errors and such other like, and the
maintainers of them; for let it always be understood and noted, that
the error which is not resisted is allowed, neither is there any doubt
of privy affinity or society of him, which slacketh to withstand a
manifest mischief.

  "These things are intermeddled by the way under correction, as by
way of doctrine."

  These things thus declared, a man may easily understand, that
John Huss was not accused for holding any opinion contrary to the
articles of our faith, but because he did stoutly preach and teach
against the kingdom of antichrist, for the glory of Christ, and the
restoring of the church.



105. THE TRIAL OF JOHN HUSS (CONTINUED)
Illustration: The Trial of John Huss

  Now to return unto the story; when the first thirty-nine articles
which I have before rehearsed were all read over together with their
testimonies, the cardinal of Cambray, calling unto John Huss, said,
"Thou hast heard what grievous and horrible crimes are laid against
thee, and what a number of them they are; and now it is thy part to
devise with thyself what thou wilt do. Two ways are proponed and set
before thee of the council, whereof the one of them thou must of force
and necessity enter into.

  "First, that thou do humbly and meekly submit thyself unto the
judgment and sentence of the council, that whatsoever shall be there
determined, by their common voice and judgment, thou wilt patiently
bear and suffer the same. The which thing if thou wilt do, we of our
part, both for the honour of the most gentle emperor, here present,
and also for the honour of his brother, the king of Bohemia, and for
thy own safeguard and preservation, will treat and handle thee with as
great humanity, love, and gentleness, as we may. But if as yet thou
art determined to defend any of those articles which we have
propounded unto thee, and dost desire or require to be further heard
thereupon, we will not deny thee power and licence thereunto; but this
thou shalt well understand, that here are such manner of men, so clear
in understanding and knowledge, and having so firm and strong reasons
and arguments against thy articles, that I fear it will be to thy
great hurt, detriment, and peril, if thou shouldst any longer will or
desire to defend the same.

  "This I do speak and say unto thee to counsel and admonish thee,
and not as in manner of a judge."

  This oration of the cardinal's, many other, prosecuting every man
for himself, did exhort and persuade John Huss to the like; unto whom
with a lowly countenance he answered: "Most reverend fathers, I have
often said that I came hither of mine own free-will, not to the intent
obstinately to defend any thing, but if that in any thing I should
seem to have conceived a perverse or evil opinion, that I would meekly
and patiently be content to be reformed and taught. Whereupon, I
desire that I may have yet further liberty to declare my mind. Whereof
except I shall allege most firm and strong reasons, I will willingly
submit myself (as you require) unto your information."

  Then there started up one which with a loud voice said, "Behold,
how craftily this man speaketh! he termeth it information, and not
correction or determination." "Verily," said John Huss, "even as you
will term it, information, correction, or determination; for I take
God to my witness, that I speak nothing but with my heart and mind."

  Then said the cardinal of Cambray, "Forasmuch then as thou dost
submit thyself unto the information and grace of this council, this is
decreed almost by threescore doctors, whereof some of them are now
departed hence, in whose room and place the Parisians are succeeded;
and also is approved by the whole council, not one man speaking the
contrary thereunto.

  "First of all, that thou shalt humbly and meekly confess thyself
to have erred in these articles, which are alleged and brought against
thee.

  "Moreover, that thou shalt promise by an oath, that from
henceforth thou shalt not teach, hold; or maintain any of these
articles. And last of all, that thou shalt openly recant all these
articles."

  Upon the which sentence, when many others had spoken their minds,
at the length John Huss said, "I once again do say, that I am ready to
submit myself to the information of the council; but this I most
humbly require and desire you all, even for his sake which is the God
of us all, that I be not compelled or forced to do the thing which my 
conscience doth repugn or strive against, or the which I cannot do
without danger of eternal damnation, that is, that I would make
revocation by oath to all the articles which are alleged against me.
For I remember that I have read in the book of universalities, that to
abjure, is to renounce an error which a man hath before holden. And
forasmuch as many of these articles are said to be mine, which were
never in my mind or thought to hold or teach, how should I then
renounce them by an oath? But as touching those articles which are
mine indeed, if there be any man which can teach me contrariwise unto
them, I will willingly perform that which you desire."

  Then said the emperor, "Why mayst not thou without danger also
renounce all those articles which thou sayest are falsely alleged
against thee by the witnesses? For I verily would nothing at all doubt
to abjure all errors, neither doth it follow that therefore by and by
I have professed any error." To whom John Huss answered: "Most noble
emperor, this word, to abjure, doth signify much otherwise than your
Majesty doth here use it." Then said the cardinal of Florence, "John
Huss, you shall have a form of abjuration, which shall be gentle, and
tolerable enough, written and delivered unto you, and then you will
easily and soon .determine with yourself, whether you will do it or
no." Then the emperor, repeating again the words of the cardinal of
Cambray, said, "Thou hast heard that there are two ways laid before
thee: First, that thou shouldst openly renounce those thy errors,
which are now condemned, and subscribe unto the judgment of the
council, whereby thou shouldst try and find their grace and favour.
But if thou proceed to defend thy opinions, the council shall have
sufficient, whereby according to their laws and ordinances, they may
decree and determine upon thee"

  Huss answered, "I refuse nothing, (most noble emperor,)
whatsoever the council shall decree or determine upon me. Only this
one thing I except, that I do not offend God and my conscience, or say
that I have professed those errors which was never in my mind or
thought to profess. But I desire you all, if it may be possible, that
you will grant me further liberty to declare my mind and opinion, that
I may answer as much as shall suffice, as touching those things which
are objected against me, and specially concerning ecclesiastical
offices, and the state of the ministry."

  But when other men began to speak, the emperor himself began to
sing the same song which he had sung before. "Thou art of lawful age,"
said the emperor, "thou mightest easily have understood what I said
unto thee yesterday, and this day; for we are forced to give credit
unto these witnesses which are worthy of credit, forasmuch as the
Scripture saith, that in the mouth of two or three witnesses all truth
is tried; how much more then by so many witnesses of such worthy men!

  "Wherefore if thou be wise, receive penance at the hands of the
council, with a contrite heart, and renounce thy manifest errors, and
promise by an oath that from henceforth thou wilt never more teach or
preach them. The which if thou refusest to do, there are laws and
ordinances whereby thou shalt be judged of the council."

  Here a certain very old bishop of Poland put to his verdict. He
said the laws are evident as touching heretics, with what punishment
they ought to be punished. But John Huss constantly answered as
before; insomuch that they said he was obstinate and stubborn. Then a
certain well-fed priest, and gaily apparelled, cried out unto the
presidents of the council, saying, "He ought by no means to be
admitted to recantation, for he hath written unto his friends, that
although he do swear with his tongue, yet he will keep his mind
unsworn without oath; wherefore he is not to be trusted." Unto this
slander John Huss answered as is said in the last article, affirming
that he was not guilty of any error.

  Then said Paletz, "To what end is this protestation, forasmuch as
thou sayest that thou wilt defend no error, neither yet Wickliff, and
yet dost defend him." When he had spoken these words, he brought forth
for witness nine articles of John Wickliff's, and read them openly,
and afterward he said, "When I and Master Stanislaus, in the presence
of Ernest of Austria, duke of Prague, preached against them, he
obstinately defended the same, not only by his sermons, but also by
his books which he set forth. The which except you do here exhibit, we
will cause them to be exhibited." So said the emperor also. Unto whom
John Huss answered, "I am very well contented that not only those, but
also all other my books, be brought forth and showed."

  In the mean time there was exhibited unto the council a certain
article, wherein John Huss was accused, that he had slanderously
interpreted a certain sentence of the pope's: the which he denied that
he did, saying, that he never saw it but in prison, when the article
was showed him by the commissioners; and when he was demanded who was
the author thereof, he answered, that he knew not, but that he heard
say that Master Jessenitz was the author thereof.

  "What," said they, "then do you think or judge of the
interpretation thereof?" Then answered John Huss, "What should I say
thereunto, when I said I never saw it, but as I have heard it of you."
Thus they were all so grievous and troublesome unto him that he waxed
faint and weary, for he had passed all the night before without sleep,
through the pain of his teeth.

  Then was there another article read, in the which was contained
that three men were beheaded at Prague, because that, through
Wickliff's doctrine and teaching, they were contumelious and
slanderous against the pope's letters; and that they were by the same
Huss, with the whole pomp of the scholars, and with a public
convocation or congregation, carried out to be buried, and by a public
sermon placed amongst the number of saints; and the same Doctor Naso,
of whom you have heard certain testimonics already recited, affirmed
the same to be true, and that he himself was present, when the king of
Bohemia commanded those blasphemers so to be punished.

  Then said John Huss, "Both those parts are false, that the king
did command any such punishment to be done, and that the corpses were
by me conveyed with any such pomp unto their sepulture or burial:
wherefore you do injury both unto me and the king."

  Then Paletz confirmed the affirmation of Doctor Naso, his fellow,
with this argument, for they both laboured to one end and purpose;
That it was provided by the king's commandment, that no man should
once speak against the pope's bulls: and these three spake against the
pope's bulls: ergo, by virtue of the king's commandment they were
beheaded. And what John Huss's opinion and mind was as touching these
men, it is evident enough by his book entitled Of the Church, wherein
he writeth thus, "I believe they have read Daniel the prophet, where
it is said, And they shall perish with sword and fire, and with
captivity, and many shall fraudulently and craftily associate
themselves unto them." And afterward he saith, how "this is fulfilled
in these two laymen, who not consenting, but speaking against the
feigned lies of antichrist, have offered their lives therefore, and
many other were ready to do the same, and many were fraudulently
associate unto them, which being feared by the threatenings of
antichrist are fled, and have turned their backs," &c.

  When these things were read, one looking upon another, as though
they had been all in a marvellous strange study, they held their peace
for a certain space. For this Paletz, and the aforesaid Doctor Naso,
had also added that John Huss in an open sermon had inflamed and
stirred up the people against the magistrates, insomuch that a great
number of the citizens did openly set themselves against the
magistrates; and by that means was it that, he said, those three were
ready to suffer death for the truth. And this sedition was hardly
appeased by any benefit or help that the king could do. Then the
Englishmen exhibited the copy of a certain epistle, which they said
was falsely conveyed unto Prague, under the title of the university of
Oxford, and that John Huss did read the same out of the pulpit unto
the people, that he might commend and praise John Wickliff unto the
citizens of Prague. When they had read the same before the council,
the Englishmen demanded of John Huss, whether he had read the same
openly or no. Which when he had confessed, because it was brought
thither by two scholars under the seal of the university; they also
inquired of him what scholars they were. He answered, "This my friend
"(meaning Stephen Paletz) "knoweth the one of them as well as I; the
other I know not what he was."

  Then they first inquired of him, as touching the last man, where
he was. John Huss answered, "I heard say," said he, "that in his
return into England he died by the way." As touching the first, Paletz
said, that he was a Bohemian and no Englishman, and that he brought
out of England a certain small piece of the stone of Wickliff's
sepulchre, which they that are the followers of his doctrine at this
present do reverence and worship as a thing most holy. Hereby it
appeareth for what intent all these things were done, and that John
Huss was the author of them all.

  Then the Englishmen exhibited another epistle, contrary to the
first, under the seal of the university, the effect and argument
whereof was this: "The senate of the university, not without great
sorrow and grief, hath experimented and found, that the errors of
Wickliff are scattered and spread out of that university throughout
all England. And to the intent that through their help and labour
means may be found to remedy this mischief, they have appointed for
that purpose twelve doctors, men of singular learning, and other
masters, which should sit in judgment upon the books of Wickliff.

  "These men have noted out above the number of two hundred
articles, the which the whole university have judged worthy to be
burnt; but for the reverence of the said sacred council, the said
university hath sent them unto Constance, referring and remitting the
whole authority of the judgment unto this council."

  Here was great silence kept for a while. Then Paletz rising up,
as though he had finished now his accusation, said, "I take God to my
witness before the emperor's Majesty here present, and the most
reverend fathers, cardinals and bishops, that in this accusation of
John Huss I have not used any hatred or evil will; but that I might 
satisfy the oath which I took, when I was made doctor, that I would be
a most cruel and sharp enemy of all manner of errors, for the profit
and commodity of the holy catholic church." Michael de Causis did also
the like. "And I," said John Huss, "do commit all these things unto
the heavenly Judge, which shall justly judge the cause or quarrels of
both parties." Then said the cardinal of Cambray, "I cannot a little
commend and praise the humanity and gentleness of Master Paletz, which
he hath used in drawing out the articles against Master John Huss;
for, as we have heard, there are many things contained in his book
much worse and more detestable."

  When he had spoken these words, the bishop of Reggio, unto whom
John Huss was committed, commanded that the said John Huss should be
carried again safely unto prison. Then John de Clum, following him,
did not a little encourage and comfort him. No tongue can express what
courage and stomach he received by the short talk which he had with
him; when in so great a broil and grievous hatred, he saw himself in a
manner forsaken of all men. After that John Huss was carried away, the
emperor began to exhort the presidents of the council in this manner,
saying,

  "You have heard the manifold and grievous crimes which are laid
against John Huss, which are not only proved by manifest and strong
witnesses, but also confessed by him; of the which every one of them
by my judgment and advice have deserved, and are worthy of, death.
Therefore, except he do recant them all, I judge and think meet that
he be punished with fire: and albeit he do that which he is willed and
commanded to do, notwithstanding, I do counsel you, that he be forbid
the office of preaching and teaching, and also that he return no more
into the kingdom of Bohemia. For if he be admitted again to teach and
preach, and especially in the kingdom of Bohemia, he will not observe
and keep that which he is commanded; but, hoping upon the favour and
good-will of such as be his adherents and abettors there, he will
return again unto his former purpose and intent, and then, besides
these errors, he will also sow new errors amongst the people, so the
last error shall be worse than the first.

  "Moreover, I judge and think it good that his articles which are
condemned, should be sent unto my brother, the king of Bohemia, and
afterward into Poland and other provinces, where men's minds are
replenished with his doctrine, with this commandment, that whosoever
do proceed to hold or keep the same, they should, by common aid both
of the eccclesiastical and civil power, be punished. So at the length
shall remedy be found for this mischief, if the boughs together with
the root be utterly rooted and pulled up; and if the bishops and other
prelates, which here in this place have laboured and travailed for the
extirpating of this heresy, be commended by the whole voices of the
council unto the king and princes under whose dominion they are. Last
of all, if there be any found here at Constance, which are familiars
unto John Huss, they also ought to be punished with such severity and
punishment as is due unto them, and especially his scholar, Jerome of
Prague." Then said the rest, "When the master is once punished, we
hope we shall find the scholar much more tractable and gentle."

  After they had spoken these words, they departed out of the
cloister, where they were assembled and gathered together. The day
before his condemnation, which was the 6th of July, the Emperor
Sigismund sent unto him four bishops, accompanied with Master
Wencelate de Duba, and John de Clum, that they should learn and
understand of him what he did intend to do. When he was brought out of
prison unto them, John de Clum began first to speak unto him, saying,


    MASTER John Huss, I am a man unlearned, neither am I able to
counsel or advertise you, being a man of learning and understanding;
notwithstanding I do require you, if you know yourself guilty of any
of those errors, which are objected and laid against you before the
council, that you will not be ashamed to alter and change your mind to
the will and pleasure of the council; if contrariwise, I will be no
author unto you, that you should do any thing contrary, or against
your conscience, but rather to suffer and endure any kind of
punishment, than to deny that which you have known to be truth." Unto
whom John Huss turning himself, with lamentable tears, said, "Verily,
as before I have oftentimes done, I do take the most high God for my
witness, that I am ready with my whole heart and mind, if the council
can instruct or teach me any better by the Holy Scripture, and I will
be ready with all my heart to alter and change my purpose." Then one
of the bishops, which sat by, said unto him, that he would never be so
arrogant or proud, that he would prefer his own mind or opinion before
the judgment of the whole council. To whom John Huss answered,
"Neither do I otherwise mind or intend; for if he which is the meanest
or least in all this council can convict me of error, I will, with a
humble heart and mind, perform and do whatsoever the council shall
require of me." "Mark," said the bishops, "how obstinately he doth
persevere in his errors." And when they had thus talked, they
commanded the keepers to carry him again unto prison, and so they
returned again unto the emperor with their commission.

  The next day after, which was Saturday, and the sixth day of
July, there was a general session holden of the princes and lords,
both of the ecclesiastical and temporal estates, in the head church of
the city of Constance, the Emperor Sigismund being president in his
imperial robes and habit; in the midst whereof there was made a
certain high place, being square about like a table, and hard by it
there was a desk of wood, upon the which the garments and vestments
pertaining unto priesthood were laid, for this cause, that before John
Huss should be delivered over unto the civil power, he should be
openly deprived and spoiled of his priestly ornaments. When John Huss
was brought thither, he fell down upon his knees before that same high
place, and prayed a long time. In the mean while the bishop of Londe
went up into the pulpit, and made this sermon following:

  "In the name of the Father, the Son, and of the Holy Ghost.
Trusting, by humble invocation upon the Divine help and aid, most
noble prince and most Christian emperor, and you, most excellent
fathers, and reverend lords, bishops, and prelates, also most
excellent doctors and masters, famous and noble dukes, and high
counts, honourable nobles, and barons, and all other men worthy of
remembrance; that the intent and purpose of my mind may the more
plainly and evidently appear unto this most sacred congregation, I am
first of all determined to treat or speak of that which is read in the
Epistle on the next Sunday, in the 6th chapter to the Romans, that is 
to say, Let the body of sin be destroyed, &c.

  "It appeareth by the authority of Aristotle, in his book
entitled, De Cœlo et Mundo, how wicked, dangerous, and foolish a
matter it seemeth to be, not to withstand perverse and wicked
beginnings. For he saith that a small error in the beginning is very
great in the end. It is very damnable and dangerous to have erred, but
more hard to be corrected or amended. Whereupon that worthy doctor St.
Jerome, in his book upon the exposition of the catholic faith,
teacheth how necessary a thing it is that heretics and heresies should
be suppressed, even at the first beginning of them, saying thus, The
rotten and dead flesh is to be cut off from the body, lest that the
whole body do perish and putrefy. For a scabbed sheep is to be put out
of the fold, lest that the whole flock be infected. And a little fire
is to be quenched, lest the whole house be consumed and burned.' Arius
was first a spark in Alexandria, who, because he was not at the first
quenched, be presumed and went about with his wicked and perverse
imaginations, and fantastical inventions, to spot and defile the
catholic faith, which is founded and established by Christ, defended
with the victorious triumphs of so many martyrs, and illuminate and
set forth with the excellent doctrines and writings of so many men.
Such therefore must be resisted; such heretics, of necessity, must be
suppressed and condemned.

  "Wherefore I have truly propounded, as touching the punishment of
every such obstinate heretic, that the body of sin is to be destroyed.
Whereupon it is to be considered, according unto the holy traditions
of the fathers, that some sins are adverse and contrary unto others;
other some are annexed or conjoined together; other some are, as it
were, branches and members of others; and some are, as it were, the
roots and head of others. Amongst all which, those are to be counted
the most detestable, out of the which the most and worst have their
original and beginning. Wherefore, albeit that all sins and offences
are to be abhorred of us, yet those are specially to be eschewed,
which are the head and root of the rest. For by how much the
perverseness of them is of more force and power to hurt, with so much
the more speed and circumspection ought they to be rooted out and
extinguished, with apt preservatives and remedies. Forasmuch, then, as
amongst all sins, none doth more appear to be inveterate than the
mischief of this most execrable schism, therefore have I right well
propounded that the body of sin should be destroyed. For by the long
continuance of this schism, great and most cruel destruction is sprung
up amongst the faithful, and hath long continued; abominable divisions 
of heresies are grown; threatenings are increased and multiplied; the
confusion of the whole clergy is grown thereupon, and the opprobries
and slanders of the Christian people are abundantly sprung up and
increased. And truly it is no marvel, forasmuch as that most
detestable and execrable schism, is, as it were, a body and heap of
dissolution of the true faith of God: for what can be good or holy in
that place, where such a pestiferous schism hath reigned so long a
time? For, as St. Bernard saith, Like as in the unity and concord of
the faithful, there is the habitation and dwelling of the Lord, so
likewise in the schism and dissipation of the Christians, there is
made the habitation and dwelling of the devil. Is not schism and
division the original of all subversion, the den of heresies, and the
nourisher of all offences? for the knot of unity and peace being once
troubled and broken; there is free passage made for all strife and
debate. Covetousness is uttered in oaths for lucre's sake, lust and
will is set at liberty, and all means opened unto slaughter. All right
and equity is banished, the ecclesiastical power is injured, and the
calamity of this schism bringeth in all kind of bondage; sword and
violence doth rule, the laity have the dominion, concord and unity are
banished, and all the prescript rules of religion utterly contemned
and set at nought.

  "Consider, most gentle lords, during this most pestiferous
schism, how many heresies have appeared and showed themselves, how
many heretics have escaped unpunished, how many churches have been
spoiled and pulled down, how many cities have been oppressed, and
regions brought to ruin! What confusion hath there happened in the
clergy! What and how great destruction hath been amongst the Christian
people! I pray you, mark how the church of God, the spouse of Christ,
and the mother of all faithful, is contemned and despised. For who
doth reverence the keys of the church, who feareth the censures or
laws, or who is it that doth defend the liberties thereof? But rather
who is it that doth not offend the same, or who doth not invade it, or
else, what is he that dare not violently lay hands upon the patrimony
or heritage of Jesus Christ? The goods of the clergy, and of the poor,
and the relief of pilgrims and strangers, gotten together by the blood
of our Saviour, and of many martyrs, are spoiled and taken away:
behold the abomination of the desolation brought upon the church of
God, the destruction of the faith, and the confusion of the Christian
people, to the ruin of the Lord's flock or fold, and all the whole
company of our most holy Saviour and Redeemer. This loss is more great
or grievous than any which could happen unto the martyrs of Christ,
and this persecution much more cruel than the persecution of any
tyrant; for they did but only punish the bodies, but in this schism
and division the souls are tormented. There the blood of men was only
shed, but in this case the true faith is subverted and overthrown.
That persecution was salvation unto many; but this schism is
destruction unto all men. When the tyrants raged, then the faith did
increase; but by this division it is utterly decayed. During their
cruelty and madness the primitive church increased; but through this
schism it is confounded and overthrown. Tyrants did ignorantly offend;
but in this schism many do wittingly and willingly, even of obstinacy,
offend. There came in heretics, users of simony, and hypocrites, to
the great detriment and deceit of the church; under those tyrants, the
merits of the just were increased.

  "But during this schism mischief and wickedness are augmented;
for in this most cursed and execrable division, truth is made an enemy
to all Christians, faith is not regarded, love and charity hated, hope
is lost, justice overthrown, no kind of courage or valiantness, but
only unto mischief: modesty and temperance cloaked, wisdom turned into
dcceit, humility feigned, equity and truth falsified, patience utterly
fled, conscience small, all wickedness intended, devotion counted
folly, gentleness abject and cast away, religion despised, obedience
not regarded, and all manner of life reproachful and abominable. With 
how great and grievous sorrows is the church of God replenished and
filled, whilst that tyrants do oppress it, heretics invade it, users
of simony do spoil and rob it, and schismatics go about utterly to
subvert it! O most miserable and wretched Christian people, whom now
by the space of forty years, with such indurate and continual schism,
they have tormented, and almost brought to ruin! O the little bark and
ship of Christ, which hath so long time wandered and strayed now in
the midst of the whirlpools, and by and by sticketh fast in the rocks,
tossed to and fro with most grievous and tempestuous storms! O
miserable and wretched boat of Peter, if the most holy Father would
suffer thee to sink or drown, into what dangers and perils have the
wicked pirates brought thee! amongst what rocks have they placed thee!
O most godly and loving Christians, what faithful and devout man is
there, which, beholding and seeing the great ruin and decay of the
church, would not be provoked unto tears? What good conscience is
there that can refrain weeping? because that contention and strife is
poured upon the ecclesiastical rulers, which have made us to err in
the way; because they have not found, or rather would not find, the
way of unity and concord: whereupon so many heresies, and so great
confusion is sprung up, and grown in the flock of Peter, and the fold
of our Lord.

  "Many princes, kings, and prelates, have greatly laboured and
travailed for the rooting out hereof; but yet could they never bring
to pass or finish that most wholcsome and necessary work. Wherefore,
most Christian king, this most glorious and triumphant victory hath
tarried only for thee, the crown and glory thereof shall be thine for
ever, and this most happy victory shall be continually celebrate to
thy great honour and praise, that thou hast restored again the church
which was so spoiled, thou hast removed and put away all inveterate
and over-grown schisms and divisions, thou hast trodden down users of
simony, and rooted out all heretics. Dost thou not behold and see how
great, perpetual, and famous renown and glory it will be unto thee?
For what can be more just, what more holy, what better, what more to
be desired, or finally, what can be more acceptable, than to root out
this wicked and abominable schism, to restore the church again unto
her ancient liberty, to extinguish and put away all simony, and to
condemn and destroy all errors and heresies from amongst the flock of
the faithful? Nothing, truly, can be better, nothing more holy,
nothing more profitable for the whole world, and finally, nothing more
acceptable unto God: for the performance of which most holy and godly
work, thou wast elect and chosen of God; thou wast first deputed and
chosen in heaven, before thou wast elect and chosen upon earth. Thou
wast first appointed by the celestial and heavenly Prince, before the
electors of the empire did elect or choose thee, and specially, that
by the imperial force and power, thou shouldst condemn and destroy
those errors and heresies, which we have presently in hand to be
condemned and subverted. To the performance of this most holy work,
God hath given unto thee the knowledge and understanding of his Divine
truth and verity, power of princely majesty, and the just judgment of
equity and righteousness, as the Most Highest himself doth say; I have
given thee understanding and wisdom, to speak and utter my words, and
have set thee to rule over nations and kingdoms, that thou shouldst
help the people, pluck down and destroy iniquity, and by exercising of
justice thou shouldst, I say, destroy all heresies, and specially this
obstinate heretic here present, through whose wickedness and mischief,
many places of the world are infected with most pestilent and
heretical poison, and by his means and occasion almost ut.terly
subverted and destroyed. This most holy and godly labour, O most noble
prince, was reserved only for thee, upon thee it doth only lie, unto
whom the whole rule and ministration of justice is given; wherefore
thou hast established thy praise and renown, even by the mouths of
infants and sucking babes, for thy praises shall be celebrate for
evermore, that thou hast destroyed and overthrown such and so great
enemies of the faith. The which that thou mayst prosperously and
happily perform, and bring to pass, our Lord Jesus vouchsafe to grant
thee his grace and help, who is blessed for ever and ever. Amen."

  When this sermon was thus ended, the proctor of the council
rising up, named Henricus de Piro, required that the process of the
cause against John Huss might be continued, and that they might
proceed unto the definitive sentence. Then a certain bishop, which was
appointed one of the judges, declared the process of the cause, which
was pleaded long since in the court of Rome and elsewhere, between
John Huss and the prelates of Prague.

  At the last he repeated those articles which we have before
remembered, amongst the which he rehearsed also one article, that John
Huss should teach the two natures of the Godhead and manhood to be one
Christ. John Huss went about briefly with a word or two to answer unto
every of them; but as often as he was about to speak, the cardinal of
Cambray commanded him to hold his peace, saying, "Hereafter you shall
answer to all together, if you will." Then said John Huss, "How can I
at once answer unto all those things which are alleged against me,
when I cannot remember them all? "Then said the cardinal of Florence,
"We have heard thee sufficiently." But when John Huss for all that
would not hold his peace, they sent the officers which should force
him thereunto. Then began he to entreat, pray, and beseech them, that
they would hear him, that such as were present might not credit or
believe those things to be true which were reported of him. But when
all this would nothing prevail, he, kneeling down upon his knees,
committed the whole matter unto God and the Lord Jesus Christ, for at
their hands he believed easily to obtain that which he desired.
When the articles above-said were ended, last of all there was added a
notable blasphemy, which they all imputed to John Huss; that is, that
he said there should be a fourth person in Divinity, and that a
certain doctor did hear him speak of the same. When John Huss desired
that the doctor might be named, the bishop which had alleged the
article said, that it was not needful to name him. Then said John
Huss, O miserable and wretched man that I am, which am forced and
compelled to bear such a blasphemy and slander.

  Afterward the article was repeated, how he appealed unto Christ,
and that by name was called heretical. Whereunto John Huss answered,
"O Lord Jesus Christ, whose word is openly condemned here in this
council, unto thee again I do appeal; which, when thou wast evil-
entreated of thine enemies, didst appeal unto God thy Father,
committing thy cause unto a most just Judge, that by thy example we
also, being oppressed with manifest wrongs and injuries, should flee
unto thee." Last of all the article was rehearsed, as touching the
contempt of the excommunication by John Huss, whereunto he answered as
before, That he was excused by his advocates in the court of Rome,
wherefore he did not appear when he was cited; and also that it may be
proved by the acts, that the excommunication was not ratified; and,
finally, to the intent he might clear himself of obstinacy, he was for
that cause come unto Constance, under the emperor's safe-conduct. When
he had spoken these words, one of them, which was appointed judge,
read the definitive sentence against him, which folIoweth thus word
for word.

  "The most holy and sacred general council of Constance, being
congregate and gathered together, representing the catholic church,
for a perpetual memory of the thing, as the verity and truth doth
witness, an evil tree bringeth forth evil fruit; hereupon it cometh,
that the man of most damnable memory, John Wickliff, through his
pestiferous doctrine, not through Jesus Christ by the gospel, as the
holy fathers in times past have begotten faithful children; but,
contrary unto the wholesome faith of Jesus Christ, as a most venomous
root, hath begotten many pestilent and wicked children, whom he hath
left behind him, successors and followers of his perverse and wicked
doctrine, against whomthis sacred synod of Constance is forced to rise
up, as against bastards and unlawful children, and with diligent care,
with the sharp knife of the ecclesiastical authority, to cut up their
errors out of the Lord's field, as most hurtful brambles and briers,
lest they should grow to the hurt and detriment of others.

  "Forasmuch, then, as in the holy general council lately
celebrated and holden at Rome, it was decreed, that the doctrine of
John Wickliff, of most damnable memory, should be condemned, and that
his books which contained the same doctrine should be burned as
heretical, and this decree was approved and confirmed by the sacred
authority of the whole council; nevertheless one John Huss, here
personally present in this sacred council, not the disciple of Christ,
but of John Wickliff, an arch-heretic, after, and contrary, or against
the condemnation and decree, hath taught, preached, and affirmed the
articles of Wickliff, which were condemned by the church of God, and,
in times past, by certain most reverend fathers in Christ, lords,
archbishops, and bishops, of divers kingdoms and realms, masters of
divinity of divers universities; especially resisting in his open
sermons, and also with his adherents and accomplices in the schools,
the condemnation of the said articles of Wickliff's oftentimes
published in the said university of Prague, and hath declared him, the
said Wickliff, for the favour and commendation of his doctrine, before
the whole multitude of the clergy and people, to be a catholic man,
and a true evangelical doctor. He hath also published and affirmed
certain and many of his articles, worthily condemned, to be catholic,
the which are notoriously contained in the books of the said John
Huss.

  "Wherefore, after diligent deliberation and full information
first had upon the premises by the reverend fathers and lords in
Christ of the holy Church of Rome, cardinals, patriarchs, archbishops,
bishops, and other prelates, doctors of divinity, and of both laws, in
great number assembled and gathered together, this most sacred and
holy council of Constance declareth and determineth the articles
above.said (the which, after due conference had, are found in his
books written with his own hand, the which also the said John Huss in
open audience, before this holy council, hath confessed to be to his
books) not to be catholic, neither worthy to be taught; but that many
of them are erroneous, some of them wicked, other some offensive to
godly ears, many of them temerarious and seditious, and the greater
part of them notoriously heretical, and even now of late by the holy
fathers and general councils reproved and condemned. And forasmuch as
the said articles are expressly contained in the books of the said
John Huss, therefore this said sacred council doth condemn and reprove
all those books which he wrote, in what form or phrase soever they be,
or whether they be translated by others, and doth determine and
decree, that they all shall be solemnly and openly burned in the
presence of the clergy and people of the city of Constance, and
elsewhere; adding, moreover, for the premises, that all his doctrine
is worthy to be despised and eschewed of all faithful Christians. And
to the intent this most pernicious and wicked doctrine may be utterly
excluded and shut out of the church, this sacred synod doth straitly
command, that diligent inquisition be made by the ordinaries of the
places, by the ecclesiastical censure, for such treatises and works,
and that such as are found be consumed and burned with fire. And if
there be any found, which shall contemn or despise this sentence or
decree, this sacred synod ordaineth and decreeth that the ordinaries
of the places, and the inquisitors of heresies, shall proceed against
every such person as suspected of heresy.

  "Wherefore, after due inquisition made against the said John
Huss, and full information had by the commissaries and doctors of both
laws, and also by the sayings of the witnesses which were worthy of
credit, and many other things openly read before the said John Huss,
and before the fathers and prelates of this sacred council, (by the
which allegations of the witnesses, it appeareth that the said John
Huss hath taught many evil and offensive, seditious, and perilous
heresies, and hath preached the same by a long time,) this most sacred
and holy synod, lawfully congregate and gathered together in the Holy
Ghost, the name of Christ being invocated and called upon, by this
their sentence which here is set forth in writing, determineth,
pronounceth, declareth, and decreeth, that John Huss was and is a true
and manifest heretic, and that he hath preached openly errors and
heresies lately condemned by the church of God, and many other
seditious, temerarious, and offensive things, to no small offence of
the Divine Majesty, and of the universal church, and detriment of the
catholic faith and church, neglecting and despising the keys of the
church, and ecclesiastical censure. In the which his error he hath
continued with a mind altogether indurate, and hardened by the space
of many years, much offending the faithful Christians by his obstinacy
and stubbornness, when he made his appcal unto the Lord Jesus Christ,
as the most high Judge, omitting and leaving all ecclesiastical means.
In the which his appeal he allegeth many false, injurious, and
offensive matters, in contempt of the apostolic see, and the
ecclesiastical censures and keys.

  "Whereupon, both for the premises and many other things, the said
synod pronounceth John Huss to be a heretic, and judgeth him by these
presents to be condemned and judged as a heretic; and reproveth the
said appeal as injurious, offensive, and done in derision unto the
ecclesiastical jurisdiction; and judgeth the said Huss not only to
have seduced the Christian people, by his writings and preachings, and
especially in the kingdom of Bohemia, neither to have been a true
preacher of the gospel of Christ unto the said people, according to
the exposition of the holy doctors; but also to have been a seducer of
them, and also an obstinate and stiff.necked person, yea, and such a
one as doth not desire to return again to the lap of our holy mother
the church, neither to abjure the errors and heresies which he hath
openly preached and defended. Wherefore this most sacred council
decreeth and declareth, that the said John Huss shall be famously
deposed and degraded from his priestly orders and dignity," &c.

  Whilst these things were thus read, John Huss, albeit he were
forbidden to speak, notwithstanding did often interrupt them; and
especially when he was reproved of obstinacy, he said with a loud
voice, I was never obstinate, but as always heretofore, even now
again, I desire to be taught by the Holy Scriptures, and I do profess
myself to be so desirous of the truth, that if I might by one only
word subvert the errors of all heretics, I would not refuse to enter
into what peril or danger soever it were. When his books were
condemned, he said, "Wherefore have you condemned those books, when
you have not proved by any one article, that they are contrary to the
Scriptures, or articles of faith? And moreover, what injury is this
that you do to me, that you have condemned these books written in the
Bohemian tongue, which you never saw, neither yet read?" And
oftentimes, looking up unto heaven, he prayed.

  When the sentence and judgment was ended, kneeling down upon his
knees, he said, "Lord Jesus Christ, forgive mine enemies, by whom thou
knowest that I am falsely accused, and that they have used false
witness and slanders against me; forgive them, I say, for thy great
mercies' sake." This his prayer and oration, the greater part, and
especially the chief of the priests, did deride and mock.

  At the last, the seven bishops which were chosen out to degrade
him of his priesthood, commanded him to put on the garments pertaining
unto priesthood, which thing when he had done, until he came to the
putting on of the albe, he called to his remembrance the white vesture
which Herod put upon Jesus Christ, to mock him withal. So, likewise,
in all other things he did comfort himself by the example of Christ.
When he had now put on all his priestly vestures, the bishops exhorted
him that he should yet alter and change his mind and purpose, and
provide for his honour and safeguard. Then he, (according as the
manner of the ceremony is,) going up to the top of the scaffold, being
full of tears, spake unto the people in this sort:

  "These lords and bishops do exhort and counsel me, that I should
here confess before you all that I have erred; the which thing to do,
if it were such as might be done with the infamy and reproach of man
only, they might peradventure easily persuade me thereunto; but now
truly I am in the sight of the Lord my God, without whose great
ignominy, and grudge of mine own conscience, I can by no means do that
which they require of me. For I do well know, that I never taught any
of those things which they have falsely alleged against me, but I have
always preached, taught, written, and thought contrary thereunto. With
what countenance then should I behold the heavens? with what face
should I look upon them whom I have taught, whereof there is a great
number, if through me it should come to pass that those things which
they have hitherto known to be most certain and sure, should now be
made uncertain? Should I by this my example astonish or trouble so
many souls, so many consciences, endued with the most firm and certain
knowledge of the Scriptures and gospel of our Lord Jesus Christ and
his most pure doctrine, armed against all the assaults of Satan? I
will never do it, neither commit any such kind of offence, that I
should seem more to esteem this vile carcass, appointed unto death,
than their health and salvation." At this most godly word he was
forced again to hear, by the consent of the bishops, that he did
obstinately and maliciously persevere in his pernicious and wicked
errors.

  Then he was commanded to come down to the execution of his
judgment, and in his coming down, one of the seven bishops before
rehearsed, first took away the chalice from him which he held in his
hand, saying, "O cursed Judas, why hast thou forsaken the counsel and
ways of peace, and hast counselled with the Jews? we take away from
thee this chalice of thy salvation." But John Huss received this curse
in this manner: "But I trust unto God the Father omnipotent, and my
Lord Jesus Christ, for whose sake I do suffer these things, that he
will not take away the chalice of his redemption, but have a stedfast
and firm hope that this day I shall drink thereof in his kingdom."
Then followed the other bishops in order, which every one of them took
away the vestments from him which they had put on, each one of them
giving him their curse. Whereunto John Huss answered, that he did
willingly embrace and hear those blasphemies for the name of our Lord
Jesus Christ. At the last they came to the rasing of his shaven crown.
But before the bishops would go in hand with it, there was a great
contention between them, with what instrument it shoule be done, with
a razor, or with a pair of shears.

  In the mean season, John Huss, turning himsel towards the
emperor, said, "I marvel that, foras much as they be all of like cruel
mind and stomach yet they cannot agree upon their kind of cruelty.'
Notwithstanding, at the last they agreed to cut of the skin of the
crown of his head with a pair of shears. And when they had done that,
they added these words, "Now hath the church taken away all her
ornaments and privileges from him. Now there resteth nothing else, but
that he be delivered over unto the secular power." But before they did
that, there yet remained another knack of reproach; for they caused to
be made a certain crown of paper; almost a cubit deep, in the which
were painted three devils of wonderful ugly shape, and this title set
over their heads, Heresiarcha. The which when he saw, he said, "My
Lord Jesus Christ for my sake did wear a crown of thorns; why should
not I then for his sake again wear this light crown, be it never so
ignominious? Truly I will do it, and that willingly." When it was set
upon his head, the bishops said, "Now we commit thy soul unto the
devil." "But I," said John Huss, (lifting up his eyes towards the
heavens,) "do commit my spirit into thy hands. O Lord Jesus Christ,
unto thee I commend my spirit which thou hast redeemed." These
contumelious opprobries thus ended, the bishops, turning themselves
towards the emperor, said, "This most sacred synod of Constance
leaveth now John Huss, which hath no more any office, or to do in the
church of God, unto the civil judgment and power." Then the emperor
commanded Ludovicus duke of Bavaria, which stood before him in his
robes, holding the golden apple with the cross in his hand, that he
should receive John Huss of the bishops, and deliver him unto them
which should do the execution. By whom, as he was led to the place of
execution, before the church doors he saw his books burning, whereat
he smiled and laughed. And all men that he passed by, he exhorted not
to think that he should die for any error or heresy, but only for the
hatred and ill-will of his adversaries, which had charged him with
most false and unjust crimes. All the whole city in manner being in
armour, followed him.
Illustration: The Execution of John Huss

  The place appointed for the execution was before the gate
Gotlebian, between the gardens and the gates of the suburbs. When John
Huss was come thither, kneeling down upon his knees, and lifting his
eyes up unto heaven, he prayed, and said certain psalms, and
especially the 50th and 31st psalms. And they which stood hard by,
heard him oftentimes in his prayer, with a merry and cheerful
countenance, repeat this verse, "Into thy hands, O Lord, I commend my
spirit," &c. Which thing when the lay-people beheld which stood next
unto him, they said, What he hath done before we know not, but now we
see and hear that he doth speak and pray very devoutly and godly.
Other some wished that he had a confessor. There was a certain priest
by, sitting on horseback, in a green gown, drawn about with red silk,
which said, he ought not to be heard, because he is a heretic. Yet,
notwithstanding, whilst he was in prison, he was both confessed, and
also absolved by a certain doctor, a monk, as Huss himself doth
witness in a certain epistle which he wrote unto his friends out of
prison. Thus Christ reigneth unknown unto the world, even in the midst
of his enemies. In the mean time whilst he prayed, as he bowed his
neck backward to look upward unto heaven, the crown of paper fell off
from his head upon the ground. Then one of the soldiers taking it up
again, said, "Let us put it again upon his head, that he may be burned
with his masters the devils, whom he hath served."

  When, by the commandment of the tormentors, he was risen up from
the place of his prayer, with a loud voice be said, "Lord Jesus
Christ, assist and help me, that with a constant and patient mind, by
thy most gracious help, I may bear and suffer this cruel and
ignominious death, whereunto I am condemned for the preaching of thy
most holy gospel and word." Then, as before, he declared the cause of
his death unto the people. In the mean season the hangman stripped him
of his garments, and, turning his hands behind his back, tied him fast
unto, the stake with ropes that were made wet. And whereas by chance
he was turned towards the east, certain cried out that he should not
look towards the east, for he was a heretic: so he was turned towards
the west. Then was his neck tied with a chain unto the stake, the
which chain when he beheld, smiling, he said, that he would willingly
receive the same chain for Jesus Christ's sake, who, he knew, was
bound with a far worse chain. Under his feet they set two faggots,
admixing straw withal, and so likewise from the feet up to the chin he
was enclosed in round about with wood. But before the wood was set on
fire, Ludovicus, duke of Bavaria, with another gentleman with him,
which was the son of Clement, came and exhorted John Huss, that he
would yet be mindful of his safeguard, and renounce his errors. To
whom he said, "What error should I renounce, when I know myself guilty
of none? For as for those things which are falsely alleged against me,
I know that I never did so much as once think them, much less preach
them. For this was the principal end and purpose of my doctrine, that
I might teach all men penance and remission of sins, according to the
verity of the gospel of Jesus Christ, and the exposition of the holy
doctors; wherefore with a cheerful mind and courage I am here ready to
suffer death." When he had spoken these words, they left him, and
shaking hands together, they departed.

  Then was the fire kindled, and John Huss began to sing with a
loud voice, "Jesus Christ, the Son of the living God, have mercy upon
me." And when he began to say the same the third time, the wind drove
the flame so upon his face, that it choked him. Yet, notwithstanding,
he moved a while after, by the space that a man might almost say three
times the Lord's prayer. When all the wood was burned and consumed,
the upper part of the body was left hanging in the chain, the which
they threw down stake and all, and making a new fire, burned it, the
head being first cut in small gobbets, that it might the sooner be
consumed unto ashes. The heart, which was found amongst the bowels,
being well beaten with staves and clubs, was at last pricked upon a
sharp stick, and roasted at a fire apart until it was consumed. Then
with great diligence gathering the ashes together, they cast them into
the river Rhine, that the least remnant of the ashes of that man
should not be left upon the earth, whose memory, notwithstanding,
cannot be abolished out of the minds of the godly, neither by fire,
neither by water, neither by any kind of torment.

  I know very well that these things are very slenderly written of
me, as touching the labours of this most holy martyr John Huss, with
whom the labours of Hercules are not to be compared; for that ancient
Hercules slew a few monsters, but this our Hercules, with a most stout
and valiant courage, hath subdued even the world itself, the mother of
all monsters and cruel beasts. This story were worthy some other kind
of most curious handling; but forasmuch as I cannot otherwise perform
it myself, I have endeavoured according to the very truth, as the
thing was indeed, to commend the same unto all godly minds; neither
have I heard it reported by others, but I myself was present at the
doing of all these things, and, as I was able, I have put them in
writing, that by this my labour and endeavour, howsoever it were, I
might preserve the memory of this holy man and excellent doctor of the
evangelical truth.

  What was the name of this author which wrote this story it is not
here expressed. Cochleus, in his second book, Contra Hussitas,
supposeth his name to be Johannes Pizibram, a Bohemian. Who afterward
succeeding in the place of John Huss at Prague, at last is thought to
relent to the papists.



106. CERTAIN LETTERS RELATING TO THE CASE OF JOHN HUSS

  How grievously this death of John Huss was taken among the nobles
of Bohemia and of Moravia, hereafter (Christ willing) shall appear by
their letters which they sent unto the council, and by the letters of
Sigismund, the king of Romans, written unto them; wherein he
laboureth, all that he can, to purge and excuse himself of Huss's
death. Albeit he was not altogether free from that cruel fact, and
innocent from that blood; yet, notwithstanding, he pretendeth in words
so to wipe away that blot from him, that the greatest part of that
crime seemeth to rest upon the bloody prelates of that council, as the
words of the king do purport in form as followeth:

  "In the mean time as we were about the coasts of Rhine, John Huss
went to Constance, and there was arrested, as it is not to you
unknown; who if he had first resorted unto us, and had gone with us up
to the council, perhaps it had been otherwise with him; and God
knoweth what grief and sorrow it was to our heart, to see it so to
fall out, as with no words can be well expressed. Whereof all the
Bohemians, which were there present, can bear us witness, seeing and
beholding how careful and solicitous we were in labouring for him:
insomuch that we many times with anger and fury departed out of the
council; and not only out of the council, but also went out of the
city of Constance taking his part, unto such time as the rulers of the
council, sending unto us, said, that if we would not permit them to
prosecute that which right required in the council, what should they
then do in the place? Whereupon thus we thought with ourselves, that
here was nothing else for us more to do, nor yet to speak in this
case, forasmuch as the whole council otherwise had been dissolved.
Where is to be noted, moreover, that in Constance the same time there
was not one clerk, or two, but there were ambassadors from all kings
and princes in Christendom, especially, since the time that (Petrus de
Luna giving over) all those kings and princes which took his part,
came to us; so that whatsoever good was to be done, it was now to be
passed in this present council," &c. Ex Regist. Imp. Sigismund. ad
Nobiles, &c.

  By this it may appear that the emperor, as partly ashamed and
sorry of that which was, would gladly have cleared himself thereof,
and have washed his hands with Pilate; yet he could not so clear
himself, but that a great portion of that murder remained in him to be
noted, and well worthy of reprehension, as may appear by his last
words spoken in the council to John Huss, whereof John Huss, in his
epistles, complaineth, writing to certain of his friends in Bohemia,
in his 33rd epistle, as by his words here following may appear:

  "I desire you yet again, for the love of God, that the lords of
Bohemia, joining together, will desire the king for a final audience
to be given me. Forasmuch as he alone said to me in the council, that
they should give me audience shortly, and that I should answer for
myself briefly in writing; it will be to his great confusion, if he
shall not perform that which he hath spoken. But I fear that word of
his will be as firm and sure as the other was concerning my safe-
conduct granted by him. Certain there were in Bohemia, which willed me
to beware of his safe-conduct; and other said, "He will surely give
you to your enemies;" and the Lord Mikest Dwakie told me, before
Master Jessenitz, saying, "Master, know it for certain you shall be
condemned." And this I suppose he spake, knowing before the intention
of the king. I hoped well that he had been well affected toward the
law of God and the truth, and had therein good intelligence; now I
conceive that he is not greatly skilful, nor so prudently circumspect
in himself. He condemned me before mine enemies did, who, if it had
pleased him, might have kept the moderation of Pilate, the Gentile,
which said, I find no cause in this man; or, at least, if he had said
but thus, Behold, I have given him his safe-conduct safely to return,
and if he will not abide the decision of the council, I will send him
home to the king of Bohemia with your sentence and attestations, that
he with his clergy may judge him. But now I hear, by the relation of
Henry Leffi, and of others, that he will ordain for me sufficient
audience, and if I will not submit myself to the judgment of the
council, he will send me safe the contrary way," &c.

  This John Huss, being in prison, wrote divers treatises, as of
the Commandments, of the Lord's Prayer, of Mortal Sin, of Matrimony,
of the Knowledge and Love of God, of Three Enemies of Mankind, the
World, and Flesh, and the Devil; of Penance, of the Sacrament of the
Body and Blood of the Lord, of the Sufficiency of the Law of God to
rule the Church, &c. He wrote also divers epistles and letters to the
lords, and to his friends of Bohemia, and in his writings did foreshow
many things before to come, touching the reformation of the church;
and seemeth in the prison to have had divers prophetical revelations
showed to him of God. Certain of which his letters and predictions I
thought here underneath to insert, in such sort, as neither in
reciting all I will overcharge the volume too much, nor yet in
reciting of none will I be so brief, but that the reader may have some
taste and take some profit of the Christian writings and doings of
this blessed man; first beginning with the letter of the Lord Clum,
concerning the safe-conduct of John Huss.

A letter of the Lord John de Clum, concerning the safe-conduct of John
Huss.

  "To all and singular that shall see and hear these presents, I,
John de Clum, do it to understand how Master John Huss, bachelor of
divinity, under the safe-conduct and protection of the renowned prince
and lord, Sigismund of Romans, semper Augustus, and king of Hungary,
&c., my gracious lord, and under the protection, defence, and
safeguard of the holy empire of Rome, having the letters patent of the
said my lord, king of Romans, &c., came unto Constance, to render full
account of his faith, in public audience, to all that would require
the same. This, the said Master John Huss, in this imperial city of
Constance, under the safe-conduct of the said my lord, king of Romans,
hath been and yet is detained. And although the pope, with the
cardinals, have been seriously required by solemn ambassadors of the
said my lord, king of Romans, &c., in the king's name and behalf, that
the said Master John Huss should be set at liberty, and be restored
unto me; yet, notwithstanding, they have, and yet do refuse hitherto
to set him at liberty, to the great contempt and derogation of the
safe-conduct of the king, and of the safeguard and protection of the
empire, or imperial majesty. Wherefore I, John, aforesaid, in the name
of the king, do here publish and make it known, that the apprehending
and detaining of the said Master John Huss was done wholly against the
will of the forenamed king of Romans, my lord, seeing it is done in
the contempt of the safe-conduct of his subjects, and of the
protection of the empire, because that the said my lord was then
absent far from Constance, and if he had been there present, would
never have permitted the same. And when he shall come, it is to be
doubted of no man, but that he, for this great injury and contempt of
this safe-conduct done to him and to the empire, will grievously be
molested for the same.

  "Given at Constance, in the day of the nativity of the Lord,
1414."

  In this instrument above prefixed, note, gentle reader, three
things.

  First, the goodness of this gentle lord, John de Clum, being so
fervent and zealous in the cause of John Huss, or rather in the cause
of Christ.

  Secondly, the safe-conduct granted unto the said John Huss, under
the faith and protection of the emperor, and of the empire.

  Thirdly, here is to be seen the contempt and rebellion of these
proud prelates, in disobeying the authority of their high magistrate,
who, contrary to his safe-conduct given, and the mind of the emperor,
did arrest and imprison this good man, before the coming of the said
emperor, and before that John Huss was heard. Let us now, as we have
promised, adjoin some of the epistles of this godly man.

  "Grace and peace from our Lord Jesus Christ, that you, being
delivered from sin, may walk in his grace, and may grow in all modesty
and virtue, and after this may enjoy eternal life.

  "Dearly beloved, I beseech you, which walk after the law of God,
that you cast not away the care of the salvation of your souls, when
you, hearing the word of God, are premonished wisely to understand
that you be not deceived by false apostles, which do not reprehend the
sins of men, but rather do extenuate and diminish them; which flatter
the priests, and do not show to the people their offences; which
magnify themselves, boast their own works, and marvellously extol
their own worthiness, but follow not Christ in his humility, in
poverty, in the cross, and other manifold afflictions. Of whom our
merciful Saviour did premonish us before, saying, False Christs and
false prophets shall rise, and shall deceive many. And when he had
forewarned his well-beloved disciples, he said unto them, Beware and
take heed of false prophets, which come to you in sheep's clothing,
but inwardly are ravening wolves: ye shall know them by their fruits.
And truth it is, that the faithful of Christ have much need diligently
to beware and take heed unto themselves. For as our Saviour himself
doth say, the elect also, if it were possible, shall be brought into
error. Wherefore, my well-beloved, be circumspect and watchful, that
ye be not circumvented with the crafty trains of the devil. And the 
more circumspect ye ought to be, for that antichrist laboureth the
more to trouble you. The last judgment is near at hand; death shall
swallow up many; but to the elect children of God, the kingdom of God
draweth near, because for them he gave his own body. Fear not death;
love together one another; persevere in understanding the good-will of
God without ceasing. Let the terrible and hor.rible day of judgment be
always before your eyes, that you sin not; and also the joy of eternal
life, whereunto you must endeavour. Furthermore, let the passion of
our Saviour be never out of your minds; that you may bear with him,
and for him gladly, whatsoever shall be laid upon you. For if you
shall consider well in your mind his cross and afflictions, nothing
shall be grievous unto you, and patiently you shall give place to
tribulations, cursings, rebukes, stripes, and prisonment, and shall
not doubt to give your lives moreover for his holy truth, if need
require. Know ye, well-beloved, that antichrist, being stirred up
against you, deviseth divers persecutions. And many he hath not hurt,
no not the least hair of their heads, as by mine own example I can
testify, although he hath been vehemently incensed against me.
Wherefore, I desire you all, with your prayers to make intercession
for me to the Lord, to give me intelligence, sufferance, patience, and
constancy, that I never swerve from his Divine verity. He hath brought
me now to Constance. In all my journey, openly and manifestly, I have
not feared to utter my name as becometh the servant of God. In no
place I kept myself secret, nor used any dissimulation. But never did
I find in any place more pestilent and manifest enemies than at
Constance. Which enemies neither should I have had there, had it not
been for certain of our own Bohemians, hypocrites and deceivers, who
for benefits received, and stirred up with covetousness, with boasting
and bragging have persuaded the people that I went about to seduce
them out of the right way; but I am in good hope, that through the
mercy of our God, and by your prayers, I shall persist strongly in the
immutable verity of God, unto the last breath. Finally, I would not
have you ignorant, that whereas every one here is put in his office, I
only as an outcast am neglected, &c. I commend you to the merciful
Lord Jesus Christ, our true God, and the Son of the immaculate Virgin
Mary, which hath redeemed us by his most bitter death, without all our
merits, from eternal pains, from the thraldom of the devil, and from
sin.

  "From Constance, the year of our Lord 1415."

Another letter of John Huss, to his benefactors.

  "My gracious benefactors and defenders of the truth, I exhort you
by the bowels of Jesus Christ, that now ye, setting aside the vanities
of this present world, will give your service to the eternal King,
Christ the Lord. Trust not in princes, nor in the sons of men, in whom
there is no health. For the sons of men are dissemblers and deceitful.
To-day they are, to-morrow they perish, but God remaineth for ever.
Who hath his servants, not for any need he hath of them, but for their
own profit; unto whom he performeth that which he promiseth, and
fulfilleth that which he purposeth to give. He casteth off no faithful
servant from him, for he saith, Where I am, there also shall my
servant be. And the Lord maketh every servant of his to be the lord of
all his possession, giving himself unto him, and, with himself, all
things; that without all tediousness, fear, and without all defect, he
may possess all things, rejoicing with all saints in joy infinite. O
happy is that servant, whom, when the Lord shall come, he shall find
watching! Happy is the servant, which shall receive that King of glory
with joy! Wherefore, well-beloved lords and benefactors, serve you
that King in fear; which shall bring you, as I trust, now to Bohemia
at this present by his grace in health, and hereafter, to eternal life
of glory. Fare you well, for I think that this is the last letter that
I shall write to you; who to-morrow, as I suppose, shall be purged in
hope of Jesus Christ, through bitter death for my sins. The things
that happened to me this night I am not able to write. Sigismund hath
done all things with me deceitfully, God forgive him, and only for
your sakes. You also heard the sentence which he awarded against me. I
pray you have no suspicion of faithful Vitus."

Another letter to the Lord John de Clum.

  "Most gracious benefactor in Christ Jesus, dearly beloved, yet I
rejoice not a little, that, by the grace of God, I may write unto your
honour. By your letter, which I received yesterday, I understand,
first, how the iniquity of the great strumpet, that is, of the
malignant congregation, (whereof mention is made in the Apocalypse,)
is detected, and shall be more detected. With the which strumpet the
kings of the earth do commit fornication, fornicating spiritually from
Christ, and, as is there said, sliding back from the truth, and
consenting to the lies of antichrist, through his seduction, and
through fear, or through hope of confederacy, for getting of worldly
honour. Secondly, I perceived by your letter how the enemies of the
truth begin now to be troubled. Thirdly, I perceived the settled
constancy of your charity, wherewith you profess the truth bodily.
Fourthly, with joy I perceived that you mind now to give over the
vanity and painful service of this present world, and to serve the
Lord Jesus Christ quietly at home. Whom to serve is to reign, as
Gregory saith. Whom he that serveth faithfully, hath Jesus Christ
himself in the kingdom of heaven to minister unto him, as he himself
saith, Blessed is that servant, whom, when the Lord shall come, he
shall find waking, and so doing. Verily I say unto you, that he rising
shall gird himself, and shall minister to him. This do not the kings
of the world to their servants; whom only they do love so long as they
are profitable and necessary for their commodities," &c.

Another epistle of John Huss, wherein he declareth why God suffereth
not his to perish, bringing divers examples, wherewith he doth comfort
and confirm both himself and other.

  "The Lord God be with you. Many causes there were, well-beloved
in God, my dear friends, which moved me to think that those letters
were the last, which before I sent unto you, looking that same time
for instant death. But now, understanding the same to be deferred, I
take it for great comfort unto me, that I have some leisure more to
talk with you by letters? and therefore I write again to you, to
declare and testify at least my gratitude and mindful duty toward you.
And as touching death, God doth know why he doth defer it both to me,
and to my well-beloved brother Master Jerome, who I trust will die
holily and without blame; and do know also that he doth and suffereth
now more valiantly than I myself, a wretched sinner., God hath given
us a long time, that we might call to memory our sins the better, and
repent for the same more fervently. He hath granted us time, that our
long and great temptation should put away our grievous sins, and bring
the more consolation. He hath given us time, wherein we should
remember the horrible rebukes of our merciful King and Lord Jesus, and
should ponder his cruel death, and so more patiently might learn to
bear our afflictions. And, moreover, that we might keep in
remembrance, how that the joys of the life to come are not given after
the joys of this world immediately, but through many tribulations the
saints have entered into the kingdom of heaven. For some of them have
been cut and chopped all to pieces, some their eyes bored through,
some sod, some roasted, some flayed alive, some buried quick, stoned,
crucified, ground betwixt millstones, drawn and haled hither and
thither unto execution, drowned in waters, strangled and hanged, torn
in pieces, vexed with rebukes before their death, pined in prisons,
and afflicted in bonds. And who is able to recite all the torments and
sufferings of the holy saints, which they suffered under the Old and
New Testament for the verity of God; namely, those which at any time
rebuked the malice of the priests, or have preached against their
wickedness? And it will be a marvel, if any man now also shall escape
unpunished, whosoever dare boldly resist the wickedness and
perversity, especially of those priests, which can abide no
correction. And I am glad that they are compelled now to read my
books, in the which their malice is somewhat described; and I know
they have read the same more exactly and willingly, than the holy
gospel, seeking therein to find out errors. Given at Constance upon
Thursday, the 28th day of June, A. D. 1415."

Another letter of John Huss, wherein he rehearseth what injuries he
received of the council, and of the deputies.

  "If my letter be not yet sent to Bohemia, keep it and send it
not, for hurt may come thereof, &c.

  "Item, If the king do ask, who ought to be my judge, since that
the council neither did call me, nor did cite me, neither was I ever
accused before the council, and yet the council hath imprisoned me,
and hath appointed their proctor against me.

  "Item, I desire you, right noble and gracious Lord John, if
audience shall be given me, that the king will be there present
himself, and that I may have a place appointed near unto him, that he
may hear me well, and understand what I say; and that you also, with
Lord Henry, and with Lord Wencelate and other more, if you may, will
be present, and hear what the Lord Jesus Christ, my procurator and
advocate, and most gracious judge, will put in my mouth to speak; that
whether I live or die, you may be true and upright witnesses with me,
lest lying lips shall say hereafter that I swerved away from the truth
which I have preached.

  "Item, Know you that before witnesses and notaries in prison, I
desired the commissioners that they would depute unto me a proctor and
an advocate, who promised so to do, and afterward would not perform
it. Wherefore I have committed myself to the Lord Jesus Chrst, that he
will be my procurator and advocate, and judge of my cause.

  "Item, Know you, that they have, as I suppose, no other quarrel
against me, but only this, that I stood against the pope's bull, which
Pope John sent down to Bohemia, to sanctify war with the sign of the
cross and full remission of sins, to all them which would take the
holy cross, to fight for the patrimony of the Romish Church against
Ladislaus king of Naples, and they have mine own writing which was
read against me, and I do acknowledge it to be mine. Secondly, they
have also against me, that I have continued so long in
excommunication, and yet did take upon me to minister in the church
and say mass. Thirdly, they have against me, because I did appeal from
the pope to Christ; for they read my appeal before me, the which, with
a willing mind, smiling, I confessed before them all to be mine.
Fourthly, because I left a certain letter behind me, which was read in
the church of Bethlehem, the which letter my adversaries have very
evil-favouredly translated, and sinisterly expounded, in the which I
did write that I went out with a safe-conduct. Whereunto you
yourselves can say and bear me record, that I in my going out had no
safe-conduct of the pope, neither yet did I know whether you should go
out with me when I wrote that letter.

  "Item, If audience may be given to me, and that after the same
audience the king would suffer me not to be returned again into
prison, but that I may have your counsels and others my friends; and
if it may please God that I may say something to my sovereign lord the
king, for the behalf of Christianity, and for his own profit," &c.

Another letter of John Huss, wherein he confirmeth the Bohemians, and
describeth the wickedness of that council.

  "John Huss, in hope the servant of God, to all the faithful in
Bohemia which love the Lord, greeting, through the grace of God. It
cometh in my mind, wherein I must needs admonish you that be the
faithful and beloved of the Lord, how that the council of Constance,
being full of pride, avarice, and all abomination, hath condemned my
books written in the Bohemian tongue for heretical, which books they
never saw, nor ever heard them read. And if they had heard them, yet
could they not unstand the same, being some Italians, some Frenchmen,
some Britons, some Spaniards, Germans, with other people of other
nations more; unless, peradventure, John, bishop of Litomysl,
understood them, which was present in that council, and certain other
Bohemians and priests which are against me, and labour all they may
how to deprave both the verity of God, and the honesty of our country
of Bohemia; which I judge, in the hope of God, to be a godly land,
right well given to the true knowledge of the faith, for that it doth
so greatly desire the word of God, and honest manners. And if you were
here at Constance, ye should see the grievous abomination of this
council, which they call so holy, and such as cannot err. Of the which
council I have heard it by the Switzers reported, that the city of
Constance is not able in thirty years to be purged of those
abominations in that council committed. And all be offended almost
with that council, being sore grieved to behold such execrable things
perpetrated in the same.

  "When I stood first to answer before mine adversaries, seeing all
things there done with no order, and hearing them also outrageously
crying out, I said plainly unto them, that I looked for more honest
behaviour, and better order and discipline in that council. Then the
chief cardinal answered, 'Sayest thou so? But in the Tower thou
spakest more modestly.' To whom said I, 'In the Tower no man cried out
against me, whereas now all do rage against me.' My faithful and
beloved in Christ, be not afraid with their sentence in condemning my
books. They shall be scattered hither and thither abroad, like light
butterflies, and their statutes shall endure as spiders' webs. They
went about to shake my constancy from the verity of Christ; but they
could not overcome the virtue of God in me. They would not reason with
the Scriptures against me, as divers honourable lords can witness with
me, which being ready to suffer contumely for the truth of God, took
my part stoutly; namely, Lord Wencelate de Duba, and Lord John de
Clum; for they were let in by King Sigismund into the council. And
when I said, that I was desirous to be instructed, if I did in any
thing err; then they heard the chief cardinal answer again, Because
thou wouldst be informed, there is no remedy but that thou must first
revoke thy doctrine, according to the determination of fifty bachelors
of divinity appointed.' O high instruction!

  "After like manner St. Katherine also should have denied and
revoked the verity of God and faith in Christ, because the fifty
masters likewise did withstand her; which, notwithstanding, that good
virgin would never do, standing in her faith unto death: but she did
win those her masters unto Christ, when I cannot win these my masters
by any means. These things I thought good to write unto you, that you
might know how they have overcome me, with no grounded Scripture, nor
with any reason; but only did essay with terrors and deceits to
persuade me to revoke and to abjure. But our merciful God, whose law I
have magnified, was and is with me, and I trust, so will continue, and
will keep me in his grace unto death. Written at Constance after the
feast of John Baptist, in prison and in bonds, daily looking for
death; although, for the secret judgments of God, I dare not say
whether this be my last epistle; for now also Almighty God is able to
deliver me."

Another letter of John Huss, wherein he comforteth his friends, and
willeth them not to be troubled for the condemning of his books; and
also declareth the wickedness of the clergy.

  "Master John Huss, in hope the servant of God, to all the
faithful which love him and his statutes, wisheth the truth and grace
of God.

  "Beloved, I thought it needful to warn that you should not fear
or be discouraged because the adversaries have decreed that my books
shall be burnt. Remember how the Israelites burned the preachings of
the prophet Jeremiah, and yet they could not avoid the things that
were prophesied of in them. For after they were burnt, the Lord
commanded to write the same prophecy again, and that larger; which was
also done. For Jeremiah sitting in prison spake, and Baruch which was
ready at his hand wrote. This is written either in the thirty-fifth or
forty-fifth chapter of the vision of Jeremiah. It is also written in
the books of the Maccabees, that the wicked did burn the law of God,
and killed them that had the same. Again, under the New Testament,
they burned the saints, with the books of the law of God. The
cardinals condemned and committed to fire certain of St. Gregory's
books, and had burnt them all if they had not been preserved of God by
the means of Peter, Gregory's minister. Having these things before
your eyes, take heed lest through fear you omit to read my books, and
deliver them to the adversaries to be burnt. Remember the sayings of
our merciful Saviour, by which he forewarneth us, Matthew xxiv., There
shall be (saith he) before the day of judgment great tribulation, such
as was not from the beginning until this day, neither shall be
afterwards: so that even the elect of God should be deceived, if it
were possible. But for their sakes those days shall be shortened. When
you remember these things (beloved) be not afraid, for I trust in God
that that school of antichrist shall be afraid of you, and suffer you
to be inquiet, neither shall the council of Constance extend to
Bohemia. For I think, that many of them which are of the council shall
die before they shall get from you my books. And they shall depart
from the council and be scattered abroad, throughout the parts of the
word, like storks, and then they shall know when winter cometh what
they did in summer. Consider that they have judged their head, the
pope, worthy of death, for many horrible facts that he hath done. Go
to now; answer to this, you preachers, which preach that the pope is
the god of the earth; that he may, as the lawyers say, make sale of
the holy things; that he is the head of the whole church in verity
well governing the same; that he is the heart of the church in
quickening the same spiritually; that be is the well-spring from which
floweth all virtue and goodness; that he is the sun of the holy
church; that he is the safe refuge to which every Christian man ought
to fly for succour. Behold, now that head is cut off with the sword,
now the god of the earth is bound, now his sins are declared openly,
now that well-spring is dried up, that sun darkened, that heart is
plucked out and thrown away, lest that any man should seek succour
thereat. The council hath condemned that head, and that for this
offence, because he took money for indulgences, bishoprics, and other
such like. But they condemned him by order of judgment which were
themselves the buyers and sellers of the same merchandise. There was
present John, bishop of Lytomysl, who went twice about to buy the
bishopric of Prague, but others prevented him. O wicked men, why did
they not first cast out the beam out of their own eyes? These men have
accursed and condemned the seller, but they themselves, which were the
buyers and consenters to the bargain, are without danger. What shall I
say, that they do use this manner of buying and selling at home in
their own countries? For at Constance there is one bishop that bought,
and another which sold, and the pope, for allowing of both their
facts, took bribes on both sides. It came so to pass in Bohemia also,
as you know. I would that in that council God had said, He that
amongst you is without sin, let him give the sentence against Pope
John; then surely they had gone all out of the council house, one
after another. Why did they bow the knee to him always, before this
his fall, kiss his feet, and call him the most holy father. seeing
they saw apparently before that he was a heretic, that he was a man-
killer, that he was a wicked snner, all which things now they have
found in him? Why did the cardinals choose him to be pope. knowing
before that he had killed the holy father? Why suffered they him to
meddle with holy things, in bearing the office of the popedom? for to
this end they are his counsellors, that they should admonish him of
that which is right. Are not they themselves as guilty of these faults
as he, seeing that they accounted these things vices in him, and were
partakers of some of them themselves? Why durst no man lay aught to
his charge before he had fled from Constance, but as soon as the
secular power, by the sufferance of God, laid hold upon him, then, and
never before, they conspired all together that he should not live any
longer? Surely, even at this day, is the malice, the abomination, and
filthiness of antichrist revealed in the pope and others of this
council.

  "Now the faithful servants of God may understand what our Saviour
Christ meant by this saying, When you shall see the abomination of
desolation, which is spoken of by Daniel, &c.; whoso can understand
it, &c. Surely these he great abominations, pride, covetousness,
simony, sitting in a solitary place, that is to say, in a dignity void
of goodness, of humility, and other virtues; as we do now clearly see
in those that are constituted in any office and dignity. Oh how
acceptable a thing should it be, if time would suffer me, to disclose
their wicked acts, which are now apparent, that the faithful servants
of God might know them! I trust in God that he will send after me
those that shall be more valiant, and there are alive at this day,
that shall make more manifest the malice of antichrist, and shall give
their lives to the death for the truth of our Lord Jesus Christ, who
shall give both to you and me the joys of life everlasting. This
epistle was written upon St. John Baptist's day, in prison, and in
cold irons, I having this meditation with myself, that John was
beheaded in his prison and bonds, for the word of God."

Another letter of John Huss.

  "John Huss, in hope the servant of God, to all the faithful at
Bohemia, which love the Lord, wisheth to stand and die in the grace of
God, and at last to attain unto eternal life.

  "Ye that bear rule over other and be rich, and ye also that be
poor, well-beloved and faithful in God, I beseech you, and admonish
you all, that ye will be obedient unto God, make much of his word,
and, gladly hearing the same, will humbly perform that which ye hear.
I beseech you, stick fast to the verity of God's word, which I have
written and preached unto you out of his law, and the sermons of his
saints. Also I desire you, if any man, either in public sermon or in
private talk, heard of me any thing, or have read any thing written by
me, which is against the verity of God, that he do not follow the
same. Albeit I do not find my conscience guilty that I ever have
spoken or written any such thing amongst you.

  I desire you, moreover, if any man at any time have noted any
levity either in my talk or in my conditions, that he do not follow
the same, but pray to God for me, to pardon me that sin of lightness.
I pray you that ye will love your priests and ministers, which be of
honest behaviour, to prefer and honour them before others; namely,
such priests as travail in the word of God. I pray you, take heed to
yourselves, and beware of malicious and deceitful men, and especially
of these wicked priests of whom our Saviour doth speak, that they are
under sheep's clothing, and inwardly are ravening wolves. I pray such
as be rulers and superiors, to behave themselves gently towards their
poor inferiors, and to rule them justly. I beseech the citizens, that
they will walk every man in his degree and vocation with an upright
conscience. The artificers also I beseech, that they will exercise
their occupations diligently, and use them with the fear of God. I
beseech the servants, that they will serve their masters faithfully.
And likewise the schoolmasters I beseech, that they, living honestly,
will bring up their scholars virtuously, and teach them faithfully,
first to learn to fear God; then for the glory of God and the public
utility of the commonwealth, and their own health, and not for avarice
or for worldly honour, to employ their minds to honest arts. I beseech
the students of the university and all schools, in all honest things
to obey their masters, and to follow them, and that with all diligence
they will study to be profitable both to the setting forth of the
glory of God, and to the soul's health, as well of themselves, as of
other men. Together I beseech and pray you all, that you will yield
most hearty thanks to the right honourable lords, the Lord Wencelate
de Duba, Lord John de Clum, Lord Henry Lumlovio, Lord Vilem Zagecio,
Lord Nicholas, and other lords of Bohemia, of Moravia, and Poland;
that their diligence towards me may be grateful to all good men;
because that they, like valiant champions of God's truth, have
oftentimes set themselves against the whole council for my
deliverance, contending and standing against the same to the uttermost
of their power;; but especially Lord Wencelate de Duba, and Lord John
de Clum.
Whatsoever they shall report unto you, give credit unto them, for they
were in the council when I there answered many. They know who they
were of Bohemia, and how many false and slanderous things they brought
in against me, and that council cried out against me, and how I also
answered to all things whereof I was demanded. I beseech you also,
that you will pray for the king of Romans, and for your king, and for
his wife your queen, that God of his mercy would abide with them and
with you, both now and henceforth in everlasting life. Amen.

  "This epistle I have written to you out of prison and in bonds,
looking the next day after the writing hereof for the sentence of the
council upon my death; having a full trust that He will not leave me,
neither suffer me to deny his truth and to revoke the errors, which
false witnesses maliciously have devised against me. How mercifully
the Lord God hath dealt with me, and was with me in marvellous
temptations, ye shall know when hereafter by the help of Christ we
shall all meet together in the joy of the world to come. As concerning
Master Jerome, my dearly beloved brother and fellow, I hear no other
but that he is remaining in strait bonds, looking for death as I do;
and that for the faith which he valiantly maintained amongst the
Bohemians, our cruel enemies of Bohemia have given us into the power
and hands of other enemies, and into bonds. I beseech you, pray to God
for them.

  "Moreover, I beseech you, namely you of Prague, that ye will love
the temple of Bethlehem, and provide so long as God shall permit, that
the word of God may be preached in the same. For, because of that
place the devil is angry, and against the same place he hath stirred
up priests and canons, perceiving that in that place his kingdom
should be disturbed and diminished. I trust in God that he will keep
that holy church so long as it shall please him, and in the same shall
give greater increase of his word by other, than he hath done by me a
weak vessel. I beseech you also, that ye will love one another, and,
withholding no man from the hearing of God's word, ye will provide and
take care that good men be not oppressed by any force and violence.
Written at Constance, the year of Lord 1415."

Another right godly letter of John Huss to a certain priest,
admonishing him of his office, and exhorting him to be faithful;
worthy to be read of all ministers.

  "The peace of our Lord Jesus Christ, &c. My dear brother, be
diligent in preaching the gospel, and do the work of a good
evangelist; neglect not your vocation; labour like a blessed soldier
of Christ. First, live godly and holily. Secondly, teach faithfully
and truly. Thirdly, be an example to others in well doing, that you be
not reprehended in your sayings; correct vice and set forth virtue. To
evil livers threaten eternal punishment; but to those that be faithful
and godly, set forth the comforts of eternal joy. Preach continually,
but be short and fruitful, prudently understanding and discreetly
dispensing the Holy Scriptures. Never affirm or maintain those things
that be uncertain and doubtful, lest that your adversaries take hold
upon you, which rejoice in depraving their brethren, whereby they may
bring the ministers of God into contempt. Exhort men to the confession
of their faith, and to the communion of both kinds, both of the body
and blood of Christ, whereby such as do repent earnestly of their
sins, may the more often come to the holy communion. And I warn you
that you enter into no taverns with guests, and be not a common
company-keeper. For the more a preacher keepeth him from the company
of men, the more he is regarded. Albeit, deny not yet your help and
diligence, wheresoever you may profit others. Against fleshly lust
preach continually all that ever you can; for that is the raging
beast, which devoureth men, for whom the flesh of Christ did suffer.
Wherefore, my heartily beloved, I beseech you to fly fornication; for
where a man would most profit and do good, there this vice useth most
to lurk. In any case fly the company of young women, and believe not
their devotion; for St. Austin saith, the more devout she is, the more
proclive to wantonness; and under the pretence of religion the snare
and venom of fornication lurketh. And this know, my well-beloved, that
the conversation with them subverteth many,whom the conversation of
this world could never blemish nor beguile. Admit no women into your
house, for what cause soever it be, and have not much talk with them
otherwise, for avoiding of offence. Finally, howsoever you do, fear
God and keep his precepts; so shall you walk wisely, and shall not
perish; so shall you subdue the flesh, contemn the world, and overcome
the devil; so shall you put on God, find life, and confirm others, and
shall crown yourself with the crown of glory, the which the just Judge
shall give you. Amen."

This letter of John Huss containeth a confession of the infirmity of
man's flesh, how weak it is, and repugnant against the spirit; wherein
he also exhorteth to persevere constantly in the truth.

  "Health be to you from Jesus Christ, &c. My dear friend, know
that Paletz came to me to persuade me that I should not fear the shame
of abjuration, but consider the good which thereof will come. To whom
I said, that the shame of condemnation and burning is greater than to
abjure; and why should I fear then that shame? But I pray you tell me
plainly your mind; presuppose that such articles were laid to you,
which you knew yourself not to be true, what would you do in that
case? would you abjure? Who answered, The case is sore, and began to
weep. Many other things he spake which I did reprehend. Michael de
Causis was sometimes before in the prison with the deputies; and when
I was with the deputies, thus I heard him speak unto the keepers, We,
by the grace of God, will burn this heretic shortly, for whose cause I
have spent many florins. But yet understand that I write not this to
the intent to revenge me of him, for that I have committed to God, and
pray to God for him with all my heart.

  "Yet I exhort you again, to be circumspect about our letters; for
Michael hath taken such order, that none shall be suffered to come
into the prison; no, nor yet the keepers' wives are permitted to come
to me. O holy God, how largely doth antichrist extend his power and
cruelty! But I trust that his power shall be shortened, and his
iniquity shall be detected more and more amongst the faithful people.

  "Almighty God shall confirm the hearts of his faithful, whom he
hath chosen before the constitution of the world, that they may
receive the eternal crown of glory. And let antichrist rage so much as
he will, yet he shall not prevail against Christ, which shall destroy
him with the spirit of his mouth, as the apostle saith; and then shall
the creature be delivered out of servitude of corruption, into the
liberty of the glory of the sons of God, as saith the apostle in the
words following: We also within ourselves do groan, waiting for the
adoption of the sons of God, the redemption of our body.

  "I am greatly comforted in those words of our Saviour, Happy be
you when men shall hate you, and shall separate you, and shall rebuke
you, and shall cast out your name as execrable, for the Son of man.
Rejoice and be glad, for behold, great is your reward in heaven, Luke
vi. O worthy, yea, O most worthy consolation, which not to understand,
but to practise in time of tribulation, is a hard lesson!

  "This rule St. James, with the other apostles, did well
understand, which saith, Count it exceeding joy, my brethren, when ye
shall fall into divers temptations, knowing that the probation of your
faith worketh patience: let patience have her perfect work. For
certainly it is a great matter for a man to rejoice in trouble, and to
take it for joy to be in divers temptations. A light matter it is to
speak it and to expound it, but a great matter to fulfil it. For why?
our most patient and valiant champion himself, knowing that he should
arise again the third day, overcoming his enemies by his death, and
redeeming from damnation his elect, after his last supper was troubled
in spirit, and said, My soul is heavy unto death. Of whom also the
gospel saith, that he began to fear, to be sad and heavy; who being
then in an agony, was confirmed of the angel, and his sweat was like
the drops of blood falling upon the ground. And yet he
notwithstanding, being so troubled, said to his disciples, Let not
your hearts be troubled, neither fear the cruelty of them that
persecute you, for you shall have me with you always, that you may
overcome the tyranny of your persecutors. Whereupon those his
soldiers, looking upon the Prince and King of glory, sustained great
conflicts. They passed through fire and water, and were saved, and
received the crown of the Lord God, of the which St. James, in his
canonical Epistle, saith, Blessed is the man that suffereth
temptation, for when he shall be proved, he shall receive the crown of
life, which God hath promised to them that love him. Of this crown I
trust stedfastly the Lord will make me partaker also with you, which
be the fervent sealers of the truth, and with all them which
stedfastly and constantly do love the Lord Jesus Christ, which
suffered for us, leaving to us example that we should follow his
steps. It behoved him to suffer, as he saith, and us also it behoved
to suffer, that the members may suffer together with the Head. For he
saith, If any man will come after me, let him deny himself, and take
up his cross, and follow me.

  "O most merciful Christ, draw us weak creatures after thee, for
except thou shouldst draw us, we are not able to follow thee. Give us
a strong spirit, that it may be ready, and although the flesh be
feeble, yet let thy grace go before us, go with us, and follow us; for
without thee we can do nothing, and much less enter into the cruel
death, for thy sake. Give us that prompt and ready spirit, a bold
heart, an upright faith, a firm hope, and perfect charity, that we may
give our lives patiently and joyfully for thy name's sake. Amen.
Written in prison and in bonds, in the Vigil of holy St. John the
Baptist, who, being in prison and in bonds for the rebuking of
wickedness, was beheaded."

  Among divers other letters of John Huss, which he wrote to the
great consolation of others, I thought also here to intermix another
certain godlyletter, written out of England, by a faithful scholar of
Wickliff, as appeareth, unto John Huss and the Bohemians, which, for
the zealous affection therein contained, seemeth not unworthy to be
read.

A letter of a scholar of Wickliff to John Huss,and to the Bohemians,
dated from London.

  "Greeting, and whatsoever can be devised more sweet, in the
bowels of Christ Jesus. My dearly beloved in the Lord, whom I love in
the truth, and not I only, but also all they that have the knowledge
of the truth, which abideth in you, and shall be with you through the
grace of God for evermore. I rejoiced above measure, when our beloved
brethren came, and gave testimony unto us of your truth, and how you
walked in the truth. I have heard, brethren, how sharply antichrist
persecuteth you, in vexing the faithful servants of Christ with divers
and strange kinds of afflictions. And surely no marvel if amongst you
(since it is so almost all the world over) the law of Christ be too
grievously impugned, and that red dragon, having so many heads, (of
whom it is spoken in the Apocalypse,) have now vomited out of his
mouth that great flood, by which he goeth about to swallow up the
woman; but the most gracious God will deliver for ever his only and
most faithful spouse. Let us therefore comfort ourselves in the Lord
our God, and in his unmeasurable goodness, hoping strongly in him,
which will not suffer those that love him to be unmercifully defrauded
of any their purpose, if we, according to our duty, shall love him
with all our heart; for adversity should by no means prevail over us,
if there were no iniquity reigning in us. Let, therefore, no
tribulation or sorrow for Christ's cause discourage us, knowing this
for a surety, that whomsoever the Lord vouchsafeth to receive to be
his children, those he scourgeth; for so the merciful Father will have
them tried in this miserable life by persecutions, that afterwards he
may spare them. For the gold that this high Artificer hath chosen, he
purgeth and trieth in this fire, that he may afterwards lay it up in
his pure treasury. For we see that the time we shall abide here is
short and transitory; the life which we hope for after this, is
blessed and everlasting. Therefore, whilst we have time, let us take
pain that we may enter into that rest. What other thing do we see in
this brittle life, than sorrow, heaviness, and sadness, and, that
which is most grievous of all to the faithful, too much abusing and
contempt of the law of the Lord? Let us therefore endeavour ourselves,
as much as we may, to lay hold of the things that are eternal and
abiding, despising in our minds all transitory and frail things. Let
us consider the holy fellowship of our fathers that have gone before
us. Let us consider the saints of the Old and New Testaments. Did they
not pass through this sea of tribulation and persecution? were not
some of them cut in pieces, other some stoned, and other of them
killed with the sword? some others of them went about in pelts and
goats' skins, as the apostle to the Hebrews witnesseth. Surely they
all walked straightways, following the steps of Christ, which said, He
that ministereth unto me, let him follow me wheresoever I go, &c.
Therefore let us also, which have so noble examples given us of the
saints that went before us, laying away, as much as in us lieth, the
heavy burden and the yoke of sin which compasseth us about, run
forward through patience to the battle that is set before us, fixing
our eyes upon the author of faith, and Jesus the finisher of the same;
who, seeing the joy that was set before him, suffered the pains of the
cross, despising death. Let us call upon him, which suffered such
reproach against himself of sinners, that we be not wearied, fainting
in our hearts, but that we may heartily pray for help of the Lord, and
may fight against his adversary antichrist; that we may love his law,
and not be deceitful labourers, but that we may deal faithfully in all
things, according to that which God hath vouchsafed to give us, and
that we may labour diligently in the Lord's cause, under hope of an
everlasting reward. Behold, therefore, brother Huss, most dearly
beloved in Christ, although in face unknown to me, yet not in faith
and love, for distance of places cannot separate those whom the love
of Christ doth effectually knit together, be comforted in the grace
which is given unto thee, labour like a good soldier of Christ Jesus,
preach, be instant in word and in example, and call as many as thou
canst to the way of truth; for the truth of the gospel is not to be
kept in silence, because of the frivolous censures and thunderbolts of
antichrist. And therefore, to the uttermost of thy power, strengthen
thou and confirm the members of Christ, which are weakened by the
devil; and, if the Lord will vouchsafe it, antichrist shall shortly
come to an end. And there is one thing wherein I do greatly rejoice,
that in your realm, and in other places, God hath stirred up the
hearts of some men that they can gladly suffer, for the word of God,
imprisonment, banishment, and death.

  "Further, beloved, I know not what to write unto you, but I
confess that I could wish to pour out my whole heart, if thereby I
might comfort you in the law of the Lord. Also I salute, from the
bottom of my heart, all the faithful lovers of the law of the Lord,
and especially Jacobellus, your coadjutor in the gospel, requiring
that he will pray untothe Lord for me in the universal church of Jesus
Christ. And the God of peace, which hath raised from the dead the
Shepherd of the sheep, the mighty Lord Jesus Christ, make you apt in
all goodness, to do his will, working in you that which may be
pleasant in his sight. All your friends salute you which have heard of
your constancy; I would desire also to see your letters written back
to us, for know ye that they shall greatly comfort us.

  "At London, by your servant, desiring to be fellow with you in
your labours, Ricus Wichewitze, priest unworthy."

The consolation of Master Jerome to Master Huss.

  "My master, in those things which you have both written hitherto,
and also preached, after the law of God, against the pride, avarice,
and other inordinate vices of the priests, go forward, be constant and
strong. And if I shall know that you are oppressed in the cause, and
if need shall so require, of mine own accord I will follow after to
help you, as much as I can."

  By the life, acts, and letters of John Huss, hitherto rehearsed,
it is evident and plain that he was condemned not for any error of
doctrine, which they could well prove in him, who neither denied their
popish transubstantiation, neither spake against the authority of the
Church of Rome if it were well governed, nor yet the seven sacraments,
and also said mass himself, and almost in all their popish opinions
was a papist with them; but only of evil will was accused of his
malicious adversaries, because he spake against the pomp, pride, and
avarice, and other wicked enormities of the pope, cardinals, and
prelates of the church, and because he could not abide the high
dignities and livings of the church, and thought the doings of the
pope to be antichrist-like. For this cause he procured so many enemies
and false witnesses against him; who, straining and picking matter out
of his books and writings, having no one just article of doctrine to
lay unto him, yet they made him a heretic, whether he would or no, and
brought him to his condemnation. This can hatred and malice do, where
the charity of Christ hath no place. Which being so, as thy charity,
good reader, may easily understand, in perusing the whole course of
his story; I beseech thee then, what cause had John Cochleus to write
his twelve books against John Huss and Hussites? In which books how
bitterly and intemperately he misuseth his pen, by these few words in
his sccond book thou mayst take a little taste; which words I thought
here briefly to place in English, to the end that all Englishmen may
judge thereby, with what spirit and truth these catholics be carried.
His words be these: "I say, therefore, John Huss is neither to be
counted holy nor blessed, but rather wicked and eternally wretched;
insomuch that in the day of judgment, it shall be more easy, not only
with the infidel pagans, Turks, Tartarians, and Jews, but also with
the most sinful Sodomites, and the abominable Persians, which most
filthily do lie with their daughters, sisters, or mothers; yea, and
also with most impious Cain, killer of his own brother, with Thiestes,
killer of his own mother, and the Lestrygones and other anthropophagi,
which devour man's flesh; yea, more easy with those infamous murderers
of infants, Pharaoh and Herod, than with him," &c. These be the words
of Cochleus, whose railing books, although they deserve neither to be
read nor answered, yet, if it please God, it were to be wished that
the Lord would stir up some towardly young man, that hath so much
leisure, to defend the simplicity of this John Huss, which cannot now
answer for himself. In the mean time, something to satisfy or stay the
reader's mind against this immoderate hyperbole of Cochleus, in like
few words I will bring out John Huss to speak and to clear himself
against this slander; whose words in his book I beseech the reader to
note: "For in writing these things, I confess nothing else to have
moved me hereunto, but only the love of our Lord Jesus crucified,
whose prints and stripes, according to the measure of my weakness and
vileness, I covet to bear in myself, beseeching him so to give me
grace that I never seek to glory in myself or in any thing else, but
only in his cross, and in the inestimable ignominy of his passion,
which he suffered for me. And therefore, I write and speak these
things, which, I do not doubt, will like all such as unfeignedly do
love the Lord Christ crucified; and contrary, will mislike not a
little all such as be of antichrist. Also again, I confess before the
most merciful Lord Jesus Christ crucified, that these things which I
do now write, and those that I have written before, neither I could
have written, nor knew how, nor durst so have written, unless he by
his inward unction had so commanded me. Neither yet do I write these
things as of authority, to get me fame and name. For as St. Augustine
and Jerome do say, that is only to be given to the Scriptures and
writings of the apostles, evangelists, and prophets, and to the
canonical Scriptures, which do abound in the fulness of the Spirit of
Jesus. And whatsoever is there said, is full of verity and wholesome
utility," &c. And here place also would require something to say to
Æneas Sylvius, to Antoninus, and to Laziardus, which falsely impute
articles to him which he never maintained. But because time suffereth
not, I will proceed to the story of Master Jerome of Prague.



107. JEROME OF PRAGUE
Illustration: Portrait of Jerome of Prague

  These things hitherto being discoursed, touching the life, acts,
and constant martyrdom of Master John Huss, with part also of his
letters adjoined to the same, whose death was on the sixth of July, A.
D. 1416, now remaineth consequently to describe the like tragedy and
cruel handling of his Christian companion and fellow in bonds, Master
Jerome of Prague; who grievously sorrowing the slanderous reproach and
defamation of his country of Bohemia, and also hearing tell of the
manifest injuries done unto that man of worthy memory Master John
Huss, freely and of his own accord came unto Constance the fourth day
of April, A. D. 1415. Who there perceiving that John Huss was denied
to be heard, and that watch and wait was laid for him on every side,
he departed to Iberling, a city of the empire, until the next day, the
which city was a mile off from Constance; and from thence he wrote his
letters by me unto Sigismund, king of Hungary, and his barons, and
also unto the council, most earnestly requiring that the king and the
council would give him a safe-conduct freely to come and go, and that
he would then come in open audience to answer unto every man, if there
were any of the council that would lay any crime unto him, as by the
tenor of his intimation shall more at large appear.

  When the said king of Hungary was required thereunto, as is
aforesaid, being in the house of the lord cardinal of Cambray, he
denied to give Master Jerome any safe-conduct, excusing himself for
the evil speed he had with the safe-conduct of John Huss before, and
alleging also certain other causes. The deputies also of the four
nations of the council, being moved thereunto by the lords of the
kingdom of Bohemia, answered, "We," say they, "will give him a safe-
conduct to come, but not to depart." Whose answers, when they were
reported unto Master Jerome, he, the next day after, wrote certain
intimations according to the tenor hereunder written, which he sent
unto Constance to be set upon the gates of the city, and upon the
gates of the churches and monasteries, and of the houses of the
cardinals, and other nobles and prelates. The tenor whereof here
followeth word for word in this manner:

  "Unto the most noble prince and lord, the Lord Sigismund, by the
grace of God king of the Romans, always Augustus, and of Hungary, &c.
I, Jerome of Prague, master of arts of the general universities of
Paris, Cullen, Heidelberg, and Prague, by these my present letters do
notify unto the king, together with the whole reverend council, and,
as much as in me lieth, do all men to understand and know, that
because of the crafty slanderers, backbiters, and accusers, I am
ready, freely, and of my will, to come unto Constance, there to
declare openly before the council, the purity and sincerity of my true
faith and mine innocency, and not secretly in corners before any
private or particular person. Wherefore if there be any of my
slanderers, of what nation or estate soever they be, which will object
against me any crime of error, or heresy, let them come forth openly
before me, in the presence of the whole council, and in their own
names object against me, and I will be ready, as I have written, to
answer openly and publicly before the whole council, of mine
innocency, and to declare the purity and sincerity of my true faith;
and if so be that I shall be found culpable in error or heresy, then I
will not refuse openly to suffer such punishment as shall be meet and
worthy for an erroneous person, or a heretic.

  "Wherefore, I most humbly beseech my lord the king, and the whole
sacred council, that I may have, to this end and purpose aforesaid,
safe and sure access. And if it happen that I, offering such equity
and right as I do, before any fault be proved against me, be arrested,
imprisoned, or have any violence done unto me; that then it may be
manifest unto the whole world, that this general council doth not
proceed according to equity and justice, if they would by any means
put me back from this profound and strait justice, being come hither
freely of mine own mind and accord. The which thing I suppose to be
far from so sacred and holy council of wise men."

  When as yet he through such intimations copied out in the
Bohemian, Latin, and German tongue, being set up as is aforesaid,
could not get any safe-conduct, then the nobles, lords, and knights
especially of the Bohemian nation, present in Constance, gave unto
Master Jerome their letters patent, confirmed with their seals for a
testimony and witness of the premises. With the which letters the said
Master Jerome returned again unto Bohemia; but by the treason and
conspiracy of his enemies he was taken in Hirsaw by the officer of
Duke John, and in Zultzbach was brought back again to the presence of
the duke. In the mean time, such as were the setters forward of the
council against Master John Huss, and Master Jerome, that is to say,
Michael de Causis, and Master Paletz, and other their accomplices,
required that the said Master Jerome should be cited by reason of his
intimations; and certain days after, the citation hereunder written
was set upon the gates and porches of the city and churches, which
followeth here in this manner:

  "This most sacred and holy synod and general council of
Constance, faithfully congregated and gathered together in the Holy
Ghost, representing the universal militant church, unto Jerome of
Prague, which writeth himself to be a master of arts of so many
universities, and pretendeth those things which are only pertaining
unto sobriety and modesty, and that he knoweth no more than he ought,
&c. Know thou that there is a certain writing come unto our
understanding and knowledge, the which was set up as it were by thine
own person upon the gates of the churches and city of Constance, upon
the Sunday, when there was sung in the church of God, Quasi modo
geniti; wherein thou dost affirm, that thou wilt openly answer unto
thy accusers and slanderers which shall object any crime, error, or
heresy against thee, whereof thou art marvellously infamed and accused
before us, and specially touching the doctrine of Wickliff, and other
doctrines contrary unto the catholic faith, so that thou mightest have
granted unto thee a safe-conduct to come. But forasmuch as it is our
part principally and chiefly to foresee and look unto these crafty
foxes which go about to destroy the vineyard of the Lord of hosts,
therefore we do cite and call forth, by the tenor of these presents,
thy person, manifoldly defamed and suspected for the temerarious
affirming and teaching of manifold errors; so that within the term of
fifteen days to be accounted from the date of these presents, whereof
five days are appointed for the first term, five for the second, and
other five for the third, we do ordain and appoint by canonical
admonition and warning, that thou do appear in the public session of
the sacred council, if there be any holden the same day, or else the
first day immediately following, when any session shall be, according
to the tenor of thy said writing, to answer to those things, which any
person or persons shall object or lay against thee in any cause of thy
faith, and to receive and have as justice shall require. Whereupon, so
much as in us lieth, and as catholic faith shall require, we offer and
assign to thee, by the tenor hereof, our safe-conduct from all
violence, (justice always being saved,) certifying thee, that whether
thou dost appear or not, the said term or time appointed
notwithstanding, process shall go forward against thee by the sacred
council, or by their commissary or commissaries, for the time
aforesaid not observed and kept, thy contumacy or stubbornness in any
thing notwithstanding. Given in the sixth session of the general
council, the seventeenth day of April, under the seal of the
presidents of the four nations."

  After that Sigismund, king of Hungary, with the rest of the
council, understood by the aforesaid Duke John, that Master Jerome was
taken, they were earnestly in hand, requiring that Master Jerome
should be brought before them unto the council. The which Duke John,
after he had received letters of the king and the council, brought
Master Jerome bound unto Constance, whom his brother, Duke Ludovicus,
led through the city to the cloister of the Friars Minors in
Constance, where the chief priests and elders of the people, scribes
and Pharisees, were gathered together, attending and waiting for his
coming. He, the said Master Jerome, carried a great handbolt of iron
with a long chain in his hand, and as he passed, the chain made a
great rattling and noise; and for the more confusion and despite
towards him, they led him by the same chain after Duke Ludovicus
aforesaid, holding and stretching out the same a great way from him,
with the which chain they also kept him bound in the cloister. When he
was brought into the cloister, they read before him the letter of Duke
John, which was sent with the said Master Jerome unto the council,
containing in effect, how that the said Duke John had sent Master
Jerome unto the council, who by chance was fallen into his hands,
because he heard an evil report of him, that he was suspected of the
heresies of Wickliff; that the council might take order for him, whose
part it was to correct and punish such as did err and stray from the
truth; besides many other flattering tales which were written in the
said letter for the praise of the council. After this, they read the
citation which was given out by the council against Master Jerome,
whereof we have spoken before. Then certain of the bishops said unto
him, "Jerome, why didst thou fly, and run away, and didst not appear
when thou wast cited? "He answered, "Because I could not have any
safe-conduct, neither from you, neither from the king, as it appeareth
by these letters patent of the barons, which you have, neither by mine
open intimations could I obtain any safe-conduct.

  "Wherefore I, perceiving many of my grievous and heavy friends to
be here present in the council, would not myself be the occasion of my
perils and dangers; but if I had known or had any understanding of
this citation, without all doubt, albeit I had been in Bohemia, I
would have returned again." Then all the whole rabble rising up,
alleged divers and sundry accusations and testimonies against him with
a great noise and tumult. When the rest held their peace, then spake
Master Gerson, the chancellor of Paris; "Jerome, when thou wast at
Paris thou thoughtest thyself by means of thy eloquence to be an
angel, and didst trouble the whole university, alleging openly in the
schools many erroneous conclusions with their corolaria, and
especially in the question de universalibus et de Idæis, with many
other very offensive questions." Unto whom Master Jerome said, "I
answer to you, Master Gerson; those matters which I did put forth
there in schools at Paris, in the which also I answered to the
arguments of the masters, I did put them forth philosophically, and as
a philosopher, and master of the university; and if I have put forth
any questions which I ought not to have put forth, teach me that they
be erroneous, and I will most humbly be informed, and amend the same."

  While he was yet speaking, another (as I suppose, the master of
the university of Cullen upon the river Rhine) rising up said, "When
thou wast also at Cullen, in thy position which thou didst there
determine, thou didst propound many erroneous matters." Then said
Master Jerome unto him, "Show me first one error which I propounded."
Wherewithal he being in a manner astonished, said, "I do not remember
them now at the first, but hereafter they shall be objected against
you."

  And by and by the third man rising up, said, "When that you were
also at Heidelberg, you propounded many erroneous matters as touching
the Trinity, and there painted out a certain shield or scutcheon,
comparing the Trinity of persons in Divinity unto water, snow, and
ice, and such-like." Unto whom Master Jerome answered, "Those things
that I wrote or painted there, the same will I also speak, write, and
paint here; and teach me that they be erroneous, and I will most
humbly revoke and recant the same."

  Then certain cried out, "Let him be burned, let him be burned."
Unto whom he answered, "If my death do delight or please you, in the
name of God let it be so."

  Then said the archbishop of Salisbury, "Not so, Master Jerome,
forasmuch as it is written, I will not the death of a sinner, but
rather that he convert and live." When these and many other tumults
and cries were passed, whereby they did then most disorderly and
outrageously witness against him, they delivered the said Master
Jerome, being bound, unto the officers of the city of Constance, to be
carried to prison for that night; and so every one of them returned to
their lodgings.

  In the mean time, one of the friends of Master John Huss, looking
out at a window of the cloister, said unto him, "Master Jerome." Then
said he,
  "You are welcome, my dear brother." Then said Peter unto him, "Be
constant and fear not to suffer death for the truth's sake, of the
which, when you were in times past at liberty, you did preach so much
goodness." Unto whom Jerome answered, "Truly, brother, I do not fear
death; and forasmuch as we know that we have spoken much thereof in
times past, let us now see what may be known or done in effect." By
and by his keepers coming to the window, threatening him with strokes,
did put away the said Peter from the window of the cloister.

  Then came there one Vitus unto Master Jerome, and said, "Master,
how do you?" Unto whom he answered, "Truly, brother, I do very well."
Then his keepers coming about him laid hold of the said Vitus, saying,
"This is also one of the number," and kept him. When it drew towards
evening, the archbishop of Reigen sent certain of his servants which
led away Master Jerome, being strongly bound with chains, both by the
hands and by the neck, and kept him so for certain hours. When night
drew on, they carried him unto a certain tower of the city in St.
Paul's churchyard, where they, tying him fast unto a great block, and
his feet in the stocks, his hands also being made fast upon them, they
left him; whereas the block was so high, that he could by no means sit
thereupon, but that his head must hang downward. They carried also the
said Vitus unto the archbishop of Reigen, who demanded of him, why he
durst be so bold to talk with such a man, being a reprobate of all
men, and a heretic; and when he could find no cause of imprisonment in
him, and that he said he was Master John de Clum's friend, taking an
oath and promise of him that he should not go about to endamage the
council by reason of that imprisonment and captivity, so dismissed him
and sent him away. Master Jerome, unknown unto us whither he was
carried, lay in the said tower two days and two nights, relieved only
with bread and water. Then one of his keepers coming unto Master
Peter, declared unto him how that Master Jerome lay hard by in bonds
and chains, and how he was fed. Then Master Peter desired that he
might have leave given him to give him meat, because he would procure
the same unto him. The keeper of the prison, granting his request,
carried meat unto him. Within eleven days after, so hanging by the
heels, he used so small repast, that he fell sore sick, even unto the
death.  When he living then in that captivity and prison desired to
have a confessor, they of the council denied that he should have any,
until such time as, by great importunity, he obtained to have one; his
friends being then there present in the same prison and tower, wherein
he then lay by the space of one year, lacking but seven days.
Illustration: Jerome of Prague in the Stocks

  After they had put John Huss to death, then about the feast of
the Nativity of Mary the Virgin, they brought forth Master Jerome,
whom they had kept so long in chains, unto the church of St. Paul; and
threatening him with death, being instant upon him, they forced him to
abjure and recant, and consent unto the death of Master John Huss,
that he was justly and truly condemned and put to death by them. He,
what for fear of death, and hoping thereby to escape out of their
hands, according to their will and pleasure, and according to the
tenor which was exhibited unto him, did make abjuration, and that in
the cathedral church and open session, the draught whereof penned to
him by the papists, here ensueth.

The abjuration of Master Jerome of Prague.

  "I Jerome of Prague, master of arts, acknowledging the catholic
church, and the apostolic faith, do accurse and renounce all heresies,
and specially that whereof I have hitherto been infamed, and that
which in times past John Huss and John Wickliff have holden and taught
in their works, treatises, and sermons, made unto the people and
clergy; for the which cause the said Wickliff and Huss, together with
the said doctrines and errors, are condemned by this synod of
Constance as heretics, and all the said doctrine sententially
condemned, and especially in certain articles expressed in the
sentences and judgments given against them by this sacred council.

  "Also I do accord and agree unto the holy Church of Rome, the
apostolic seat in this sacred council, and with my mouth and heart do
profess in all things, and touching all things, and specially as
touching the keys, sacraments, orders, and offices, and ecclesiastical
censures, of pardons, relics of saints, ecclesiastical liberty, also
ceremonies, and all other things pertaining unto Christian religion,
as the Church of Rome, the apostolic see, and this sacred council, do
profess; and specially that many of the said articles are notoriously
heretical, and lately reproved by the holy fathers; some of them
blasphemous, other some erroneous; some offensive unto godly ears, and
many of them temerarious and seditious: and such also were counted the
articles lately condemned by the sacred council, and it was inhibited
and forbidden to all and singular catholic men hereafter to preach,
teach, or presume to hold or maintain any of the said articles, under
pain of being accursed.

  "And I, the said Jerome, forasmuch as I have laboured by
scholastical arts to persuade the opinion, that one substance of the
common kind should signify many things subject under the same, and
every one of them, as St. Ambrose, Jerome, Augustine, do affirm, and
likewise others. For the teaching hereof by a plain example, I
described as it were a certain triangle, form, or figure, the which I
called the shield of faith.

  "Therefore utterly to exclude and take away the erroneous and
wicked understanding thereof, the which peradventure some men may
gather thereby, I do say, affirm, and declare that I never made the
said figure, neither named it the shield of faith, to that intent or
purpose, that I would extol or prefer the opinion of universalities
above or before the contrary opinion, in such sort, as though that
were the shield of faith, and that without the affirmation thereof the
catholic faith could not be defended or maintained, whenas I myself
would not obstinately stick thereto; but this I said, because I had
put example in the description of the triangle or form, that one
Divine essence consisted in three subjects, or persons, in themselves
distinct, that is to say, the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost. The
article of the which Trinity, is the chief shield of faith, and
foundation of the catholic truth.

  "Furthermore, that it may be evident unto all men what the causes
were for the which I was reputed and thought to stick to, and favour
sometime John Huss; I signify unto all men, by these presents, that
when I heard him oftentimes, both in his sermons, and also in the
schools, I believed that he was a very good man, neither that he did
in any point gainsay the traditions of our holy mother the church, or
holy doctors; insomuch as when I was lately in this city, and the
articles which I affirmed were showed unto me, which were also
condemned by the sacred council, at the first sight of them I did not
believe that they were his, at the least not in that form; but when I 
had further understood by certain famous doctors and masters of
divinity that they were his articles, I required for my further
information and satisfaction to have the books of his own hand-writing
showed unto me, wherein it was said those articles were contained. The
which books, when they were showed unto me, written with his own hand,
which I did know as well as mine own,.I found all and every one those
articles therein written in like form as they are condemned. Wherefore
I do worthily judge and think him and his doctrine, with his
adherents, to be condemned and reproved by the sacred council, as
heretical and without reason. All which the premises, with a pure mind
and conscience, I do here pronounce and speak, being now fully and
sufficiently informed of the aforesaid sentences and judgments given
by the sacred council against the doctrines of the said John Wickliff
and John Huss, and against their own persons; unto the which judgment,
as a devout catholic in all things, I do most humbly consent and
agree.

  "Also I, the aforesaid Jerome, which before the reverend fathers
the lords cardinals, and reverend lords, prelates, and doctors, and
other worshipful persons of this sacred council in this same place,
did heretofore freely and willingly declare and expound mine intent
and purpose, amongst other things, speaking of the church, did divide
the same into three parts; and, as I did perceive afterward, it was
understood by some that I would affirm, that in the triumphant church
there was faith. Whereas I do firmly believe that there is the blessed
sight and beholding of God, excluding all dark understanding and
knowledge. And now also I do say, affirm, and declare, that it was
never my intent and purpose, to prove that there should be faith,
speaking of faith as faith is commonly defined, but knowledge far
exceeding faith. And generally whatsoever I said, either there, or at
any time before, I do refer, and most humbly submit myself unto the
determination of this sacred council of Constance.

  "Moreover, I do swear both by the holy Trinity, and also by the
most holy gospel, that I will for evermore remain and persevere
without all doubt, in the truth of the catholic church. And all such
as by their doctrine and teaching shall impugn this faith, I judge
them worthy, together with their doctrines, of eternal curse. And if I
myself at any time (which God forbid I should) do presume to preach or
teach contrary thereto, I will submit myself unto the severity of the
canons, and be bound unto eternal pain and punishment. Whereupon I do
deliver up this my confession, and tenor of my profession, willingly
before this sacred general council, and have subscribed and written
all these things with mine own hand."

  After all this they caused him to be carried again unto the same
prison, but not so straitly chained and bound as he was before;
notwithstanding, kept every day with soldiers and armed men. And when,
afterward, his enemies which were appointed against him, as Michael de
Causis, and wicked Paletz, with other their companions in these
affairs, understood and knew by the words and talk of Master Jerome,
and by other certain tokens, that he made the same abjuration and
recantation, not of a sincere and pure mind, but only to the intent
thereby to escape their hands; they, together with certain friars of
Prague, of the order of Carmelites, then coming in, put up new
accusations against the said Master Jerome, and drew the same into
articles, being very instant and earnest that he should answer
thereunto. And forasmuch as his judges, and certain cardinals, as the
cardinal of Cambray, the cardinal de Ursinis, the cardinal of
Aquilegia, and of Florence, considering the malice of the enemies of
Master Jerome, did see the great injury that was done unto him, they
laboured before the whole council for his delivery.

  It happened upon a certain day, as they were labouring in the
council for the delivery of the said Master Jerome, that the Germans
and Bohemians his enemies with all force and power resisted against
it, crying out that he should in no case be dismissed. Then started up
one, called Doctor Naso, which said unto the cardinals, "We marvel
much of you, most reverend fathers, that your reverences will make
intercession for such a wicked heretic, for whose sake we in Bohemia
with the whole clergy have suffered much trouble and mischief, and,
peradventure, your fatherhoods shall suffer; and I greatly fear, lest
that you have received some rewards, either of the king of Bohemia, or
of these heretics." When the cardinals were thus rebuked, they
discharged themselves of Master Jerome's cause and matter.

  Then his enemies aforesaid obtained to have other judges
appointed, as the patriarch of Constantinople, and a German doctor,
forasmuch as they did know that the patriarch was a grievous enemy
unto Master Jerome, because he, being before appointed judge by the
council, had condemned John Huss unto death.

  But Master Jerome would not answer them in prison, requiring to
have open audience, because he would there finally declare unto them
his mind, neither would he by any means consent unto those private 
judges. Whereupon the presidents of the council, thinking that the
said Master Jerome would renew his recantation before the said
audience, and confirm the same, did grant him open audience.

  In the year of our Lord 1416, the twenty-fifth day of May, which
was the Saturday before the Ascension of our Lord, the said Master
Jerome was brought unto an open audience before the whole council, to
the great cathedral church of Constance, where, by the commissioners
of the council, in the behalf of his aforesaid enemies, there were
laid against him of new, a hundred and seven articles, to the intent
that he should not escape the snare of death, which they provided and
laid for him; insomuch as the judges had before declared, that, by the
saying of the witnesses, it was already concluded in the same
audience. The day aforesaid, from morning until noon, he answered unto
more than forty articles, most subtilly objected against him; denying
that he held or maintained any such articles as were either hurtful or
false, and affirming that those witnesses had deposed them against him
falsely and slanderously, as his most cruel and mortal enemies. In the
same session they had not yet proceeded unto death, because that the
noon-time drew so fast on, that he could not answer unto the articles.
Wherefore, for lack of time sufficient to answer unto the residue of
the articles, there was another time appointed, which was the third
day after the aforesaid Saturday before the Ascension of our Lord, at
which time again, early in the morning, he was brought unto the said
cathedral church, to answer unto all the residue of the articles.

  In all which articles, as well those which he had answered unto
the Saturday before, as in the residue, he cleared himself very
learnedly, refelling his adversaries (who had no cause, but only of
malice and displeasure were set against him, and did him great wrong)
in such sort, that they were themselves astonished at his oration and
refutation of their testimonies brought against him, and with shame
enough were put to silence: as when one of them had demanded of him,
what he thought of the sacrament of the altar, he answered, "Before
consecration," said he, "it is bread and wine; after the consecration,
it is the true body and blood of Christ;" adding withal more words
according to their catholic faith. Then another rising up, "Jerome,"
said he, "there goeth a great rumour of thee, that thou shouldest hold
bread to remain upon the altar." To whom he pleasantly answered,
saying, that he believed bread to be at the baker's. At which words
being spoken, one of the Dominic friars fumishly took on, and said,
"What! doest thou deny that which no man doubteth of?" Whose peevish
sauciness Jerome, with these words, did well repress, "Hold thy
peace," said he, "thou monk, thou hypocrite;" and thus the monk, being
nipped in the head, sat down dumb. After whom started up another, who
with a loud voice cried out, "I swear," said he, "by my conscience,
that to be true, that thou dost deny." To whom said Jerome again,
"Thus to swear by your conscience is the next way to deceive." Another
there was, a spiteful and a bitter enemy of his, whom he called by no
other name than dog, or ass. After he had thus refuted them one after
another, that they could find no crime against them, neither in this
matter nor in any other, they were all driven to keep silence.

  This done, then were the witnesses called for, who, coming in
presence, gave testimony unto the articles before produced; by reason
whereof the innocent cause of Jerome was oppressed, and began in the
council to be concluded. Then Jerome, rising up, began to speak,
"Forasmuch," saith he, "as you have heard mine adversaries so
diligently hitherto, convenient it is that you should also now hear me
to speak for myself." Whereupon, with much difficulty, at last
audience was given in the council for him to say his mind; which being
granted, he, from morning to noon continuing, treated of divers and
sundry matters, with great learning and eloquence: who, first
beginning with his prayer to God, besought him to give him spirit,
ability, and utterance, which might most tend to the profit and
salvation of his own soul. And so entering into his oration:

  "I know," saith he, "reverend lords, that there have been many
excellent men, which have suffered much otherwise than they have
deserved, being oppressed with false witnesses, and condemned with
wrong judgments." And so beginning with Socrates, he declared how he
was unjustly condemned of his countrymen, neither would he escape when
he might; taking from us the fear of two things, which seem most
bitter to men, to wit, of imprisonment and death. Then he inferred the
captivity of Plato, the banishment of Anaxagoras, and the torments of
Zeno. Moreover, he brought in the wrongful condemnation of many
Gentiles, as the banishment of Rupilius, reciting also the unworthy
death of Boetius, and of others whom Boetius himself doth write of.

  From thence he came to the examples of the Hebrews, and first
began with Moses, the deliverer of the people, and the lawgiver, how
he was oftentimes slandered of his people, as being a seducer and
contemner of the people. Joseph also, saith he, for envy was sold of
his brethren, and for false suspicion of whoredom was cast into bonds.
Besides these, he reciteth Isaiah, Daniel, and almost all the
prophets, who, as contemners of God, and seditious persons, were
oppressed with wrongful condemnation. From thence he proceeded to the
judgment of Susanna, and of divers other besides, who being good and
holy men, yet were they unjustly cast away with wrongful sentence. At
the length he came to John Baptist, and so in long process he
descended unto our Saviour, declaring how it was evident to all men,
by what false witnesses both he and John Baptist were condemned.
Moreover, how Stephen was slain by the college of the priests, and how
all the apostles were condemned to death, not as good men, but as
seditious stirrers up of the people, and contemners of the gods, and
evil-doers. "It is unjust," saith he, "unjustly to be condemned one
priest of another," and yet he proved that the same hath so happened
most unjustly in that council of priests. These things did he
discourse at large, with marvellous eloquence, and with singular
admiration of all that heard him.

  And forasmuch as the whole sum of the cause did rest only in the
witnesses, by many reasons he proved that no credit was to be given
unto them, especially seeing they spake all things of no truth, but
only of hatred, malice, and envy. And so prosecuting the matter, so
lively and expressly he opened unto them the causes of their hatred,
that he had almost persuaded them. So lively and likely their hatred
was detected, that almost no trust was given to their testimonies,
save only for the cause and quarrel wherein they stood touching the
pope's doctrine. All men's minds here were moved and bending to mercy
towards him; for he told them how that he, of his own accord, came up
to the council, and, to purge himself, he did open unto them all his
life and doings, being full of virtue and godliness. "This was," saith
he, "the old manner of ancient and learned men and most holy elders,
that in matters of faith they did differ many times in arguments, not
to destroy the faith, but to find out the verity. So did Augustine and
Jerome dissent, not only being diverse, but also contrary one from the
other, and yet without all suspicion of heresy."

  And this while the pope's holy council did wait still, when he
would begin to excuse himself and to retract those things which were
objected against him, and to crave pardon of the council. But he
persisting still in his constant oration, did acknowledge no error,
nor gave any signification of retractation.
At last, entering into the praise and commendation of Master John
Huss, he affirmed, that he was a good, just, and holy man, and much
unworthy that death which he did suffer. Whom he did know from his
youth upward, to be neither fornicator, drunkard, neither any evil or
vicious person, but a chaste and sober man, and a just and true
preacher of the holy gospel; and whatsoever things Master John Huss
and Wickliff had holden or written specially against the abuse and
pomp of the clergy, he would affirm even unto the death, that they
were holy and, blessed men, and that in all points of the catholic
faith he doth believe as the holy catholic church doth hold or
believe. And finally he did conclude, that all such articles as John
Wickliff and John Huss had written and put forth against the
enormities, pomp, and disorder of the prelates, he would firmly and
stedfastly, without recantation, hold and defend even unto the death.
And last of all he added, that all the sins that ever he had
committed, did not so much gnaw and trouble his conscience, as did
that only sin, which he had committed in that most pestiferous fact,
when in his recantation he had unjustly spoken against that good and
holy man and his doctrine, and specially in consenting unto his wicked
condemnation, concluding that he did utterly revoke and deny that
wicked recantation which he made in that most cursed place, and that
he did it through weakness of heart and fear of death; and moreover,
that whatsoever thing he hath spoken against that blessed man, he hath
altogether lied upon him, and that he doth repent him with his whole
heart that ever he did it.

  And at the hearing hereof the hearts of the hearers were not a
little sorry; for they wished and desired greatly that such a singular
man should be saved, if otherwise their blind superstition would have
suffered it. But he continued still in his prefixed sentence, seeming
to desire rather death than life. And persisting in the praise of John
Huss, he added, moreover, that he never maintained any doctrine
against the state of the church, but only spake against the abuses of
the clergy, against the pride, pomp, and excess of the prelates.
Forasmuch as the patrimonies of the churches were first given for the
poor, then for hospitality, and thirdly, to the reparations of the
churches; it was a grief to that good man, said he, to see the same
mispent and cast away upon harlots, great feastings, and keeping of
horses and dogs, upon gorgeous apparel, and such other things,
unseeming Christian religion. And herein he showed himself marvellous
eloquent; yea, never more.

  And when his oration was interrupted many times by divers of
them, carping at his sentences as he was in speaking, yet was there
none of all those that interrupted him which escaped unblanched, but
he brought them all to confusion, and put them to silence. When any
noise began, he ceased to speak, and after began again, proceeding in
his oration, and desiring them to give him leave awhile to speak, whom
they hereafter should hear no more; neither yet was his mind ever
dashed at all these noises and tumults.

  And this was marvellous in him to behold, notwithstanding he
continued in strait prison three hundred and forty days, having
neither book, nor almost light to read by, yet how admirably his
memory served him; declaring how all those pains of his strait
handling did not so much grieve him, as he did wonder rather to see
their unkind humanity towards him.
When he had spoken these and many things as touching the praise of
John Wickliff and John Huss, they which sat in the council whispered
together, saying, "By these his words it appeareth that he is at a
point with himself." Then was he again carried into prison, and
grievously fettered by the hands, arms, and feet, with great chains
and fetters of iron.

  The Saturday next before the Ascension day, early in the morning,
he was brought with a great number of armed men unto the cathedral
church before the open congregation, to have his judgment given him.
There they exhorted him, that those things which he had before spoken
in the open audience, as is aforesaid, touching the praise and
commendation of Master John Wickliff and Master John Huss, confirming
and establishing their doctrine, he would yet recant the same; but he
marvellous stoutly, without all fear, spake against them, and amongst
other things said unto them, "I take God to my witness, and I protest
here before you all, that I do believe and hold the articles of the
faith, as the holy catholic church doth hold and believe the same; but
for this cause shall I now be condemned, for that I will not consent
with you unto the condemnation of those most holy and blessed men
aforesaid, whom you have most wickedly condemned for certain articles,
detesting and abhorring your wicked and abominable life." Then he
confessed there before them all his belief, and uttered many things
very profoundly and eloquently, insomuch that all men there present
could not sufficiently commend and praise his great eloquence and
excellent learning, and by no means could they induce or persuade him
to recant.

  Then a certain bishop, named the bishop of Londe, made a certain
sermon exhortative against Master Jerome, persuading to his
condemnation.

  After the bishop had ended the said sermon, Master Jerome said
again unto them, "You shall condemn me wickedly and unjustly; but I,
after my death, will leave a remorse in your conscience, and a nail in
your hearts. And here I cite you to answer unto me before the most
high and just Judge within a hundred years."

  No pen can sufficiently write or note those things which he most
eloquently, profoundly, and philosophically had spoken in the said
audience, neither can any tongue sufficiently declare the same;
wherefore I have but only touched here the superficial matter of his
talk, partly and not wholly noting thesame. Finally, when by no means
he might be persuaded to rccant the premises, immediately, even in his
presence, the sentence and judgment of his condemnation was given
against him, and read before him.

  "In the name of God. Amen. Christ our God, and our Saviour, being
the true vine, whose Father is the husbandman, taught his disciples,
and all other faithful men, saying, If any man dwell not in me, let
him be cast out as a bough or branch, and let him wither and dry, &c.
The doctrine and precepts of which most excellent doctor and master,
this most sacred synod of Constance executing and following in the
cause of inquisition against heretics, being moved by this said sacred
synod, through report, public fame, and open infamation, proceeding
against Jerome of Prague, master of arts, layman. By the acts and
processes of whose cause it appeareth that the said Master Jerome hath
holden, maintained, and taught divers articles heretical and
erroneous, lately reproved and condemned by the holy fathers, some
being very blasphemous, other some offending godly ears, and many
temerarious and seditious, which have been affirmed, maintained,
preached, and taught by the men of most damnable memory, John Wickliff
and John Huss, the which are also written in divers of their works and
books. Which articles of doctrine and books of the said John Huss and
Wickliff, together with their memory and the person of the said John
Huss, were, by the said sacred synod, condemned of heresy. The which
sentence of condemnation this Jerome afterward, during the time of
inquisition, acknowledged in the said sacred synod, and approved the
true catholic and apostolic faith, thereunto consenting, accursing all
heresy, especially that whereof he was infamed, and confessed himself
to be infamed, and that which in times past John Huss and John
Wickliff maintained and taught in their works, sermons, and books, for
the which the said Wickliff and Huss, together with their doctrine and
errors, were by the said sacred synod as heretical condemned. The
condemnations of all which the premises he did openly profess and
allow, and did swear that he would persevere and continue in the
verity of that faith; and if that he should presume at any time to
hold opinion or preach contrary thereunto, that he would submit
himself to the trial and truth of the canons, and be bound to
perpetual punishment. And this his profession, written with his own
hand, he delivered unto the holy council. Many days after his said
profession and abjuration, as a dog returning unto his vomit, to the
intent he might openly vomit up the most pestilent poison which had
long lurked and lain hid in his breast, he required and desired that
he might be openly heard before the council. The which being granted
unto him, he affirmed, said, and professed, before the whole synod,
being publicly gathered together, that he had wickedly consented and
agreed to the sentence and judgment of the condemnation of the said
Wickliff and Huss, and that he had most shamefully lied in approving
and allowing the said sentence, neither was he ashamed to confess that
he had lied; yea, he did also revoke and recant his confession,
approbation, and protestation, which he had made upon their
condemnation, affirming that he never at any time had read any errors
or heresy in the books and treatises of the said Wickliff and Huss.
Albeit he had before confessed it, and it is evidently proved, that he
did diligently study, read, and preach their books, wherein it is
manifest that there are contained many errors and heresies. Also the
said Master Jerome did profess as touching the sacrament of the altar,
and the transubstantiation of the bread into the body of Christ, that
he doth hold and believe as the church doth hold and believe, saying
also, that he doth give more credit unto St. Augustine, and the other
doctors of the church, than unto Wickliff and Huss. It appeareth,
moreover, by the premises, that the said Jerome is an adherent and
maintainer of the said Wickliff and Huss, and their errors, and both
is and hath been a favourer of them. Wherefore the said sacred synod
determineth the said Master Jerome, as a rotten and withered branch,
not growing upon the vine, to be cut off and cast out. The said synod
also pronounceth, declareth, and condemneth him, as a heretic, and
drowned in all kind of heresies, excommunicate and accursed, leaving
him unto the arbitrement and judgment of the secular judge, to receive
just and due punishment, according to the quality of so great an
offence; the sacred synod notwithstanding entreating that the said
judge would moderate his sentence of judgment without peril of death."

  The which sentence so given before his face, and ended, a great
and long mitre of paper was brought unto him, painted about with red
devils, the which when he beheld and saw, throwing away his hood upon
the ground amongst the prelates, he took the mitre and put it upon his
head, saying, "Our Lord Jesus Christ, when he should suffer death for
me, most wretched sinner, did wear a crown of thorns upon his head;
and I, for his sake, instead of that crown, will willingly wear this
mitre and cap." Afterward he was laid hold of by the secular power.

  After that, he was led out of the said church to the place of
execution. When he was going out of the church, with a cheerful
countenance, and a loud
voice, lifting his eyes up unto heaven, he began to sing, Credo in
unum Deum, as it is accustomed to be sung in the church. Afterward as
he passed along, he did sing some canticles of the church; the which
being ended, in the entering out of the gate of the city, as men go
unto Gothlehem, he did sing this hymn, Felix namque. And that response
being ended, after he came to the place of execution, where Master
John Huss before had suffered death innocently, kneeling down before
an image which was like unto the picture of Master John Huss, which
was there prepared to burn Master Jerome, he made a certain devout
prayer.
Illustration: Execution of Jerome of Prague

  While he was thus praying, the tormentors took him up, and
lifting him up from the ground spoiled him of all his garments, and
left him naked, and afterwards girded him about the loins with a linen
cloth, and bound him fast with cords and chains of iron, to the said
image which was made fast unto the earth; and so standing upon the
ground, when they began to lay the wood about him, he sung Salve festa
dies. And when the hymn was ended, he sung again with a loud voice,
Credo in unum Deum, unto the end. That being ended, he said unto the
people in the German tongue, in effect as followeth: "Dearly beloved
children, even as I have now sung, so do I believe and none otherwise.
And this creed is my whole faith, notwithstanding now I die for this
cause, because I would not consent and agree to the council, and with
them affirm and hold that Master John Huss was by them holily and
justly condemned, for I did know well enough that be was a true
preacher of the gospel of Jesus Christ."

  After that he was compassed in with the wood up to the crown of
the head, they cast all his garments upon the wood also, and with a
firebrand they set it on fire. The which being once fired, he began to
sing with a loud voice, In manus tuas, Domine, commendo spiritum meum.
When that was ended, and that he began vehemently to burn, he said in
the vulgar Bohemian tongue, "O Lord God, Father Almighty, have mercy
upon me, and be merciful unto mine offences, for thou knowest how
sincerely I have loved thy truth." Then his voice by the vehemency of
the fire was choked and stopped, that it was no longer heard, but he
moved continually his mouth and lips, as though he had still prayed or
spoken within himself.

  When in a manner his whole body with his beard was burned round
about, and that there appeared, through the great burning, upon his
body certain great bladders as big as an egg, yet he continually very
strongly and stoutly moved, and shaked his head and mouth, by the
space almost of one quarter of an hour. So burning in the fire, he
lived with great pain and martyrdom, whilst one might easily have gone
from St. Clement's over the bridge unto our Lady church; he was of
such a stout and strong nature. After that he was thus dead in the
fire, by and by they brought his bedding, his straw-bed, his boots,
his hood, and all other things that he had in the prison, and burned
them all to ashes in the same fire. The which ashes, after that the
fire was out, they did diligently gather together, and carry them in a
cart, and cast them into the river Rhine, which ran hard by the city.

  That man which was the true reporter hereof, and which testified
unto us the acts and doings about the condemnation of Master Jerome,
and sent the same unto us to Prague in writing, doth thus conclude:
"All these things," saith he, "I did behold, see, and hear to be done
in this form and manner. And if any man do tell you the contrary, do 
not credit him; for all those things which happened unto him, when he
.came toward Constance, and also at his first coming unto Constance of
his own free will, and afterward when he was brought bound unto
Constance, as is aforesaid, I myself did see and perfectly behold, and
for a perpetual memory thereof to be had for ever, I have directed the
same unto you, not lying or falsifying any point thereof, as He which
is the searcher of all men's hearts can bear me witness, willing
rather to sustain the note of ignorance and rudeness of style, to bear
witness unto the truth, than I would by any means be compelled by
tickling or flattering the - ears of the hearers with feigned and
cloaked speech, to swerve or go aside from the truth."

  Thus end the tragical histories of Master John Huss and Master
Jerome of Prague, faithfully gathered and collected by a certain
Bohemian, being a present witness and beholder of the same, written
and compiled first in Latin, and so sent by the said Bohemian unto his
country of Bohemia, and again translated out of the Latin, with like
fidelity, unto our English tongue.



108. THE LETTER OF THE LORDS OF BOHEMIA TO THE COUNCIL

  In the mean time, while Master Jerome was in this trouble, and
before the council, the nobles and lords of Bohemia and of Moravia
(but not a little aggrieved thereat) directed their letters unto this
barbarous council of popish murderers, in tenor and form of words as
followeth:

  "To the right reverend fathers and lords in Christ, the lords
cardinals, patriarchs, primates, archbishops, bishops, ambassadors,
doctors, and masters, and to the whole council of Constance, we, the
nobles, lords, knights, and esquires, of the famous marquisdom of
Moravia, wish the desire of all goodness, and the observation of the
commandments of our Lord Jesus Christ.

  "Forasmuch as every man, both by the law of nature, and also by
God's law, is commanded to do that unto another man which he would
have done unto himself, and is forbidden to do that thing unto another
which he would not have done unto himself; as our Saviour saith, All
things whatsoever you will that men should do unto you, the same do
you unto them, for this is the law and the prophets; yea, the law is
fulfilled in this one point, Thou shalt love thy neighbour as thyself:
We, therefore, God being our author, having respect, as much as in us
lieth, unto the said law of God, and the love of our neighbour, before
did send our letters unto Constance for our dearly beloved friend of
good memory, Master John Huss, bachelor of divinity, and preacher of
the gospel; whom of late, in the council of Constance, we know not
with what spirit being led, you have condemned as an obstinate
heretic; neither having confessed any thing, neither being lawfully
convict as were expedient; having no errors or heresies declared or
laid against him, but only at the sinister, false, and importune
accusations, suggestions, and instigations of his mortal enemies, and
the traitors of our kingdom and marquisdom of Moravia. And being thus
unmercifully condemned, you have slain him with most shameful and
cruel death, to the perpetual shame and infamy of our most Christian
kingdom of Bohemia, and the famous marquisdom of Moravia, as we have
written unto Constance, unto the most noble prince and lord, the Lord
Sigismund, king of Romans and of Hungary, the heir and successor of
our kingdom, the which was also read and published in your 
congregations, which we will here also have enrolled, and have burned
him, as it is reported, in reproach and contempt of us.

  "Wherefore we have thought good even now to direct our letters
patent to your reverences, now present, in the behalf of Master John
Huss, openly professing and protesting, both with heart and mouth,
that he, the said Master John Huss, was a just, good, and catholic
man, and a long season worthily commended and allowed in our kingdom
for his life and conversation. He also preached and taught us and our
subjects the law of the gospel, and of the holy prophets, and the
books of the Old and New Testament, according to the exposition of the
holy doctors approved by the church, and left many monuments in
writing, most constantly detesting and abhorring all errors and
heresies, continually admonishing both us and all faithful Christians
to do the like, diligently exhorting all men, as much as in him lay,
by his words, writings, and travail, unto quietness and concord: so
that, using all the diligence that we might, we never heard, or could
understand, that Master John Huss had preached, taught, or by any
means affirmed any error or heresies in his sermons, or that by any
manner of means he had offended us, or our subjects, either by word or
deed; but that he always led a quiet and a godly life in Christ,
exhorting all men diligently, both by his word and works, as much as
he might, to observe and keep the law of the gospel, and the
institutions of the holy fathers, after the preaching of our holy
mother the church, and to the edifying of men's souls. Neither did
these premises, which you had so perpetrated to the reproach both of
us and our kingdom and marquisdom, suffice and content you; but that
also without all mercy and pity you have apprehended, imprisoned, and
condemned, and even now, peradventure, like as you did Master John
Huss, you have most cruelly murdered the worshipful man, Master Jerome
of Prague, a man abounding in eloquence, master of the seven liberal
arts, and a famous philosopher, not being seen, heard, examined,
neither convicted, but only at the sinister and false accusations of
his and our accusers and betrayers.

  "Furthermore, it is come to our knowledge and understanding,
which we do not without great grief rehearse, as we may also evidently
gather by your writings, how that certain detractors, odious both to
God and men, privy enviers and betrayers, have wickedly and
grievously, albeit falsely and traitorously, accused us, our kingdom
and marquisdom aforesaid, before you in your council, that in the said
kingdom of Bohemia, and marquisdom of Moravia, divers errors are
sprung up, which have grievously and manifoldly infected both our
hearts, and also the hearts of many faithful men; insomuch that
without a speedy stop or stay of correction, the said kingdom and
marquisdom, together with the faithful Christians therein, should
incur an irreparable loss and ruin of their souls.

  "These cruel and pernicious injuries which are laid unto us, and
to our said kingdom and marquisdom, albeit most falsely and
slanderously, how may we suffer? Forasmuch as, through the grace of
God, (when in a manner all other kingdoms of the world have oftentimes
wavered, making schisms and anti-popes,) our most gracious kingdom of
Bohemia, and most noble marquisdom of Moravia, since the time they did
receive the catholic faith of our Lord Jesus Christ, as a most perfect
quadrant, have always without reproof stuck upon the Church of Rome,
and have sincerely done their true obedience. Also with how great
costs and charges, and great travail, with what worship and due
reverence they have reverenced the holy mother the church and her
pastors, by their princes and faithful subjects, it is more manifest
than the day-light unto the whole world; and yourselves, if you will
confess the truth, can witness the same also.

  "Wherefore, that we, according to the mind of the apostle, may
procure honest and good things, not only before God, but before men
also, and lest by neglecting the famous renown of the kingdom and
marquisdom, we be found cruel toward our neighbours; having a stedfast
hope, a pure and sincere conscience and intent, and a certain true
faith in Christ Jesus our Lord, by the tenor of these we signify and
declare unto your fatherhoods, and to all faithful Christians, openly
professing both with heart and mouth, that whatsoever man, of what
estate, pre-eminence, dignity, condition, degree, or religion soever
he be, which hath said or affirmed, either doth say or affirm, that in
the said kingdom of Bohemia, and marquisdom of Moravia, heresies have
sprung up which have infected us and other faithful Christians, as is
aforesaid, the only person of our most noble prince and lord,
Sigismund, king of Romans and of Hungary, &c., our lord and heir
successor, being set apart, whom we trust and believe not to be guilty
in the premises, all and every such man, as is aforesaid, doth lie
falsely upon his head, as a wicked and naughty traitor and betrayer of
the said kingdom and marquisdom, and most traitorous unto us, and most
pernicious heretic, the son of all malice and wickedness, yea, and of
the devil himself, who is a liar and the father of all lies.

  "Notwithstanding, we for this present, committing the aforesaid
injuries unto God, unto whom vengeance pertaineth, who will also
abundantly reward the workers of iniquity, will prosecute them more
amply before him whom God shall appoint in the apostolic see, to
govern his holy church, as the only and undoubted pastor. Unto whom,
God willing, we, exhibiting our due reverence and obedience as
faithful children, in those things which are lawful, honest, and
agreeable to reason and the law of God, will make our request and
petition, that speedy remedy may be provided for us, our said kingdom
and marquisdom, upon the premises, according to the law of our Lord
Jesus Christ, and the institutions of the holy fathers. The premises
notwithstanding, we setting apart all fear and men's ordinances
provided to the contrary, will maintain and defend the law of our Lord
Jesus Christ, and the devout, humble, and constant preachers thereof,
even to the shedding of our blood.

  "Dated at Sternberg, in the year of our Lord 1415, upon St.
Wenceslaus' day, martyr of our Lord Jesus Christ."

  Round about the said letters there were fifty-four seals hanging,
and their names subscribed, whose seals they were. The names of which
noblemen I thought it here good to annex withal.
1. Alssokabat de Wiscowitz.
2. Vlricus de Lhota.
3. Ioan. de Ksimicz.
4. Ioslko de Sczitoiwcz.
5. Pærdus Zwiranowicz.
6. Ioan. de Ziwla.
7. Ioan. de Reychenberg.
8. Wildo Skitzyny.
9. Diliko de Biesa.
10. Kos de Doloylatz.
11. Ioan. de Simusin.
12. Dobessimus de Tissa.
13. Drazko de Aradeck.
14. Steph. de Hmdorkat.
15. Ioan. Dern. de Gaboneex.
16. Barso dictus Hloder de Zeinicz.
17. Ioan. Hmrsdorfar.
18. Psateska de Wilklek.
19. Petrus Mog de Sczitowicy.
20. N. Studenica.
21. N. Brischell.
22. N. de Cromassona.
23. Arannisick Donant de Polonia.
24. Ioan. Donant de Polonia.
25. Ioan. de Cziczow.
26. Wenceslaus de N.
27. N. de N.
28. N. N.
29. Iosseck de N.
30. Henricus de N.
31. Waczlals de kuck. This nobleman did accompany John Huss, and with
certain horsemen conducted him to Constance.
32. Henr. de Zrenowicz.
33. Baczko de Convald.
34. Petr. dictus Nienick de Zaltoroldeck.
35. Czenko de Mossnow.
36. N.
37. Zibilutz de Clezam.
38. Ioan. de Paterswald.
39. Parsifal de Namyescz.
40. Zodoni de Zwietzick.
41. Raczeck Zawskalp.
42. Ion de Tossawicz.
43. Diwa de Spissnia.
44. Steff ko de Draczdw.
45. Issko de Draczdw.
46. Odich. de Hlud.
47. Wosfart de Paulowicz.
48. Pirebbor de Tyrezewicz.
49. Rynard de Tyrezewicz.
50. Bohunko de Wranicz.
51. Vlricus de Racdraw. 
52. Dessaw de Nali.
53. Bonesb de Frabretisdow.
54. Eybl de Roissowan.



109. JOHN CLAYDON AND OTHERS
Illustration: The Trial of John Claydon
(Ornamental capital The order of time calleth me back to matters here
of our own country, which passed in the mean time with us in England;
which things being taken by the way and finished, we will (Christ
willing) afterward return to prosecute the troubles and conflicts of
the Bohemians, with other things beside pertaining to the latter end
of the council of Constance, and choosing of Pope Martin, as the order
of years and time shall require.

  Ye heard before how after the death of Thomas Arundel, archbishop
of Canterbury, succeeded Henry Chichesley, A. D. 1414, and sat twenty-
five years. In whose time was much trouble and great affliction of
good men here in England; of whom many were compelled to abjure, some
were burned, divers were driven to exile: whereof partly now to treat
as we find them in registers and histories recorded, we will first
begin with John Claydon, currier, of London, and Richard Turming, whom
Robert Fabian doth falsely affirm to be burned in the year wherein Sir
Roger Acton and Master Brown suffered; who indeed suffered not before
the second year of Hcnry Chichesley being archbishop of Canterbury,
which was A. D. 1413. The history of which John Claydon in the
registers is thus declared:

  THE seventeenth of August, 1415, did personally appear John
Claydon, currier, of London, arrested by the mayor of the said city,
for the suspicion of heresy, before Henry, archbishop of Canterbury,in
St. Paul's church; which John (it being objected to him by the
archbishop, that in the city of London and other places of the
province of Canterbury he was suspected by divers godly and learned
men for heresy, and to be contrary to the catholic faith, and
determination of the church) did openly confess and denied not, but
that he had been for the space of twenty years suspected, both about
the city of London, and also in the province of Canterbury, and
especially of the common sort, for Lollardy and heresy, and to be
contrary to .the catholic faith and determination ofthe Church of
Rome, and defamed of the same all the time aforesaid.

  Insomuch that, in the time of Master Robert Braybrooke, bishop of
London, deceased, he was, for the space of two years, committed to the
prison of Conway for the aforesaid defamation and suspicion, and for
the same cause also he was in prison in the Fleet for three years. Out
of which prison he (in the reign of King Henry the Fourth) was brought
before the Lord John Scarle, then chancellor to the king, and there
did abjure all heresy and error. And the said John Claydon being asked
of the said archbishop whether he did abjure the heresy of which he
was suspected before any other, did confess, that in a convocation at
London, in Paul's church, before Thomas Arundel, late archbishop,
deceased, he did abjure all such doctrine which they called heresy and
error, contrary to the catholic faith and determination of the church;
and that he had not only left such articles and opinions, wherein he
was defamed, but also did abstain from all company that were suspected
of such opinions, so that he should neither give aid, help, counsel,
nor favour unto them.

  And, moreover, the said John was asked by the said archbishop,
whether he ever had in his house since his abjuration, in his keeping,
any books written in English. Whereunto he confessed that he would not
deny, but that he had in his house and in his keeping many English
books; for he was arrested by the mayor of the city of London for such
books as he had, which books (as he thought) were in the mayor's
keeping. Upon the which the mayor did openly confess, that he had such
books in his keeping, which in his judgment were the worst and the
most perverse that ever he did read or see; and one book that was well
bound in red leather, of parchment, written in a good English hand;
and among the other books found with the said John Claydon, the mayor
gave up the said book before the archbishop. Whereupon the said John
Claydon, being asked of the archbishop if he knew that book, did
openly confess that he knew it very well, because he caused it to be
written of his own costs and charges, for he spent much money
thereupon since his abjuration. Then was he asked who wrote it. He did
answer, "One called John Grime."

  And further, being required what the said John Grime was, he
answered, he could not tell. Again, being demanded whether he did ever
read the same book, he did confess that he could not read, but he had
heard the fourth part thereof read of one John Fullar. And being asked
whether he thought the contents of that book to be catholic,
profitable, good, and true? he answered, that many things which he he
had heard in the same book were both profitable, good, and healthful
to his soul; and, as he said, he had great affection to the said book,
for a sermon preached at Horsleydown, that was written in the said
book. And being further asked, whether, since the time of his said
abjuration, he did commune with one Richard Baker of the city
aforesaid, he did answer, yea, for the said Richard Baker did come
often unto his house to have communication with him; and being asked
whether he knew the said Richard to be suspected and defamed of
heresy, he did answer again, that he knew well that the said Richard
was suspected and defamed of many men and women in the city of London,
as one whom they thought to be a heretic.

  Which confession being made, he did cause the said books to be
delivered to Master Robert Gilbert, doctor of divinity, to William
Lindewood, doctor of both laws, and other clerks, to be examined; and
in the mean time, David Beard, Alexander Philip, and Balthasar Mero,
were taken for witnesses against him, and were committed to be
examined to Master John Escourt, general examiner of Canterbury. This
done, the archbishop continued his session till Monday next in the
same place. Which Monday being come, which was the twentieth of the
said month, the said Master Escourt openly and publicly exhibited the
witnesses, being openly read before the archbishop, and other bishops;
which being read, then after that were read divers tractations, found
in the house of the said John Claydon; out of the which being
examined, divers points were gathered and noted for heresies and
errors, and especially out of the book aforesaid, which book the said
John Claydon confessed by his own costs to be written and bound, which
book was entitled, The Lantern of Light. In the which, and in the
other examined, were these articles underwritten contained.

  "1. Upon the text of the gospel, how the enemy did sow the tares,
there is said thus, That wicked antichrist the pope, hath sowed among
the laws of Christ his popish and corrupt decrees, which are of no
authority, strength, nor value.

  "2. That the archbishops and bishops, speaking indifferently, are
the seats of the beast antichrist, when he sitteth in them, and
reigneth above other people in the dark caves of errors and heresies.

  "3. That the bishop's licence for a man to preach the word of
God, is the true character of the beast, i. e. antichrist, and
therefore simple and faithful priests may preach when they will
against the prohibition of that antichrist, and without licence.

  "4. That the court of Rome is the chief head of antichrist, and
the bishops be the body; and the new sects, that is, the monks,
canons, and friars, brought in not by Christ, but damnably by the
pope, be the venomous and pestiferous tail of antichrist.

  "5. That no reprobate is a member of the church, but only such as
be elected and predestinate to salvation; seeing the church is no
other thing but the congregation of faithful souls, which do and will
keep their faith constantly, as well in deed as in word.

  "6. That Christ did never plant private religions in the church,
but whilst he lived in this world he did root them out. By which it
appeareth that private religions be unprofitable branches in the
church, and to be rooted out.

  "7. That the material churches should not be decked with gold,
silver, and precious stones, sumptuously; but the followers of the
humility of Jesus Christ ought to worship their Lord God humbly, in
mean and simple houses, and not in great buildings, as the churches be
now-a-days.

  "8. That there be two chief causes of the persecution of the
Christians; one is, the priests' unlawful keeping of temporal and
superfluous goods; the other is, the insatiable begging of the friars,
with their high buildings.

  "9. That alms is not given virtuously nor lawfully, except it be
given with these four conditions: first, Unless it be given to the
honour of God; secondly, Unless it be given of goods justly gotten;
thirdly, Unless it be given to such a person as the giver thereof
knoweth to be in charity; and fourthly, Unless it be given to such as
have need, and do not dissemble.

  "10. That the often singing in the church is not founded in the
Scripture, and therefore it is not lawful for priests to occupy
themselves with singing in the church, but with the study of the law
of Christ, and preaching his word.

  "11. That Judas did receive the body of Christ in bread and his
blood in wine. In the which it doth plainly appear, that after
consecration of bread and wine made, the same bread and wine that was
before doth truly remain on the altar.

  "12. That all ecclesiastical suffrages do profit all virtuous and
godly persons indifferently.

  "13. That the pope's and the bishops' indulgences be
unprofitable, neither can they profit them to whom they be given by
any means.

  "14. That the laity is not bound to obey the prelates whatsoever
they command, unless the prelates do watch to give God a just account
of the souls of them.

  "15. That images are not be sought to by pilgrimages, neither is
it lawful for Christians to bow their knees to them, neither to kiss
them, nor to give them any manner of reverence."

  For the which articles, the archbishop, with other bishops and
divers learned communing together, first condemned the books as
heretical, and burned them in fire; and then, because they thought the
said John Claydon to be forsworn and fallen into heresy, the
archbishop did proceed to his definitive sentence against the said
John personally appearing before him in judgment, (his confessions
being read and deposed against him,) after this manner:

  "In the name of God. Amen. We Henry, by the grace of God,
archbishop of Canterbury, primate of all England, and legate of the
apostolic see, in a certain cause of heretical pravity and of relapse
into the same, whereupon John Claydon, layman, of the province of
Canterbury, was detected, accused, and denounced, and in the said our
province of Canterbury publicly defamed, (as by public fame and common
report notoriously to us hath been known,) first, sitting in judgment-
seat and observing all things lawfully required in this behalf, do
proceed to the pronouncing of the sentence definitive in form as
followeth: The name of Christ being invocated and only set before our
eyes, forasmuch as by the acts and things enacted, produced,
exhibited, and confessed before us, also by divers signs and
evidences, we have found the said John Claydon to have been, and to
be, publicly and notoriously relapsed again into his former heresy,
heretofore by him abjured; according to the merits and deserts of the
said cause, being of us diligently searched, weighed, and pondered
before, to the intent that the said John Claydon shall not infect
other with his scab, by the consent and assent of our reverend
brethren, Richard, bishop of London, John, bishop of Coventry and
Lichfield, and Stephen, bishop of St. David's, and of other doctors,
as well of divinity as of both laws, and also of other discreet and
learned men assisting us in this behalf, we do judge, pronounce, and
declare the said John Claydon to be relapsed again into his heresy,
which he before did abjure, finally and definitively appointing him to
be left unto the secular judgment, and so do leave him by these
presents."

  Thus John Claydon, receiving his judgment and condemnation of the
archbishop, was committed to the secular power, and by them unjustly
and unlawfully was committed to the fire, for that the temporal
magistrate had no such law sufficient for them to burn any such man
for religion condemned of the prelates, as is above sufficiently
proved and declared. But to be short, John Claydon, notwithstanding,
by the temporal magistrates, not long after was had to Smithfield,
where meekly he was made a burnt offering unto the Lord, A. D. 1415.

  Robert Fabian, and other chronologers which follow him, add also
that Richard Turming, baker, of whom mention is made before in the
examination of John Claydon, was likewise the same time burnt with him
in Smithfield. Albeit in the register I find no sentence of
condemnation given against the said Turming, neither yet in the story
of St. Alban's is there any such mention of his burning made, but only
of the burning of John Claydon aforesaid; wherefore the judgment
hereof I leave free to the reader. Notwithstanding, concerning the
said Turming, this is certain, that he was accused to the bishops, and
no doubt was in their hands and bonds. What afterward was done with
him, I refer it unto the authors.

  The next year, after the burning of these two aforesaid, and also
of John Huss, being burnt at Constance, which was A. D. 1416, the
prelates of England, seeing the daily increase of the gospel, and
fearing the ruin of their papal kingdom, were busily occupied with all
their counsel and diligence to maintain the same: wherefore, to make
their state and kingdom sure, by statutes, laws, constitutions, and
terror of punishment, as Thomas Arundel and other prelates had done
before, so the forenamed Henry Chichesley, archbishop of Canterbury,
in his convocation holden at London, maketh another constitution (as
though there had not enough been made before) against the poor
Lollards, the copy and tenor whereof he sendeth abroad to the bishop
of London, and to other his suffragans, by them to be put in straight
execution, containing in words as followeth:

  "Henry, by the grace of God, archbishop of Canterbury, primate of
all England, and legate of the chief seat, to our reverend brother in
the Lord, Richard, by the grace of God, bishop of London, health and
brotherly love, with continual increase. Lately, in our last
convocation in St. Paul's church in London, being kept by you and
other our brethren and clergy of our province, we do remember to have
made this order underwritten by your consents: 'Whereas among many
other our cares this ought to be chief, that by some means we may take
those heretics, which like foxes lurk and hide themselves in the
Lord's vineyard; and that the dust of negligence may be utterly shaken
from our feet, and from the feet of our fellow brethren, in this the
said convocation of the prelates and clergy, we have ordained that our
fellow brethren, our suffragans and archdeacons of our province of
Canterbury, by themselves, their officials or commissaries, in their
jurisdictions, and every of their charges in their country, twice
every year at the least, do diligently inquire of such persons as are
suspected of heresy;and that in every such their archdeaconries in
every parish, wherein is reported any heretics to inhabit, they cause
three or more of the honestest men, and best reported of, to take
their oath upon the holy evangelist, that if they shall know or
understand, any frequenting either in privy conventicles, or else
differing in life or manners from the common conversation of other
catholic men, or else that hold any either heresies or errors, or else
that have any suspected books in the English tongue, or that do
receive any such persons suspected of heresies and errors into their
houses, or that be favourers of them that are inhabitants in any such
place, or conversant with them, or else have any recourse unto them;
they make certificates of those persons in writing, with all the
circumstances wherewith they are suspected, unto the said our
suffragans or archdeacons, or to their commissaries, so soon, and with
as much speed, as possibly they can; and that the said archdeacon, and
every of their commissaries aforesaid, do declare the names of all
such persons denounced, together with all the circumstances of them,
the diocese, and places, and secretly under their seals do send over
unto us the same; and that the same diocesans effectually direct forth
lawful process against them, as the quality of the cause requireth,
and that with all diligence they discern, define, and execute the
same.

    And if perhaps they leave not such persons convicted unto the
secular court, yet, notwithstanding, let them commit them unto the
perpetual or temporal prisons, as the quality of the cause shall
require, until the next convocation of the prelates and clergy of our
province of Canterbury, there personally to remain; and that in the
same prisons they cause them to be kept according as the law
requireth; and that of all and singular the things aforesaid, that is,
what inquisition they have made, and what they have found, and how in
the process they have behaved themselves, and what persons so
convicted they have caused to be put in safe keeping, with what
diligence or negligence of the commissaries aforesaid, with all and
all manner of other circumstances premised, and thereunto in any wise
appertaining, and especially of the abjurations, if in the mean time
they shall chance to abjure any heresies; that then in the next
convocation of the prelates and clergy under the form aforesaid, they
cause the same distinctly and apertly to be certified to us and our
successors; and that they deliver effectually to the official of our
court, the same process to remain with them, or else, in the register
of our court of Canterbury; so that every one, to whom such things
appertain for the further execution of the same process, may have
recourse unto the same official with all effect.

  "We therefore command that, as touching the constitution brought
unto your city and diocesan, you cause the same in convenient place
and time to be published, and that in all points you both observe the
same yourselves, and cause it also of others to be diligently
observed: commanding, furthermore, all and singular our fellow
brethren and suffragans, that they in like wise cause the same to be
published throughout all their cities and diocese, and both diligently
observe the same themselves, and also cause all others to do the same;
and what thing soever you shall do in the premises, that you certify
us betwixt this and the feast of St. Peter ad vincula next coming,
that you duly certify us of these things, by your letters patent,
containing the same effect, sealed with your seals. Dated at our house
in London, the first day of July, A. D. 1416."

  During the time of this convocation, in the year abovesaid, two
priests were presented and brought before the bishops, noted and
defamed for heretics, one named John Barton, unto whom it was objected
by Philip, bishop of Lincoln, that he had been excommunicated about
six or seven years before, upon articles concerning religion, and yet
neither would appear being cited, nor would seek to be reconciled
again unto the church. Which things being so proved against him, he
was committed to the custody of the aforesaid Philip, bishop of
Lincoln, and so to be holden in prison, till he should hear further
what should be done.

  "The other was Robert Chapel, otherwise named Holbech, chaplain
sometimes to the Lord Cobham; unto whom likewise it was objected, that
he, being under the sentence of excommunication about three or four
years, yet, notwithstanding, to the contempt of the keys, did continue
saying mass, and preaching, and sought not to be reconciled; Chapel
denying that he did know any such excommunication given out against
him. Then was the copy of his excommunication first made by the bishop
of Rochester, afterward denounced by the bishop of London, at Paul's
cross, brought and read before him; and so that done that session
brake up for that time, which was about the latter end of May, A. D.
1416.

  The twelfth day of the month of July, next following, the said
Chapel appeared again before the archbishop and the prelates. To whom
when it is objected as before, how he had preached without the
bishop's licence in divers places, as at Cobham, at Cowling, and at
Shorne; at length he, confessing and submitting himself, desired
pardon. Which although it was not at the first granted unto him, yet,
at the last the bishop of Rochester, putting in his hands the decree
of the canon law, and causing him to read the same, made him to abjure
all his former articles and opinions, as heretical and schismatical,
never to hold the same again, according to the contents of the
aforesaid canon. Whereupon the said Robert, being absolved by the
authority of the archbishop, (save only that he should not intermeddle
with saying mass before he had been dispensed from the pope himself
for irregularity,) was enjoined by the archbishop himself for his
penance, standing at Paul's, to publish these articles following unto
the people, instead of his confession given him to be read.

  "1. I confess that bishops, priests, and other ecclesiastical
persons, having no other profession to the contrary, may lawfully
have, receive, and retain lands and possessions temporal, to dispense
and dispose the same, and the rents thereof, to the behoof of
themselves, or of their church where they dwell, according as seemeth
good to them.

  "2. Item, I confess that it were very unlawful, yea, rather
unjust, that temporal men upon any occasion, whatsoever it be, should
take away temporal lands and possessions from the church, either
universal or particular, to which they are given, the consideration of
the abuse of mortal prelates, priests, or other ministers in the
church, conversant, (which are mixed together good with bad,) abusing
the same, to the contrary notwithstanding.

  "3. Item, I confess that peregrinations to the relics of saints
and to holy places are not prohibited, nor to be contemned of any
catholic, but are available to remission of sins, and approved of holy
fathers, and worthy to be commended.

  "4. Item, I confess that to worship the images of Christ or of
any other saints, being set up in the church, or any other place, is
not forbidden, neither is any cause inductive of idolatry, being so
used as the holy fathers do will them to be worshipped; but rather
such images do profit much to the health of Christians, because they
do put us in remembrance of the merits of those saints whom they
represent, and the sight of them doth movc and stir the people to
prayers and devotion.

  "5. Item, I confess that auricular confession used in the church
is necessary for a sinner to the salvation of his soul, and necessary
to be done of such a priest, as is ordained by the church to hear the
confession of the sinner, and to enjoin him penance for the same;
without which confession (if it may he had) there is no remission of
sins to him that is in sin mortal.

  "6. Item, I confess and firmly do hold, that although the priest
be in mortal sin, yet may he make the body of Christ, and minister
other sacraments and sacramentals; which nevertheless are profitable
to all the faithful, whosoever receive them in faith and devotion of
the church.

  "7. Item, I confess that bishops in their own dioceses may
forbid, decree, or ordain, upon reasonable causes, that priests should
not preach, without their special licence, the word of God, and that
those that do against the same should suffer the ecclesiastical
censures.

  "8. Item, I confess that private religions, as well of monks,
canons, and other, as also of the Begging Friars, being allowed by the
Church of Rome, are profitable to the universal church, and in no
means contrary to God's law, but rather founded and authorized
thereon.

  "9. Item, I promise and swear upon these holy evangelists, which
I hold here in my hands, that I will henceforth never hold, affirm,
nor by any means teach any thing contrary unto the premises either
openly or privately."

  After the setting out of the constitution aforesaid in the days
of the above-named Henry Chichesley, archbishop of Canterbury, great
inquisition hereupon followed in England, and many good men, whose
hearts began to be won to the gospel, were brought to much vexation
and caused outwardly to abjure.

  Thus, while Christ had the inward hearts of men, yet the catholic
antichrist would needs possess their outward bodies, and make them
sing after his song. In the number of whom, being compelled to abjure,
besides the other aforesaid, was also John Taylor, of the parish of
St. Michael's at Querne; William James, master of arts and physician,
who had long remained in prison, and at length, after abjuration, was
licensed with his keeper to practise his physic.

  Also John Dwarf, so named for his low stature, which was sent by
the duke of Bedford to the aforesaid Chichesley, and other bishops, to
be examined before them in the convocation; there he at length,
revolting from his doctrine recanted, and did penance.

  In like manner John Jourdelay of Lincolnshire, well commended in
the registers for his learning, accused by the priests of Lincoln for
a certain book, which he, contrary to the former decree of the
bishops, did conceal and did not exhibit unto them, was therefore
enforced to abjure. After whom was brought likewise before the bishops
one Katharine Dertford, a spinster, who being accused and examined
upon these three articles, concerning the sacrament of the pope's
altar, adoration of images, and of pilgrimage, answered, that she was
not able, being unlearned, to answer to such high matters, neither had
she any further skill, but only her creed and ten commandments; and so
was she committed to the vicar-general of the bishop of Winchester,
(for that she was of the same diocese,) to be kept and further to be
examined of the same.

  At the same sitting was also brought before the said archbishop
and his fellow bishops, by the lieutenant of the Tower, the parson of
Heggely in Lincolnshire, named Master Robert, who being long kept in
the Tower, at length by the king's writ was brought and examined the
same time upon the like articles, to wit, touching the sacrament of
their altar, peregrination, adoration of images, and whether it was
lawful for spiritual men to enjoy temporal lordships, &c. To the which
articles he answered (saith the register) doubly and mockingly, save
only in the sacrament he seemed something more conformable, albeit not
yet fully to their contentation. Wherefore being committed to the
custody and examination of Richard, bishop of Lincoln, in the end he
was also induced to submit himself.

  The same likewise did W. Henry of Tenterden, being suspected and
arrested for company-keeping with them whom the bishops called
Lollards, and for having suspected books.

  Besides these, divers other there were also which in the same
convocation were convented and revoked their opinions, as J. Galle, a
priest of London, for having a book in English, entitled, A book of
the New Law. Item, Richard Monk, vicar of Chesham in Lincolnshire, who
submitted himself likewise. In this race and number followed,
moreover, Bartholomew Cornmonger, Nicholas Hoper, servant to the Lord
Cobham, Thomas Granter, with other more, mentioned in the aforesaid
register.

  Among the rest which were at this time troubled for their faith,
was one Ralph Mungin, priest, who for the same doctrine was arrested
and sent by the lord chancellor of England to the aforesaid
archbishop, and by him committed to David Price, vicar-general to the
bishop of London: where after be had endured four months in prison, he
was by the said David presented to the convocation, against whom
divers articles were objected.

  But for the better explaining of the matter, first here is to be
noted, that touching the time of this convocation provincial, Pope
Martin had sent down to the clergy of England for a subsidy to be
gathered of the church, to maintain the pope's war against the
Lollards (so the papists did term them) of Bohemia. Also another
subsidy was demanded to persecute one Peter Clerke, master of arts of
Oxford, who, flying out of England, was at the council of Basil,
disputing on the Bohemians' side. And thirdly, another subsidy was
also required to persecute William Russel, warden of the Grey Friars
in London, who the same time was fled from England to Rome, to
maintain his opinion before the pope, and there escaped out of prison,
&c., of whom more largely hereafter (Christ willing) we shall treat.
In the mean time, mark here the pretty shifts of the pope to hook in
the English money, by all manner of pretences possible.

  Thus Ralph Mungin, the aforesaid examinate, appearing before the
bishops in the convocation, it was articulated against him, first,
that he should affirm and hold, that it was not lawful for any
Christian to fight and make war against the heretics of Bohemia.

  Item, It was to him objected, that he did hold and say, that it
was not lawful for any man to have propriety of goods, but the same to
be common; which he expressly denied that ever he so said or affirmed.
Whereby we have to observe, how the crafty malice of these adversaries
useth falsely to collect and surmise of men, what they never spake,
whereby to oppress them wrongfully whom by plain truth they cannot
expugn.

  Moreover, they objected against him, that he should keep company
with Master Clerke aforesaid, and also that he dispersed in the city
of London certain books of John Wickliff and of Peter Clerke, namely,
the book Trialogus, and the Gospels of John Wickliff, &c. He was
charged, moreover, to have spoken against the pope's indulgences,
affirming that the pope had no more power to give indulgences then he
had.

  Upon these and other such articles objected, the said Mungin,
being asked if he would revoke, answered, that it seemed to him not
just or meet so to do, which did not know himself guilty of any
heresy. Thus he, being respited for the time, was committed to prison
till the next sitting; who then being called divers and sundry times
afterward before the bishops, after long inquisition and strait
examination made, also depositions brought in against him so much as
they could search out, he notwithstanding still denied, as before, to
recant. Wherefore the aforesaid Henry the archbishop, proceeding to
his sentence definitive, condemned him to perpetual prison.

  After whose condemnation, the Sunday next following the
recantation of Thomas Granter, and of Richard Monk, priests above
mentioned, were openly read at Paul's cross; the bishop of Rochester
the same time preached at the said cross. The tenor of whose
recantations, which his articles in the same expressed, hereunder
followeth.

  "In the name of God. Before you my lord of Canterbury, and all
you my lords here being present, and afore you all here gathered at
this time, I Thomas Granter priest unworthy, dwelling in the citie of
London, feeling and understanding that afore this time I affirmed open
errors and heresies saying, beleeving, and affirming within this
citie, that he that Christian men callen pope, is not very pope, nor
Gods vicar in earth, but I said he was antichrist. Also I said,
beleeved, and affirmed, that after the sacramentall words said by a
priest in the masse, there remaineth materiall bread and wine, and is
not turned into Christ's body and His bloud. Also I said and affirmed
that it was not to doe in no wise, to goe on pilgrimage, but it was
better I said to abide at home and beat the stooles with their heeles;
for it was, I said, but tree and stone that they soughten. Also I said
and affirmed that I held no Scripture catholike ner holy, but onely
that is contained in the Bible. For the legends and lives of saints, I
held hem nought, and the miracles written of hem I held untrue.
Because of which errors and heresies I was tofore Master Davie Price
vicar generall of my lord of London, and since tofore you my lord of
Canterbury and your brethren in your councell provinciall, and by you
fully informed, which so said, mine affirming, beleeving and teaching
beene open errours and heresies, and contrarious to the determination
of the Church of Rome. Wherfore I willing to follow and sewe the
doctrine of holy church, and depart fro all manner errours and
heresie, and turne with good will and heart to the one head of the
chirch, considering that holy chirch shutteth ner closeth not her
bosome to him that will turne again, ne God will not the death of a
sinner, but rather he ben turned and live; with a pure heart I
confesse, detest, and despise my said errours and heresies, and the
said opinions I confesse as heresies and errours to the faith of the
Church of Rome, and to all universally holy chirch repugnant. And
therefore, these said opinions in speciall, and all other errours and
heresies, doctrines and opinions, ayen the faith of the church, and
the determinations of the Chirch of Rome, I abjure and forsweare here
tofore you all, and sweare by these holy Gospels by me bodily touched,
that from henceforth I shall never hold, teach, ne preach errour,
errours, heresie, ne heresies, nor false doctrine against the faith of
holy chirch, and determination of the Chirch of Rome, ner none such
thing I shall obstinately defend, ne any man holding or teaching such
manner things by me or any other person, openly or privily I shall
defend, I shall never after this time be receitor, fautor, counsellor,
or defendor of heretikes, or of any person suspect of heresie, ner I
shall trow to him, ner wittingly fellaship with him, ner yeve him
counsell, favour, yifts, ne comfort. And if I know any heretikes, or
of heresie, or of such false opinions any person suspect, or any man
or woman making or holding privy conventicles, or assemblies, or any
divers or singular opinions from the common doctrine of the Church of
Rome, or if I may know any of their fautors, comforters, councellers,
or defensers; or any that have suspect bookes or quiers of such
errours and heresies; I shall let you my lord of Canterbury, or your
officers in your absence, or the diocesans and ordinaries of such men,
have soon and ready knowing, so help me God and holydeme, and these
holy evangelies by me bodily touched."

  After this recantation at the cross, thus published, and his
submission made, the said Granter then was, by the advice of the
prelates, put to seven years prisonment, under the custody and charge
of the bishop of London.

  After this followed in like manner the recantation of Richard
Monk. Also of Edmund Frith, which was before butler to Sir John
Oldcastle.

  Besides this above remembered, many and divers there be in the
said register recorded, who likewise for their faith and religion were
greatly vexed and troubled, especially in the diocese of Kent, in the
towns of Romney, Tenterden, Woodchurch, Cranbrook, Staphelhurst,
Beninden, Halden, Rolvenyden, and others, where whole households, both
man and wife, were driven to forsake their houses and towns for danger
of persecution; as sufficiently appeareth in the process of the
Archbishop Chichesley, against the said persons, and in the
certificate of Burbath, his official, wherein are named these persons
following:
1. W. White, priest.
2. Th. Grenested, priest.
3. Bartho. Cornmonger.
4. John Wadnon.
5. Joan, his wife.
6. Tho. Everden.
7. William Everden.
8. Stephen Robin.
9. W. Chiveling.
 10. John Tame.
11. John Fowlin.
12. William Somer.
13. Marian, his wife.
14. John Abraham.
15. Robert Munden.
16. Laurence Coke.

  These being cited together by the bishop would not appear.
Whereupon great inquisition being made for them by his officers, they
were constrained to flee their houses and towns, and shift for
themselves as covertly as they might. When Burbath, and other
officers, had sent word to the archbishop that they could not be
found, then he directed down order that citations should be set up for
them on every church door, through all towns where they did inhabit,
appointing them a day and term when to appear. But, notwithstanding,
when they yet could not be taken, neither would appear, the
archbishop, sitting in his tribunal seat, proceedeth to the sentence
of excommunication against them. What afterward happened to them in
the register doth not appear; but like it is, at length they were
forced to submit themselves.

  Concerning Sir John Oldcastle, the Lord Cobham, and of his first
apprehension, with his whole story and life, sufficiently hath been
expressed before; how he being committed to the Tower, and condemned
falsely of heresy, escaped afterward out of the Tower, and was in
Wales about the space of four years. In the which mean time, a great
sum of money was proclaimed by the king to him that could take the
said Sir John Oldcastle, either quick or dead. About the end of which
four years being expired, the Lord Powis, whether for love or
greediness of the money, or whether for hatred of the true and sincere
doctrine of Christ, seeking all manner of ways how to play the part of
Judas, at length obtained his bloody purpose, and brought the Lord
Cobham bound up to London; which was about the year of our Lord 1417,
and about the month of December. At which time there was a parliament
assembled in London, for the relief of money the same time to be sent
to the king, whom the bishops had sent out (as ye heard before) to
fight in France. The records of which parliament do thus say, That on
Tuesday the fourteenth day of December, and the nine and twentieth day
of the said parliament, Sir John Oldcastle, of Cowling in the county
of Kent, knight, being outlawed, as is before minded, in the king's
bench, and excommunicated before by the archbishop of Canterbury for
heresy, was brought before the lords, and having heard his said
convictions, answered not thereto in his excuse. Upon which record and
process it was adjudged that he should be taken as a traitor to the
king and the realm; that he should be carried to the Tower of London,
and from thence drawn through London unto the new gallows in St.
Giles's without Temple Bar, and there to be hanged, and burned
hanging.
Illustration: The Execution of John Oldcastle

  As touching the pretensed treason of this Lord Cobham falsely
ascribed unto him in his indictment, rising upon wrong suggestion and
false surmise, and aggravated by rigour of words rather than upon any
ground of due probation, sufficiently hath been discoursed before in
my defence of the said Lord Cobham, against Alanus Copus. Where again
it is to be noted, as I said before, and by this it appeareth that the
Lord Cobham was never executed by force of the indictment or outlawry,
because if he had, he should then have been brought to the bar in the
king's bench, and there the judges should have demanded of him, what
he could have said, why he should not have died; and then not showing
sufficient cause for the discharge or delay of execution, the judges
should have awarded and given the judgment of treason; which being not
so, it is clear he was not executed upon the indictment. Besides, to
prove that he was not executed upon the indictment and the outlawry,
the manner of the execution proveth it; because it was neither an
execution of a traitor, nor was the whole punishment thereof
pronounced by the judge, as by due order of law was requisite.

  Finally, as I said before, here I repeat again, that albeit the
said Lord Cobham was attainted of treason by the act, and that the
king, the lords, and the commons assented to the act; yet all that
bindeth not in such sort (as if indeed he were no traitor) that any
man may not, by search of the truth, utter and set forth sincerely and
justly the very true and certain cause whereupon his execution did
follow. Which seemeth, by all circumstance and firm arguments, to rise
principally of his religion, which first brought him in hatred of the
bishops; the bishops brought him in hatred of the king; the hatred of
the king brought him to his death and martyrdom. And thus much for the
death and execution of this worthy servant of Christ, the Lord Cobham.

  Moreover, in the records above mentioned it followeth, how in the
said parliament, after the martyrdom of this valiant knight, motion
then was made, that the Lord Powis might be thanked and rewarded,
according to the proclamation made, for his great travail taken in the
apprehension of Sir John Oldcastle, knight, heretic. Thus stand the
words of the record; where two things are to be noted: First, how Sir
John here in the record is called not traitor, but heretic only.
Secondly, mark how this brother of Judas here craveth his reward for
betraying the innocent blood. Wherein it is not to be doubted, but
that his light fee in this world, will have a heavy reward hereafter
in the world to come, unless he repented, &c.

  Furthermore, in the said parliament, Act 17, it was enacted, that
the church and all estates should enjoy all their liberties, which
were not repealed, or repealable, by the common law; meaning belike
the excluding of the jurisdiction of the pope's foreign power, which
had always by the common law been excluded out of this realm.

  In the same parliament also a grievous complaint was made (by the
bishops no doubt) against insurrections. In the end they suspected
that they were the Lollards, heretics and traitors, with a request
that commissions might at all times be granted to inquire of them.
Whereunto answer was made, that the statutes therefore made should be
executed, &c. Thus the clergy ceased not to roar after Christian
blood, and whosoever was else in fault, still the clergy cried,
Crucify Christ, and deliver us Barabbas; for then all horrible acts
and mischiefs, if any were done, were imputed to the poor Lollards.



110. THE BOHEMIANS RESIST THE POPE

  And now, from our English matters, to return again to the story
of the Bohemians, from whence we have a little digressed. When the
news of the barbarous cruelty exercised at Constance against John Huss
and Jerome of Prague, were noised in Bohemia, the nobles and gentlemen
of Moravia and Bohemia, such as favoured the cause of John Huss,
gathering themselves together in the zeal of Christ, first sent their
letter unto the council, expostulating with them for the injury done
to those godly men, as is before expressed: for the which letter they
were all cited up to the council. Unto this letter Sigismund, the
emperor, maketh answer again in the name of the whole council; first,
excusing himself of John Huss's death, which he said was against his
safe-conduct, and against his will; insomuch that he rose in anger
from the council, and departed out of Constance, as is before
remembered. Secondly, he requireth them to be quiet, and to conform
themselves peaceably unto the order of the catholic Church of Rome,
&c.

  Also the council, hearing or fearing some stir to rise among the
Bohemians, did make laws and articles whereby to bridle them, to the
number of twenty-four.

  "First, That the king of Bohemia shall be sworn to give obedience
and to defend the liberties of the Church of Rome.

  "That all masters, doctors; and priests shall be sworn to abjure
the doctrine of Wickliff and Huss, in that council condemned.

  "That all they which, being cited, would not appear, should also
be sworn to abjure; and they. which would not appear, contemning the
censure of the keys, should have process against them, and be
punished.

  "That all such laymen as had defended the causes of John Wickliff
and John Huss, should swear to defend them no more, and to approve the
doings of that council, and the condemnation of John Huss.

  "That all such secular men as had spoiled the clergy should be
sworn to restitution.

  "That priests, being expelled from their benefices, should be
restored again.

  "That all profaners of churches should be punished after the
canonical sanctions.

  "That such as had been promoters in the council against John
Huss, should be permitted safely to return into Bohemia again, and to
enjoy their benefices.

  "That the relics and treasure, taken out of the church of Prague,
should be restored fully again.

  "That the university of Prague should be restored again and
reformed, and that they which had been the disturbers thereof should
be really punished.

  "That the principal heretics and doctors of that sect should be
sent up to the see apostolic, namely, Johannes Jessenetz, Jacobellus
de Misna, Simon de Tysna, Simon de Rochinzano, Christians de
Brachatitz, Johannes Cardinalis, Zdenko de Loben, the provost of
Allhallows, Zaislaus de Suiertitz, and Michael de Czisko.

  "That all secular men, which communicated under both kinds,
should abjure that heresy, and swear to stop the same hereafter.

  "That they which were ordained priests by the suffragan of the
archbishop of Prague, taken by the Lord Zencho, should not be
dispensed with, but sent up to the see apostolic.

  "That the treatises of John Wickliff, translated into the
Bohemian tongue by John Huss and Jacobellus, should be brought to the
ordinary. "That the treatises of John Huss, condemned in the council,
should also be brought to the ordinary.

  "That all the tractations of Jacobellus, wherein he calleth the
pope antichrist, should likewise be brought and burned.

  "That all songs and ballads, made to the prejudice of the
council, and of the catholic persons of both states, should be forbid
to be sung in cities, towns, and villages, under great and extreme
punishment.

  "That none should preach the word without the licence of the
ordinary, or of the parson of that place.

  "That all and singular, either spiritual or secular, that shall
preach, teach, hold, or maintain the opinions and articles of John
Wickliff, John Huss, and Jerome, in this council condemned, and
convicted of the same, shall be holden for heretics, and falling in
relapse shall be burned," &c.

  The Bohemians, notwithstanding these cruel articles, contemning
the vain devices of these prelates and fathers of the council, ceased
not to proceed in their league and purpose begun, joining themselves
more strongly together.

  In this mean time it happened, that during this council of
Constance, after the deposing of Pope John, and spoiling of his goods,
which came to seventy-five thousand pounds of gold and silver, as is
reported in the story of St. Alban's, Pope Martin, upon the day of St.
Martin, was elected. Concerning whose election great preparation was
made before of the council, so that beside the cardinals, five other
bishops of every nation should enter into the conclave, who there
together should be kept with thin diet, till they had founded a pope.
At last, when they were together, they agreed upon this man, and not
tarrying for opening the door, like mad-men for haste, they burst open
a hole in the wall, crying out, We have a Martin pope. The emperor
hearing thereof, with the like haste came apace, and falling down
kissed the new pope's feet. Then went they all to the church together,
and sang Te Deum.
Illustration: The Emperor Kissing Pope Martin's feet

  The next day following, this Martin was made priest, (which
before was but a cardinal deacon,) and the next day after was
consecrated bishop, and sang his first mass, whereat was present one
hundred and forty mitred bishops. After this, the next morrow the new
holy pope ordained a general procession, where a certain clerk was
appointed to stand with flax and fire; who setting this flax on fire,
thus said, "Behold, holy father, thus fadeth the transitory glory of
this world." Which done, the same day the holy father was brought up
unto a high scaffold, (saith the story,) I will not say to a high
mountain, where was offered to him all the glory of the world, &c.,
there to be crowned for a triple king. This done, the same day, after
dinner, the new-crowned pope was with great triumph brought through
the midst of the city of Constance, where all the bishops and abbots
followed with their mitres. The pope's horse was all trapped with red
scarlet down to the ground. The cardinals' horses were all in white
silk; the emperor on the right side, and prince elector on the left,
(playing both the pope's footmen,) went on foot, leading the pope's
horse by the bridle.

  As this pageant thus with the great giant proceeded, and came to
the market-place, there the Jews (according to the manner) offered to
him their law and ceremonies.; which the pope receiving cast behind
him, saying, Let old things pass, all things be made new, &c. This was
A. D. 1417.

  Thus the pope, being now confirmed in his kingdom, first
beginneth to write his letters to the Bohemians, wherein partly he
moveth them to catholic obedience, partly he dissembleth with them,
feigning that if it were not for the emperor's request, he would enter
process against them. Thirdly and finally, he threateneth to attempt
the uttermost against them, and with all force to invade them, as well
with the apostolical, as also with the secular arm, if they did still
persist as they began.

  Albeit, these new threats of the new bishop did nothing move the
constant hearts of the Bohemians, whom the inward zeal of Christ's
word had before inflamed.

  And although it had been to be wished such bloodshed and wars not
to have followed, yet, to say the truth, how could these rabbins
greatly blame them herein, whom their bloody tyranny had before
provoked so unjustly, if now with their glosing letters they could not
so easily appease them again?

  Wherefore these aforesaid Bohemians, partly for the love of John
Huss and Jerome their countrymen, partly for the hatred of their
malignant papistry, assembling together, first agreed to celebrate a
solemn memorial of the death of John Huss and Jerome, decreeing the
same to be holden and celebrated yearly. And afterward, by means of
their friends, they obtained certain churches of the king, wherein
they might freely preach and minister the sacraments unto the
congregation. This done, they suppressed divers monasteries,
pharisaical temples, and idolatrous fanes, beginning first with the
great monastery of the Black Friars, eight miles from Prague, driving
away the wicked and vicious priests and monks out of them, or
compelling them unto a better order. And thus their number more and
more increasing under the safe-conduct of a certain nobleman named
Nicholas, they went again unto the king, requiring to have more and
ampler churches granted unto them. The king seemed at the first
willingly and gently to give ear unto the said Nicholas entreating for 
the people, and commanding them to come again the next day.

  When the people were departed, the king, turning himself to the
nobleman Nicholas, which tarried still behind, said, "Thou hast begun
a web to put me out of my kingdom, but I will make a rope of it,
wherewithal I will hang thee." Whereupon he immediately departed out
of the king's presence, and the king himself went into the castle of
Vissegrade, within a while after, into a new castle, which he himself
had builded five stones' cast from thence, sending ambassadors to his
brother to require aid.

  These protestants being assembled in the town of Prague, holding
their conventions, the king sent forth his chamberlain with three
hundred horsemen to run upon them; but he having respect unto his
life, fled. When news thereof was brought unto the king, all that were
about him being amazed, utterly detested the fact; but the king's
cupbearer standing by, said, "I knew before that these things would
thus come to pass." Whom the king in a rage, taking hold of, threw him
down before his feet, and with a dagger would have slain him; but
being letted by such as were about him, with much ado he pardoned him
his life. Immediately the king being taken with a palsy fell sick, and
within eighteen days after, when he had marked the names of such whom
he had appointed to be put to death, incessantly calling for aid of
his brother, and other his friends, he departed this life before the
princes which he had sent unto were come with aid, when he had reigned
five and fifty years, and was about the age of seven and fifty years.

The story of Zisca.
Illustration: Zisca Destroying the Images

  Immediately after the death of Wenceslaus, there was a certain
nobleman named Zisca, born at Trosnovia, which, from his youth upward
was brought up in the king's court, and had lost one of his eyes in a
battle, whereat he had valiantly borne himself. This man being sore
grieved for the death of John Huss and Jerome of Prague, minding to
revenge the injuries which the council had done, greatly to the
dishonour of the kingdom of Bohemia, upon their accomplices and
adherents; he gathered together a number of men of war, and subverted
the monasteries and idolatrous temples, pulling down and breaking in
pieces the images and idols, driving away the priests and monks, which
he said were kept up in their cloisters, like swine in their sties, to
be fatted. After this his army being increased, having gathered
together about forty thousand men, he attempted to take the castle of
Vissegrade, which was but slenderly warded. From thence the said
Zisca, under the conduct of Coranda, went speedily unto Pilsen, where
he knew he had many friends of his faction, and took the town into his
power, fortifying the same very strongly, and those which tarried
behind, took the castle of Vissegrade.

  Then the Queen Sophia, being very careful, sent letters and
messengers unto the Emperor Sigismund, and other nobles adjoined unto
her, requiring aid and help; but the emperor made preparation against
the Turk, which had then lately won certain castles of him. Whereupon
the queen, seeing all aid so far off, together with Zencho
Warterberge, gathered an host with the king's treasure, and fortified
the castle of Prague, and the lesser city which joineth unto the
castle, making gates and towers ofwood upon the bridge over the river
Multaine, to stop that the protestants should have no passage that
way. Then it happened that, at the Isle of St. Benedict, one Peter
Steremberge fought an equal or indifferent battle with them.

  In the mean time, the number of the protestants being increased
in Prague, they fought for the bridge. In which battle many were slain
on both parts, but at the length the Hussites won the bridge, and the
nether part of lesser Prague, the queen's part flying into the upper
part thereof; where they, turning again fiercely, renewed the battle,
and fought continually day and night by the space of five days. Many
were slain on both parts, and goodly buildings were razed, and the
council-house, which was in a low place, was utterly defaced and
burned.

  During the time of this troublous estate, the ambassadors of the
Emperor Sigismund were come, which, taking upon them the rule and
governance of the realm, made a truce, or league, with the city of
Prague, under this condition, that the castle of Vissegrade being
rendered, it should be lawful for them to send ambassadors to the
Emperor Sigismund to treat as touching their estate, and that Zisca
should render Pilsen and Piesta, with the other forts which he had
taken. These conditions thus agreed upon and received, all the foreign
protestants departed out of the city, and the senate of the city began
to govern again according to their accustomed manner, and all things
were quieted. Howbeit, the papists which were gone out of the town
durst not return again, but still looked for the emperor, by whose
presence they thought they should have been safe. But this their hope
was frustrated, by means of certain letters which were sent from the
emperor, wherein it was written, that he would shortly come and rule
the kingdom, even after the same order and manner as his father,
Charles, had done before him. Whereupon the protestants understood
that their sect and religion should be utterly banished, which was not
begun during the reign of the said Charles.

  About Christmas the Emperor Sigismund came to Brunna, a city of
Moravia, and there he pardoned the citizens of Prague, under condition
that they would let down the chains and bars of the city, and receive
his rulers and magistrates. Whereunto the whole city obeyed, and the
magistrates thereof, lifting up their hands unto heaven, rejoiced at
the coming of the new king. But the emperor turned another way, and
went unto Uratislavia, the head city of Silesia, where a little before
the commonalty of the city had slain, in an insurrection, the
magistrates, which his brother Wenceslaus had set in authority, the
principals whereof he beheaded. The news whereof, when they were
reported at Prague, the citizens being feared by the examples of the
Uratislavians, distrusting their pardon, rebelled out of hand, and
having obtained Zencho, on their part, which had the government of the
castle of Prague, they sent letters into all the realm, that no man
should suffer the emperor to enter, which was an enemy unto Bohemia,
and sought nothing else but to destroy the kingdom; which also bound
the ancient city of the Prutenians under order by pledges, and put the
marquis of Brandenburg from the Bohemian crown; and had not only
suffered John Huss and Jerome of Prague to be burnt at the council of
Constance, but also procured the same, and, with all his endeavour,
did impugn the doctrine and faith which they taught and followed.
Whilst these things were thus done, Zisca, having given over Pilsen by
composition, was twice assaulted by his enemies, but through policy he
was always victor. The places were they fought were rough and unknown,
his enemies were on horseback, and all his soldiers on foot, neither
could there be any battle fought but on foot. Whereupon, when his
enemies were alighted from their horses, Zisca commanded the women
which customably followed the host, to cast their kerchiefs upon the
ground, wherein the horsemen, being entangled by their spurs, were
slain before they could unloose their feet.

  After this, he went unto Ausca, a town situate upon the river
Lucinitius, out of which town Procopius and Ulricius, two brethren
papists, had cast out many protestants. This town Zisca took, by force
of arms, the first night of Lent, razed it, and set it on fire. He
also took the castle of Litius, which was a mile off, whither Ulricius
was fled, and put Ulricius and all his family to the sword, saving one
only.

  Then forasmuch as he had no walled or fenced town to inhabit, he
chose out a certain place upon the same river, which was fenced by
nature, about eight miles from the city of Ausca. This place he
compassed in with walls, and commanded every man to build them houses,
where they had pitched their tents, and named this city Tabor, and the
inhabitants, his companions, Taborites, because their city by all
like, was builded upon the top of some hill or mount. This city,
albeit it was fenced with high rocks and cliffs, yet was it compassed
with a wall and outwork, and the river of Lucinitius fenceth a great
part of the town; the rest is compassed in with a great brook, the
which running straight into the river Lucinitius, is stopped by a
great rock, and driven back towards the right hand all the length of 
the city, and at the further end it joineth with the great river. The
way unto it by land is scarce thirty foot broad, for it is almost an
island. In this place there was a deep ditch cast, and a triple wall
made, of such thickness, that it could not be broken with any engine.
The wall [was] full of towers and forts set in their convenient and
meet places. Zisca was the first that builded the castle, and those
that came after him fortified it, every man according to his own
device. At that time the Taborites had no horsemen amongst them, until
such time as Nicholas, master of the mint, (whom the emperor had sent
into Bohemia with a thousand horsemen to set things in order, and to
withstand the Taborites, lodging all night in a village named Vogize,)
was surprised by Zisca coming upon him suddenly in the night, taking
away all his horse and armour, and setting fire upon the village. Then
Zisca taught his soldiers to mount on horseback, to leap, to run, to
turn, and to cast a ring, so that after this he never led army without
his wings of horsemen.

  In this mean time Sigismund, the emperor, gathering together the
nobles of Silesia, entered into Bohemia, and went unto Grecium, and
from thence with a great army unto Cuthna, alluring Zencho with many
great and large promises to render up the castle of Prague unto him,
and there placed him to annoy the town. This Zencho, infamed with
double treason, returned home. The citizens of Prague sent for Zisca,
who, speeding himself thither with the Taborites, received the city
under his governance. In the Bohemians' host there were but only two
barons, Hilco Crusina of Lutemperg, and Hilco Waldestene, with a few
other nobles. All the residue were of the common people. They went
about first to subdue the castle, which was by nature very strongly
fenced, and could not be won by any other means than with famine;
whereupon all the passages were stopped, that no victuals should be
carried in. But the emperor opened the passages by dint of sword; and
when he had given unto them which were besieged all things necessary,
having sent for aid out of the empire, he determined shortly after to
besiege the city. There were in the emperor's camp the dukes of
Saxony, the marquis of Brandenburg, and his son-in-law Albert of
Austria. The city was assaulted by the space of six weeks.. The
Emperor Sigismund was crowned in the metropolitan house in the castle,
Conradus the archbishop solemnizing the ceremonies of the coronation.
The city was straitly besieged. In the mean time the captains,
Rosenses and Chragery, which had taken the tents of the Taborites,
being overcome in battle by Nicholas Huss, whom Zisca had sent with
part of his power for that purpose, were driven out of their tents,
and Grecium, the queen's city, was also taken.

  There is also above the town of Prague a high hill, which is
called Videchon. On this hill had Zisca strongly planted a garrison,
that his enemies should not possess it, with whom the marquis of
Misnia skirmishing, lost a great part of his soldiers. For when the
Misnians had gotten the top of the hill, being driven back into a
corner, which was broken and steep, and fiercely set upon, when they
could no longer withstand the violent force of their enemies, some of
them were slain, and some falling headlong from the hill were
destroyed. Whereupon the Emperor Sigismund, raising his siege,
departed into Cuthna, and Zisca with his company departed unto Thabor,
and subdued many places; amongst which he subverted a town pertaining
to the captain of Vissegrade. During this time the castle of
Vissegrade was strongly besieged, where, when other victuals wanted,
they were compelled to eat horse-flesh. Last of all, except the
emperor did aid them by a certain day, they promised to yield it up,
but under this condition, that if the emperor did come, they within
the castle should be no more molested.

  The emperor was present before the day, but being ignorant of the
truce taken, entering into astrait underneath the castle, was suddenly
set upon by the soldiers of Prague, where he had a great overthrow,
and so leaving his purpose unperformed, returned back again. There
were slain in that conflict fourteen noblemen of the Moravians, and of
the Hungarians, and other a great number. The castle was delivered up
unto them. Whilst these things were in doing, Zisca took Boslaus, a
captain, which was surnamed Cigneus, by force, in a very strong town 
of his, and brought him unto his religion; who, a few years after,
leading the protestants' host in Austria, was wounded before Rhetium,
and died. There were in the territory of Pilsen many monasteries, of
the which Zisca subverted and burned five. And forasmuch as the
monastery of St. Clare was the strongest, there he pitched himself.

  Thither also came the emperor with his army; but when Zisca
brought forth his power against him, he most cowardly fled; and not
long after, he departed and left Bohemia. Then Zisca went with his
army unto Pilsen; but forasmuch as he saw the city so fenced, that he
was in doubt of winning the same, he went from thence to Commitavia, a
famous city, the which he took by force, burning all the priests
therein.

  Afterward, when he lay before the town of Raby, and strongly
besieged the same, he was stricken with a shaft in the eye, having but
that one before to see withal. From thence he was carried to Prague by
physicians, where he being cured of his wound, and his life saved, yet
he lost his sight, and for all that he would not forsake his army, but
still took the charge of them.

  After this the garrisons of Prague went unto Verona, where there
was a great garrison of the emperor's, and took it by force, many
being slain of either part. They also took the town of Broda in
Germany, and slew the garrison, and afterward took Cuthna and many
other cities by composition. Further, when they led their army unto a
town called Pons, which is inhabited of the Misnians, the Saxons
meeting them by the way, because they durst not join battle, they
returned back. After all this, the emperor appointed the princes
electors a day, that at Bartholomewtide they should with their army 
invade the west part of Bohemia; and he with a host of Hungarians
would enter into the east part. There came unto his aid the archbishop
of Mentz, the county Palatine of Rhine, the dukes of Saxony, the
marquis of Brandenburg, and many other bishops out of Almaine; all the
rest sent their aids. They encamped before the town of Sozius, a
strong and well-fenced place, which they could by no means subdue. The
country was spoiled and wasted round about, and the siege continued
until the feast of St. Galle. Then it was broken up, because the
emperor was not come at his day appointed: but he having gathered
together a great army of the Hungarians, and west Moravians, about
Christmas entered into Bohemia; and took certain towns by force, and
Cuthna was yielded unto him. But when Zisca (although he was blind)
came towards him, and set upon him, he, being afraid and many of his
nobles slain, fled. But first he burned Cuthna, which the Taborites,
by means of the silver mines, called the pouch of antichrist. Zisca
pursuing the emperor a day's journey, got great and rich spoil, and
taking the town of Broda by force, set it on fire; the which
afterward, almost by the space of fourteen years, remained
disinhabited. The emperor passed by a bridge over the river of
Iglaria. And Piso, a Florentine, which had brought fifteen thousand
horsemen out of Hungary to these wars, passed over the ice; the which
by the multitude and number of his horsemen being broke, devoured and
destroyed a great number. Zisca having obtained this victory, would
not suffer any image or idol to be in the churches, neither thought it
to be borne withal, that priests should minister with copes or
vestments: for the which cause he was much the more envied amongst the
states of Bohemia. And the consuls of Prague, being aggrieved at the
insolency of John Premonstratensis, called him and nine other of his
adherents, whom they supposed to be the principals of this faction,
into the council-house, as though they would confer with them as
touching the commonwealth; and when they were come in, they slew them,
and afterward departed home every man to his own house, thinking the
city had been quiet, as though nothing had been done. But their
servants, being not circumspect enough, washing down the court or
yard, washed out also the blood of those that were slain, through the
sinks or channels; the which being once seen, the people understood
what was done. By and by there was a great tumult; the council-house
was straightway overthrown, and eleven of the principal citizens,
which were thought to be the authors thereof, were slain, and divers
houses spoiled.

  About the same time the castle of Purgell, wherein the emperor
had left a small garrison, (whither also many papists, with their
wives and children, were fled,) was through negligence burned, and
those which escaped out of the fire went into Pelzina. After this,
divers of the Bohemian captains, and the senate of Prague, sent 
ambassadors to Vitold, duke of Lituania, and made him their king: this
did Zisca and his adherents gainsay. This Vitold sent Sigismund
Coributus with two thousand horsemen into Bohemia, who was honourably
received of the inhabitants of Prague. At his coming they determined
to lay siege unto a castle situate upon a hill, which was called
Charles's Stone.

  Here Sigismund had left for a garrison four centurions of
soldiers. The tents were pitched in three places. The siege continued
six months, and the assault never ceased day and night. Five great
slings threw continually great stones over the walls, and about two
thousand vessels, tubs, or baskets, filled with dead carcasses and
other excrements, were cast in among those which were besieged; which
thing did so infect them with stench, that their teeth did either fall
out, or were all loose. Notwithstanding, they bare it out with stout
courage, and continued their fight until the winter, having privily
received medicine out of Prague, to fasten their teeth again.

  In the mean time, Frederic the Elder, prince of Brandenburg,
entering into Bohemia with a great power, caused them of Prague to
raise the siege. And Vitold, at the request of Uladislaus, king of
Poland, which had talked with the emperor in the borders of Hungary,
called Coributus, his uncle, with his whole army, out of Bohemia:
whereupon the emperor supposed that the protestants, being destitute
of foreign aid, would the sooner do his commandment; but he was far
deceived therein, for they, leading their armies out of Bohemia,
subdued the borderers thereupon adjoining. It is also reported that
Zisca went into Austria, and when the husbandmen of the country had
carried away a great number of their cattle by water into an isle of
the river called Danube, and by chance had left certain calves and
swine in their villages behind them, Zisca drave them unto the river-
side, and kept them there so long, beating them, and causing them to
roar out and cry, until that the cattle, feeding in the island,
hearing the lowing and grunting of the cattle on the other side the
water, for the desire of their like did swim over the river, by the
means whereof, he got and drave away a great booty.

  About the same time the Emperor Sigismund gave unto his son-in-
law Albert, duke of Austria, the country of Moravia, because it should
not want a ruler. At the same time also Ericius, king of Denmark, and
Peter Infant, brother to the king of Portugal, and father of James,
cardinal of St. Eustachius, came unto the emperor, being both very
expert men in the affairs of war, which did augment the emperor's host
with their aid and power. Whereupon they straightway pitched their
camp before Lutemperge, a town of Moravia, and continued the siege by
the space of three months. There was at that time a certain knight at
Prague, surnamed Aqua, which was very rich and of great authority.
This man, forasmuch as he had no child of his own, adopted unto him
his sister's son, named Procopius, whom, when he was of mean nature
and age, he carried with him into France, Spain, and Italy, and unto
Jerusalem, and at his return caused him to be made priest. This man,
when the gospel began to flourish in Bohemia, took part with Zisca;
and forasmuch as he was strong and valiant, and also painful, he was
greatly esteemed.

  This Procopius, for his valiant acts, was afterward called
Procopius Magnus, and had committed unto him the whole charge of the
province of Moravia and the defence of the Lutemperges, who, receiving
a great power, by force, maugre all the whole power which lay in the
siege, carried victuals into the town which was so besieged, and so
did frustrate the emperor's siege. The emperor, before this, had
delivered unto the marquisses of Misnia the bridge and town of Ausca,
upon the river Elbe, that they should fortify them with their
garrisons. Whereupon Zisca besieged Ausca, and Frederic, the marquis
of Misnia, with his brother, the landgrave of Thuringia, gathering
together a great army out of Saxony, Thuringia, Misnia, and both the
Lusaces, determined to rescue and aid those which were besieged.

  There was a great battle fought before the city, and the victory
depended long uncertain; but at last it fell on the protestants' part.
There were slain in the battle the burgraves of Misnia or
Chyrpogenses, the barons of Glychen, and many other nobles, beside
nine thousand common soldiers, and the town of Ausca was taken and
utterly razed.

  At the last, dissension rising between Zisca and them of Prague,
they of Prague prepared an army against him, wherewith he perceiving
himself overmatched, fled unto the river Elbe, and was almost taken,
but that he had passage through the town of Poggiebras; but they of
Prague, pursuing the tail of the battle, slew many of his Taborites.
At the length they came unto certain hills, where Zisca, going into
the valley, knowing the straits of the place, that his enemies could
not spread their army, he commanded his standard to stand still, and
exhorting and encouraging his soldiers, he gave them battle.
This battle was very fierce and cruel; but Zisca, having the upper
hand, slew three thousand of them of Prague and put the rest to
flight, and straight-ways took the city of Cuthna by force (which they
of Prague had repaired) and set it on fire; then with all speed he
went with his army to besiege Prague, and encamped within a bow-shot
of the town. There were many both in the city, and also in his host,
which grudged sore at that siege; some accusing Zisca, other some them
of Prague. There were great tumults in the camp, the soldiers saying
that it was not reasonable, that the city should be suppressed, which
was both the head of the kingdom, and did not dissent from them in
opinion, saying that the Bohemians' power would soon decay, if their
enemies should know that they were divided within themselves; also
that they had sufficient wars against the emperor, and that it was but
a foolish device to move wars amongst themselves. This talk came unto
the ear of Zisca, who calling together his army, standing upon a place
to be heard, spake in these words.

  "Brethren, be ye not aggrieved against me, neither accuse him
which hath sought your health and safeguard. The victories which ye
have obtained under my conduct are yet fresh in memory, neither have I
brought you at any time unto any place, from whence you have not come
victors. You are become famous and rich, and I for your sake have lost
my sight, and dwell in darkness. Nothing have I gotten by all these
fortunate battles, but only a vain name. For you have I fought, and
for you have I vanquished; neither do I repent me of my travail,
neither is my blindness grievous unto me, but only that I cannot
provide for you according to my accustomed manner: neither do I
persecute them of Prague for mine own cause, for it is your blood that
they thirst and seek for, and not for mine. It were but small pleasure
for them to destroy me, being now an old man and blind, it is your
valiantness and stout stomachs which they fear. Either must you or
they perish; who whilst they seem to lie in wait for me, do seek after
your lives. You must rather fear civil wars than foreign, and civil
sedition ought first to be avoided. We will subdue Prague, and banish
the seditious citizens before the emperor shall have any news of this
sedition. And then having but a few of his faction left, we may with
the less fear look for it; better than if these doubtful citizens of
Prague were still in our camp. But because ye shall accuse me no more,
I give you free liberty to do what you will. If it please you to
suffer them of Prague to live in quietness, I will not be against it,
so that there be no treason wrought. If you determine to have war, I
am also ready. Look which part you will incline unto, Zisca will be
your aid and helper."

  When he had spoken these words, the soldiers' minds were changed,
and wholly determined to make wars, so that they ran by and by to take
up their armour and weapons, to run unto the walls, to provoke their
enemies to fight for the gates of the city. Zisca in the mean time
prepared all things ready for the assault. There is, a little from
Pilsen, a certain village named Rochezana. In this place there was a
child born of poor and base parentage, whose name was John; he came
unto Prague, and got his living there by begging, and learned grammar
and logic. When he came to man's state, he became the schoolmaster of
a nobleman's child; and forasmuch as he was of excellent wit and ready
tongue, he was received into the college of the poor: and last of all,
being made priest, he began to preach the word of God to the citizens
of Prague, and was named Johannes de Rochezana, by the name of the
town where he was born. This man grew to be of great name and
authority in the town of Prague. Whereupon when Zisca besieged Prague,
he by the consent of the citizens went out into the camp, and
reconciled Zisca again unto the city.

  When the emperor perceived that all things came to pass according
unto Zisca's will and mind, and that upon him alone the whole state of
Bohemia did depend, he sought privy means to reconcile and get Zisca
into his favour, promising him the governance of the whole kingdom,
the guiding of all his hosts and armies, and great yearly revenues, if
he would proclaim him king, and cause the cities to be sworn unto him.
Upon which conditions, when Zisca for the performance of the covenants
went unto the emperor, being in his journey, at the castle of
Priscovia, he was stricken with sickness and died.

  It is reported, that when he was demanded, being sick, in what
place he would be buried; he commanded the skin to be pulled off from
his dead carcass, and the flesh to be cast unto the fowls and beasts,
and that a drum should be made of his skin which they should use in
their battles; affirming, that as soon as their enemies should hear
the sound of that drum, they would not abide but take their flight.
The Taborites, despising all other images, yet set up the picture of
Zisca over the gates of the city.

The Epitaph of John Zisca, the valiant captain of the Bohemians.

  "I, John Zisca, not inferior to an emperor or captain in warlike
policy, a severe punisher of the pride and avarice of the clergy, and
a defender of my country, do lie here. That which Appius Claudius by
giving good counsel, and M. Furius Camillus by valiantness, did for
the Romans; the same I, being blind, have done for my Bohemians. I
never slacked opportunity of battle, neither did fortune at any time
fail me. I, being blind, did foresee all opportunity of well-ordering
or doing my business. Eleven times in joining battle I went victor out
of the field. I seemed to have worthily defended thecause of the
miserable and hungry against the delicate, fat, and gluttonous
priests, and for that cause to have received help at the hands of God.
If their envy had not let it, without doubt I had deserved to be
numbered amongst the most famous men. Notwithstanding, my bones lie
here in this hallowed place, even in despite of the pope.

  "John Zisca, a Bohemian, enemy to all wicked and covetous
priests, but with a godly zeal."

  And thus have you the acts and doings of this worthy Zisca, and
other Bohemians, which for the more credit we have drawn out of Æneas
Sylvius, only his railing terms excepted, which we have here
suppressed.

  All this while the emperor, with the whole power of the Germans,
were not so busy on the one side, but Martin, the pope, was as much
occupied on the other side; who, about the same time, directed down a
terrible bull, full of all poison, to all bishops and archbishops,
against all such as took any part or side with Wickliff, John Huss,
Jerome, or with their doctrine and opinions. The copy of which bull,
which I found in an old written monument, I wish the reader thoroughly
to peruse, wherein he shall see the pope to pour out at once all his
poison.

  "Martin, bishop, the servant of God's servants, to our reverend
brethren the archbishops of Salzburg, Gueznen, and Prague, and to the
bishops of Olumitz, Luthomysl, Bamberg, Misnen, Patavia, Uratislavia,
Ratisbon, Cracow, Posnamen, and Nitrien, and also to our beloved
children the inquisitors appointed of the prelates above recited, or
where else soever, unto whom these present letters shall come,
greeting, and apostolical benediction. Amongst all other pastoral
cares wherewith we are oppressed, this chiefly and specially doth
enforce us, that heretics, with their false doctrine and errors, being
utterly expulsed from amongst the company of Christian men, and rooted
out, (so far forth as God will make us able to do,) the right and
catholic faith may remain sound and undefiled; and that all Christian
people, immovable and inviolate, may stand and abide in the sincerity
of the same faith, the whole veil of obscurity being removed. But
lately in divers places of the world, but especially in Bohemia, and
the dukedom of Moravia, and in the straits adjoining thereunto,
certain arch-heretics have risen and sprung up, not against one only,
but against divers and sundry documents of the catholic faith, being
landlopers, schismatics, and seditious persons, fraught with devilish
pride and wolfish madness, deceived by the subtlety of Satan, and from
one evil vanity brought to a worse. Who, although they rose up and
sprang in divers parts of the world, yet agreed they all in one,
having their tails as it were knit together, to wit, John Wickliff of
England, John Huss of Bohemia, and Jerome of Prague, of damnable
memory, who drew with them no small number to miserable ruin and
infidelity. For when those and such-like pestiferous persons did in
the beginning of their poisoned doctrine obstinately sow and spread
abroad perverse and false opinions, the prelates, who had the regiment
and execution of the judicial power, like dumb dogs not able to bark,
neither yet revenging speedily with the apostle all such disobedience,
nor regarding corporally to cast out of the Lord's house (as they were
enjoined by the canons) those subtle and pestilent arch-heretics, and
their wolfish fury and cruelty, with all expedition, but suffering
their false and pernicious doctrine negligently, by their over-long
delays, to grow and wax strong; a great multitude of people, instead
of true doctrine, received those things, which they did long, falsely,
perniciously, and damnably sow among them, and giving credit unto
them, fell from the right faith, and are entangled (the more pity) in
the foul errors of paganism.

  "Insomuch, that those arch-heretics, and such as spring of them,
have infected the catholic flock of Christ in divers climates of the
world, and parts bordering upon the same, and have caused them to
putrefy in the filthy dunghill of their lies. Wherefore the general
synod of Constance was compelled, with St. Augustine, to exclaim
against so great and ruinous a plague of faithful men, and of the
sound and true faith itself, saying, 'What shall the sovereign
medicine of the church do, with motherly love seeking the health of
her sheep, chasing, as it were, amongst a company of men frantic, and
having the disease of the lethargy? what! shall she desist and leave
off her good purpose? No, not so. But rather let her, if there be no
remedy, be sharp to both these sorts, which are the grievous enemies
of her womb. For the physician is sharp unto the man distraught and
raging in his frenzy, and yet he is a father to his own rude and
unmannerly son, in binding the one, in beating the other, by showing
therein his great love unto them both. But if they be negligent, and
suffer them to perish, (saith St. Augustine,) this mansuetude is
rather to be supposed false cruelty.'

  "And therefore the aforesaid synod, to the glory of Almighty God,
and preservation of his catholic faith, and augmenting of Christian
religion, and for the salvation of men's souls, hath corporally
rejected and cast forth of the household of God, the aforesaid John
Wickliff, John Huss, and Jerome; who amongst other things did believe,
preach, teach, and maintain of the sacrament of the altar, andother
sacraments of the church, and articles of the faith, contrary to that
the holy Church of Rome believeth, holdeth, preacheth, and teacheth,
and have presumed obstinately to preach, teach, hold, and believe many
other more, to the damnation of themselves and of others; and the said
synod hath separated the same, as obstinate and malapert heretics,
from the communion of the faithful people, and hath declared them to
be spiritually thrown forth. And many other things, both wholesome and
profitable, hath the same council, as touching the premises,
stablished and decreed, whereby they, which by the means of those
arch-heretics, and by their false doctrine, have spiritually departed
from the Lord's house, may by the canonical rules be reduced to the
straight path of truth and verity.

  "And moreover, (as we to our great grief do hear,) not only in
the kingdom of Bohemia, and dukedom of Moravia, and other places above
recited, but also in certain parts and provinces near adjoining, and
bordering upon the same, there be many other of the sectaries and
followers of the aforesaid arch-heretics, and heretical opinions;
casting behind their backs, as well the fear of God as the shame of
the world, neither receiving fruit of conversion and repentance by the
miserable destruction of the aforesaid John Huss and Jerome; but as
men drowned in the dungeon of their sins, cease not to blaspheme the
Lord God, taking his name in vain, (whose minds the father of lies
hath damnably blinded,) and do read and study the aforesaid books or
works, containing heresies and errors, being lately by the aforesaid
synods. condemned to be burned; also to the peril of themselves and
many other simple men, and against the statutes, decrees, and
ordinances in the synod aforesaid, and the canonical sanctions, do
presume to preach and teach the same, to the great peril of souls, and
derogation of the catholic faith, and slander of many other besides:
we, therefore, considering that error, where it is not resisted,
seemeth to be allowed and liked; and having a desire to resist such
evil and pernicious errors, and utterly root them out from amongst the
company of faithful Christians, especially from the afore-recited
places of Bohemia, Moravia, and other straits and islands joining and
bordering upon the same, lest they should stretch out and enlarge
their limits; we will and command your discretions by our letters
apostolical, the holy council of Constance approving and allowing the
same, that you that are archbishops, bishops, and other of the clergy,
and every one of you by himself, or by any other or others, being
grave and fit persons to have spiritual jurisdiction, do see that all
and singular persons, of what dignity, office, pre-eminence, state, or
condition soever they be, and by what name soever they are known,
which shall presume otherwise to teach, preach, or observe, touching
the most high and excellent, the most wholesome and superadmirable,
sacrament of the blood of our Lord Jesus Christ, or else of the
sacrament of baptism, confession of sins, penance for sins, and
extreme unction, or else of any other sacraments of the church, and
the articles of the faith, than that which the right holy and
universal Church of Rome doth hold, teach, preach, and observe; or
else that shall presume obstinately, by any ways or means, privily or
apertly, to hold, believe, and teach the articles, books, or doctrine
of the aforesaid arch-heretics, John Wickliff, John Huss, and Jerome
of Prague, being by the aforesaid synod of Constance with their
authors (as is said) damned and condemned, or dare presume publicly or
privily to allow or commend in any wise the death and end of the said
arch-heretics, or any other their receivers, aiders, and favourers, in
the favour or supportation of the aforesaid errors, as also their
believers and adherents; that then, as before, you see and cause them,
and every one of them, to be most severely punished, and that you
judge and give sentence upon them as heretics, and that as arrant
heretics you leave them to the secular court or power. Let the
receivers also, and favourers, and defenders of such most pestiferous
persons, notwithstanding they neither believe, favour, nor have
devotion towards their errors, but haply shall receive or entertain
such pestiferous persons because of carnal affection or friendly love,
besides the punishment due unto them by both laws, over and above the
same punishment by competent judges, be so afflicted, and for so
heinous acts of theirs with so severe pain and punishment excruciated,
that the same may be to other, in like case offending, an example of
terror; that, at the least, those whom the fear of God by no means may
revoke from such evil doing, yet the severity of this our discipline
may force and constrain.

  "As touching the third sort, which shall be any manner of ways
infected with this damnable sect, and shall, after competent
admonition, repent and amend themselves of such errors and sects
aforesaid, and will return again into the lap and unity of our holy
mother the church, and fully acknowledge and confess the catholic
faith; towards them let the severity of justice, as the quality of the
fact shall require, be somewhat tempered with a taste of mercy.

  "And furthermore, we will and command, that by this our authority
apostolical ye exhort and admonish all the professors of the catholic
faith, as emperors, kings, dukes, princes, marquisses, earls, barons,
knights, and other magistrates, rectors, consuls, proconsuls, shires,
countries, and universitiesof the kingdoms, provinces, cities, towns,
castles, villages, their lands and other places, and all other
executing temporal jurisdiction, according to the form and exigence of
the law, that they expel out of their kingdoms, provinces, cities,
towns, castles, villages, and lands, and other places, all and all
manner of such heretics, according to the effect and tenor of the
council of Lateran, beginning, Sicut ait ecclesia, &c.; that those
whom publicly and manifestly, by the evidence of their deeds, shall be
known to be such as, like sick and scabbed sheep, infect the Lord's
flock, they expel and banish till such time as from us, or you, or
else other ecclesiastical judges or inquisitors, holding the faith and
communion of the holy Church of Rome, they shall receive other order
and countermand; and that they suffer no such within their shires and
circuits, to preach or to keep either house or family, either yet to
use any handicraft or occupations, or other trades of merchandise, or
else to solace themselves any ways, or frequent the company of
Christian men.

  "And furthermore, if such public and known heretics shall chance
to die, although not so denounced by the church, yet in this so great
a crime let him and them want Christian burial, and let no offerings
or oblations be made for them, nor received. His goods and substance
also, from the time of his death, according to the canonical sanctions
being confiscated, let no such enjoy them to whom they appertain, till
that by the ecclesiastical judges, having power and authority in this
behalf, sentence upon that, his, or their crime of heresy be declared,
and promulgated; and let such owners as be found suspected or noted
with any such suspicion of heresy, before a competent and
ecclesiastical judge, according to the consideration and exigence of
that suspicion, and according to the quality of the person, by the
arbitrement of such a judge, show and declare his proper and own
innocency with devotion, as beseemeth in that behalf. And if in his
purgation, being canonically interdicted, he do fail, or be not able
canonically to make his purgation, or that he refuse to take his oath
by damnable obstinacy to make such purgation, then let him be
condemned as a heretic. But such as through negligence or through
slothfulness shall omit to show their said innocency, and to make such
purgation, let him be excommunicated, and so long put out from the
company of Christian men, till that they shall make condign
satisfaction; so that if by the space of one whole year they shall
remain in such excommunication, then let them as heretics be
condemned.

  "And further, if any shall be found culpable in any point of the
aforesaid pestiferous doctrine of the arch-heretics aforesaid, or in
any article thereof, whether it be by the report of the seditious, or
else well disposed, let them yet be punished according to the canons.
If only through infamy and suspicion of the aforesaid articles, or any
of them, any man shall be found suspected, and in his purgation
canonical for this thing being interdicted, shall fail, let him be
accounted as a man convicted, and as a convicted person by the canons
let him be punished.

  "And furthermore, we, invocating and putting in execution the
canon of our predecessor of happy memory, Pope Boniface the Eighth,
which beginneth thus, Ut inquisitionis negotium, &c., in exhorting-
wise require, and also command all temporal potentates, lords, and
judges, before recited, by whatsoever dignities, offices, and names
they are known, that as they desire to be had, esteemed, and counted
for the faithful members and children of the church, and do rejoice in
the name of Christ, so in like wise, for defence of the same faith,
they will obey, intend, give their aid and favourable help to you that
are archbishops, bishops, and ecclesiastical men, inquisitors of all
heretical pravity, and other judges and ecclesiastical persons by you
hereunto, as aforesaid, appointed, holding the faith and communion of
our holy mother the church, for the searching out, taking, and safe
custody of all the aforesaid heretics, their believers, their
favourers, their receivers, and their defenders, whensoever they shall
be thereunto of them required.

  "And that they bring, and cause to be brought, all delay set
apart, the aforesaid pestiferous persons, so seeking to destroy others
with them, into such safe-keeping and prisons, as by you, the
archbishops, bishops, clergy, and inquisitors aforesaid, are to be
appointed, or else unto such other place or places, as either you or
they shall command within any of their dominions, governments, and
rectories, where they, by catholic men, that is, by you, the
archbishops, bishops, the clergy, and inquisitors, or any other that
shall be by you appointed, or are already appointed by any of you, may
be holden and kept in safe-keeping, putting them in fetters, shackles,
bolts, and manacles of iron, under most strait custody, for escaping
away, till such time as all that business, which belongeth unto them,
be, by the judgment of the church, finished and determined, and that
of such heresy, by a competent ecclesiastical judge, which firmly
holdeth the faith and communion of the aforesaid holy Church of Rome,
they be condemned.

  "The residue let the aforesaid temporal lords, rectors, judges,
or other their officers and pursuivants, take amongst them, with
condign deaths, without any delay to punish. But fearing lest to the
prejudice and slander of the aforesaid catholicfaith and religion,
through the pretext of ignorance, any man herein should be
circumvented, or that any subtle and crafty men should, under the veil
of frivolous excuse, cloak and dissemble in this matter; and that as
touching the convincing or apprehending of the aforesaid heretics,
their receivers and defenders, favourers, believers, and adherents,
and also of such as are suspected of heresy, and with suchlike
perverse doctrine in any wise spotted, we might give more perfect
instruction; therefore, as well to the kingdom of Bohemia and parts
near adjoining to the same, as all other where this superstitious
doctrine began to spread, we have thought it good to send the articles
hereunder written concerning the sect of those arch-heretics, for the
better direction of the aforesaid catholic faith.

  "Touching which articles, by virtue of holy obedience, we charge
and command you and all other archbishops and bishops, all manner of
commissaries and inquisitors, that every of them within the diocese
and limits of their jurisdiction, and also in the aforesaid kingdom,
and dukedom, and places near adjoining, although the same places be
beyond the same their jurisdiction, in the favour of the catholic
faith, do give most diligent and vigilant care about the extirpation
and correction of those errors, arch-heresies, and most pestiferous
sect aforesaid; and also that they compel all defamed persons and
suspected of so pestiferous a contagion, whether it be under the
penalty of the crime confessed, or of excommunication, suspension, or
interdict, or any other formidable pain canonical or legal, when and
wheresoever it shall seem good unto them, and as the quality of the
fact requireth, by an oath corporally taken either upon the holy
evangelists, or upon the relics of saints, or upon the image of the
crucifix, according to the observances of certain places, and
according to the interrogatories, to make convenient answer to every
article therein written. For we intend against all and singular
archbishops, bishops, ecclesiastical persons, or inquisitors, which
shall show themselves negligent and remiss in the extirpation of the
leaven of this heretical pravity, and purging their territories,
diocese, and places to them appointed, of such evil and wicked men, to
proceed and to cause to be proceeded unto the deprivation and
deposition of their pontifical dignities, and shall substitute such
other in their places, which can and may be able to confound the said
heretical pravity, and proceed to further pains against such by the
laws limited, and to other yet more grievous, if need require, we our_
selves will proceed, and cause to be proceeded, according as the
party's fact, and filthiness of his crime committed, shall deserve.
The tenor of those articles whereof we have made mention in this our
own writting are in words as follow.

The articles of John Huss to be inquired upon.

  "1. There is one only universal church, which is the university
of the predestinate, as shall after be declared.

  "2. The universal church is only one; as there is one university
of those that are predestinate.

  "3. Paul was never a member of the devil, although he did certain
acts like unto the acts of the church malignant.

  "4. The reprobate are not parts of the church, for that no part
of the same finally falleth from her, because that the charity of
predestination, which bindeth the same church together, never faileth.

  "5. The two natures, that is, the Divinity and the humanity, be
one Christ.

  "6. The reprobate, although he be sometime in grace, according to
present justice, yet is he never a part of the church, and the
predestinate is ever a member of the church, although sometime he fall
from grace adventitia, but not from grace of predestination; ever
taking the church for the convocation of the predestinate, whether
they be in grace or not, according to present justice. And after this
sort the church is an article of our belief.

  "7. Peter is not, nor ever was, the head of the holy catholic
church.

  "8. Priests living viciously do defile the authority of
priesthood, and so, as unfaithful children, do unfaithfully believe of
the seven sacraments, of the keys of the church, of offices, of
censures, of ceremonies, of the worshipping of relics, indulgences,
orders, and other holy things of the church.

  "9. The papal dignity came and grew from the emperor; and his
government and institution sprang from the emperor's government.

  "10. No man can reasonably affirm, either of himself or other,
that he is the head of any particular church, or that the bishop of
Rome is the head of the Church of Rome.

  "11. A man ought not to believe, that he which is bishop of Rome
is the head of every particular church, unless God have predestinated
him.

  "12. None is the vicar of Christ, or else of Peter, unless he
follow him in manners and conditions, seeing that there is no other
following more pertinent, nor otherwise apt to receive of God this
power procuratory. For unto the office of a vicegerent of Christ, is
required the conformity of manners and the authority of the
institutor.

  "13. The pope is not the manifest and true successor of Peter the
prince of the apostles, if he live in manners contrary to St. Peter;
and if he hunt after avarice, then is he the vicar of Judas Iscariot.
And likewise the cardinals be not the true and manifest successors of
the college of the other apostles of Christ, unless they live
according to the manner of the apostles, keeping the commandments and
counsels of our Lord Jesus Christ.

  "14. The doctors alleging that a man, which will not be amended
by the ecclesiastical censures, is to be delivered to the secular
powers, do follow in this point the bishops, scribes, and Pharisees,
that delivered Christ to the secular power, (saying, It is not lawful
for us to kill any man,) because he would not obey them in all things;
and that such be greater homicides than Pilate.

  "15. The ecclesiastical obedience is such an obedience as the
priests of the church have found out, besides the express authority of
the Scripture. The immediate division of human works is, that they be
either virtuous or vicious; and if a man be vicious, and doth any
thing, then doth he it viciously; and if he be virtuous, and doth any
thing, then doth he it virtuously. For like as vice, which is called a
great offence or mortal sin, doth stain all the doings of a vicious
man; so virtue doth quicken all the doings of a virtuous man.

  "16. A priest of God living after his law, and having the
knowledge of the Scripture, and a desire to edify the people, ought to
preach, notwithstanding any excommunication pretended of the pope. And
further, if the pope, or any other magistrate, doth forbid a priest so
disposed to preach, he ought not to be obedient unto him. For every
one that taketh upon him the order of priesthood, receiveth in charge
the office of a preacher; and of that burden ought he well to
discharge himself, any excommunication against him pretended in any
wise notwithstanding.

  "17. By the censures ecclesiastical, as of excommunication,
suspending, and interdict, the clergy, to their own advancement, cause
the lay-people to aid them; they multiply their avarice, they defend
their malice, and prepare the way to antichrist. And it is an evident
sign that such censures proceed from antichrist, which in their
process they call fulminationes, that is, their thunderbolts wherewith
the clergy principally proceed against those that declare the
wickedness of antichrist, who so greatly, for his own commodity, hath
abused them.

  "18. If the pope be evil, especially if he be a reprobate, then
is he with Judas a very devil, a thief, and the son of perdition, and
is not the head of the holy church militant, nor any member of the
same.

  "19. The grace of predestination is the band wherewith the body
of the church and every member of the same is indissolubly joined to
their Head Christ.

  "20. The pope or prelate that is evil and a reprobate, is a
pastor in name and not in deed, yea, he is a thief and a robber in
very deed.

  "21. The pope ought not to be called the most holy one for his
office sake, for then ought a king to be called by his office the most
holy one; and hangmen, with other such officers also, were to be
called holy, yea, the devil himself ought to be called holy, forasmuch
as he is God's officer.

  "22. If the pope live contrary unto Christ, although he climb up
by the right and lawful election, according to the common custom of
men; yet notwithstanding, should he otherwise climb than by Christ,
yea, though we admit that he should enter by the election principally
made by God. For Judas Iscariot was lawfully elect of God, Christ
Jesus, to his bishopric, and yet came not he the same way he ought to
do unto the sheepfold.

  "23. The condemnation of forty-five articles of John Wickliff by
the doctors made, is unreasonable, wicked, and naught, and the cause
by them alleged is feigned, that is, that none of them are catholic,
but every one of them heretical, erroneous, or slanderous.

  "24. Not for that the electors or the most part of them have
consented together with lively voice, according to the custom of men
upon the person of any, therefore that person is lawfully elect, or
therefore is the true and manifest successor and vicar of Peter the
apostle, or of any other the apostles in the ecclesiastical office.
Wherefore, whether the electors have either well or evil made their
election, it behoveth us to believe the same by the works of him that
is elected. For in that that every one worketh more meritoriously to
the profit of the church, he hath so much the more greater authority
from God.

  "25. There is not so much as one spark of appearance, that there
ought to be one head, ruling and governing the church in spiritual
causes, which should always be conversant in the church militant; for
Christ without any such monstrous heads, by his true disciples sparsed
through the whole world, could better, a great deal, rule his church.

  "26. The apostles and faithful priests of God have right
worthily, in all things necessary to salvation, governed the church
before the pope's office took place, and so might they do again, by
like possibility, until Christ came to judgment, if the office should
fail.

  "Let every one that is suspected in the aforesaid articles, or
else otherwise found with the assertion of them, be examined in manner
and form as followeth:

  "Imprimis, Whether he knew John Wickliff of England, John Huss of
Bohemia, and Jerome of Prague, or any of them, and how he came by the
knowledge of them; whether that during the lives of them, or any of
them, they had either been conversant with them, or found any
friendship at their hands.

  "2. Item, Whether he, knowing them, or any of them, to be
excommunicate, did willingly participate with them; esteeming and
affirming the same their participation to be no sin.

  "3. Item, Whether that after their deaths he ever prayed for
them, or any of them, openly or privily, doing any work of mercy for
them, affirming them to be either saints, or else to be saved.

  "4. Item, Whether he thought them, or any of them, to be saints,
or whether that ever he spake such words, and whether ever he did
exhibit any worship unto them as unto saints.

  "5. Item, Whether he believe, hold, and affirm, that every
general council, as also the council of Constance, doth represent the
universal church.

  "6. Item, Whether he doth believe, that that which the holy
council of Constance, representing the universal church, hath and doth
allow in the favour of the faith, and salvation of souls, is to be
approved and allowed of all the faithful Christians; and that,
whatsoever the same council hath condemned, and doth condemn, to he
contrary both to the faith and to all good men, is to be believed,
holden, and affirmed for condemned, or not.

  "7. Item, Whether he believeth that the condemnations of John
Huss, John Wickliff, and Jerome of Prague, made, as well upon their
persons, as their books and doctrine, by the holy general council of
Constance, be rightly and justly made, and of every good catholic man
are so to be holden and affirmed, or not.

  "8. Item, Whether he believe, hold, and affirm, that John
Wickliff of England, John Huss of Bohemia, and Jerome of Prague, were
heretics or not, and for heretics to be nominated and preached, yea or
not; and whether their books and doctrines were and be perverse or
not; for the which, together with their pertinacy, they were condemned
by the holy sacred council of Constance for heretics.

  "9. Item, Whether he have in his custody any treatises, small
works, epistles, or other writings, in what language or tongue soever,
set forth and translated by any of these heretics, John Wickliff, John
Huss, and Jerome, or any other of their false disciples and followers,
that he may deliver them to the ordinaries of that place, or to the
commissary, or to the inquisitors upon his oath. And if he say, that
he hath no such writing about him, but that they are in some other
place, that then you swear him to bring the same before his ordinary,
or other aforenamed, within a certain time to him prefixed.

  "10. Item, Whether he knoweth any that hath the treatises, works,
epistles, or any other writings of the aforesaid John Wickliff, John
Huss, and Jerome, in whatsoever tongue they are made or translated,
and that he detect and manifest the same, for the purgation of their
faith and execution of justice.

  "11. Item, Especially let the learned be examined, whether he
believeth that the sentence of the holy council of Constance, upon the
forty-five articles of John Wickliff, and the thirty articles of John
Huss, be not catholic; which saith, that some of them are notorious
and heretical, some erroneous, other some blasphemous, some
slanderous, some rash and seditious, some offensive to godly ears.

  "12. Item, Whether he believeth and affirmeth that in no case it
is lawful for a man to swear.

  "13. Item, Whether he believeth, that at the commandment of a
judge or any other it is lawful to take an oath to tell the truth in
any convenient cause, although it be but purging of infamy, or not.

  "14. Item, Whether he believeth that perjury wittingly committed,
upon what cause soever, whether it be for the safeguard of his own
life, or of any other man's life, (yea, although it be in the cause
and defence of the faith,) be a sin or not.

  "15. Item, Whether a man contemning purposely the rites of the
church, and the ceremonies of exorcism, of catechism, and the
consecration of the water of baptism, be in deadly sin or not.

  "16. Item, Whether he believe, that after the consecration of the
priest, in the sacrament of the altar, under the figure of bread and
wine, be no material bread and wine; but in all points the same very
Christ, which was crucified upon the cross, and sitteth upon the right
hand of the Father.

  "17. Item, Whether he believe, that after the consecration made
by the priest, under the only form of bread, and besides the form of
wine, be the very flesh of Christ and his blood, his soul and his
Deity, and so whole Christ as he is; and in like wise, under the form
of wine, without the form of bread, be the very flesh of Christ and
his very blood his soul, and Deity, and so whole Christ, and the same
body absolutely under every one of those kinds singularly.

  "18. Item, Whether he doth believe, that the custom of houseling
of the lay-people under the form of bread only, observed of the
universal church, and allowed by the only council of Constance, be to
be used, and not without the authority of the church at men's
pleasures to be altered, and that they that obstinately affirm the
contrary to this are to be punished as heretics, or not.

  "19. Item, Whether he believe that those which contemn the
receiving of the sacraments of confirmation, or extreme unction, or
else the solemnization of matrimony, commit deadly sin or not.

  "20. Item, Whether he believe that a Christian man, over and
besides the contrition of heart, being licensed of a convenient
priest, is bound to confess himself only to a priest, and not to any
layman, be he never so devout or good, upon the necessity of
salvation.

  "21. Item, Whether he believe, that in the cases before put, a
priest may absolve a sinner, confessing himself and being contrite,
from all sins, and enjoin him penance for the same.

  "22. Item, Whether he believe, that an evil priest, with due
manner and form, with the intention of doing, doth verily consecrate,
doth verily absolve, doth verily baptize, and doth verily dispose all
other sacraments even as the church doth.

  "23. Item, Whether he believe that St. Peter was the vicar of
Christ, having power to bind and to loose upon the earth.

  "24. Item, Whether he believe that the pope, being canonically
elect, which for the time shall be, by that name expressly be the
successor of Peter or not, having supreme authority in the church of
God.

  "25. Item, Whether he believe that the authority or jurisdiction
of the pope, an archbishop, or a bishop, in binding or loosing, be
more than the authority of a simple priest or not, although he have
charge of souls.

  "26. Item, Whether he believe, that the pope may, upon a just and
good cause, give indulgences and remission of sins to all Christian
men, being verily contrite and confessed, especially to those that go
on pilgrimage to holy places and good deeds.

  "27. Item, Whether he believe, that by such grant the pilgrims
that visit those churches, and give them any thing, may obtain
remission of sins or not.

  "28. Item, Whether he believe that all bishops may grant unto
their subjects, according as the holy canons do limit, such
indulgences, or not.

  "29. Item, Whether he believe and affirm, that it is lawful for
faithful Christians to worship images and the relics of saints, or
not.

  "30. Item, Whether he believe that those religions, which the
church hath allowed, were lawfully and reasonably brought in of the
holy fathers, or. not.

  "31. Item, Whether he believe that the pope, or any other prelate
for the time being, or their vicars, may excommunicate their subject,
ecclesiastical or secular, for disobedience or contumacy; so that such
a one is to be holden and taken for excommunicate, or not.

  "32. Item, Whether he believe, that for the disobedience and
contumacy of persons excommunicate, increasing, the prelates or their
vicars in spiritual things have power to aggravate and to reaggravate,
to put upon men the interdict and to call for the secular arm; and
that the same secular arm or power ought to be obedient to the
censures, by their inferiors called for.

  "33. Item, Whether he believe that the pope and other prelates,
or else their vicars, have power, in spiritual things, to
excommunicate priests and laymen that are stubborn and disobedient,
from their office, benefice, or entrance into the church, and from the
administration of the sacraments of the church, also to suspend them.

  "34. Item, Whether he believe that it is lawful for
ecclesiastical persons, without committing sin, to have any
possessions and temporal goods; and whether he believe that it is not
lawful for laymen to take away the same from them by their authority;
but rather that such takers away and encroachers upon ecclesiastical
goods are to be punished as committers of sacrilege, yea, although
such ecclesiastical persons live naughtily that have such goods.

  "35. Item, Whether any such taking away or encroaching upon any
priest rashly or violently made, although the priest be an evil liver,
be sacrilege, or not.

  "36. Item, Whether he believe that it is lawful for laymen of
whether sex soever, that is, men and women, to preach the word of God,
or not.

  "37. Item, Whether he believe that it is lawful to all priests
freely to preach the word of God, wheresoever, whensoever, and to
whomsoever it shall please them, although they be not sent at all.

  "38. Item, Whether he believe that all mortal sins, and
especially such as be manifest and public, are to be corrected and to
be extirpated, or not.

  "Furthermore, we will, command, and decree, that if any by secret
information, by you or any other to be received, shall he found either
infamed or suspected of any kind of the pestiferous sect, heresy, and
doctrine of the most pestilent men, John Wickliff, John Huss, and
Jerome of Prague, the arch-heretics aforesaid, or of favouring,
receiving, or defending the aforesaid damned men whilst they lived on
the earth, their false followers and disciples, or any that believeth
their errors, or any that after their death pray for them or any of
them, or that nominateth them to be amongst the number of catholic
men, or that defendeth them to be placed amongst the number of the
saints, either by their preaching, worshipping, or other ways, wherein
they deserve to be suspected; that then they by you, or some of you,
may be cited personally to appear before you, or some of you, without
either proctor or doctor to answer for them, an oath being openly
taken by them as is aforesaid, to speak the plain and mere verity of
the articles above written, and every of them, or other opportune, as
case and circumstance shall require, according to your discretion, as
you, or any of you, shall see expedient to proceed against them, or
any of them, according to these presents, or otherwise canonically, as
you shall think good.

  "Also that you do publish solemnly, and cause to be published,
these present letters, omitting the articles and interrogatories
herein contained, in the cities and other places of your diocese,
where conveniently you may, under our authority, and there to denounce
and cause to be denounced all and singular such heretics, with their
abettors and favourers of their heresies and errors, of what sex or
kind soever, that do hold and defend the said errors, or do
participate any manner of way with heretics, privily or apertly; of
what state, dignity, or condition soever he or they be, patriarch,
archbishop, king, queen, duke, or of what other dignity either
ecclesiastical or secular he be; also with their advocates and
procurators whosoever, which are believers, followers, favourers,
defenders, or receivers of such heretics, or suspected to be
believers, followers, favourers, defenders, or receivers of them, to
be excommunicate every Sunday and festival day, in the presence of the
people.

  "Furthermore, that you diligently cause to be inquired, by the
said our authority, upon all and singular such persons, both men and
women, that maintain, approve, defend, and teach such errors, or that
be favourers, receivers, and defenders of them, whether exempt or not
exempt, of what dignity, state, pre-eminence, degree, order, or
condition so-ever. And such as you shall find in the said your
inquisition, either by their own confession, or by any other mean, to
be defamed or otherwise infected with the spot of such heresy, or
error, you through the sentence of excommunication, suspension,
interdict, and privation of their dignities, parsonages, offices, or
other benefices of the church, and fees which they hold of any church,
monastery, and other ecclesiastical places, also honours and secular
dignities and degrees of sciences or other faculties, as also by other
pains and censures of the church, or by ways and means whatsoever else
shall seem to you expedient, by taking and imprisoning their bodies,
and other corporal punishments wherewith heretics are punished, or are
wont, and are commanded by canonical sanctions, to be used; and if
they be clerks, by degradation, do correct and punish, and cause them
to be corrected and punished with all diligence.

  Furthermore, that you do rise up stoutly and courageously against
such heretics, and the goods as well of them, as of the laymen,
according to the canonical sanction made against heretics and their
followers, under the which we will and command them and their
partakers to be subject. And also such persons as shall be infamed of
the heresies or errors aforesaid, or any of the premises, shall be
bound to purge themselves at your arbitrement; but the other, which
either by witnesses, or by their own confessions, or other allegations
or probations, shall be convicted of the aforesaid heresies or
articles, or of any the premises, they shall be compelled to revoke
and abjure publicly and solemnly the said articles and errors, and to
suffer condign penance and punishment, yea, even to perpetual
imprisonment, (if need be,) for the same.

  "And to the intent that they shall not nourish any kind of
heresies hereafter, either in word, deed, or gesture, or shall induce
other either in word or deed, privily or apertly, directly or
indirectly, to believe the same, they shall be forced to put in
sufficient surety; who, if it so chance that they will not publicly
and solemnly renounce and abjure their articles and errors, and take
at your hands condign penance, though it be to perpetual or temporal
punishment according to your discretion, neither will be contented to
put in sufficient surety that they will not hereafter hold or nourish
these errors and heresies, neither will induce other by word or deed,
privily or apertly, directly or indirectly, or by any other manner of
colour, to believe the same, that then you shall proceed against them,
according to the quality of their errors and demerits; yea, and if you
see it so expedient, as against heretics, and as infected with heresy,
by our authority, according to the canonical sanctions summarily, and
simply and plainly, and of office, all appellation or appellations
whatsoever ceasing, and that you punish the same,. according to the
sanctions and traditions canonical, yea, if need be, in leaving and
committing them to the secular power; and against such as be superiors
or learned doctors, laying the censures of ecclesiastical
excommunication, all appellation set aside, also invocating, if need
shall require, aid of the secular arm; the constitution as well of our
predecessor Pope Boniface the Eighth of blessed memory, wherein is
decreed, that no man without his city or diocese, (except in certain
cases,) or in places being one day's journey distant from thence where
he inhabiteth, shall be called into judgment, and that no man do
presume to depute judges from the see apostolic, without the city and
diocese where they are deputed to proceed against any; and do presume
to commit their authority to any other person or persons, or to fetch
and remove any man beyond one day's journey from out his diocese where
he dwelleth, or at most two days' journey, if it be in a general
council;as also all other constitutions of any bishop of Rome,
touching as well judges delegate, as persons not to be called to
judgment beyond a certain number; or else any other edict, indulgence,
privilege, or exemption general or special, granted from the apostolic
see, for any person or persons not to be interdicted, suspended, or
excommunicated, or cited up to judgment without the compass of certain
limits, or else whatsoever thing otherwise may hinder, stop, or
impeach your jurisdiction, power, and free proceeding herein by any
means to the contrary notwithstanding. Given at Constance, the first
year of our popedom."

  This bloody and abominable commission of Pope Martin, which I
have copied out of a certain old monument remaining in the hands of
Master Hackluyt, student in the temple, seemeth to he directed and
given out to the public destruction of all faithful Christian men,
about the latter end and breaking up of the council of Constance, A.
D. 1418. By the which the prudent reader hath this to note and
consider, what labour, what policy, what counsel, and what laws have
been set, what ways have been taken, what severity hath been showed,
how men's power, wit, and authority of the whole world have conspired
together from time to time, continually by all manner of means to
subvert and supplant the word and way of the Lord; and yet,
notwithstanding, man hath not prevailed, but all his force and devised
policies have been overthrown, despatched, and, with the counsel of
Achitophel and Ammon, have been brought to nought, and, contrary to
the fury of the world, the gospel of Christ hath still increased.
Neither yet for all this will the pope cease to spurn and rebel still
against the kingdom of Christ and of his gospel, against which neither
he, nor yet the gates of hell, shall ever prevail. The Lord of hosts
be merciful to his poor persecuted flock. Amen.

  There was a new expedition decreed against the Bohemians, against
the eighth calends of July, and Frederic, marquis of Brandenburg,
appointed general of that war, which should follow the cardinal. He
entered into Bohemia by the way that leadeth unto Thopa, and Albert,
prince of Austria, was appointed to bring his army through Moravia.

  In this expedition was Albert and Christopher of Bavaria, and
Frederic, dukes of Saxony, John and Albert, princes of Brandenburg,
with their father, which was general of those wars. Also the bishops
of Hyperbolis, Bamberge, and Eysten. Also the company of the Swevians,
which they called the company of St. George, and the magistrates of
the imperial cities, the bishop of Mentz, Trevers, and Cologne sent
their aids, and with them the chieftains of their provinces. It is
said that the number of their horsemen were above forty thousand, but
their footmen were not full so many, for the Germans for the most part
do use to fight their battles on horseback.

  Also Rhenatus, prince of Loraine, promised to come to these wars;
but being letted by his civil wars, forasmuch as he went about to
vanquish the earl of Vandome, he could not keep his promise, and the
county Palatine of Rhine, which did aid and succour the earl of
Vandome, could not go against the Bohemians. The cardinal staying for
them deferred his journey until the calends of August.
Illustration: Massacre of Old People, Women and Children

  In the mean time Albert leading his army out of Austria,
understanding that the cardinal was not present at the day appointed,
and seeing himself unable to encounter with the Bohemian power, he
returned back again. After this the cardinal entered into Bohemia with
a huge army, and destroyed many of the protestants' towns, killing
men, women, and children, sparing neither old nor young;
notwithstanding this his tyranny was exercised in the uttermost
borders of Bohemia, for his captains feared to enter far into the
land. The Bohemians, as soon as they had heard tell that their enemy
was come, made ready, and gathered their host with all speed, and laid
siege to a tower called Stiltiverge, and brought it under subjection.
In the mean season; there fell such a marvellous sudden fear amongst
all the papists, throughout the whole camp, that they began most
shamefully to run away before any enemy came in sight. The Cardinal
Julian marvelling at this most sudden fear, and what should move so
great an army to fly, went about unto the captains, exhorting them to
put on armour, to order their battles, and courageously to abide their
enemies, saying, they did not fight for the glory of their kingdom, or
for the possession of lands, but for their lives, and honour, and
religion of Christ, and for the salvation of souls. "How ignominious a
thing is it," saith he, "for the Germans to fly in battle, whose
courage and valiantness all the world doth extol! It were much better
to die, than to give place to any enemies before they were secn, for
they can by no means live in safety within the walls, which give place
unto their enemy in the field; for it is the weapon that defendeth a
man, and not the walls, and except they would even presently defend
their liberty with the sword, they should shortly be in greater
bondage, more miserable than any death." But this exhortation was all
in vain, for fear had put away all boldness; for the ensigns were
snatched up, and, as though there had been no captain in the host,
every man ran headlong away. No man regarded any commandment, neither
once took his leave of his captain, but casting away their armour,
with speedy flight they ran away, as though their enemy had been at
their backs. The cardinal also, although it were against his will, was
forced to do the like.

  Thus the protestants, by the fear of their enemies made the more
bold and courageous, pursued them through the woods, and had a great
prey and spoil of them. Notwithstanding, Albert, when he heard tell
that the cardinal was entered into Bohemia, with all speed came again
out of Austria with his army, and besieged the strong town of
Prezorabia; but when he understood how the cardinal was fled, he left
off his purpose, and returned through Moravia, which was not yet
subject unto him, and destroyed above fifty towns with fire and sword,
took many of their cities by force, and spoiled them, committing great
murder and slaughter, and so afflicted them that they took upon them
his yoke, and promised to be subject and obedient to him, under this
condition, that, as touching religion, he would he bound to do that
which the council of Basil should determine.

  Then was there an embassage sent out of Bohemia unto Basil, where
Sigismund held the council, who, during the time of the wars, had kept
himself at Nuremberg. When he should take his journey unto Rome to be
crowned emperor, he wrote letters unto the nobles of Bohemia, wherein
was contained, how that be was a Bohemian born, and how he was not
more affectioned to any nation than to his own, and that he went to
Rome for none other cause but to be crowned, the which his honour
should also he a renown to the Bohemians, whom to advance it hath been
always his special care.

  Also, how that through his endeavour the council was begun at
Basil, exhorting all such as were desirous to be heard as touching
religion, that they should come thither, and that they would not
maintain any quarrel contrary to the holy mother the church; that the
council would lovingly and gently hear their reasons, that they should
only endeavour themselves to agree with the synod as touching
religion, and reserve and keep a quiet and peaceable kingdom for him,
against his return; neither should the Bohemians think to refuse his
regiment, whose brother, father, and uncle had reigned over them, and
that he would reign over them after no othermean or sort than other
Christian kings used to do.

  The council of Basil also wrote their letter to the Bohemians,
that they should send their ambassadors which should show a reason of
their faith, promising safe-conduct to go and come, and free liberty
to speak what they would. The Bohemians in this point were of two
opinions; for the protestants, and almost all the common people, said,
it was not good to go, alleging the example of John Huss and Jerome of
Prague, which, going unto Constance, under the safe-conduct of the
emperor, were there openly burned. But the nobility, following the
mind of Maynard, prince of the new house, said, that they ought to go
unto the council, and that they are not to be suffered which had
invented those new and strange opinions of faith, and new kind of
religion, except they would render account of their doings and sayings
before the universal church, and defend those things which they had
openly taught before learned men. This opinion took place, and an
embassage of three hundred horse was sent unto Basil. The chief
whereof were William Cosca, a valiant knight, and Procopius, surnamed
Magnus, a man of worthy fame for his manifold victories, John
Rhochezana, preacher of Prague, Nicholas Gallicus, minister of the
Taborites, and one Peter, an Englishman, of excellent, prompt, and
pregnant wit. The people came in great number out of the town, and
many out of the synod and council, attending before the gates to see
the coming of this valiant and famous people; other some gathered
together in great number into the streets where they should pass
through. The matrons, maids, and children filled the windows and
houses to behold and see, and to marvel at their strange kind of
apparel, and stout, courageous countenances, saying, that it was not
untrue which was reported of them; notwithstanding, all men beheld
Procopius, saying, "This is he which hath overthrown the papists in so
many battles, which hath subverted so many towns, and slain so many
men, whom both his enemies, and also his own soldiers, do fear and
reverence;" also that he was a bold, valiant, and invincible captain,
which could not be overcome with any terror, labour, or travail.

  These Bohemian ambassadors were gently received. The next day
after, Cardinal Julian, sending for them unto the council-house, made
a gentle, long, and eloquent oration unto them, exhorting them to
unity and peace, saying, that the church was the spouse of our Saviour
Christ, and the mother of all faithful, that it hath the keys of
binding and loosing, and also that it is white and fair, without spot
or wrinkle, and cannot err in those points that are necessary to
salvation, and that he which doth contemn the same church, is to be
counted as a profane ethnic, and publican, neither can this church be
represented better by any means than in this council. He exhorteth
them also to receive decrees of the council, and to give no less
credit unto the council than unto the gospel, by whose authority the
Scriptures themselves are received and allowed. Also that the
Bohemians, which call themselves the children of the church, ought to
hear the voice of their mother, which is never unmindful of her
children; how that now of late they have lived apart from their
mother; albeit, said he, that is no new or strange thing, for there
have been many in times past which have forsaken their mother, and
yet, seeking after salvation have returned to her again; that in the
time of Noah's flood, as many as were without the ark perished; that
the Lord's passover was to be eaten in one house; that there is no
salvation to be sought for out of the church, and that this is the
garden and famous fountain of water, whereof whosoever shall drink,
shall not thirst everlastingly; that the Bohemians have done as they
ought, in that they have sought the fountains of this water at the
council, and have determined now at length to give ear unto their
mother. Now all hatred ought to cease, all armour and weapon is to be
laid apart, and all occasion of war utterly to be rejected. For the
fathers would lovingly and gently hear whatsoever there they would say
in their own cause or quarrel, requiring only that they would
willingly receive and embrace the good counsels and determinations of
the sacred synod; whereunto not only the Bohemians, but also all other
faithful Christians, ought to consent and agree, if they will be
partakers of eternal life.

  This oration of the cardinal was heard and very well allowed of
the fathers. Whereunto the Bohemians answered in few words, that they
neither had contemned the church nor the council; that the sentence
given at Constance, against those which were unheard, doth diminish
nothing of the Christian religion; that the authority of the fathers
hath always remained amongst them inviolate; and that whatsoever thing
the Bohemians have taught, was confirmed by the Scriptures and gospel;
and that they are now come to manifest their innocency before the
whole church, and to require open audience, where the laity may also
be present. Their request was granted them; and being further demanded
in what points they did disagree from the Church of Rome, they
propounded four articles.

  First, they affirmed, that all such as would be saved, ought of
necessity to receive the communionof the last supper under both kinds
of bread and wine.

  The second article, they affirmed all civil rule and dominion to
be forbidden unto the clergy by the law of God.

  The third article, that the preaching of the word of God is free
for all men, and in all places. The fourth article, as touching open
crimes and offences, which are in no wise to be suffered for the
avoiding of greater evil.

  These were the only propositions which they propounded before the
council in the name of the whole realm. Then another ambassador
affirmed that he had heard of the Bohemians divers and sundry things
offensive to Christian ears, amongst the which this was one point,
that they should preach that the invention of the order of Begging
Friars was diabolical.

  Then Procopius rising up, said, "Neither is it untrue; for if
neither Moses, neither before him the patriarchs, neither after him
the prophets, neither, in the new law, Christ and his apostles did
institute the order of Begging Friars, who doth doubt but that it was
an invention of the devil, and a work of darkness."

  This answer of Procopius was derided of them all. And Cardinal
Julianus went about to prove that not only the decrees of the
patriarchs and prophets, and those things which Christ and his
apostles had instituted, were of God, but also that all such decrees
as the church should ordain, being guided through the Holy Ghost, be
the works of God. Albeit, as he said, the order of Begging Friars
might seem to be taken out of some part of the Gospel. The Bohemians
chose out four divines which should declare their articles to be taken
out of the Scriptures. Likewise on the contrary part there were four
appointed by the council. This disputation continued fifty days, where
many things were alleged on either part, whereof, as place shall
serve, more hereafter (by the grace of Christ) shall be said, when we
come to the time of that council.

  In the mean season, while the Bohemians were thus in long
conflicts with Sigismund the emperor, and the pope, fighting for their
religion, unto whom, notwithstanding all the fulness of the pope's
power was bent against them, God of his goodness had given such noble
victories, as is above expressed, and ever did prosper them so long as
they could agree among themselves; as these things, I say, were doing
in Bohemia, King Henry the Fifth, fighting likewise in France, albeit
for no like matters of religion, fell sick at Blois and died, after he
had reigned nine years, five months, three weeks, and odd days from
his coronation. This king, in life and in all his doings, was so
devout and serviceable to the pope and all his chaplains, that he was
called of many the prince of priests: who left behind him a son being
yet an infant, nine months and fifteen days of age, whom he had by
Queen Katherine, daughter to the French king, married to him about two
or three years before. The name of which prince, succeeding after his
father, was Henry the Sixth, left under the government and protection
of his uncle named Humphrey, duke of Gloucester.

The names of the archbishops of Canterbury in this fifth book
contained.
54
Simon Islepe.
1
7
56
Simon Langham.
2
57
William
Witlesey.
5
58
Simon Sudbury.
6
59
William
Courtney.
1
5
60
Thomas
Arundel.
1
8
61
Henry
Chichesley.
2
9



THE SIXTH BOOK,
PERTAINING TO
THE LAST THREE HUNDRED YEARS FROM THE LOOSING OUT OF SATAN.

111. A PREFACE TO THE READER.

    ACCORDING to the five sundry diversities and alterations of the
church, so have I divided hitherto the order of this present church
story into five principal parts, every part containing three hundred
years. So that now coming to the last three hundred years, that is, to
the last times of the church, counting from the time of Wickliff:
forasmuch as in the compass of the last three hundred years are
contained great troubles and perturbations of the church, with the
marvellous reformation of the same through the wondrous operation of
the Almighty; all which things cannot be comprehended in one book; I
have therefore disposed the said latter three hundred years into
divers books, beginning now with the sixth book at the reign of King
Henry the Sixth. In which book, beside the grievous and sundry
persecutions raised up by antichrist, to be noted, herein is also to
be observed, that whereas it hath of long time been received and
thought of the common people, that this religion now generally used
hath sprung up and risen but of late, even by the space (as many do
think) of twenty or thirty years, it may now manifestly appear, not
only by the acts and monuments heretofore passed, but also by the
histories hereafter following, how this profession of Christ's
religion hath been spread abroad in England of old and ancient time,
not only for the space of these two hundred late years, from the time
of Wickliff, but hath continually from time to time sparkled abroad,
although the flames thereof have never so perfectly burst out as they
have done within these hundred years and more; as by these histories
here collected and gathered out of registers, especially of the
diocese of Norwich, shall manifestly appear: wherein may be seen what
men, and how many both men and women, within the said diocese of
Norwich, have been, which have defended the same cause of doctrine
which now is received by us in the church. Which persons although then
they were not so strongly armed in their cause and quarrel as of late
years they have been, yet were they warriors in Christ's church, and
fought to their power in the same cause. And although they gave back
through tyranny, yet judge thou the best, good reader, and refer the
cause thereof to God, who revealeth all things according to his
determinate will and appointed time.


112. FURTHER PERSECUTIONS OF WICLIFF'S FOLLOWERS

  THE young prince Henry the Sixth, being under the age of one
year, after the death of his father, succeeded in his reign and
kingdom of England, A. D. 1422, and in the eighth year was crowned at
Westminster; and the second year after was crowned also at Paris,
Henry, bishop of Winchester, cardinal, being present at them both, and
reigned thirty-eight years, and then was deposed by Edward the Fourth,
as hereafter (Christ willing) shall be declared in his time. In the
first year of his reign was burned the constant witness-bearer and
testis of Christ's doctrine, William Taylor, a priest, under Henry
Chichesley, archbishop of Canterbury. Of this William Taylor I read,
that in the days of Thomas Arundel he was first apprehended, and
abjured. Afterward, in the days of Hcnry Chichesley, and about the
year of our Lord 1421, which was a year before his burning, the said
William Taylor appeared again in the convocation before the
archbishop, being brought by the bishop of Worcester, being complained
of to have taught at Bristol these articles following:

  "First, That whosoever hangeth any Scripture about his neck,
taketh away the honour due only to God, and giveth it to the devil.

  "Secondly, That no human person is to be worshipped, but only God
is to be adored.

  "Thirdly, That the saints are not to be worshipped or invocated."

  Upon these articles the said William Taylor being examined,
denied that he did preach or hold them in way of defending them, but
only did commune and talk upon the same, especially upon the second
and third articles, only in way of reasoning, and for argument sake.
And to justify his opinion to be true in that which he did hold, he
brought out of his bosom a paper or libel written, wherein were
contained certain articles, with the testimonies .of the doctors
alleged, and exhibited the same unto the archbishop. Who then being
bid to stand aside, the archbishop consulting together with the
bishops and other prelates what was to be done in the matter,
delivered the writings unto Master John Castle, and John Rikinghale,
the two vice-chancellors of Oxford and Cambridge, and to John Lang-
don, monk of Canterbury; who, advising with themselves and with other
divines, about the articles and allegations, on the Monday following
presented the said articles of William Taylor to the archbishops and
prelates, as erroneous and heretical. Whereupon William Taylor, being
called before them, in conclusion was contented to revoke the same,
and for his penance was by them condemned to perpetual prison.

  Notwithstanding, through favour they were contented that he
should be released from his prison endurance, in case he would put in
sufficient surety in the king's chancery, and swear that he shall
never hold nor favour any such opinions hereafter. And thus the said
William Taylor, appointed to appear the next Wednesday at Lambeth
before the archbishop, to take his absolution from his long
excommunication during the time from Thomas Arundel, appeared again
before him; where he, laying aside his arunlousa, that is, his cloak,
his cap, and stripped unto his doublet, kneeled at the feet of the
archbishop; who then standing up, and having a rod in his hand, began
the psalm Miserere, &c., his chaplains answering the second verse.
After that was said the collect, Deus cuiproprium, &c., with certain
other prayers. And so taking an oath of him, the archbishop committed
him to the custody of the bishop of Worcester, to whom power and
authority was permitted to release him, upon the conditions aforesaid.
And thus was William Taylor for that time absolved, being enjoined,
notwithstanding, to appear at the next convocation, whensoever it
should be, before the said archbishop or his successor that should
follow him.

  In the mean time, while William Taylor was thus in the custody of
the bishop of Worcester, there passed certain writings between him and
one Thomas Smith, priest, at Bristol, in the which writings William
Taylor replied against the said Thomas, concerning the question of
worshipping of saints. Upon the occasion of which reply, being brought
to the hands of the bishop of Worcester, William Taylor began anew to
be troubled, and was brought again before the public convocation of
the clergy by the said bishop of Worcester, to answer unto his
writings. This was A. D. 1422, the eleventh day of February. Unto the
which convocation the said William being presented, his writings were
read to him; which he would not, nor could not, deny to be of his own
hand-writing.

  The tenor and effect of whose writing only tended to prove, that
every petition and prayer for any supernatural gift ought to be
directed to God alone, and to no creature. Albeit in this his writing
he did not utterly deny that it was lawful in any respect to pray to
saints, (and bringeth for the same St. Thomas Aquinas,) but only in
respect of that worship which is called Cultus latriæ. And further, so
prosecuteth his mind herein, that he seemeth little or nothing to
differ from the superstition of the papists, as most plainly appeareth
by his own words, saying, Nunquam tamen negavi, aut negare intendo,
merita aut sanctorum sufragia tam beatorum quam viantium, tam vivis,
quam marquis ad hoc dispositis, quantum possunt, suffragari, vel
proficere quia hoc est elicibile ex Scriptura, quæ non fallit, et ex
consona ratione, &c. And moreover he inferreth the example of Moses,
who prayed unto God, alleging the merits of Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob,
which were dead, &c. And furthermore, passing from the testimony of
Jerome, and alleging the example of Stephen, saith, Quod nunc magis
exauditur pro veneratoribus suis, quam tunc exauditus est pro
lapidatoribus. And at length he cometh to this conclusion, proving by
St. Austin, in this manner: "And therefore, lest we run about in
circles with the wicked, and with the idolaters of the Old Testament,
and never come to the centre, it is wholesome and good counsel that we
follow the mind of the apostle, saying, Let us resort with boldness
unto the throne of his grace, that we may obtain mercy, and find grace
in time of opportune help," &c.

  Thus much out of the aforesaid writing of William Taylor I have
excerpted, to the intent that the indifferent reader, using his
judgment herein, may see how little matter was in this, wherefore he
should be condemned by the papists. And yet, notwithstanding, the same
writing, being delivered by the archbishop to the four orders of
friars of London, to be examined, was found erroneous and heretical in
these points:

  "First, That every prayer which is a petition of some
supernatural gift or free gift, is to be directed only to God.

  "2. Item, That prayer is to he directed to God alone.

  "3. Item, To pray to any creature is to commit idolatry."

  4. Also, another opinion there was much like to the other, to
make up the fourth: so that although all these opinions agreed in one,
yet to make up a number, every order of the four sorts of friars,
thought to find out some matter to offer up to the archbishop against
him, lest one order should seem more cunning or pregnant, in finding
out more than could another; or else, perchance, lest any of them
should seem to favour the party, in bringing nothing against him, as
the rest had done.

  When the Saturday was come, which was the twentieth day of
February, upon the which day, the four orders were appointed to
declare their censure upon the articles in the Chapter-house of
Paul's, first appeareth Friar Tille, for the black friars, then Friar
Winchelsey, then Friar Lowe, after Friar Ashwell, each friar for his
order severally bringing his heresy, as is above specified.

  Thus the verdict of these four orders being given up to the
archbishop, and severally, each order coming in with his heresy, which
was the twentieth day of February; hereupon cometh down a writ from
the king, directed to the lord mayor and sheriffs of London, dated the
first day of March, the first year of his reign. The copy whereof
remaineth in the records of the Tower. Whereupon the said William 
Taylor, condemned as a relapse, first was degraded, and after to be
burned, and so was committed to the secular power. Who then being had
to Smithfield, the first day of March, with Christian constancy, after
long imprisonment, there did consummate his martyrdom, 1422.
The manner of his degrading was all one with the degrading of John
Huss before; for the papists use but one form for all men. First,
degrading them from priesthood, by taking from them the chalice and
paten. From deaconship, by taking from them the Gospel Book and
Tunicle. From subdeaconship, by taking- from them the Epistle Book and
Tunicle. From acoluteship, by taking from them the cruet and
candlestick. From an exorcist, by taking away the Book of Exorcisms or
Gradual. From the sextonship, by taking away the church-door key and
surplice. And likewise from Benet, in taking away the surplice, and
first tonsure, &c. All which they orderly accomplished upon this godly
martyr, before his burning.
Illustration: A Martyr Being Prepared for Burning At The Stake

John Florence, a turner.

  John Florence, a turner, dwelling in Shelton, in the diocese of
Norwich, was attached for that he held and taught these heresies
hereunder written, (as they called them,) contrary to the
determination of the Church of Rome.

  "Imprimis, That the pope and cardinals have no power to make or
constitute any laws.

  "Item, That there is no day to be kept holy, but only the Sunday,
which God hath hallowed.

  "Item, That men ought to fast no other time, but of the quatuor
temporum.

  "Item, That images are not to be worshipped, neither that the
people ought to set up any lights before them in the churches, neither
to go on pilgrimage, neither to offer for the dead, or with women that
are purified.

  "Item, That curates should not take the tithes of their
parishioners, but that such tithes should be divided amongst the poor
parishioners.

  "Item, That all such as swear by their life or power shall be
damned, except they repent."

  Upon Wednesday, being the second day of August, in the year of
our Lord 1424, the said John Florence personally appeared before
William Bernam, chancellor to William, bishop of Norwich, where he,
proceeding against him, objected the first article touching the power
of the pope and cardinals; to which article the said John Florence
answered in this manner; "If the pope lived uprightly as Peter lived,
he hath power to make laws; otherwise I believe he hath no power." But
being afterward threatened by the judge, he acknowledged that he had
erred, and submitted himself to the correction of the church, and was
abjured, taking an oath, that from that time forward he should not
hold, teach, preach, or willingly defend, any error or heresy contrary
to the determination of the Church of Rome; neither maintain, help, or
aid any that shall teach or hold any such errors or heresies, either
privily or apertly; and for his offence in this behalf done he was
enjoined this penance following:

  Three Sundays in a solemn procession, in the cathedral church of
Norwich, he should be disciplined before all the people. The like also
should be done about his parish church of Shelton, three other several
Sundays, he being bareheaded, barefooted, and barenecked, after the
manner of a public penitentiary, his body being covered with a canvass
shirt, and canvass breeches, carrying in his hand a taper of a pound
weight; and that done he was dismissed.
Illustration: A Martyr Being Flogged Through The Streets

Richard Reheard of Earsham, in the diocese of Norwich.

  Richard Belward of Earsham, in the diocese of Norwich, was
accused for holding and teaching these errors and opinions hereunder
written, contrary to the determination of the Church of Rome.

  "Imprimis, That ecclesiastical ministers, and ordinaries, have no
power to excommunicate, nei.ther can excommunicate. And albeit that a
bishop do excommunicate any man, God doth absolve him.

  "Item, That he held the erroneous opinions and conclusions, that
Sir John Oldcastle held when he was in prison, and affirmed that Sir
John Oldcastle was a true catholic man, and falsely condemned, and put
to death without any reasonable cause.

  "Item, That such as go on pilgrimage, offering to images made of
wood and stone, are excommunicate, because they ought to offer to the
quick and not to the dead; and that the ecclesiastical ministers, that
is to say, the curates, do sell God upon Easter-day, when they receive
offerings of such as should communicate, before they do minister the
sacrament unto them.

  "Item, That he counselled divers women, that they should not
offer in the church for the dead, neither with women that were
purified.

  "Item, That he blamed divers of his neighbours that refused his
doctrine, saying unto them, 'Truly ye are fools that deny to learn the
doctrine of my sect, for your neighbours which are of my sect are able
to confound and vanquish all other that are of your sect.'

  "Item, That the saints which are in heaven ought in no case to be
prayed unto, but only God.

  "Item, That the said Richard keepeth schools of Lollardy in the
English tongue, in the town of Ditchingham, and a certain parchment-
maker bringeth him all the books containing that doctrine from
London."

  The fifth day of July, 1424, the said Richard Belward was brought
before John, bishop of Norwich, sitting in place of judgment, where
the aforesaid articles were objected against the said Richard, which
he there denied; whereupon the bishop appointed him another day to
purge himself, the Monday next after the fcast of St. Margaret; upon
which day, being the twenty-fourth of July, in the year aforesaid, he
appeared again before the bishop, and brought with him nine of his
neighbours, to purge him upon those articles, and there did solemnly
purge himself. And afterward, forasmuch as the said bishop suspected
the said Richard Belward greatly of Lollardy, he commanded him there
presently to swear upon the evangelists, that from that day forward he
should not wittingly preach, teach, or defend any error or heresy,
contrary to the Church of Rome, neither aid, assist, favour, or
maintain, privily or apertly, any manner of person or persons that
should hold or maintain the said errors or heresies. In the presence
of Master William Bernam, John Wadden, Robert Serle, and J. Berne,
esquire, and other of his neighbours which came unto his purgation.

  In like manner John Goddesell, of Ditchingham, parchment-maker,
was detected and accused upon the same articles, and thereupon brought
before the bishop, where he, denying them, purged himself by his
neighbours, as Richard Belward before had done, being sworn also in
like manner as he was, and so was dismissed and set at liberty, until
the year of our Lord 1428, when he was again apprehended, accused, and
abjured, as shall be more at large declared in the history, when we
come to that year. Sir Hugh Pie, also, chaplain of Ludney, in the
diocese of Norwich, was likewise accused and brought before the bishop
of Norwich, the fifth day of July, A. D. 1424, for holding of these
opinions following:

  "That the people ought not to go on pilgrimage.

  "Item, That the people ought not to give alms, but only unto such
as beg at their doors.

  "Item, That the image of the cross, and other images, are not to
be worshipped. And thatthe said Hugh had cast the cross of Bromehold
into the fire to be burned, which 'he took from one John Welgate, of
Ludney."

  Which articles, as is aforesaid, being objected against him, he
utterly dcnied; whereupon he had a day appointed to purge himself by
the witness of three laymen and three priests: that so done, he was
sworn, as the other before, and so dismissed.

  After this, in the year of our Lord 1428, King Henry the Sixth
sent down most cruel letters of commission unto John Exeter and
Jacolet Germaine, keeper of the castle of Colchester, for the
apprehending of Sir William White, priest, and others suspected of
heresies, the tenor whereof hereafter ensueth:

The copy of the king's letters, directed to John Exeter and Jacolet
Germaine, keeper of the castle of Colchester, for the apprehending of
Sir William White, priest, and other (as they called them) Lollards.

  "Henry, by the grace of God, king of England and of France, lord
of Ireland, to his well-beloved John Exeter, and Jacolet Germaine,
keeper of the castle of Colchester, health.

  "Ye shall understand that we, fully trusting unto your fidelity
and circumspections, have appointed you jointly and severally to take
and arrest William White, priest, and Thomas, late chaplain of
Setling, in the county of Norfolk, and William Northampton, priest,
and all other, whatsoever they be, that are suspected of heresy or
Lollardy, wheresoever they may be found, within the liberties or
without, and straightway, being so taken, to send them unto our next
gaol or prison, until such time as we shall have taken other order for
their delivery: and therefore we straitly command you, that ye
diligently attend about the premises, and fulfil the same in form
aforesaid. Also we charge and command all and singular justices of
peace, mayors, sheriffs, bailiffs, constables, and all other our
faithful officers, by the tenor of these presents, that they do
assist, aid, and counsel you, and every of you, in the execution of
the premises, as it shall be comely for them. In witness whereof we
have caused these our letters patent to be made. Witness myself at
Westminster, the sixth of July, the sixth year of our reign."

  By virtue of which commission we find in old monuments, that
within short space after John Exeter, which was appointed one of the
commissioners, attached six persons in the town of Bungay, in the
diocese of Norwich, and committed them to William Day and William Roe,
constables of the town of Bungay, to be sent within ten days
following, under safe custody, unto the castle of Norwich. Whose
names, through the antiquity of the monument, were so defaced, that we
could not attain to the perfect knowledge of them all; only three
names partly remained in the book to be read, which were these:

  John Wadden of Tenterden, in the county of Kent; Bartholomew,
monk of Earsham, in the county of Norfolk, cornleader, a married man;
William Scuts.
These three were in the custody of the duke of Norfolk, at his castle
of Fremingham.

  Besides these, we also find in the said old monuments within the
diocese of Norfolk and Suffolk, specially in the towns of Beccles,
Earsham, and Ludney, a great number both of men and women to have been
vexed and cast into prison, and after their abjuration brought to open
shame in churches and markets, by the bishop of the said diocese,
called William, and his chancellor, William Bernham, John Exeter being
the register therein: so that within the space of three or four years,
that is, from the year 1428 unto the year 1431, about the number of a
hundred and twenty men and women were examined, and sustained great
vexation for the profession of the Christian faith; of whom some were
only taken upon suspicion, for eating of meats prohibited on vigil
days, who, upon their purgation made, escaped more easily away, and
with less punishment, whose names here follow subscribed.

  The names of them that were taken and examined upon suspicion of
heresy.
Robert Skirving of Harlstone. 
William Skirving.
Iohn Terry of Ersham. 
Iohn Abtre of Ersham.
Iohn Middleton of Halvergate. 
Iohn Wayde of Ersham. 
Richard Clarke of Sething. 
Thomas White of Bedingham.
Master Robert Beete of Berry. 
Richard Page of Clipsly.

  The other were more cruelly handled, and some whom we do
specially find mention made of these of them were put to death and
burned, among I three:
Father Abraham of Colchester.
William White, priest.
John Wadden, priest.

  The residue, for a great number of good men and women were forced
to abjure sustaining such cruel penance as pleased then the said
bishop and his chancellor to lay upon them. The names of which, both
men and women, here follow together in this brief catalogue to be
seen.
John Beverley.
Richard Fletcher of Beckles.
Iohn Wardon.
Nicholas Belward.
Iohn Baker.
Thomas Grenemere.
Iohn Middleton.
Iohn Clarke.
Iohn Kynget.
William Bate.
Margery Backster.
William Scherming.
Iohn Skilley.
William Scherming.
Iohn Godhold.
William Osbourne.
Thomas Albecke.
Iohn Rene of Beckles.
Iohn Pierce.
Baldwine Cooper of Beckles.
Nicholas Canon of Eye.
Iohn Pet. M. Moones servant
Thomas Pye.
Rob. Brigs.
Iohn Mendham.
Iohn Finch.
John Middleton.
Iohn Wropham.
Thomas Chatris.
Thomas Moone.
Thomas Wade.
Isabel Chaplaine of Martham.
William Taylor.
William Marsh of Ersham.
Iohn Cuppet, vicar of Tunstall.
Iohn Goodwin of Ersham.
Sir Hugh Pye, priest.
Henry Latchcold of Ersham.
Bartholomew Tatcher.
Henry Broode of Ersham.
Thomas Iames.
Rich. Horne of Ersham.
Iohn Fouling.
Iohn Belward, senior, of Ersham.
Bertram Cornmonger.
Iohn Belward, junior, of Ersham.
Thomas Swerden.
Iohn Spire of Bungay.
Alanus Andrew.
Rob. Cole of Turming.
William Wright.
The herd of Shepemedow.
William Everden.
Isabel Davy of Costes.
William Taylor.
Sibyl, wife of Iohn Godesel o Dicham f
Avis the wife of Thomas Moone and her daughter.
Iohn Pyry of Bartham.
Iohn Baker.
Margery Wright.
Thomas Burrell and his wife. 
Iohn Pert.
Edm. Archer.
The Clerk of Ludney.
Richard Clerke of Sething. 
Katherine, the wife of William Wright.
William Collin of Southereke. 
Rich. King of Windeham. 
Tho. Plowman.
Iohn Fellis.
Tho. Love of Rokeland. 
Richard Knobbing of Beckles. 
Rich. Grace of Beckles. 
Iohn Eldon of Beckles. 
William Hardy.
William Bate.
Iohn Weston.
Katherine Hobs.
Iohn Daw.
Rob. Grigs of Martham. 
Wil. Calls, priest.
Tho. Pert. priest.
Katherine Davy.
Iacob Bodhome, and Margaret his wife.
Iohn Manning of Marton. 
Iohn Culling of Beemster.
Rich. Fletcher of Beckles, and Matild his wife
Rob. Canel, priest.
William Hardy of Mundham.
Nich. Drey.
Iohn Poleyne.
Iohn Eldon of Beckles.

  These forenamed persons and soldiers of Christ, being much beaten
with the cares and troubles of those days, although they were
constrained to relent and abjure, that is, to protest otherwise with
their tongues than their hearts did think, partly through correction,
and partly through infirmity, being as yet but new-trained soldiers in
God's field, yet for their good will they bare unto the truth,
although with their tongues they durst not express it, we have thought
good that their names should not be suppressed, as well for other
sundry causes, as specially for this, either to stop the mouths of
malignant adversaries, or to answer to their ignorance, who, following
rather blind affection than the true knowledge of times and
antiquities, for lack of knowledge blame that they know not, accusing
the true doctrine of the word of God for novelty, and carping the
teachers thereof for new-broached brethren; who, if they did as well
foresee times past, as they be unwilling to follow times now present,
they should understand, as well by these stories as other before, how
this doctrine of the grace of God, lacking no antiquity, hath, from
time to time, continually sought to burst out, and in some places hath
prevailed, although in most places, through tyranny, and the malice of
men, Christ's proceedings have been suppressed and kept under from
rising, so much as men's power and strength, joined with craft and
subtlety, could labour to keep down the same; as here, by these good
men of Norfolk and Suffolk, may well appear. For if the knowledge and
the good towardness of those good men had had the like liberty of
time, with the help of like authority, as we have now, and had not
been restrained through the iniquity of time and tyranny of prelates,
it had well appeared how old this doctrine would have been, which now
they contemn and reject for the newness thereof; neither needed Bonner
to have asked of Thomas Hawkes, and such other, where their church was
for forty years ago, inasmuch as for forty years ago, and more, within
the country of Norfolk and Suffolk, was then found such plenty of the
same profession and like doctrine which we now profess. And thus much
for the number and names of these persons.

  Now as touching their articles which they did maintain and
defend, first, this is to be considered, as I find it in the
registers, such society and agreement of doctrine to be amongst them,
that almost in their assertions and articles there was no difference;
the doctrine. of the one was the doctrine of all the other: what their
articles were, partly it is showed in the leaf before, and partly here
followeth to be declared more at large.

  Although it is to be thought concerning these articles, that many
of them either were falsely objected against them, or not truly
reported of the notaries, according as the common manner is of these
adversaries, where the matter is good, there to make heresy, and of a
little occasion to stir up great matter of slander, as they did before
by the articles of John Wickliff and John Huss, and others more: so in
like manner it seemeth they did in the articles of these men, either
mistaking that which they said, or misunderstanding that which they
meant, especially in these two articles concerning baptism and paying
of tithes. For whereas they, speaking against the ceremonial and
superfluous traditions then used in baptism, as salt, oil, spittle,
taper, light, chrisomes, exorcising of the water, with such other,
accounted them as no material thing in the holy institution of
baptism, the notaries slanderously depraving this their assertion, to
make it more odious to the ears of the people, so gave out the
article, as though they should hold, that the sacrament of baptism
used in the church by water is but a light matter and of small effect.

  Again, in speaking against the christening the midwives use in
private houses, against the opinion of such as think such children to
be damned which depart before they come to their baptism, they are
falsely reported, as though they should say, that Christian people be
sufficiently baptized in the blood of Christ, and need no water, and
that infants be sufficiently baptized if their parents be baptized
before them. Which thing is so contrary to the manifest word, that it
is not to be thought any to be so ignorant of the gospel, that ever
would or did affirm the same.

  Moreover, they thought, or said peradventure, that in certain
cases tithes might be withholden from wicked priests sometime, and be
conferred to better uses, to the behoof of the poor: therefore they
are falsely slandered, as saying and affirming that no tithes were to
be given to the ministers and curates of the churches.

  And likewise for matrimony, wherein they are reported to hold and
affirm, as though it consisted only in the mutual consent betwixt the
man and the woman, needing no other solemnizing in the public church,
and all because (as it is like) they denied it to be a sacrament.
Other articles were objected against them, as these which hereafter
follow.

  "That auricular confession is not to be made unto a priest, but
unto God only; because no priest hath any power to absolve a sinner
from his sin.

  "Item, That no priest hath power to make the body of Christ in
the sacrament of the altar, but that, after the sacramental words,
there remaineth pure material bread as before.

  "Item, That every true Christian man is a priest to God.

  "Item, That no man is bound under pain of damnation unto Lent, or
any other days prohibited by the Church of Rome.

  "Item, That the pope is antichrist, and his prelates the
disciples of antichrist, and the pope hath no power to bind and loose
upon earth.

  "Item, That it is lawful for every Christian to do any bodily
work (sin only except) upon holy days.

  "Item, That it is lawful for priests to have wives.

  "Item, That excommunications and ecclesiastical censures given
out by the prelates, are not to be regarded.

  "Item, It is not lawful to swear in private cases.

  "Item, That men ought not to go on pilgrimage.

  "Item, That there is no honour to be given to the images of the
crucifix, of our Lady, or any other saint.

  "Item, That the holy water, hallowed in the church by the priest,
is not holier or of more virtue than other running or well water,
because the Lord blessed all waters in their first creation.

  "Item, That the death of Thomas Becket was neither holy nor
meritorious.

  "Item, That the relics, as dead men's bones, ought not to be
worshipped or digged out of their graves, or set up in shrines.

  "Item, That prayers made in all places are acceptable unto God.

  "Item, That men ought not to pray to any saint, but only to God.

  "Item, That the bells and ringing in the church was ordained for
no other purpose, but to fill the priests' purses.

  "Item, That it is no sin to withstand the ecclesiastical
precepts.

  "Item, That the catholic church is only the congregation of
elect."
These were the articles which were generally objected against them
all, wherein they did so agree in one uniform faith, that whatsoever
one did hold, all the other did maintain and hold the same. By the
which their consent and doctrine it appeareth, that they all received
it of some one instructor, who was William White; which being a
scholar and follower of John Wickliff, resorted afterward into this
country of Norfolk, there instructed these men in the light of the
gospel. And now, as we have declared the names and articles o' these
good men, so it remaineth somewhat to speak of their troubles, how
they were handled, beginning first with William White.

William White, priest.

  This William White, being a follower of John Wickliff, and a
priest, not after the common sort of priests, but rather to be reputed
amongst the number of them, of whom the wise man speaketh, He was as
the morning star in the midst of a cloud, &c. This man was well
learned, upright, and a well-spoken priest. He gave over his
priesthood and benefice, and took unto him a godly young woman to his
wife, named Joan; notwithstanding he did not therefore cease to leave
from his former office and duty, but continually laboured to the glory
and praise of the spouse of Christ, by reading, writing, preaching.
The principal points of his doctrine were these, which he was forced
to recant at Canterbury.

  "That men should seek for the forgiveness of their sins only at
the hands of God.

  "That the wicked living of the pope, and his holiness, is nothing
else but a devilish estate and heavy yoke of antichrist, and therefore
he is an enemy unto Christ's truth.

  "That men ought not to worship images, or other idolatrous
paintings.

  "That men ought not to worship the holy men which are dead.

  "That the Romish Church is the fig tree which the Lord Christ
hath accursed, because it hath brought forth no fruit of the true
belief.

  "That such as wear cowls, or be anointed or shorn, are the lance-
knights and soldiers of Lucifer; and that they all, because their
lamps are not burning, shall be shut out, when the Lord shall come."

  Upon which articles he being attached at Canterbury under the
archbishop, Henry Chichesley, in the year of our Lord 1424, there, for
a certain space, stoutly and manly witnessed the truth which he had
preached; but like as there he lost his courage and strength, so
afterward he became again much more stout and strong in Jesus Christ,
and confessed his own error and offence. For after this, he going into
Norfolk with his said wife Joan, and there occupying himself busily in
teaching and converting the people unto the true doctrine of Christ,
at the last, by the means of the king's letters sent down for that
intent and purpose, he was apprehended and taken, and brought before
William, bishop of Norwich, by whom he was convicted, and condemned of
thirty articles, and there was burned in Norwich, in the month of
September, A. D. 1424.

  This William White and his wife had his most abode with one
Thomas Moone of Ludney. This man was of so devout and holy life, that
all the people had him in great reverence, and desired him to pray for
them; insomuch that one Margaret Wright confessed, that if any saints
were to be prayed to, she would rather pray to him than any other.
When he was come unto the stake, thinking to open his mouth to speak
unto the people, to exhort and confirm them in the verity, one of the
bishop's servants struck him on the mouth, thereby to force him to
keep silence. And thus this good man, receiving the crown of
martyrdom, ended this mortal life, to the great dolour and grief of
all the good men of Norfolk. Whose said wife Joan, following her
husband's footsteps according to her power, teaching and sowing abroad
the same doctrine, confirmed many men in God's truth; wherefore she
suffered much trouble and punishment the same year at the hands of the
said bishop.

  About the same time also was burned Father Abraham of Colchester,
and John Wadden, priest, for the like articles.

  Concerning them which abjured, how, and by whom they were
examined, what depositions came in against them, and what was the
order and manner of the penance enjoined them, here it might be set
out at large; but for avoiding of prolixity, it shall be sufficient
briefly to touch certain of the principals, whereby the better
understanding may be given to the reader, after what manner and order
all the other were treated.

  First, amongst them which were arrested and caused to abjure in
this year aforesaid specified, 1428, were Thomas Pye and John Mendham,
of Alburgh, who, being convicted upon divers of the articles before
mentioned, were enjoined penance to be done in their own parish
church, as by the bishop's letter directed to the dean of Redenhall,
and the parish priest of Alburgh, doth more at large appear, the tenor
whereof here ensueth.

The copy of the bishop of Norwich's letter.

  "William, by the sufferance of God bishop of Norwich, to our
well-beloved sons in Christ, the dean of Redenhall of our diocese, and
to the parish priest of the parish church of Alburgh of the same our
diocese, health, grace, and benediction. Forasmuch as we, according to
our office, lawfully proceeding to the correction and amendment of the
souls of Thomas Pye and John Mendham of Alburgh of the diocese
aforesaid, because they have holden, believed, and affirmed divers and
many errors and heresies, contrary to the determination of the holy
Church of Rome, and the universal church and catholic faith, have
enjoined the said Thomas and John, appearing before us personally, and
confessing before us judicially that they have holden, believed, and
affirmed divers and many errors and heresies, this penance, hereunder
written, for their offences, to be done and fulfilled in manner, form,
and time hereunder written, according as justice doth require; that is
to say, six fustigations or disciplinings about the parish church of
Alburgh aforesaid, before a solemn procession, six several Sundays,
and three disciplinings about the market-place of Harleston, of our
said diocese, three principal market-days, barenecked, head, legs, and
feet, their bodies being covered only with their shirts and breeches,
either of them carrying a taper in his hand of a pound weight, as well
round about the church, as about the market-place, in every of the
aforesaid appointed days; which tapers, the last Sunday after the
penance finished, we will' that the said John and Thomas do humbly and
devoutly offer unto the high altar of the parish church of Alburgh, at
the time of the offertory of the high mass, the same day; and that
either of them, going about the market-place aforesaid, shall make
four several pauses and stays, and at every of those same pauses
humbly and devoutly receive at your hands three disciplinings.
Therefore we straitly charge and command you, and either of you,
jointly and severally, by virtue of your obedience, that every Sunday
and market-day, after the receipt of our present commandment, you do
effectually admonish and bring forth the said Thomas Pye and John
Mendham, to begin and accomplish their said penance, and so
successively to finish the same in manner and form before appointed.
But if they will not obey your monitions, or rather our commandments,
in this behalf, and begin and finish their said penance effectually,
you, or one of you, shall cite them peremptorily, that they, or either
of them, appear before us, or our commissary, in the chapel of our
palace at Norwich, the twelfth day after the citation so made, if it
be a court day, or else the next court day following, to declare if
they, or any of them, have any cause why they should not be
excommunicated for their manifest offence in this behalf committed,
according to the form and order of law, and further to receive such
punishment as justice shall provide in that behalf. And what you have
done in the premises, whether the said Thomas, and John have obeyed
your admonitions, and performed the same penance, or no, we will that
you, or one of you, which have received our said commandment for the
execution thereof, do distinctly certify us, between this and the last
day of November next coming. Dated at our palace of Norwich, under our
commissary's seal, the eighth day of October, A. D. 1428."

  This, gentle reader, was, for the most part, the order of their
whole penance; howbeit, some were oftentimes more cruelly handled, and
after their penance they were banished out of the diocese, and other
some more straitly used by longer imprisonment, whereof we will
briefly rehearse one or two for example.

John Beverley, alias Battild.

  John Beverly, alias Battild, a labourer, was attached by the
vicar of Southereke, the parish priest of Waterden, and a lawyer, and
so delivered unto Master William Barnham, the bishop's commissary, who
sent him to the castle of Norwich, there to be kept in irons; where,
afterward he being brought before the commissary, and having nothing
proved against him, he took an oath, that every year afterward he
should confess his sins once a year to his curate, and receive the
sacrament at Easter, as other Christians did; and for his offence was
enjoined, that the Friday and Saturday next after he should fast bread
and water, and upon the Saturday to be whipped from the palace of
Norwich, going round about by Tombland, and by St. Michael's church,
by Cottlerew, and about the market, having in his hand a wax candle of
two pence, to offer to the image of the Trinity, after he had done his
penance. And forasmuch as he confessed that he had eaten flesh upon
Easter day, and was not shriven in all Lent, nor received upon Easter
day, the judge enjoined him that he should fast Tuesday, Wednesday,
and Friday, in Whitsun week, having but one meal a day, of fish and
other white meats; and after this penance so done, he should depart
out of the diocese, and never come there any more.

John Skilley of Flixton, miller, and others.

  John Skilley of Flixton, miller, being apprehended and brought
before the bishop of Norwich, the fourteenth day of March, 1428, for
holding and maintaining the articles above written, was thereupon
convicted, and forced to abjure; and after this abjuration solemnly
made, (which here, to avoid tediousness, we omit,) he had a most sharp
sentence of penance pronounced against him, the effect whereof being
briefly collected, was this: "That forasmuch as the said Skilley was
convicted, by his own confession, for holding and maintaining the
articles before written, and for receiving certain good and godly men
into his house, as Sir William White, priest, and John Wadden, whom
they called famous, notorious, and damnable heretics, and had now
abjured the same, being first absolved from the sentence of
excommunication which he had incurred by means of his opinions, he was
enjoined for penance seven years' imprisonment in the monastery of
Langley, in the diocese of Norwich. And forasmuch as in times past he
used upon the Fridays to eat flesh, he was enjoined to fast bread and
water every Friday, by the space of that seven years to come; and that
by the space of two years next, immediately after the seven years
expired, every Wednesday in the beginning of Lent, and every Maundy
Thursday, he should appear before the bishop or his successor, or
commissary for the time being, in the cathedral church of Norwich,
together with the other penitentiaries, to do open penance for his
offences.

  Besides these there were divers other of the same company, which
the same year were forced to like abjuration and penance. And so to
proceed to the next year following, which was 1429, there ensueth a
great number in the same register, which were examined, and did
penance in like sort, to the number of sixteen or seventeen. In the
number of whom was John Baker, otherwise called Usher Tonstall, who,
for having a book with the Paternoster, the Ave, and Creed in English,
and for certain other articles of fasting, confession, and invocation,
contrary to the determination of the Romish Church, after much
vexation for the same, was caused to abjure, and sustain such penance
as the other before him had done.

The story of Margery Backster.

  Another was Margery Backster, wife of William Backster, wright,
in Martham, the same year accused; against whom one Joan, wife of
Cliffeland, was brought in by the bishop, and compelled to depose, and
was made to bring in, in form following.

  "First, That the said Margery Backster did inform this deponent,
that she should in no case swear, saying to her in English, 'Dame,
beware of the bee, for every bee will sting, and therefore take heed
you swear not, neither by God, neither by our Lady, neither by any
other saint; and if ye do contrary, the bee will sting your tongue and
venom your soul.'

  "Item, This deponent being demanded by the said Margery, what she
did every day at church, answered, that she kneeled down and said five
Paternosters in worship of the crucifix, and as many Ave Maries in
worship of our Lady; whom Margery rebuked, saying, 'You do evil to
kneel or pray to such images in the churches, for God dwelleth not in
such churches, neither shall come down out of heaven, and will give
you no more reward for such prayer, than a candle lighted, and set
under the cover of the font, will give light by night to those which
are in the church; saying moreover in English, 'Lewd wrights, of
stocks hew and form such crosses and images, and after that lewd
painters gleer them with colours. And if you desire so much to see the
true cross of Christ, I will show it you at home in your own house;
'which this deponent being desirous to see, the said Margery,
stretching out her arms abroad, said to this deponent, 'This is the
true cross of Christ, and this cross thou oughtest and mayest every
day behold and worship in thine own house, and therefore it is but
vain to run to the church to worship dead crosses and images.'

  "Item, This deponent, being demanded by the said Margery, how she
believed touching the sacrament of the altar, said, that she believed
the sacrament of the altar, after the consecration, to be the very
body of Christ in form of bread. To whom Margery said, 'Your belief is
naught; for if every such sacrament were God, and the very body of
Christ, there should be an infinite number of gods, bccause that a
thousand priests and more do every day make a thousand such gods, and
afterwards eat them, and void them out again by their hinder parts,
filthily stinking under the hedges, where you may find a great many
such gods if you will seek for them. And therefore know for certainty,
that, by the grace of God, it shall never be my god, because it is
falsely and deceitfully ordained by the priests in the church, to
induce the simple people to idolatry; for it is only material bread.'

  "Moreover, the said Margery said to this deponent, that Thomas of
Canterbury, whom the people called St. Thomas, was a false traitor,
and damned in hell, because be injuriously endowed the churches with
possessions, and raised up many heresies in the church, which seduce
the simple people; and therefore if God be blessed, the said Thomas is
accursed; and those false priests that say that he suffered his death
patiently before the altar, do lie; for as a cowardly traitor he was
slain in the church door, as he was flying away.

  "Moreover, this deponent saith, that the said Margery told her
that the cursed pope, cardinals, archbishops, and bishops, and
specially the bishop of Norwich and others that support and maintain
heresies and idolatry, reigning and ruling over the people, shall
shortly have the very same or worse mischief fall upon them, than that
cursed man Thomas of Canterbury had. For they falsely andcursedly
deceive the people with their false mammetries and laws, to extort
money of the simple folk to sustain their pride, riot, and idleness.
And know assuredly that the vengeance of God will speedily come upon
them, which have most cruelly slain the children of God, Father
Abraham, and William White, a true preacher of the law of God, and
John Wadden, with many other godly men; which vengeance had come upon
the said Caiaphas, the bishop of Norwich and his ministers, which are
members of the devil, before this time, if the pope had not sent over
these false pardons unto those parties, which the said Caiaphas had
falsely obtained, to induce the people to make procession for the
state of them and of the church; which pardons brought the simple
people to cursed idolatry.

  "Item, The said Margery said to this deponent, that every
faithful man or woman is not bound to fast in Lent, or other days
appointed for fasting by the church, and that every man may lawfully
eat flesh and all other meats upon the said days and times: and that
it were better to eat the fragments left upon Thursday at night on the
fasting days, than to go to the market to bring themselves in debt to
buy fish; and that Pope Silvester made the Lent.

  "Item, The said Margery said to this deponent, that William White
was falsely condemned for a heretic, and that he was a good and holy
man, and that he willed her to follow him to the place of execution,
where she saw that when he would have opened his mouth to speak unto
the people to instruct them, a devil, one of Bishop Caiaphas's
servants, struck him on the lips and stopped his mouth, that he could
in no case declare the will of God.

  "Item, This deponent saith, that the said Margery taught her that
she should not go on pilgrimage, neither to our Lady at Walsingham,
nor to any other saint or place.

  "Also this deponent saith, that the said Margery desired her that
she, and Joan her maid, would come secretly in the night to her
chamber, and there she should hear her husband read the law of Christ
unto them, which law was written in a book that her husband was wont
to read to her by night, and that her husband is well learned in the
Christian verity.

  "Also that the same Margery had talked with a woman named Joan
West, and that the said woman is in a good way of salvation.

  "Also that the said Margery said to this deponent, 'Joan, it
appeareth, by your countenance, that you intend to disclose this that
I have said unto you;' and this deponent sware that she would never
disclose it, without the said Margery gave her occasion. Then said
Margery unto this deponent, 'If thou do accuse me unto the bishop, I
will do unto thee as I did once unto a certain friar, a Carmelite, of
Yarmouth, which was the best learned friar in all the country.' Then
this deponent desired to know what she had done to the friar. Unto
whom Margery answered, that she had talked with the said friar,
rebuking him because he did beg, saying, that it was no alms to give
him any good thing, except he would leave his habit, and go to the
plough, and so he should please God more, than following the life of
some of those friars. Then the friar required of the said Margery,
whether she could teach him or tell him any thing else. Then the said
Margery (as she affirmed to this deponent) declared to this friar the
Gospels in English, and then the friar departed from her. After this
the same friar accused the said Margery of heresy, and she,
understanding that the friar had accused her, accused the friar again,
that he would have known her carnally, and because she would not
consent unto him, the friar had accused her of heresy. And moreover,
she said, that her husband would have killed the friar therefore; and
so the friar for fear held his peace, and went his way for shame.

  "This Margery also said, that she had oftentimes been feignedly
confessed to the dean of the fields, because he should think her to be
a woman of good life, and therefore he gave the said Margery
oftentimes money. Then this deponent asked her, whether she had
confessed her sins to a priest or not. And she answered, that she had
never offended any priest, and therefore she would never confess
herself to any priest, neither obey him, because they have no power to
absolve any man from their sins, for that they offend daily more
grievously than other men, and therefore that men ought to confess
themselves only unto God, and to no priest.

  "Item, That the said Margery said to this deponent, that the
people did worship devils which fell from heaven with Lucifer, which
devils, in their fall to the earth, entered into the images which
stand in the churches, and have long lurked and dwelt in them; so that
the people, worshipping those images, commit idolatry.

  "Item, She said more to this deponent, that holy bread and holy
water were but trifles of no effect or force, and that the bells are
to be cast out of the church, and that they are excommunicated which
first ordained them.

  "Moreover, That she should not be burned, although she were
convicted of Lollardy, for that she had a charter of salvation in her
body.

  "Also the said deponent saith, that Agnes Berthem, her servant,
being sent to the house of the said Margery the Saturday after Ash
Wednesday, the said Margery not being within, found a brass pot
standing over the fire, with a piece of bacon and oatmeal seething in
it, as the said Agnes reported to this deponent.

  "There were also, besides this deponent, divers others sworn and
examined upon the said Margery, as John Grimley and Agnes Berthem,
servants to William Clifland, which all together confirmed the former
depositions."

  Thus much we have thought good to note as concerning Margery
Backster, which we have gathered out of the old monuments and
registers. But what became of her after this her accusation, because
we find no mention made in the said registers, we are not able to
declare.

  The same year also were the like depositions made by one William
Wright, against divers good men; as here followeth:

  "First, This deponent saith, that William Taylor told John Piry
of Ludney, in the house of John Bungay of Beghton, in the presence of
John Bungay, Robert Grigges, wright, of Martham, and John Usher, that
all the good men of Martham, which were favourers and helpers to that
good man, William White, are evil troubled now-a-days, and that the
said William White was a good and holy doctor, and that the best
doctor after him was William Everden, which wrought with the said
William Taylor of Ludney, by the space of one month, and that the
first Sunday of the same month, the said William Everden did sit all
day upon the table at work, saying to the said William Taylor, that he
would not go to church to show himself a scribe or a Pharisee; and the
second Sunday he put on gentleman's apparel, and went to Norwich to
hearken how the bishop and his ministers used the poor Christians
there in prison.

  "Also the said William Wright deposed, that William Taylor of
Ludney was one of the sect, and went to London with Sir Hugh Pye, and
had conversation oftentimes with Sir William White, having often
conference upon the Lollards' doctrine.

  "Item, That Anise, wife of Thomas Moone, is of the same sect, and
favoured them, and receiveth them often; and also the daughter of
Thomas Moone is partly of the same sect, and can read English.

  "Item, That Richard Fletcher of Beccles, is a most perfect doctor
in that sect, and can very well and perfectly expound the Holy
Scriptures, and hath a book of the new law in English, which was Sir
Hugh Pye's first.

  "Item, That Nicholas Belward, son of John Bel-ward, dwelling in
the parish of Southelmham, is one of the same sect, and hath a New
Testament which he bought in London for four marks and forty pence,
and taught the said William Wright and Margery his wife, and wrought
with them continually by the space of one year, and studied diligently
upon the said New Testament.

  "Item, That Thomas Gremner, turner, of Ditchingham, is perfect in 
that sect and law.

  "John Clarke, the younger, of Bergh, had the bedding and apparel
of William Everden in his custody, after the return of William White
from Bergh, and is of the same sect.

  "Item, William Bate, tailor, of Seething, and his wife, and his
son, which can read English very well, are of the same sect.

  "Item, William Skirving, of Seething, received Joan the wife of
William White into his house, being brought thither by William
Everden, after their departure from Martham.

  "Item, William Osbourne of Seething, John Reeve, glover, and
Bawdwin Cooper of Beccles, are of the same sect.

  "Item, John Pert, late servant of Thomas Moone, is of the same
sect, and can read well, and did read in the presence of William
White, and was the first that brought Sir Hugh Pye into the company of
the Lollards, which assembled oftentimes together at the house of the
said Thomas Moone, and there conferred upon their doctrine.

  "Item, Sir Hugh Pye bequeathed to Alice, servant to William
White, a New Testament, which they then called the Book of the New
Law, and was in the custody of Oswald Godfrey of Colchester.

  "John Parker, mercer, of a village by Ipswich, is a famous doctor
of that sect. Also he said, that Father Abraham, of Colchester, is a
good man.

  "Item, The said William Wright deposeth, that it is read in the
prophecies amongst the Lollards, that the sect of Lollards shall be in
a manner destroyed; notwithstanding, at the length, the Lollards shall
prevail and have the victory against all their enemies.

  "Also he said, that Tuck knoweth all of that sect in Suffolk,
Norfolk, and Essex."

  Besides these, there were many other the same year troubled,
whose names being before expressed in the table of Norfolk men, here
for brevity's sake we omit further to treat of, passing over to the
next year following, which was 1430.

  John Burrell, servant to Thomas Moone of Ludney, in the diocese
of Norwich, was apprehended and arrested for heresy the ninth day of
September, in this year of our Lord 1430, and examined by Master
William Bernham, the bishop's commissary, upon the articles before
mentioned, and divers others hereafter following, objected against
him.

  "Imprimis, That the catholic church is the soul of every good
Christian man.

  "Item, That no man is bound to fast the Lent or other fasting
days appointed by the church, for they were not appointed by God, but
ordained by the priests; and that every man may eat flesh or fish upon
the same days indifferently, according to his own will, and every
Friday is a free day to eat both flesh and fish indifferently.

  "Item, That pilgrimage ought not to be made but only unto the
poor.

  "Item, That it is not lawful to swear, but in case of life and
death.

  "Item, That masses and prayers for the dead are but vain; for the
souls of the dead are either in heaven or hell, and there is none
other place of purgatory but this world."

  Upon the which articles he being convicted, was forced to abjure,
and suffered like penance as the other before had done.

  Thomas Moone of Ludney was apprehended and attached for suspicion
of heresy, against whom were objected by the bishop the articles
before written, but especially this article, that he had familiarity
and communication with divers heretics, and had received, comforted,
supported, and maintained divers of them, as Sir William White, Sir
Hugh Pye, Thomas Pet, and William Callis, priests, with many more;
upon the which articles he being convicted before the bishop was
forced to abjure, and receive the like penance, in like manner as
before.

  In like manner, Robert Griggs of Martham was brought before the
bishop, the seventeenth day of February, in the year aforesaid, for
holding and affirming the aforesaid articles, but specially these
hereafter following:

  "That the sacrament of confirmation, ministered by the bishop,
did avail nothing to salvation.

  "That it was no sin to withstand the ordinances of the Church of
Rome.

  "That holy bread and holy water were but trifles, and that the
bread and the water were the worse for the conjurations and characters
which the priests made over them."

  Upon which articles he being convicted was forced to abjure, and
received penance in manner and form as the other had done before him.
The like also (albeit somewhat more sharp) happened unto John Finch of
Colchester, the twentieth day of September, who, albeit he was of the
diocese of London, being suspected of heresy, was attached in Ipswich,
in the diocese of Norwich, and brought before the bishop there, before
whom he, being eonvicted of the like articles, as all the other before
him,was enjoined penance, three disciplinings in solemn procession
about the cathedral church of Norwich, three several Sundays, and
three disciplinings about the market-place of Norwich, three principal
market-days, his head, and neck, and feet being bare, and his body
covered only with a short shirt, or vesture, having in his hands a
taper of wax, of a pound weight, which, the next Sunday after his
penance, he should offer to the Trinity; and that for the space of
three years after, every Ash Wednesday and Maundy Thursday, he should
appear in the cathedral church of Norwich, before the bishop or his
vicegerent, to do open penance amongst the other penitentiaries for
his offences.

Illustration: Norwich cathedral

  There were, besides these men which we have here rehearsed,
divers and many others, who, both for theconcordance of the matter,
and also for that their articles and punishments were all one, we have
thought good at this time to pass over, especially forasmuch as their
names be before recited in the catalogue.

  About the same time, even the same year, 1430, shortly after the
solemn coronation of King Henry the Sixth, a certain man, named
Richard Hoveden, a wool-winder, and a citizen of London, received also
the crown of martyrdom. Which man, when he could by no persuasions be
withdrawn or plucked back from the opinions of Wickliff, he was by the
rulers of the church condemned for heresy; and, as Fabian writeth,
burned hard by the Tower of London.

Nicholas Canon, of Eye.
Now to proceed in our story of Norfolk and Suffolk, in following the
order of years, we find that in the year of our Lord 1431, one
Nicholas Canon of Eye was brought before the bishop of Norwich for
suspicion of heresy, with certain witnesses sworn to depose against
him touching his manners and conversation; which witnesses appointing
one William Christopher to speak in the name of them all, he deposed
in manner and form following:

  "First, That on Easter-day, when all the parishioners went about
the church of Eye solemnly in procession, as the manner was, the said
Nicholas Canon, as it were mocking and deriding the other
parishioners, went about the church the contrary way, and met the
procession."
This article he confessed, and affirmed that he thought he did well in
so doing.

  "Item, The said Nicholas asked of Master John Colman of Eye this
question; Master Colman, what think you of the sacrament of the
altar?' To whom the said Colman answered, 'Nicholas, I think that the
sacrament of the altar is very God and very man, the very flesh and
very blood of our Lord Jesus Christ under the form of bread and wine.'
Unto whom Nicholas in derision said, Truly, if the sacrament of the
altar be very God and very man, and the very body and blood of our
Lord Jesus Christ, then may very God and very man be put in a small
room; as when it is in the priest's mouth, that receivieth it at mass.
And why may not we simple men as well eat flesh upon Fridays, and all
other prohibited days, as the priest to eat the flesh and drink the
blood of our Lord every day indifferently?' The which article the said
Nicholas denied that he spake unto Master Colman, but unto a monk of
Hockesney; and furthermore he thought he had spoken well in that
behalf.

  "Item, That on Corpus Christi day, at the elevation of high mass,
when all the parishioners and other strangers kneeled down, holding up
their hands, and doing reverence unto the sacrament, the said Nicholas
went behind a pillar of the church,and turning his face from the high
altar, mocked them that did reverence unto the sacrament." This
article he also acknowledging, affirmed that he believed himself to do
well in so doing.

  "Item, When his mother would have the said Nicholas to lift up
his right hand, and to cross himself from the crafts and assaults of
the devil, forasmuch as he deferred the doing thereof, his mother took
up his right hand and crossed him, saying, In nomine Patris, Filii, et
Spiritus Sancti, Amen. Which so ended, the said Nicholas immediately,
deriding his mother's blessing, took up his right hand of his own
accord, and blessed him otherwise, as his adversaries report of him."
This article the said Nicholas acknowledged to be true.

  "Item, That upon Allhallows-day, in the time of elevation of high
mass, when many of the parishioners of Eye lighted many torches, and
carried them up to the high altar, kneeling down there in reverence
and honour of the sacrament, the said Nicholas, carrying a torch, went
up hard to the high altar, and standing behind the priest's back,
saying mass, at the time of the elevation he stood upright upon his
feet, turning his back to the priest, and his face toward the people,
and would do no reverence unto the sacrament." This article he
acknowledged, affirming that he thought he had done well in that
behalf. All which articles the bishop's commissary caused to be copied
out word for word, and to be sent unto Master William Worsted, prior
of the cathedral church of Norwich, and to other doctors of divinity,
of the order of Begging Friars, that they might deliberate upon them,
and show their minds between that and Thursday next following. Upon
which Thursday, being the last of November, the year abovesaid, the
said Nicholas was again examined, before Master Bernham, and divers
other, upon two other articles which he had confessed unto J. Exetor,
notary, and Thomas Gerusten, bachelor of divinity, and others. Whereof
the first article was this: "That the said Nicholas Canon, being of
perfect mind and remembrance, confessed that he doubted whether in the
sacrament of the altar were the very body of Christ or no." This
article he confessed before the commissary to be true.

  "Item, That he, being of perfect mind and remembrance, believed
that a man ought not to confess his sins to a priest." This article he
also confessed that he doubted upon.

  Now remaineth to declare what these doctors aforesaid concluded
upon the articles, whose answer unto the same was this:
First of all, as touching the first article, they said that the
article, in the same terms as it was propounded, is not simply a
heresy, but an error.

  Item, As touching the second article, the doctors agree as in the
first.

  Item, As touching the third article, they affirm that it is a
heresy.

  Unto the fourth article, they answered as unto the first and
second.

  Item, The doctors affirm the fifth article to be a heresy.

  Item, As touching the sixth article, the doctors conclude, that
if the said Nicholas, being of perfect mind and remembrance, did doubt
whether the sacrament of the altar were the very perfect body of
Christ or no, then the article is simply a heresy.

  Whereupon the said commissary declared and pronounced the said
Nicholas Canon, upon the determination of the said doctors, to be a
heretic, and thereupon forced the said Nicholas to abjure all the said
articles. That done, he enjoined the said Nicholas penance for his
offences, three disciplinings about the cloister of the cathedral
church of Norwich, before a solemn procession, bareheaded and
barefoot, carrying a taper of half a pound in his hand, going after
the manner aforesaid, like a mere penitentiary; the which his penance
the judge commanded should be respited until the coming of the bishop
into his diocese, and that in the mean time he should be kept in
prison, to the end that he should not infect the flock with his venom
and poison of errors and heresies.

  Thus have we briefly discoursed unto you the great trouble and
afflictions which happened in Norfolk and Suffolk by the space of
those four years before mentioned, having drawn out briefly for every
year certain notable examples, sufficient for the declaration of all
the rest, forasmuch as their opinions being nothing different, their
penance and punishment did also nothing differ, otherwise than by
those particular examples may he plainly seen.

Thomas Bagley, priest.

  And now to proceed as we have begun with our former stories,
generally, we find in Fabian's chronicles, that in the same year of
our Lord, 1431, Thomas Bagley, a priest, vicar of Monenden, beside
Malden, being a valiant disciple, and adherent of Wickliff, was
condemned by the bishops of heresy at London, about the midst of Lent,
and was degraded and burned in Smithfield.

Paul Craw, a Bohemian.

  The same year also was Paul Craw, a Bohemian, taken at St.
Andrew's, by the Bishop Henry, and delivered over to the secular power
to be burnt, for holding contrary opinions unto the Church of Rome
touching the sacrament of the Lord's supper, the worshipping of
saints, auricular confession, with other of Wickliff's opinions.

The story of Thomas Rhedon, a Frenchman, and a Carmelite friar, burnt
in Italy for the profession of Christ.

  We have declared before, how this cruel storm of persecution,
which first began with us in England, after it had long raged here
against many good and godly men, brake out and passed into Bohemia,
and after, within a short time, the fire of this persecution,
increasing by little and little, invaded Scotland, and from thence now
with greater force and violence this furious devouring flame hath
entered Italy, and suffereth not any part of the world to be free from
the murder and slaughter of most good and godly men. It happened about
this time, that one Thomas Rhedon, a friar of that sect which taketh
its name of the Mount of Carmel, by chance came with the Venetian
ambassadors into Italy. This man, although he was of that, sort and
sect, which instead of Christians are called Carmelites, yet was he of
a far other religion, and understood the word of God, judging that God
ought not to be worshipped, neither in that mount, nor at Jerusalem
only, but in spirit and truth. This man, being a true Carmelite, and
savouring with his whole heart that new sweet wine of Jesus Christ,
with earnest study and desire seeking after a Christian integrity of
life, prepared himself first to go into Italy, trusting that he should
find there, or else in no place, some, by whose good life and living
he might be edified and instructed. For where ought more abundance of
virtue and good living to be, than in that place which is counted to
be the fort and fountain of all religion? And how could it otherwise
be, but that, where so great holiness is professed, whereupon all
men's eyes are bent as upon a stage, whereat St. Peter's seat is, and
is thought to be the ruler and governor of all the church, all things
should flourish and abound worthy of so great expectation in that
place? This holy man having these things before his eyes, and
considering the same with himself, forsook his own country and city,
and went unto Rome, conceiving a firm and sure hope, that by the
example of so many notable and worthy men, he should greatly profit in
godliness and learning; but the success of the matter did utterly
frustrate his hope, for all things were clean contrary. Whatsoever he
saw was nothing else but mere dissimulation and hypocrisy. Instead of
gold, he found nothing but coals; and to say the truth, he found
nothing else there but gold and silver. Instead of heavenly gifts
there reigned amongst them the pomp and pride of the world: in place
of godliness, riot: instead of learning and study, slothfulness and
superstition. Tyranny and haughtiness of mind had possessed the place
of apostolic simplicity: that now there remained no more any place or
liberty for a man to learn that which he knew not, or to teach that
which he perfectly understood. Finally, all things were turned upside
down, all things happened unto him contrary to his expectation
wheresoever he went. But nothing so much offended this good man's
mind, as the intolerable ambition and pompous pride in them, whom
example of humility should especially commend and praise to the whole
world. And albeit that he saw here nothing which did accord and agree
with the rule of the apostles; yet these things did so much pass all
measure and patience, that he could by no means refrain his tongue in
so great abuse and corruption of the church, seeing such ambitious
pride in their buildings, apparel, in their palaces, in their dainty
fare, in their great trains of servants, in their horse and armour,
and, finally, in all things pertaining unto them. Which things how
much they did vary from the prescript rule of the gospel, so much the
more was this good man forced to speak; albeit he did well understand
how little he should prevail by speaking: for if admonition would
profit any thing at all, the books of Wickliff and divers other were
not wanting. The famous testimonies of John Huss, and of Jerome of
Prague, and their blood shed for the same, was yet present before
their eyes: at whose most effectual exhortations, they were so little
corrected and amended, that they seemed twice more cruel than they
were before. Yet all this could not fear this good man, but that in so
necessary and wholesome an office he would spend his life, if need
should be. So by this means, he which came to be a scholar unto
others, was now forced to be their teacher; and he which determined to
follow other men's lives and manners, had now contrariwise set before
them his life to he marked and followed. For he lived so amongst them,
that his life might be a rule unto them all, and so taught, as he
might also be their schoolmaster. For even as Paul had foreshowed unto
such as desired to live godly in Christ, that they should suffer
persecution, such like reward happened unto this man. He gave unto
them the fruit of godliness, which they should follow: they again set
upon his head the diadem of martyrdom. He showed them the way to
salvation; and they for the benefit of life rewarded him death: and
whereas no rewards had been worthy for his great labours and travails,
they with most extreme ignominy persecuted him even unto the fire. For
when by continual preaching he had gotten great envy and hatred, the
rulers began to consult together by what means they might circumvent
this man's life. Here they had recourse to their accustomed remedies:
for it was a peculiar and continual custom amongst the prelates of the
church, that if any man did displease them, or that his talk be not
according to their mind, or by any means hurtful, or a hinderance to
their lucre and gain, by and by they frame out articles of some
heresy, which they charge him withal. And like as every living thing
hath his peculiar and proper weapon to defend himself from harm, as
nature hath armed the boar with his tusks, the hedgehog with his
prickles, the lion is feared for his claws, the dog for his biting,
the bull fighteth with his horns, neither doth the ass lack his hoofs
to strike withal; even so this is the only armour of the bishops, to
strangle a man with heresy, if he once go about to mutter against
their will and ambition: which thing may be easily perceived and seen
in this most holy man, beside a great number of other; who, when now
he began to wax grievous unto them, and could no longer be suffered,
what did they? straightways fly unto their old policies, and as they
had done with Huss, and Jerome of Prague, even so went they about to
practise against this man. They overwhelm him with suspicion, they
seek to entangle him with questions, they examine him in judgment,
they compile articles against him, and lay heresy unto his charge;
they condemn him as a heretic, and being so condemned, they destroy
and kill him. This was their godliness; this was the peaceable order
of those Carmelites; whose religion was to wear no sword nor shield,
notwithstanding, they did bear in their hearts malice, rancour,
vengeance, poison, craft, and deceit, sharper than any sword. With how
great care and policy is it provided by law, that none of these
clergymen should fight with sword in the streets, when in judgment and
accusations (whereas it is not lawful for a man to oppress his
brother) there is no murderer which hath more ready vengeance, or that
doth more vilely esteem his brother's soul than they? They shed no
blood themselves, they strike not, nor kill, but they deliver them
over unto others to be slain. What difference is there, I pray you,
but that they are the authors, and the other are but the ministers of
the cruel fact? They kill no man as murderers do. How then? Although
not after the same sort, yet they do it by another mean.

  The articles which they falsely gathered against this man, are
affirmed by some to be these:

  "That the church lacketh reformation, and that it shall be
punished and reformed.

  "That infidels, Jews, Turks, and Moors shall be converted unto
Christ in the latter days.

  "That abominations are used at Rome.

  "That the unjust excommunication of the pope is not to be feared;
and those which do not observe the same do not sin or offend."

  But yet there lacked a minister for these articles, albeit he
could not long be wanting at Rome, where all things are to be sold,
even men's souls; for this office and ministry there was no man
thought more meet, than William of Rouen, cardinal of St. Martin's in
the Mount, vice-chancellor of the court of Rome. Eugenius at that time
was pope, who had a little before succeeded Pope Martin above
mentioned. Before the which Eugenius this godly Rhedonensis, the
Frenchman, was brought, and from thence sent unto prison. And again,
after his imprisonment, and divers and sundry grievous torments, he
was brought before the judges. The wolf sat in judgment, the lamb was
accused. Why? because he had troubled the spring: but here need not
many words. This good Thomas not being able to resist the malice of
these mighty potentates, had offended enough, and was easily convicted
and condemned to he burned, but in such sort, as first of all he
should be deprived of all such degrees as he had taken of priesthood.
For it is counted an unlawful thing, that a priest should be punished
with profane punishment,when, notwithstanding, it is lawful enough for
priests to put any layman to death, be he never so guiltless.

  How religiously and earnestly do they foresee, that the majesty
of the priestly dignity should not in any case be hurt! But how little
care have they, that their consciences be not hurt with false
judgments, and oppressing the guiltless! Wherefore, before that he
should come unto punishment, this good man must be degraded. The order
and manner of this popish degrading is partly before touched in the
story of William Taylor.

  After that it had pleased the bishops to degrade this man from
the degrees wherewith before they had consecrated him, and thought not
that sufficient, by and by after they deprived him of his life also,
and burned him, four years after that he came to Rome, in the year of
our Lord 1436.

  And thus, through the cruelty of these most tyrannous prelates,
this blessed martyr died. Albeit it is not to be thought that he died,
but made a loss of this body for a greater gain of salvation before
the just judgment of God. Neither is it to be doubted, but that he
liveth eternally under the altar with them whose blood the Lord will
revenge, peradventure too soon for some of them, whom the earth hath
here so long holden unpunished.

  As this Thomas abovesaid suffered at Rome, so were divers others,
in other places about Germany,executed near about the same time, after
the burning of John Huss; and Henry Grundfelder, priest, of Ratisbon,
A. D. 1420; also Henry Radtgeber, priest, in the same city, A. D.
1423; John Draendorf of noble birth, and a priest, was burned at
Worms, A. D. 1424; Peter Thoraw, at Spire, A. D. 1426; Matthew Hager
also suffered at Berlin in Germany, not long after.



113. THE COUNCIL OF BASIL

  After the death of Pope Martin, who reigned fourteen years,
succeeded Eugenius, the fourth of that name, about the year of our
Lord 1431. Of whom Antonius thus writeth, That he was much given to
wars, as his conflicts and fighting with the Romans may declare; also
the battles between the Venetians and the Florentines.

  This pope began first to celebrate the council of Basil, which
council, Martin, his predecessor, had before intended, according to
the institution of the council of Constance. Notwithstanding, the said
Eugenius, perceiving afterward this council of Basil not to favour him
and his doings, and fearing some detriment to come to him by the same,
afterward laboured by all subtle practice to dissolve and interrupt
the said council, and from Basil to translate it first to Ferraria,
then to Florentia, more near to his own see of Rome. Concerning the
which council of Basil, forasmuch as we have begun here to make
mention, it shall be no great digression out of the way, to discourse
something thereof (the Lord so permitting) more at large, so much as
for the most principal matters thereof shall seem sufficient or
necessary to be known.

  Here followeth the order and manner of the council of Basil,
touching the principal matters concluded therein, briefly collected
and abridged here in this present book.

  In the thirty-ninth session of the council of Constance, as is
before mentioned, it was decreed and provided concerning the order and
times of such general councils as should hereafter follow: The first
that should next ensue, to be kept the fifth year after the said
council of Constance: The second to be holden the seventh year after
that; and so orderly all other to follow successively from ten years
to ten years. Wherefore, according to this decree, followed a general
council five years after the council of Constance, celebrate and
holden at Sene, under Pope Martin, A. D. 1424, but it soon broke up.
After the which council, the term of seven years being expired,
another council was holden at Basil, in the year of our Lord 1431. The
which council is noted to have been the most troublesome, and to have
endured longer than any other council beforetime celebrate and holden
in the church. This council continued almost the space of seventeen
years; wherein it it was concluded, as before in the council of
Constance, that the general councils were above the pope, and both of
these two councils did attribute the chief authority in decreeing and
determining unto the general council; which is the cause that the
contrary part doth derogate so much from the authority of this present
council.

  When Pope Martin the Fifth had appointed Julian, cardinal and
deacon of St. Angel, his legate, to celebrate and hold a general
council at Basil, for the reformation of the church and rooting out of
heresies, within short space after Pope Martin died, in whose seat
Eugenius the Fourth succeeded, who confirmed unto the said Cardinal
Julian the same authority which his predecessor before had given him.
Unto this council of Basil, being begun, came the Emperor Sigismund,
who during his lifetime, with his presence and authority, did protect 
and defend the said synod. After the emperor's death, Pope Eugenius,
altering his former mind and purpose, would transport the council unto
Bononia (that is, Bologna in Italy,) and thereby hindered the success
of the council of Basil. And first he held a contrary council at
Ferraria, and afterward at Florence. For, after the death of the
Emperor Sigismund, there were no princes nor noblemen that had any
care or regard of the council. Eugenius the pope pretended causes, as
touching the Greeks which should come unto the council, and the
uniting of the church unto the West Church, the which Greeks would in
no wise pass the Alps: also as touching his own incommodity, that he
could not come unto Basil, being so long a journey, and that all his
men might have easy access unto Bononia, and that amongst the Germans,
which in their own country are so intractable, nothing can be
attempted for their reformation: whereupon he cited Cardinal Julian
and the fathers of the council unto Bononia, under great penalty. They
again cited the pope, that either he should come himself unto the
council, or send ambassadors, under the like penalty. For this cause
the ambassadors of Albert, king of the Romans, and of the other
princes of Germany, assembled together first at Norenberge; and when
they could determine nothing there, they assembled again at Frankfort
to appease the dissension between the council and the pope; for it was
thought that the electors of the empire might best assemble and meet
in that place. In the mean time, the emperor's ambassadors and the
ambassadors of the electors went into Basil, and having conference
with the ambassadors of the other princes which were there, they did
earnestly exhort the fathers of the council, that they would embrace
and receive the unity which they would offer. The request of the
princes was, that the fathers would transport the council, and go unto
another place; the which only thing Pope Eugenius seemed always to
seek and desire, that thereby he might either divide the fathers of
the council, or take away their liberty.

  Notwithstanding, this sacred synod thought good neither to deny
the princes' request, nor to grant that which Pope Eugenius required.
During this doubt, the emperor's ambassadors, the bishops of Patavia
and Augusta, being much required and stirred thereunto, appointed a
noble and valiant baron, called Conrade Weinsperge, by the king's
commandment, to be protector and defender of the council and the
fathers. Whereby as the enemies perceived the emperor's mind to be
alienate from the pope, so the fathers of the council understood his
good will towards them, forasmuch as he would not have sent them a
protector, if he had not judged it a lawful council; neither again
would he have judged it a council in Basil, if he had given credit to
Pope Eugenius. But by means of a great pestilence which began to grow,
the assembly that should have been held at Frankfort was transported
unto Mentz. The ambassadors of the princes also thought good to go
thither, if they might find any means of unity, whereby they might
unite and knit the pope again unto the council.

  The assembly was very famous, for there were present the
archbishops of Mentz, Cologne, and Trevers, electors of the sacred
empire, and all the ambassadors of the other electors.
Notwithstanding, the archbishop of Cologne was the chief favourer of
the council in this assembly, who, with all his labour and diligence,
went about to bring the matter unto a good end. Rabanus, the
archbishop of Trevers, showed himself somewhat more rough. The sacred
synod also thought good to send thither their ambassadors, and
appointed out the patriarch of Aquileia, the bishop of Vicene, and the
bishop of Argen: divines, John Segovius, and Thomas de Corcellis, with
divers others. There was no man there present which would name himself
the ambassador of Eugenius; albeit there were many of his favourers
and friends come thither, both from the council, and also out of
Florence, the which, albeit they had sworn to the contrary, yet
favoured they more Eugenius than the council. But the chief Hercules
of all the Eugenians was Nicholas Cusanus, a man singularly well
learned, and of great experience. After divers consultations had, the
electors of the empire, and the ambassadors of the other princes of
Germany, thought good to give out commandment throughout their whole
nation and country, that the decrees of the council of Basil should be
received and observed.

  Whilst these things were thus debated at Mentz, there sprang a
certain very doubtful question amongst the divines which remained at
Basil, whether Eugenius might be called a heretic, which had so
rebelliously contemned the commandments of the church. Hereupon they
gathered themselves together, disputing long amongst themselves, some
affirming, and other some holding the negative part. Upon this their
disputation there arose three several opinions, some affirming that he
was a heretic; other some, that he was not only a heretic, but also a
relapse; the third sort would neither grant him to be a heretic nor a
relapse. Amongst these divines, the chief and principal, both in
learning and authority, was the bishop of Ebrun, ambassador of the
king of Castile, and a certain Scottish abbot; which, as two most
valiant champions, subdued all their enemies, so that all the rest did
either consent unto their arguments, or gave place unto them, and so
their determination took place, and Eugenius was pronounced both a
heretic and relapse. Eight conclusions were there determined and
allowed amongst the divines, which they called verities, the copy
whereof they did divulgate throughout all Christendom.

  When the ambassadors of the council were returned from Mentz, and
that certain report was made of the allowing of their decrees, the
fathers of the council thought good to discuss the conclusions of the
divines more at large. Whereupon, by the commandment of the deputies,
all the masters, and doctors, and clergy were called together, with
all the residue of the prelates, into the chapter-house of the great
church, there openly to dispute and discuss Eugenius's heresy. The
which thing so grieved the bishop of Milan, fearing lest this
disputation would work the deprivation of Eugenius, the which, as he
said, he had always letted for fear of a schism. Wherefore he ceased
not by all marmer of ways to labour to stop and trouble the matter,
exhorting them that were absent by his letters, and encouraging those
that were present by his words, to the defence of Eugenius. But at the
last there was a great assembly in the chapter-house, some coming
thither to dispute, and other some to hear. This disputation continued
six days, both forenoon and afternoon, amongst whom Cardinal
Ludovicus, Archbishop Arelatensis was appointed as judge and arbiter
of the whole disputation; who, beside many other notable virtues, was
both valiant and constant. Nicholas Amici, which was also a protector
of the faith, a famous man amongst the divines of Paris, demanded of
every man what their opinion was.

  John Deinlefist, public notary, wrote every man's sentence and
judgment. The conclusions of the divines, which were the ground and
foundation of their disputation, were these here following:

  "1. It is a verity of the catholic faith, that the sacred general
council hath power over the pope, or any other prelate.

  "2. The pope cannot, by his own authority, either dissolve,
transport, or prorogue the general council, being lawfully
congregated, without the whole consent of the council; and this is of
like verity.

  "3. He which doth obstinately resist these verities, is to be
counted a heretic.

  "4. Pope Eugenius the Fourth hath resisted these verities,
whereas at the first, by the fulness of his apostolic power, he
attempted to dissolve or to transport the council of Basil.

  "5. Eugenius, being admonished by the sacred council, did recant
the errors repugnant to these verities.

  "6. The dissolution or translation of the council, attempted the
second time by Eugenius, is against the aforesaid verities, and
containeth an inexcusable error touching the faith.

  "7. Eugenius, in going about to dissolve and transport the
council again, is fallen into his before revoked errors.

  "8. Eugenius, being warned by the synod that he should revoke the
dissolution or translation the second time attempted, after that his
contumacy was declared, persevering in his rebellion, and erecting a
council at Ferraria, showed himself thereby obstinate."

  These were the conclusions which were read in the chapter-house
before the fathers of the council. Upon the which, when they were
desired to speak their minds, they all in a manner confirmed and
allowed them. Notwithstanding, Panormitane, archbishop, disputed much
against them. Likewise did the bishop of Burgos, the king of Arragon's
almoner. Yet did they not gainsay the three first conclusions, but
only those wherein Pope Eugenius was touched. This Panormitane, as he
was subtle, so did he subtlely dispute against the last conclusions,
endeavouring himself to declare that Eugenius was not relapsed, and
had great contention with the bishop of Argen, John Segovius, and
Francis de Fure, divines. He divided the articles of the faith into
three sorts; straitly, as in the creed; largely, as in the
declarations made by the church; most largely of all, as in those
things which rise of the premises; affirming that Eugenius did by no
means violate his faith in his first dissolution that he made, because
it is not contained in the creed, neither yet in the determinations of
the church, that the pope cannot dissolve the councils; and that it
seemeth not unto him to rise of the determinations before made, but
rather of the decrees of the council of Constance. And further, that
this, as a case omitted, is reserved for the pope to be discussed,
forasmuch as in the chapter beginning Frequens, it appeareth that the
place where the council should be kept ought to be chosen by the pope,
the council allowing the same, and nothing is thereof at all spoken.
And if, peradventure, Eugenius had offended in the first dissolution,
notwithstanding he ought to be holden excused, because he did it by
the counsel of the cardinals, representing the Church of Rome, whose
authority he said to be such, that the judgment thereof should be
preferred before all the world. Neither had there been any sacred
council found to have proceeded against Eugenius as a heretic; and
that is an evident sign that the council hath not thought him to have
swerved from the faith, neither to have any occasion that he should be
called heretic for his errors revoked; and that he himself hath read
the whole text, that the pope did not revoke the dissolution as
contrary unto the faith, but as breeding offence: also that the last
dissolution hath no such cause in it, forasmuch as likewise he had
done it by the counsel of the cardinals, and for the uniting of the
Greeks, that he might not be compelled in a criminal cause to answer
by his procurator, when he, being letted by sickness, could not come
personally. [And] forasmuch as in the first dissolution Eugenius hath
fallen into no error of faith, he cannot be persuaded that he can be
called a relapse, forasmuch as he neither in the first, neither yet in
the second, dissolution did violate his faith.

  This oration of Panormitane was more praised than allowed of men.
Notwithstanding, this effect it wrought, that afterward this word
relapse was taken out of the conclusions, and instead thereof this
word prolapse put in. Neither durst Panormitane himself altogether
excuse Eugenius of heresy, but defended more the first dissolution,
than the second; yet departed he not without answer, for John
Segovius, an expert divine, rising up, answered him reverently, as was
comely for such a prelate. He said, He granted that which Panormitane
had spoken touching the division of the articles of the faith into
three points, because it made for this purpose. For if those things
are to be holden for articles of faith, said he, which may be gathered
of the determinations of the church, it were manifest that the
conclusions whereupon we now contend, redound and come of the
determinations of the church, that is to say, of the council of
Constance; for if therein the pope be made subject unto the general
council, who is it that will say that the pope hath power over the
council which is above him; or that Eugenius ought to remain pope,
because he could not dissolve the council, which is above him, without
the consent thereof? The which article undoubtedly he hath violated
and broken. And if any man will say that in the first dissolution this
article was not violated, because there was no declaration made
thereof, let him which so thinketh thus, understand, That the bishop
of Rome ought not only to know the plain and manifest, but also the
secret and hidden, things of the faith; for he being the vicar of
Christ, and the head of all other, ought to instruct and teach all
men. But if so be he will not, then he shall be convicted for being
head, because he continued long in the dissolution after the
declaration of the council, neither did consent unto the determination
of the church; and therefore if, peradventure, he did not err in the
faith in dissolving of the council, yet did he err in persevering in
the same, as it manifestly appeareth by the saying of Clement
oftentimes alleged by Panormitane, wherein it is said, That he which
liveth rebelliously, and neglecteth to do good, is rather a member of
the devil than of Christ, and rather an infidel than a true believer;
so that Eugenius by disobeying the church may worthily be called an
infidel. Neither is it true that the pope hath not offended in the
faith; forasmuch, as well in that answer which beginneth Cogitanti, as
also in the answer which beginneth Sperant, made unto the pope's
ambassadors, these words are manifest: this article concerneth faith,
and we had rather die, than through cowardliness to give place. By the
which saying it is evident, the synod to have sufficiently admonished
the pope that he did against the faith, and therefore it seemed that
afterward, when Eugenius revoked the dissolution, he also revoked the
error of faith contained in the same. There are also divers offences
sprung and risen through the error of faith: for some say that the
pope is under the council, other some deny it, and this diversity of
doctrine bringeth offence. Also it is expressly against the authority
of the council, that the pope did revoke the assertions made in their
name.

  And albeit in such revocations the style and order of judgments
is not observed, notwithstanding, it doth suffice in such case when
the council doth proceed against the pope, in which case only the
truth is to be observed; neither is the council subject unto any
positive law, that it ought to observe any terms or judicial orders.
Also he said that he utterly contemned that singular gloss, which did
prefer the pope before all the world, so that it might well be called
singular, which decreed so foolish and fond things, and unworthy to be
followed of any man; and that he did much marvel at Panormitane, and
other doctors of those days, which whilst they went about to extol the
authority of the glosses, do abase the same by adding a singularity
thereto; for that gloss is singular which is alone. But who would not
more esteem a gloss constantly written and agreeable in all places,
than that which in any one place teacheth any thing which may seem to
be an error; and that as touching the verity and truth? St. Jerome, a
grave and ancient doctor, is contrary to this gloss, who doubteth
nothing at all but that the world, as touching authority, is above the
city itself, that is to say, Rome.

  Segovius could scarcely finish this his oration without
interruption; for Panormitane, oftentimes interrupting him, went about
to confute now this and now that reason. Whereupon the bishop of Argen
rising up, a man not only eloquent, but also of a stout courage,
troubled Panormitane in his reasons and arguments, and put him from
his purpose; yet they proceeded so far, that they passed the manner of
disputation, and did not abstain from opprobrious taunts.

  When the bishop of Argen chanced to say that the bishop of Rome
ought to be the minister of the church, Panormitane could not suffer
that: inasmuch that he so forgot himself that day, and his knowledge
(which otherwise was great) did so fail him, that he was not ashamed
to say and affirm, that the pope was lord over the church. Whom
Segovius answered, "Mark," saith he, "O Panormitane, what thou sayest;
for this is the most honourable title of the bishop of Rome, wherein
he calleth himself the servant of the servants of God. Which is
gathered upon this point, when Christ said unto his disciples, when
they demanded of him which of them was the greatest, you know he
answered them, The princes of the people have rule and dominion over
them, but amongst you it is not so, &c. Wherein he doth utterly
prohibit lordship and dominion; and Peter, which was the first vicar
of Christ, saith, Feed the flock of Christ which is committed unto
you, providing for them not by compulsion, but willingly; and
immediately after he said, not as lords over the clergy. For if Christ
the Son of God came not to be ministered unto, but to minister and to
serve, how then can his vicar have any dominion, or be called lord, as
you Panormitane will affirm? forasmuch as the disciple is not above
his master, nor the servant above his lord. And the Lord himself
saith, Be ye not called masters, forasmuch as your only master is
Christ, and he which is the greatest among you shall be your servant."
Panormitane being somewhat disquieted with this answer, the council
brake up and departed.

  The next day, there was a general congregation, and they returned
all again unto the chapter-house after dinner, where the archbishop of
Lyons, the king's orator, being required to speak his mind, after he
had by divers and sundry reasons proved Eugenius to be a heretic, he
bitterly complained, detesting the negligence and ignavy of those that
had preferred such a man unto the papacy, and so moved all their
hearts which were present, that they all together with him did bewail
the calamities of the universal church.

  Then the bishop of Burgos, the ambassador of Spain, divided the
conclusions into two parts, some he called general, and other some
personal, disputing very excellently as touching the three first
conclusions, affirming that he did in no point doubt of them, but only
that the addition, which made mention of the faith, seemed to be
doubtful unto him. But upon this point he stayed much, to prove that
the council was above the pope. The which, after he had sufficiently
proved both by God's law and man's law, he taught it also by physical
reason, alleging Aristotle for witness. He said, that in every well-
ordered kingdom it ought specially to be desired, that the whole realm
should be of more authority than the king; which if it happened
contrary, it were not to be called a kingdom, but a tyranny: so
likewise doth he think of the church, that it ought to be of more
authority, than the prince thereof, that is to say, the pope. The
which his oration he uttered so eloquently, learnedly, and truly, that
all men depended upon him, and desired rather to have him continue his
oration, than to have an end thereof.

  But when he entered into the other conclusions, he seemed to have
forgotten himself, and to be no more the same man that he was; for
neither was there the same eloquence in his words, neither gravity in
oration, or cheerfulness of countenance; so that if he could have seen
himself, he would peradventure greatly have marvelled at himself.
Every man might well see and perceive then the power and force of the
truth, which ministered copy of matter unto him, so long as he spake
in the defence thereof; but when he began once to speak against her,
she took away even his natural eloquence from him. Notwithstanding,
Panormitane, and the bishop of Burgos, showed this example of modesty,
that albeit they would not confess or grant the last conclusions to be
verities of faith; yet they would not that any man should follow or
lean unto their opinion, which were but mean divines; but rather unto
the opinions of the divines but the king of Arragon's almoner, being a
subtle and crafty man, did not directly dispute upon the conclusions,
but picking out here and there certain arguments, sought to let and
hinder the council. Against whom an abbot of Scotland, a man of an
excellent wit, disputed very much; and Thomas de Corcellis, a famous
divine, alleged much against him out of the decrees of the sacred
council, and with a certain modest shamefacedness, always beholding
the ground, did very largely dispute in the defence of the
conclusions.

  But now, to avoid tediousness, I will only proceed to declare
arguments whereby the conclusions were ratified and confirmed, not
minding to treat of the five last conclusions, which concern the
person of Eugenius, but only upon the three first, whereunto I will
adjoin several probable arguments, gathered out of the disputation of
the fathers. In the first conclusion is the greatest force, and first
to be discussed; touching the which, two things are to be required,
and examined. The one, whether the general council have authority over
the pope; the other, whether the catholic faith commandeth it to be
believed. As touching that the pope is subject to the general council,
it is excellently well proved by the reason before alleged by the
bishop of Burgos. For the pope is in the church, as a king in his
kingdom; and for a king to be of more authority than his kingdom, it
were too absurd: ergo, neither ought the pope to be above the church.
For like as oftentimes kings which do wickedly govern the
commonwealth, and exercise cruelty, are deprived of their kingdoms;
even so it is not to be doubted, but that the bishops of Rome may be
deposed by the church, that is to say, by the general council.

  Neither do I herein allow them which attribute so ample and large
authority unto kings, that they will not have them bound under any
laws; for such as so do say, be but flatterers, which do talk
otherwise than they think. For albeit that they do say that the
moderation of the law is alway in the prince's power; that do I thus
understand, that when reason shall persuade, he ought to digress from
the rigour of the law; for he is called a king, which careth and
provideth for the commonwealth, taketh pleasure in the commodity and
profit of his subjects, and in all his doings hath respect to the
commodity of those over whom he ruleth: which if he do not, he is not
to be counted a king, but a tyrant, whose property it is only to seek
his own profit; for in this point a king differeth from a tyrant, that
the one seeketh the commodity and profit of those whom he ruleth, and
the other only his own. The which to make more manifest, thecause is
also to be alleged wherefore kings were ordained.

  At the beginning, as Cicero in his Offices saith, it is certain,
that there was a certain time when the people lived without kings. But
afterward, when lands and possessions began to be divided according to
the custom of every nation, then were kings ordained for no other
cause but only to exercise justice. For when at the beginning the
common people were oppressed by rich and mighty men, they ran by and
by to some good and virtuous man, which should defend the poor from
injury, and ordain laws whereby the rich and poor might dwell
together. But when yet under the rule of kings the poor where
oftentimes oppressed, laws were ordained and instituted, the which
should judge neither for hatred nor favour, and give like ear unto the
poor as unto the rich; whereby we do understand and know not only the
people, but also the king, to be subject to the laws. For if we do see
a king to contemn and despise the laws, violently rob and spoil his
subjects, deflour virgins, dishonest matrons, and do all things
licentiously and temerariously; do not the nobles of the kingdom
assemble together, deposing him from his kingdom, set up another in
his place, which shall swear to rule and govern uprightly, and be
obedient unto the laws? Verily as reason doth persuade, even so doth
the use thereof also teach us. It seemeth also agreeable unto reason,
that the same should be done in the church, that is to say, in the
council, which is done in any kingdom. And so is this sufficiently
apparent, which we have before said, that the pope is subject unto the
council.

  But now to pass unto the arguments of divinity, the foundation of
the matter which we do treat upon, are the words of our Saviour Jesus
Christ in divers places, but specially where he speaketh unto Peter,
Thou art Peter, and upon this rock will I build my church, and the
gates of hell shall not prevail against it. Upon which words it
seemeth good to begin this disputation, forasmuch as some were wont to
allege these words, to extol the authority of the bishop of Rome. But
(as it shall by and by appear) the words of Christ had another sense
and meaning than divers of them do think, for he saith, And the gates
of hell shall not prevail against it. Verily this is a great promise,
and these words of the Lord are of great importance; for what greater
word could there have been spoken, than that the gates of hell should
not prevail against the church? These gates of hell, as St. Jerome
saith, do signify sins; wherefore, if sins cannot prevail against the
church, neither can any malign spirits prevail against the same, which
have no power at all over mankind, but only through sin. And for that
cause, whereas it is said in Job, that there is no power upon the
earth that may be compared unto the power of the malign spirit,
thereby it followeth that the power of the church is above all other
power.

  We may also, upon the same saying, reason after another sort;
forasmuch as the gates of hell, that is to say, sins, cannot prevail
against the church, the church thereby is declared to be without sin;
the which cannot be spoken of the pope, which is a mortal man,
forasmuch as it is written, Seven times in the day the just man doth
offend. If the church he without spot because it cannot be defiled
with sin, who is it that will prefer a sinful man before an undefiled
church? Neither let us give ear unto those which will not refer these
words of Christ unto the church, whereas he saith, Peter, I have
prayed for thee, that thy faith should not fail thee. For, as St.
Augustine saith in the expositions of the Psalms, Certain things are
spoken as though they seemed properly to pertain unto the apostle
Peter, notwithstanding, they have no evident sense, but when they are
referred unto the church, the person whereof he is understood
figuratively to represent. Whereupon in another place, in the
questions of the New and Old Testament, upon the words, I have prayed
for thee, Peter; what is doubted? did he pray for Peter, and did he
not pray for James and John, beside the rest? It is manifest that
under the name of Peter all other are contained. For in another place
of St. John, he saith, I pray for whom thou hast given me, and I will
that wheresoever I am they shall be also with me. Whereupon we do
oftentimes, by the name of Peter, understand the church, which we do
nothing at all doubt to be done in this place; otherwise the truth
could not consist, forasmuch as, within a while after, the faith of
Peter failed for a time by the denial of Christ, but the faith of the
church, whose person Peter did represent, did always persevere
inviolate.

  As touching the bishops of Rome, if time would suffer us, we
could rehearse many examples, how that they either have been heretics,
or replenished with other vices. Neither are we ignorant how that
Marcellinus, at the emperor's commandment, did sacrifice unto idols,
and that another, which is more horrible, did attain unto the papacy
by devilish fraud and deceit. Notwithstanding, the testimony of Paul
unto the Hebrews shall suffice us at this time, who saith, that every
bishop is compassed in with infirmity; that is to say, with wickedness
and sin. Also the testimonies of Christ himself do approve that the
church remaineth always without sin; for in Matthew he saith, I am
with you even unto the end of the world. The which words were not only
spoken to the apostles, (for they continued not unto the end of the
world,) but also unto their successors; neither would Christ then
signify that he was God, dispersed throughout all the world, as he is
also perceived to he amongst sinners, but would declare a certain gift
of grace through his assistance, whereby he would preserve the holy
church, consisting amongst his apostles and their successors, always
immaculate and undefiled.

  And again in another place; I, saith he, will pray, and he shall
give you another Comforter, that he may remain with you for ever, even
the Spirit of truth, whom the world cannot receive, because the world
seeth him not, neither knoweth him; but you shall know him, because he
shall remain with you. The which words being spoke unto the disciples
of Jesus, are also understood to be spoken unto their successors, and
so, consequently, unto the church. And if the Spirit of truth be
continually in the church, no man can deny but that the church ought
to continue undefiled. By the same authority also that Christ is
called the Spouse of the church, who seeth not but that the church is
undefiled? For the husband and the wife, as the apostle saith, are two
in one flesh, and, as he doth also add, no man hateth his own flesh;
thereby it cometh to pass, that Christ cannot hate the church,
forasmuch as she is his spouse, and one flesh with him, and no man can
hate himself: ergo, the church doth not sin; for if it did sin, it
should be hated, for sinners the Lord doth hate. The which authorities
being gathered together, we ought, with the apostle, to confess that
the church of God hath neither spot nor wrinkle. Also he, writing unto
Timothy, affirmeth the church to be the pillar and foundation of the
truth; whereupon, in this song to the spouse, it is said, My friend,
thou art altogether fair and beautiful, neither is there any spot in
thee. These words, peradventure, may abash some, that I do go about to
prove the church to be without sin. For whereas the church doth
contain all men which are called Christians, which also do agree and
come together in one belief of faith, and participation of the
sacraments, I do fear lest some men will think that I do affirm all
men to be without sin, which is so far from my meaning, that I do
verily think the contrary to be most true. For I suppose that there is
no man in the church, being clothed in this mortal flesh, without sin.
Neither do these things vary or dissent among themselves; for the
church hath this gift, that albeit every part and member thereof may
sin, yet the whole body cannot sin. For there be always good men in
the church, the which, albeit that they be subject unto human
fragility, notwithstanding they have so perfect a gift of sincere and
pure virtue, that subduing all carnal desires and affections, they
keep themselves a pleasant and acceptable sacrifice unto God. Neither
do I consent or agree unto the opinion of divers, which affirm, that
the Virgin Mary only persevered in faith at the Lord's passion.
Whereupon divers have not been ashamed to say, that the faith might be
so debilitated and weakened, that it should return to one only old
woman; whose opinion, or rather madness, St. Paul seemeth openly to
reject, writing thus unto the Romans: Do ye not know (saith he) what
the Scripture writeth of Elias, how incessantly he called upon God
against the children of Israel, (saying,) O Lord, they have slain thy
prophets, and digged down thine altars, and I alone am left, and they
seek after my soul? But what answer received he of God? I have left
unto myself yet seven thousand men, which have not bowed their knees
unto Baal. What other thing doth this answer of God declare, than that
it is a foolish opinion of them which think the church of God to be
brought unto so small a number? We ought to believe the words of
Christ, which are altogether repugnant unto those men who affirm that
the Virgin only did persevere in faith. For Jesus said unto his
Father, O holy Father, save them in thy name, whom thou hast given me,
that they may be one as we are one. When I was with them, I kept them
in thy name: I have kept them that thou gayest unto me, and none of
them perished, but only the son of perdition. And I do not desire that
thou shouldest take them out of the world, but that thou shouldest
preserve them from evil.

  Behold, Christ prayeth that his disciples should not fall, but
should be preserved from evil, and he so praying, without doubt, is
heard; for he saith in another place, I know that thou hearest me. But
how is he heard, if all those for whom he prayeth, swerved at the time
of his passion? As for example, By what means did Christ, hanging upon
the cross, commend his dearly beloved mother unto John, if so he she
were either then swerved, or should by and by after have swerved from
the faith? Moreover, did not the centurion by and by cry out, and say,
Truly this is the Son of God? The Jews also which at that time were
far distant from Jerusalem, might both be called faithful, and also
saved by their faith: seeing that (as the apostle saith) men are bound
unto the gospel, after it is once known and revealed unto them. But
let us leave these men, and speak of that which is more likely, and
let us judge that there hath been, and is, a great number of good men
in the church, and by them, as by the more worthy part, let us name
the church holy and immaculate, the which doth comprehend as well the
evil as the good. For the church is compared unto a net, which is cast
into the sea, and gathered together all kind of fishes.

  And again, it is compared unto a king, which made a marriage for
his son, and sent forth his servants to call those which were bidden
unto the wedding, and they gathered together good and evil, as many as
they could find. Wherefore, their opinion is erroneous, which affirm,
that only good men be comprehended in the church; the which if it were
true, it would confound all things, neither could we understand or
know where the church were. But forasmuch as the Scripture saith, no
man knoweth whether he be worthy of love or hatred, their opinion is
more to be allowed and truer, which include all the faithful in the
church; of whom, although a great part be given to voluptuousness and
avarice, yet some, notwithstanding, are clean from deadly sin. The
which part, as it is the most worthy, it giveth the name unto the
church, to be called most holy, which is so often done, that we are
commanded to sing in our creed, one holy catholic and apostolic
church; the which article, the synod of Constantinople added unto the
rest: Wherefore, if the church be holy, it is also without sin. But to
return to our former purpose, this word sanctum, which signifieth
holy, (as Macrobius, alleging Trebatius, affirmeth,) is sometimes
taken for religious, and sometimes for clean and uncorrupt. And after
the same manner, we call the church holy, as the apostle Peter calleth
it immaculate, as we read in the famous epistle of Clement.

  To this end also tendeth that which is spoken by St. Paul, that
Christ is the Head of the church; for if the church should wholly sin,
she should not agree with her Head Christ, who is in no point defiled.
This also Christ himself would signify unto us in Matthew, when he
commendeth the house which was builded upon the strong Rock, against
the which, neither the winds, neither the storms, could prevail. Is
the house of God, saith the apostle, which is the church, builded upon
the Rock, which Rock (as the said apostle declareth) is Christ? Who
then is so unshamefaced, that he will affirm the church, which is
founded upon Christ, to be subject to sin, and will not rather cry out
with the prophet and say, O Lord, I have loved the beauty of thy
house? Hereupon wrote John Chrysostom this golden sentence: The church
never ceaseth to be assaulted, never ceaseth to be laid in wait for;
but in the name of Christ it hath always the upper hand and overcome.
And albeit that other do lie in wait for it, or that the floods do
beat against it, yet the foundation which is laid upon the rock, is
not shaken. St. Hilary also saith, that it is the property of the
church to vanquish when it is hurt, to understand when it is reproved,
to be in safety when it is forsaken, and to obtain victory when it
seemeth almost overcome. Thus by many reasons and testimonies it is
proved that the church doth not err, which is not spoken or affirmed
of the bishops of Rome, so that this reason doth make the pope subject
unto the church; for it is convenient, that the less perfect be
subject unto the more perfect. There be also many other testimonies
and reasons, whereof we will now somewhat more treat.

  If authority be sought for, saith St. Jerome, (for I willingly
occupy myself in his sentences, as in a most fertile field,) the world
is greater than a city. What then, I pray you, Jerome? Is the pope
mighty because he is the head of the Church of Rome? His authority is
great, notwithstanding the universal church is greater, which doth not
only comprehend one city, but also the whole world. Hereupon it
followeth, that if the church be the mother of all faithful, then she
hath the bishop of Rome for her son; otherwise, as St. Augustine
saith, he can never have God for his Father which will not acknowledge
the church for his mother. The which thing Anacletus understanding,
called the universal church his mother, as the writers of the canons
do know. And Calixtus saith, As a Son he came to do the will of his
Father, so we do the will of our mother which is the church: whereby
it appeareth, that how much the son is inferior to the mother, so much
the church is superior or above the bishop of Rome.

  Also we have said before that the church was the spouse of
Christ, and the pope we know to be a vicar; but no man doth so ordain
a vicar, that he maketh his spouse subject unto him, but that the
spouse is always thought to be of more authority than the vicar;
forasmuch as she is one body with her husband, but the vicar is not
so. Neither will I here pass over the words of St. Paul unto the
Romans, Let every soul, saith he, be subject unto the higher powers.
Neither doth he herein except the pope. For albeit that he be above
all other men, yet it seemeth necessary that he should be subject to
the church. Neither let him think himself hereby exempt, because it
was said unto Peter by Christ, Whatsoever thou bindest, &c. In this
place, as we will hereafter declare, he represented the person of the
church, for we find it spoken afterterward unto them, Whatsoever. ye
shall bind upon earth, shall be also bound in heaven. And furthermore,
if all power be given of Christ, as the apostle writeth unto the
Corinthians, it is given for the edifying of the church, and not for
the destruction thereof; why then may not the church correct the pope,
if he abuse the keys, and bring all things unto ruin?

  Add hereunto also another argument. A man in this life is lesser
than the angels; for we read in Matthew, of John Baptist, that he
which is least in the kingdom of heaven is greater than he.
Notwithstanding, Christ saith in another place, that amongst the
children of women there was not a greater than John Baptist. But to
proceed; men are forced, by the example of Zacharias, to give credit
unto angels, lest through their misbelief they be stricken blind as he
was. What more? The bishop of Rome is a man; ergo, he is less than the
angels, and is bound to give credit to the angels. But the angels
learn of the church, and do reverently accord unto her doctrine, as
the apostle writeth unto the Ephesians; ergo, the pope is bound to do
the same, who is less than the angels, and less than the church, whose
authority is such, that worthily it is compared by St. Augustine unto
the sun, that, like as the sun by his light doth surmount all other
lights, so the church is above all other authority and power.
Whereupon St. Augustine writeth thus: I would not believe the gospel,
saith he, if the authority of the church did not move me thereunto:
the which is not in any place found to be spoken of the bishop of
Rome, who, representing the church, and being minister thereof, is not
to be thought greater or equal to his Lord and Master.
Notwithstanding, the words of our Saviour Christ do specially prove
the bishop of Rome to be subject to the church, as we will hereafter
declare. For he, sending Peter to preach unto the church, said, Go,
and say unto the church. To the confirmation of whose authority these
words do also pertain, He that heareth you heareth me. The which words
are not only spoken unto the apostles, but also unto their successors
and unto the whole church.

  Whereupon it followeth, that if the pope do not hearken and give
ear unto the church, he doth not give ear unto Christ, and
consequently he is to be counted as an ethnic and publican. For, as
St. Augustine affirmeth, when the church doth excommunicate, he which
is so excommunicate is bound in heaven, and when the church looseth,
he is loosed. Likewise if he be a heretic which taketh away the
supremacy of the Church of Rome, as the decrees of the council of
Constance do determine, how much more is he to be counted a heretic
which taketh away the authority from the universal church, wherein the
Church of Rome and all other are contained? Wherefore it is now
evident, that it is the opinion of all men before our days, (if it may
be called an opinion, which is confirmed by grave authors,) that the
pope is subject unto the universal church. But this is called into
question, whether he ought also to be judged of the general council.
For there are some, which, whether it be for desire of vain-glory, or
that through their flattery they look for some great reward, have
begun to teach new and strange doctrines, and to exempt the bishop of
Rome from the jurisdiction of the general council. Ambition hath
blinded them, whereof not only this present schism, but also all other
schisms even unto this day have had their original. For as in times
past the greedy desire and ambition of the papacy, brought in that
pestiferous beast, which through Arius then first crept into the
church; even so they specially nourish and maintain this present
heresy which are not ashamed to beg. Of the which number some cry out
and say, the works of the subjects ought to be judged by the pope, but
the pope to be reserved only unto the judgment of God. Others said,
that no man ought to judge the high and principal seat, and that it
cannot be judged either by the emperor, either by the clergy, either
by any king or people. Other affirm that the Lord hath reserved unto
himself the depositions of the chief bishop. Others are not ashamed to
affirm, that the bishop of Rome, although he carry souls in never so
great number unto hell, yet he is not subject unto any correction or
rebuke.

  And because these their words are easily resolved, they run
straightways unto the gospel, and interpret the words of Christ; not
according to the sense and meaning of the Holy Ghost, but according to
their own will and disposition. They do greatly esteem and regard this
which was spoken unto Peter, Thou shalt be called Cephas: by the which
word, they make him the head of the church. Also, I will give thee the
keys of the kingdoms of heaven, and whatsoever thou shalt bind upon
the earth, &c. I have prayed for thee, Peter, that thy faith should
not fail. And again, Feed my sheep; Cast thy net into the deep; Be not
afraid, for from henceforth thou shalt be a fisher of men. Also that
Christ commanded Peter, as the prince of the apostles, to pay toll for
them both; and that Peter drew the net unto the land full of great
fishes; and that only Peter drew out his sword for the defence of
Christ. All which places these men do greatly extol, altogether
neglecting the expositions of the fathers: the which if, as reason
were, they would consider, they should manifestly perceive by the
authorities aforesaid, that the pope is not above them, when they are
gathered together in council, but when they are separate and divided.

  But these things being passed over, forasmuch as answer shall
appear by that which hereafter shall follow, we will now declare what
was reasoned of by the learned men upon this question. But first we
would have it known, that all men which are of any name or estimation,
do agree, that the pope is subject to the council, and for the proof
thereof they repeat, in a manner, all those things which were before
spoken of the church; for they suppose all that which is spoken of the
church, to serve for the general council. And first of all they allege
this saying of the gospel, Tell it unto the church. In the which place
it is convenient to understand that Christ spake unto Peter,
instructing him what he should do as touching the correction of his
brother. He saith, If thy brother offend or sin against thee, rebuke
lom between thee and him alone. If he give ear unto thee, thou hast
won thy brother; but if he do not give ear unto thee, take with thee
one or two, that in the mouth of two or three witnesses all truth may
stand: if then he will not give ear unto thee, tell it unto the
church.

  What shall we understand by the church in that place? Shall we
say that it is the multitude of the faithful dispersed throughout the
whole world? My yoke is pleasant, saith the Lord, and my burden is
light. But how is it light, if Christ command us to do that which is
impossible to be done? For how could Peter speak unto the church which
was dispersed, or to seek out every Christian scattered in every town
or city? But the meaning of these words is far otherwise, and they
must be otherwise interpreted; for which cause it is necessary that we
remember the double person which Peter represented, as the person of
the high bishop, and a private man. The sense and meaning of his words
are evident and plain enough of themselves, that they need no
supplement or alteration. We must first mark and see what this word
ecclesia, signifieth, the which we do find to be but only twice spoken
of by Christ; once in this place, and again when he said to Peter,
Thou art Peter, and upon this rock will I build my church. Wherefore
the church signifieth the convocation or congregation of the
multitude. Dic ecclesiæ, Tell it unto the church; that is to say, Tell
it unto the congregation of the faithful; the which, forasmuch as they
are not accustomed to come together but in a general council, this
interpretation shall seem very good, Tell it unto the church, that is
to say, tell it unto the general council.

  In this case I would gladly hear if there be any man which doth
think these words to be more properly expressed in any prelate, than
in the council, when they must put one man for the multitude; which if
it be admitted in the Scriptures, we shall from henceforth find no
firm or stable thing therein? But if any man do marvel at this
interpretation, let him search the old writers, and he shall find that
this is no new or strange interpretation, but the interpretation of
the holy fathers and old doctors, which have first given light unto
the church, as Pope Gregory witnesseth, (a man worthy of remembrance,
both for the holiness of his life, and his singular learning,) whose
words are these, written in his register unto the bishop of
Constantinople: "And we," said he, "against whom so great an offence
is committed through temerarious boldness, do observe and keep that
which the truth doth command us, saying, Si peccaverit in te frater,
that is, If thy brother do offend against thee," &c. And afterward he
addeth more, "If my rebukes and corrections be despised, it remaineth
that I do seek help of the church." The which words do manifestly
declare the church here to be taken for the general council. Neither
did Gregory say, that he would seek help of the church that is
dispersed abroad in every place, but of that which is gathered
together, that is to say, the general council; for that which is
dispersed abroad cannot be had, except it be gathered together. Also
Pope Nicholas, reproving Lotharius the king for adultery, said, "If
thou dost not amend the same, take heed that we tell it not unto the
holy church."

  In the which saying, Pope Nicholas did not say, that he would go
throughout the world to certify every one, man by man; but that he
would call the church together, that is to say, the general council,
and there would publish and declare the offence of Lotharius, that he
which had contemned the pope's commandments, should fear the reverence
of the general council. I could recite an infinite number of witnesses
for that purpose, the which all tend unto one end: but this one
testimony of the council of Constance shall suffice for them all;
wherein it is said, that not only the pope in the correction of his
brother is remitted unto the council when he cannot correct him of
himself; but also when any thing is done as touching the correction of
the pope himself, the matter ought to be referred to the council.
Whereby it appeareth our interpretation to be most true, which doth
expound the church to be in the general council. Hereupon in the Acts
of the Apostles, the congregations which were then holden were called
the church. Also in the council of Nice, and in other councils, when
many should be excommunicated, always in manner, this sentence was
adjoined, the catholic and apostolic church doth excommunicate this
man. And hereupon that title is given unto the councils whereby we do
say, that the general council doth represent the universal church.

  Wherefore the laws and decrees of the council are called the laws
of the church, for that the church doth not set forth any laws in any
other place, but in the general council; except we will call the
pope's constitutions the laws of the church, which cannot be properly
said but of the council; whereas, albeit all these which are of the
church do not assemble and come together, yet the most part of them
are accustomed to be there present, and in those which come, the whole
power of the church doth consist. Whereupon we read in the Acts of the
Apostles, It pleased the apostles and elders with all the church. For
albeit that all the faithful were not there present, (because a great
number of them remained at Antioch,) yet, notwithstanding, it was
called the whole church, because the whole power of the church
consisted in the council. Thus for this present it is sufficient that
we understand by the church the general council.

  And now to return unto our purpose, let us hear what our Saviour
saith unto Peter, If thy brother do offend against thee, unto this
text following, tell it unto the church; and let us understand the
council by the church. Who is greater in this place, he which is sent
unto the council, or the council whereunto Peter was sent? The verity
doth remit the bishop of Rome unto the general council. And why so?
verily because the bishop of Rome should not disdain to acknowledge
some power in earth to be above him, the which he should consult
withal in matters of importance, and agree unto the determinations
thereof. Whereupon Peter is also called by another name, Simon; the
which, as Rabanus in his Homilies writeth, is interpreted in the
Hebrew tongue, obedience, that all men might understand obedience to
be necessary even in the bishop of Rome.

  The authority of the council of Constance might suffice us in
this point; but we think it good to stay a little upon this matter,
and to leave no place open for our adversaries, which, while they go
about to maintain the insatiable wilfulness of one man, preferring a
private wealth before a common commodity, it is incredible how great
errors they do stir up. Against the which, besides many other,
Zacharias, bishop of Chalcedon, a man both famous and eloquent, did
earnestly strive. Who, in the great and sacred synod of Chalcedon,
when the sentence of the bishop of Rome was objected unto him, that
the canon of Pope Nicholas and other patriarchs was above the council,
he replied against it. And Zosimus the pope saith thus, as touching
the decrees of the general council, The authority of this seat cannot
make or alter any thing contrary to the decrees of the fathers.
Neither doth he here speak of the decrees of the fathers, which are
dispersed abroad in cities or wilderness, for they do not bind the
pope; but of them which are made and published by the fathers in the
general council. For the more manifest declaration whereof, the words
of Pope Leo, the most eloquent of all the bishops of Rome, are here to
be annexed, who wrote unto Anatholius, that the decrees of the council
of Nice are in no part to be violated and broken; thereby (as it were)
excluding himself and the high patriarch.

  The authority also of Damasus upon this sentence is more
manifest, writing unto Arelius, the archbishop, as Isidorus declareth
in the book of councils, whose worthy saying as touching the authority
of the synod is this, That they which are not compelled of necessity,
but of their own will either frowardly do any thing, either presume to
do any thing, or wilfully consent unto those which would do any thing,
contrary and against the sacred canons, they are worthily thought and
judged to blaspheme the Holy Ghost. Of the which blasphemy whether
Gabriel, which calleth himself Eugenius, be presently partaker, let
them judge which have heard him say, That it is so far from his office
and duty to obey the general councils, that he saith, he doth then
best merit and deserve, when he contemneth the decrees of the council.
Damasus addeth yet moreover: "For this purpose," saith he, "the rulers
of the sacred canons, which are consecrated by the Spirit of God, and
the reverence of the whole world, are faithfully to be known and
understood of us, and diligently looked upon, that by no means,
without a necessity which cannot be eschewed, (which God forbid,) we
do transgress against any of the decrees of the holy fathers."
Notwithstanding we daily see in all the pope's bulls and letters,
these words, Non obstante, that is to say, notwithstanding, which no
other necessity hath brought in, than only insatiable desire of
gathering of money. But let them take heed to these things which be
the authors thereof.

  But now to return again unto Damasus, mention is made in the
epistles of Ambrose, bishop of Milan, of a certain epistle, which is
said to be written by Damasus, unto the judges deputed by the council
of Capua, where he declareth that it is not his office to meddle with
any matter which hath been before the council. By the which saying, he
doth manifestly reprove all those which affirm and say the bishop of
Rome to be above the council. The which, if it were true, Damasus
might have taken into his hands the cause of Bonosius, the bishop, to
determine, which was before begun by the council; but forasmuch as the
council is above the pope, Damasus knew himself to be prohibited.
Whereupon Hilarius also acknowledging the synod to be above him, would
have his decrees confirmed by the council. Also the famous doctor, St.
Augustine, in his epistle which he did write unto Glorius and
Eleusius, and Felix the grammarian, declareth the case. Cecilianus,
the bishop, was accused by Donatus, with others. Melchiades the pope,
with certain other bishops, absolved Cecilian, and confirmed him in
his bishopric. They being moved with those doings, made a schism in
the parts of Africa. St. Augustine reproveth them, which, having
another remedy against the sentence of the pope, did raise a schism,
and doth inveigh against them in this manner; Behold, let us think
those bishops which gave judgment at Rome, not to have been good
judges; there remained yet the judgment of the universal church, where
the cause might have been pleaded even with the judges themselves, so
that if they were convicted not to have given just judgment, their
sentence might be broken.

  Whereby it appeareth, that not only the sentence of the pope
alone, but also the pope with his bishops joined with him, might be
made frustrate by the council; for the full judgment of the universal
church is not found elsewhere but in the general council. Let not any
man doubt, in that St. Augustine seemeth here only to speak of
bishops, for if the text of his epistle be read over, he shall find
the bishop of Rome to be comprehended amongst the other bishops. It
was also prohibited by the councils of Africa, that the bishops of
Rome should not receive or hear the appeals of any which did appeal
from the council; which altogether declare the superiority of the
council. And this appeareth more plainly in the Acts of the Apostles,
where Peter is rebuked by the congregation of the apostles, because he
went in to Cornelius, a heathen man, as if it had not been lawful for
him to attempt any greater matter without the knowledge of the
congregation, and yet it was said unto him, as well as others, Go and
baptize. But this seemeth to make more unto the purpose which St. Paul
writeth unto the Galatians, where he saith, he resisted Peter even
unto his face, because he did not walk according to the verity of the
gospel. Which words, if they be well understood, signify none other
thing by the verity of the gospel, than the canon of the council
decreed amongst the apostles; for the disciples, being gathered
together, had so determined it. Whereupon St. Paul doth show that
Peter ought to have obeyed the general council.

  But now to finish this disputation, we will here adjoin the
determination of the council of Constance, the which council
aforesaid, willing to cut off all ambiguity and doubts, and to provide
a certain order of living, declared, by a solemn decree, that all men,
of what estate or condition soever they were, yea, although that they
were popes themselves, be bound under the obedience and ordinances of
the sacred general councils. And although there be a certain
restraint, where it is said, in such things as pertain unto the faith,
the extirpation of schism, and the reformation of the church, as well
in the head as in the members; notwithstanding this amplificative
clause, which is adjoined, is to be noted, with all the appurtenances.
The which addition is so large, that it containeth all things in it
which may be imagined or thought. For the Lord said thus unto his
apostles, Go ye forth and teach all people. He did not say in three
points only, but teach them to observe and keep all things whatsoever
I have commanded you. And in another place he saith, not this or that,
but whatsoever ye shall bind, &c., which all together are alleged for
the authority of the church and general councils. For the preferment
whereof these things also come in place: He that heareth you, heareth
me. And again, It is given unto you to know the mysteries of God.
Also, Where two or three be gathered in my name, &c. Again, Whatsoever
ye shall ask, &c. O holy Father, save them whom thou hast given me,
&c. And, I will be with them even unto the end of the world. Also out
of St. Paul these places are gathered: We are helpers of God, &c.
Which hath made us apt ministers of the New Testament, &c. And he
appointed some apostles and some prophets, &c. In all which places
both Christ and the apostles spake of the authority of many, which all
together are alleged for the authority of the universal church.

  But forasmuch as that church, being dispersed and scattered
abroad, cannot decree or ordain any thing, therefore, of necessity it
is to be said, that the chief and principal authority of the church
doth consist in the general councils, where they assemble together.
And therefore it was observed in the primitive church, that hard and
weighty matters were not treated upon, but only in the general
councils and congregations. The same is also found to be observed
afterward; for when the churches were divided, general councils were
holden. And in the council of Nice we do find the heresy of Arius
condemned; in the council of Constantinople the heresy of Macedonius;
in the council of Ephesus the heresy of Nestorius; in the council of
Chalcedon the heresies of Eutychius were also condemned: forasmuch as
they thought the judgment of the bishop of Rome not to suffice to so
great and weighty matters; and also they thought the sentence of the
council to he of greater force than the sentence of the pope,
forasmuch as he might err as a man; but the council, wherein so many
men were gathered together, being guided with the Holy Ghost, could
not err. Also it is a very excellent saying of Martianus the emperor,
which serveth for that purpose, whose words are these, "Truly he is to
be counted a wicked and sacrilegious person, which after the sentence
of so many good and holy men, will stick to withdraw any part of his
opinion. For it is a point of mere madness, at the noon-time and fair
day-light, to seek for a feigned light; for he which, having found the
truth, seeketh to discuss any thing further, seeketh but after
vanities and lies.

  Now I think it is evident enough unto all men, that the bishop of
Rome is under the council. Notwithstanding, some do yet still doubt,
whether he may also be deposed by the council or not: for albeit it be
proved that he is under the council, yet for all that will they not
grant that he may be also deposed by the council. Wherefore, it shall
be no digressing at all from our purpose, somewhat to say upon that
matter: and first of all, to speak of these railers which are yet so
earnest for the defence of the bishop of Rome, which, being vanquished
in one battle, still renew another, and contend rather of obstinacy
than of ignorance. They would have here recited again that which we
have before spoken, as touching the pre-eminence of the bishop of
Rome, or the patriarch. And as there are many of them more full of
words than eloquent, they stay much of this point, where Christ said
unto Peter, I will give thee the keys of the kingdom of heaven, and
whatsoever thou shalt bind upon earth, shall be bound in heaven; as
though by those words he should be made head over the other. And
again, they do amplify it by this, Feed my sheep; which they do not
find to be spoken to any other of the apostles. And because it is said
that Peter was the chief and the mouth of the apostles, therefore they
judge it well spoken, that no man shall judge the chief and principal
see; being all of this opinion with Boniface, which said, that the
pope ought to be judged for no cause, except he be perceived or known
to swerve from the faith, although he do carry innumerable people with
him headlong into hell, there to be perpetually tormented: as though
he could open the kingdom of heaven to others, if any other could shut
it against him; that he could feed other, if he himself lacked
pasture.

  But we count these as things of no force or difficulty. For St.
Augustine, in the sermon of the nativity of Peter and Paul, saith in
this wise, Our Lord Jesus Christ., before his passion, chose his
disciples, as •ye do know, whom he called brethren. Amongst those,
Peter alone almost in every place represented the person of the
church, and therefore it was said unto him, Unto thee will I give the
keys of the kingdom of heaven. These keys did he not receive as one
man, but as one he received them for the church. And in another place,
where he writeth of the Christian agony, he saith, The keys of the
kingdom of heaven were given unto the church, when they were given
unto Peter. And when it was spoken unto him Lovest thou me? Feed my
sheep; it was spoken unto them all. And St. Ambrose in the beginning
of his Pastoral, saith, "Which sheep and which flock the blessed
apostle St. Peter took no charge of alone, but together with us, and
we all together with him." By which words the foundation and principal
arguments of those flatterers are utterly subverted and overthrown.
For if Peter represented the person of the church, we ought not to
ascribe the force of these words unto Peter, but unto the church.
Neither do I see how that can stand which Boniface doth affirm, for it
is far distant from the truth, except it be understood otherwise than
it is spoken.

  But it may, peradventure, seem a great thing unto some, that it
is said the bishop of Rome to be the head of the militant church. For
as in the body of man physicians do never give counsel to cut off the
head for any manner of sickness and disease, although it be never so
full of ulcers, or infected: so in this mystical body of the church
the head ought always to be kept; and albeit it be never so wicked,
yet is it to be suffered and borne withal. But now convert this
argument: If it were possible in the body of man, when one head is
taken away, to find another to put in his place, as we see it may he
done in the church, should not heads then be oftentimes changed for
divers diseases? Moreover, if we will thus reason, that the head of
the church should be, in respect of his body, as the head of man in
respect of the body of man; then doth it necessarily follow, that the
head being dead, the body must also die, as is manifest in the body of
man. So should it grow into an absurdity to confess, that the pope
being dead, the church also should be dead: the which how far it
dissenteth from the truth, it is most manifest. Therefore whatsoever
other men say, I am not of opinion with them, which affirm the bishop
of Rome to be head of the church, except peradventure they do make him
the ministerial head: for we do read that Christ is the Head of the
church, and not the pope; and that he is the true Head, immutable,
perpetual, and everlasting, and the church is his body, whereof the
pope himself is also a member, and the vicar of Christ, not to the
destruction, but to the maintenance and edifying of the same body of
Christ. Wherefore if he be found a damnable destroyer of the church,
he may be deposed and cast out, be-cause he doth not that he was
ordained to do: and we ought, as Pope Leo saith, to be mindful of the
commandment given us in the gospel: that if our eye, cur foot, or our
right hand do offend us, it should be cut off from the body. For the
Lord saith in another place, Every tree which bringeth not forth
fruit, shall be cut down and cast into the fire. And in another place
also it is said unto us, Take away all evil and wickedness from among
you. It is very just and true which is written in the epistle of
Clement, unto James the brother of our Lord, that he which will be
saved ought to be separated from them which will not be saved.

  But for the more manifest declaration hereof, we must have
recourse to that which is spoken by the Lord in the Gospel of John: I
am the true vine, saith the Lord, and my Father is the husbandman, but
ye are the branches; every branch thereof that bringeth not forth
fruit in me, my Father will cut off: These words were spoken unto the
apostles, amongst whom also Peter was present, whom the Lord would
have cut off, if he brought not forth his fruit. Also St. Jerome upon
these words of Matthew, Unsavoury salt is profitable for nothing, but
to be cast forth and trodden of swine. Whereupon in the person of
Peter and Paul he saith thus, "It is no easy matter to stand in the
place of Peter and Paul, and to keep the chair of them which reign
with Christ. This unsavory salt, that is to say, a foolish prelate,
unsavoury in preaching, and foolish in offending, is good for nothing
but to he cast forth, that is to say, deposed, and to be trodden of
swine, that is, of wicked spirits, which have dominion over the wicked
and naughty prelates, as their own flock and herd." Behold, this
testimony of Jerome is plain and evident; "Let him be cast out," saith
he. He expoundeth and speaketh it of the prelate which usurpeth the
place of Peter, and so consequently of the bishop of Rome, who, being
unsavoury in preaching, and foolish in offending, ought to be deposed 
(as Jerome affirmeth) from his degree and dignity. Neither, as some do
dream, is he to be deposed for heresy only. Isidorus, in the Book of
Councils, rehearseth a certain epistle of Clement, the successor of
Peter, written unto James the apostle, where the said Clement,
referring the words of Peter unto himself, saith thus, "If thou be
occupied with worldly cares, thou shalt both deceive thyself, and
those which shall give ear unto thee; for thou canst not fully
distribute unto every man those things which pertain unto salvation:
whereby it shall come to pass that thou, as a man, for not teaching
those things which pertain unto salvation, shalt be deposed, and thy
disciples shall perish through ignorance." Notwithstanding, in another
place, instead of this word deposed, it is found, Thou shalt be
punished; which two words, if they be well understood, do not much
differ, for deposition is oftentimes used in the place of punishment.
But peradventure some will here object, that this epistle is not to be
judged Clement's, because it is said to be written unto James, who, as
the ecclesiastical history affirmeth, was dead before that Peter was
put to death. But Clement might think that James was alive when he
wrote: which were far distant asunder, and messengers of the
Christians came not often unto Rome. Moreover, there is mention made
of this epistle in divers places of the decretals, as most true, and
therefore it shall be nothing from the purpose to rehearse other
sayings out of the same epistle: where he saith, that he which liveth
rebelliously, and refuseth both to learn and to do good, is rather a
member of the devil than of Christ, and doth show himself rather to be
an infidel than a faithful Christian. Upon which words, the gloss
which Panormitane calleth singular, and is much allowed, saith, that
if the crime or offence of the bishop of Rome be notorious, whereby
the church is offended, if he be incorrigible, he may be accused
thereof. If then he may be accused, ergo, also he may be punished, and
according to the exigent of the fault deposed; otherwise he should be
accused in vain.

  Now is there no more any place of defence left for our
adversaries, but that the pope may be deposed. Notwithstanding, it is
not yet evident whether he may be deposed by the council or no, which
we now take in hand to discourse. And, first of all, the adversaries
will grant this unto us; that the bishop of Rome may be deposed by the
church, forasmuch as the pope being the vicar of the church, no man
doubteth but that a lord may put out his vicar at his will and
pleasure; neither is it to be doubted but that the pope is more truly
called the vicar of the church, than of Christ. But if the church may
depose the pope, ergo, the council also may do the same. Also the
gloss, which Panormitane in his writing doth so greatly commend, hath
this sentence; that the general council is judge over the pope in all
cases. Likewise the most sacred synod of Constantinople, which is
allowed of all men, doth appoint the bishops of Rome to be under the
judgment of the council; and the council to judge and determine of
every doubtful matter or question that doth arise concerning the
bishop of Rome. Neither let any man doubt thereof, because this word
deposition is not mentioned; for it is said of every doubtful matter
or question; for if the synod do judge of every doubt; ergo, it shall
also judge whether the pope shall be deposed or not: for that may also
come in doubt. And because we will not seek examples far off, John the
Twenty-third, whom all the world did reverence, was deposed of his
papacy by the council of Constance. Neither yet was he condemned for
any heresy; but because he did offend the church by his manifold
crimes, the sacred synod thought good to depose him: and ever since
continually the church hath proceeded by like example, that their
opinion might cease, which affirm that the pope cannot be deposed but
only for heresy.

  But here is yet one thing not to be omitted, that certain men do
affirm the general councils to be of no effect, except the pope do
call and appoint them, and his authority remain with them. Whereupon
they said that Dioscorus did rebuke Paschasius the bishop of Sicily,
and legate of Pope Leo, because that he did enterprise, without the
authority of the apostolic see, to call a council at Ephesus. They
also allege another testimony of the synod of Chalcedon; where, when
mention was made of the council of Ephesus, all the bishops cried out,
saying, "We ought not to call it a council, because it was neither
gathered by the apostolic authority, neither rightly kept." By the
which authorities, they which say that the councils cannot be holden
without the consent of the pope, do think themselves marvellously
armed. Whose sentence and opinion, if it take place and prevail as
they desire, it shall bring witrh it the great ruin and decay of the
church. For what remedy shall we find, if that a wicked pope do
disturb the whole church, destroy souls, seduce the people by his evil
example, if finally he preach contrary unto the faith, and fill the
people full of heresies? shall we provide no stay or stop for him?
shall we suffer all things to run to ruin and decay with him? Who
would think that the bishop of Rome would congregate a council for his
own correction or deposition? for as men are prone unto sin, so would
they also sin without punishment. But when I do peruse ancient
histories, and the Acts of the Apostles, I do not find this order,
that councils should be gathered only at the will of the pope; for the
first council of all, after that Matthias was substitute in the place
of Judas, was not congregate at the commandment of Peter, but at the
commandment of Christ, who commanded the apostles that they should not
depart from Jerusalem, but look for the promise of the Father.

  The second council, as touching the election of the deacons,
Peter alone did not congregate, but the twelve apostles; for it is
written, The twelve apostles calling together the multitude, &c.

  The third council, which was holden as touching the taking away
of circumcision and other ceremonies of the law, was gathered together
by a general inspiration; for it is written, The apostles and elders
came together, &c.

  The fourth council, where certain things contained in the law are
permitted, seemeth to be gathered by James, and so discoursing
throughout all, there can nothing be found in the primitive church,
whereby it should appear that the authority of congregating of
councils should pertain only unto bishops of Rome. Neither afterwards
in the time of Constantine the Great, and other emperors, was the
consent of the bishops of Rome greatly required to the congregating of
councils; and therefore it is written thus of the synod of Chalcedon,
"The sacred and universal synod gathered together at Chalcedon, the
chief city of the province of Bethulia, according unto the grace of
God, and the sanctions of the most godly and Christian emperors
Valentinian and Martian, doth not make any mention of the bishop of
Rome, although his consent were there."

  Wherefore, if the pope would resist, and would have no council
congregate, yet if the greater part of the church do judge it
necessary to have a council, the council may be congregate whether the
pope will or no. The council holden at Pisa was not congregate by the
authority and consent of any pope, when Gregory did condemn it, and
Benedict cursed it. The same also may be aid of the council of
Constance, which was assembled the authority of Pope John, who in
respect of the Spaniards was no true pope. And if the council of Pisa
were no true council, Pope John was no true pope: whereupon his
consent to the congregation of the council of Constance was of no
effect. Moreover, it is more than folly to affirm, that when the pope
hath once given his consent, if it should be called back, the council
should then cease, for then it is no more in his power to revoke his
consent. And of necessity he must be obedient unto the council,
whereof he is a member, and give place unto the greater part; and if
he separate himself from the consent of the greater part, and depart
from the unity of the church, he maketh himself a schismatic.

  Now, to come unto the second conclusion: if it be true, as it is
indeed, that the pope is under the council, how can the pope then
dissolve, alter, and transport the council, against the will of the
same? For with what countenance can we say, that the inferior hath
power over the superior? How can the synod correct the pope, if the
pope may dissolve the synod contrary to the will thereof? Admit that
the pope be libidinous, covetous, a sower of war and discord, and a
most mortal enemy unto the church and the name of Christ, how can the
council reprove him, if he have authority to dissolve the council? For
as soon as ever that the bishop of Rome shall understand, that in the
council they do treat or talk of his correction or punishment,
straightways he will seek remedy by dissolving the council. For, as
Macrobius saith, He that hath liberty to do more than is fit or
necessary, will oftentimes do more than is lawful. If so be that the
bishop of Rome may exempt himself from correction by dissolving or
transporting the council, it followeth that the council is not above
him. Therefore we must either deny that which is aforesaid, that the
pope is under the council, or else deny that the pope hath power to
dissolve the council, contrary to the will and determination of the
council.

  And as this first conclusion is most true, so are all other
conclusions false, which seem to impugn the same. Wherefore the second
conclusion of the divines is also manifest, albeit that some do admit
it in certain cases, and in other some exclude it again. For if we do
admit, that for certain causes the pope may dissolve the council
contrary to the will and determination thereof, that is to say, to
make the pope judge of the council, it were clean contrary unto the
first conclusion.

  Now it is proved that the council is above the pope, and cannot
be dissolved by the pope without consent thereof. Now we must further
see, whether it be an article of our faith to believe it; which matter
hath respect unto the third conclusion. For there have been many,
which albeit they did confess those two conclusions to be true, yet
they doubted whether it were a verity of the catholic faith or no.
Therefore this second part must be confirmed. And we must see whether
it be an article of faith that the pope be under the council. Which
being proved, it hall also appear to he an article of faith, that the
pope cannot dissolve the council without the consent thereof. Which
consequent none of the contrary part hath refuted. First of all,
therefore, we must inquire what faith is, that we may-thereby the
better understand what pertaineth thereunto.

  Faith, as the divines do define it, is a firm and stedfast
cleaving unto things, believed by the authority of him that speaketh.
If then we believe, as is aforesaid, that the pope of Rome is under
the council, some authority doth move us thereunto; so is it the faith
of him which believeth it. But the question is not, whether it be an
article of faith only, but whether it be an article of the catholic
faith. Wherefore we must again inquire what the catholic faith is.
This word catholic is a Greek word, and signifieth universal. The
catholic faith, that is to say, the universal faith, is not so called
because that every man holdeth it; but because every man ought to
believe it. For all men do not believe that God is incarnate, but
every man ought so to believe. And albeit that many be against this
faith, yet doth it not cease to be universal. For what writeth the
apostle unto the Romans? If some of them have not believed, doth their
misbelief make the faith of God vain? God forbid. Verily God is true,
but every man is a liar. Therefore to believe that the pope is under
the council, is a point of catholic faith, although some think the
contrary; for we are bound to believe it, forasmuch as it is taken out
of the gospel. For we are not bound only to believe those things which
are noted to us in the Creed, but also all those things which are
contained in the Holy Scriptures, whereof we may not deny one jot. And
those things which we allege for the superiority of the general
council are gathered out of the sayings of our Saviour Jesus Christ,
and the epistles of St. Paul; ergo, we are all bound to believe it.
And to prove that these things are taken out of the gospel, the
council of Constance doth witness, the which groundeth his authority
upon these words, Dic eeclesiæ, that is to say, Tell it unto the
church. And, Where two or three are gathered together in my name, &c.
And, Whatsoever ye shall bind, &c.; with other such-like texts.

  Whereupon Pope Martin the Fourth, being yet at Constance, under
the licence of the council, sent out his bulls, which do reckon up the
articles whereupon they ought to be examined which had fallen into any
heresy; amongst the which articles he putteth this article: "Whether
he do believe the sacred general council to have power immediately
from God, and that the ordinances thereof are to be received of all
faithful Christians, which, if any man would deny, he should be
counted a heretic." Wherefore, when the sacred synod of Constance doth
set forth this verity, as touching the superiority of the general
council, what should let, but that we also should confess the same to
be a verity of the catholic faith? For the catholic church being
congregate at Constance, received that faith, that is to say, believed
it by the authority of him which spake it, that is, Christ and his
saints.

  To this purpose also serve very well the words of the synod of
Chalcedon, written in this manner: "It is not lawful for him that is
condemned by the whole synod to nominate any bishop. The determination
pleaseth all men. This is the faith of the fathers. He that holdeth
any opinion contrary unto this, is a heretic." And again, it is a
rule, that it is not lawful to appeal from the elect and chosen synod.

  Mark the manifest witness of this most sacred synod, which said,
that he is a heretic which holdeth any opinion contrary unto the
council: But he is no heretic, except he refuse the catholic faith;
ergo,it was the catholic faith to believe that it was not lawful to
appeal from the sacred council. But how was the same any point of the
catholic faith? Verily forasmuch as the sacred synod, perusing over
the Holy Scriptures, hath received this conclusion out of the words of
Christ and other holy fathers, And like as the synod of Chalcedon took
their conclusions out of the Holy Scriptures, so did the council of
Constance; this we now reason upon. And like as the one is an article
of the catholic faith, so is the other also. And he which holdeth any
opinion contrary to either of both, is a heretic.

  Furthermore, they seem unto me to dream and dote, which,
confessing them to be verities, will not confess them to be verities
of faith. For if they be verities, I pray you, whereof are they
verities? Truly not of grammar, much less of logic; and from astronomy
and physic they are far distant. Neither is there any other man but a
divine, that will grant this verity, whom Scripture doth force unto it
of necessity, if he do believe Christ, or his apostles. Therefore this
is a verity of the catholic faith, which all men ought to embrace; and
he which obstinately resisteth against the same, is to be judged a
heretic, as the third conclusion doth affirm. Neither let any man
think it hard or cruel, that he should be called a heretic, which
goeth about to derogate any thing from the power of the general
council, which is confirmed by so many testimonies and authorities.
Also Panormitane allegeth St. Jerome, saying, "He which understandeth
the Scripture otherwise than the consent of the Holy Ghost doth
require, albeit he do not depart from the church, may be called a
heretic."

  Whereupon it followeth, that he which upon the words of Christ,
saying unto Peter, Dic ecclesiæ, Tell it unto the church, doth not
understand by the church the general council, understandeth it
otherwise than the sense of the Holy Ghost doth require, and thereby
may be noted as a heretic. And to prove that the sense of the Holy
Ghost is otherwise than he doth judge it, the council of Constance
doth declare; the which interpreting those words, Tell it unto the
church, spoken by the Holy Ghost, understandeth them to be spoken of
the general council. By these and many other weightier reasons the
three aforesaid conclusions seemed true unto the divines, and through
them they also allowed the residue.

  Now have we sufficiently said, as touching that which was before
promised; neither do I think any man now to be in doubt of these three
first conclusions. Now to return again unto our story, it is our
purpose to declare those things which happened after the conclusions
of the divines; for there are many things worthy of remembrance, which
also may happily be profitable unto the posterity. When the
disputation was ended, and a final conclusion of these matters even at
hand, the archbishop of Milan, and Panormitane, with the residue of
their fellow ambassadors of the king of Arragon, and duke of Milan,
armed themselves with all their power to let the matter, exhorting all
men of their faction to withstand it with stout and valiant stomachs.

  And first of all, as soon as the congregation was assembled
together, the bishop of Burgos exhorted them to defer the conclusion,
and to tarry for the ambassadors of other provinces, which would
return from Mentz.

  After him Panormitane, with a grave and rhetorical oration, spake
(in a manner) as followeth I have, said he, had a commandment by the
prophet, to cry without ceasing. Which prophet said, Cry out, cease
not, lift up thy voice as a trumpet. If that in any matter at any time
before he ought to have cried, this matter specially which is now in
hand lacketh crying and roaring out, when the state of the universal
church is treated upon, either to be preserved, or utterly overthrown:
and that he hath cried so much in this matter, that he doubted not but
the saying of David was fulfilled in him, where he saith, I have
laboured, crying out, that my jaws are become hoarse.

  Notwithstanding that he would, both now, and as often as need
should require, without ceasing still cry out, and especially now in
this most difficult and weighty matter; wherein he required the sacred
council gently to hear both him, and the ambassadors of other princes:
adding, moreover, four things to be considered in all requests made of
any man; the which he also required the fathers now presently to mark
and consider: Who it is that maketh the request. What is required. Why
it should be required. And what effect would come by the request
either granted or denied. As touching the first point, he said, the
most noble kings and excellent princes with their prelates, to be of
great power; and then he reckoned up the king of Castile, the king of
Arragon, the duke of Milan, and the bishops of the same princes,
rehearsing also the merits and good deeds of the said kings, and also
of the duke of Milan. But when he came to make mention of the
prelates, he could not refrain himself, but began to wax somewhat hot,
saying, that the greatest number of prelates were on his part. For if
the bishops and abbots were counted, it were not to be doubted but the
greatest part of them would have this present matter deferred; and
forasmuch as the whole power of the council doth consist in the
bishops, it is not to be suffered, that, they being neglected and
contemned, that should be concluded which pleased the greater part of
the inferiors. For the keys, said he, were given to the apostles, and
to their successors, which are the bishops; also that there are three
kinds of synods, episcopal, provincial, and general, and none of all
these without bishops. Wherefore the manner and order of the present
council seemed undecent, whereas things were not weighed according as
men excel in dignity, but by most voices: notwithstanding, according
to the most famous epistle of Clement, the bishops were the pillars
and keys of heaven, and the inferiors had no determining voice, but
only a consultative voice with them; wherefore there would be a great
offence in this behalf, if a matter of faith should be determined
without the bishops; in which matter not only the bishops, but also
the secular princes, ought to be admitted. And forasmuch as they, in
the name of their princes, desired to be admitted to the examination
of this present matter, and would examine the matter more fully, he
complained greatly how unworthy a thing it was, that they should be
contemned or despised.
After many things spoken to this end and effect, he passed over to the
second part of his oration, declaring what it was that he required;
not gold, nor silver, neither precious stones, neither provinces nor
kingdoms, neither a thing hard to be done; but that only the delay of
the sacred council was required, and that the fathers would stay in
the process against the pope, in the conclusion and determination of
matters which are now in hand. Neither should the delay be long, but
only until the return of the ambassadors from Mentz, whom he knew well
would return very shortly. That this was but a small matter, and
needed but small entreaty, because there was no danger in it. And also
it should seem injurious, not to tarry for the ambassadors of the
princes which were then at Mentz, when they were not absent for their
own private commodity, but about the affairs of the commonwealth, and
the commodity of peace; neither had he forgotten, that at their
departure they had desired, that during their absence there should be
nothing renewed concerning the matters of Eugenius.

  Then immediately adjoining the third part of his oration,
wherefore this delay was required, he concluded, that it was not
required for the private commodity of any one man, but for a
commonwealth; not to cause any trouble or unquietness, but for the
better examination of the matter, that all things might pass with
peace and quietness, that the matter might be so much the more firm
and stable, by how much it is ratified and allowed by the consent of
many. And so he proceeded to the last part of his argument, requiring
the fathers that they would consider, and weigh in their minds the
effect that would follow, if they should grant or deny this request;
"for," saith he, "if ye shall deny this small petition of the princes,
they all will be aggrieved therewith, and take this repulse in ill
part. They will say, they are contemned of you, neither will they be
obedient unto you, or receive your decrees. In vain shall ye make
laws, except the princes do execute them, and all your decrees shall
be but vain; yet would I think this to be borne withal, if I did not
fear greater matters to ensue. What if they should join themselves
with Eugenius, who desireth to spoil you not only of your livings, but
also of your lives? Alas, what slaughter and murder do the eyes of my
mind behold and see! Would God my opinion were but vain. But if you do
grant and consent unto their petitions, they will think themselves
bound unto you; they will receive and embrace your decrees and
whatsoever you shall require of them shall be obtained. They will
forsake your adversary, they will speak evil of him and abhor him; but
you they will commend and praise, you they will reverence; unto you
they will wholly submit themselves; and then shall follow that most
excellent fruit of reformation and tranquillity of the church." And
thus he required the matter to be respited on all parts. At the last
he said, that except the ambassadors of the princes were heard, he had
a protestation written, which he would command to be read before them
all.

  When Panormitane had made an end of his oration, Ludovicus, the
protonotary of Rome, rose up, a man of such singular wit and memory,
that he was thought not to be inferior unto any of the famous men
aforetime. Insomuch that he had always in memory whatsoever he had
heard or read, and never forgat any thing that he had seen. This man,
first commending Panormitane, said, That he came but the day before
from the baths, and that it seemed unto him a strange thing which was
now brought in question; wherein he desired to hear other men's minds,
and also to be heard of others, and that those prelates which were at
Mentz should be tarried for, to be present at the discussing of this
matter, in the name and behalf of their princes, which prelates were
men of great estimation, and the orators of most mighty princes.

  He allowed also the saying of Panormitane, touching the voices of
the inferiors, that it seemeth not to be against the truth, that only
bishops should have a deciding or determining voice in councils. And
albeit that some in this disputation do think that which is written in
the 15th chapter of the Acts to be their force or defence;
notwithstanding, he was nothing moved therewith, nor took it to be of
any effect, albeit it was said, it seemed good unto the Holy Ghost and
to us; whereas both the apostles and the elders were gathered
together; whereby it appeared, that the others had a deciding voice
with the apostles. For he said, that there was no argument to be
gathered of the Acts of the Apostles, whose examples were more to be
marvelled at than to be followed; and that it doth not appear there,
that the apostles called the elders of duty, but that it is only
declared that they were there present; whereupon nothing could be
inferred. And that it seemed unto him, that the inferiors in the
council of Basil were admitted to determine with the bishops but of
grace and favour only, because the bishops may communicate their
authority unto others. He alleged for testimony the bishop of Concen,
a man of great authority, who would not suffer any incorporation, or
fellowship of the meaner sort, and therefore neither any inferior,
neither himself, which as yet was not made bishop, to have any decided
voice in the council. Wherefore, forasmuch as the matter was weighty
which was now in hand, and that the bishops spake against it, he
required the council that they would of necessity stay and tarry for
the ambassadors of the princes coming from Mentz.

  His oration was so much the more grievous, in that many were
touched with his words, and specially in that point, that he said the
apostles were not to be followed; for that all men did impugn as a
blasphemy. But here a man may marvel, that a man of such excellency
alleged no more or better matter. But in this point the memory of the
man is to be pardoned, which did not willingly speak in this matter,
and desired nothing so much as not to obtain that which he entreated
for. After him many other spake their minds, but all to this end, that
they might protract the time, and defer the conclusion of these
matters.

  Then Ludovicus, the Cardinal Arelatensis, a man of marvellous
constancy, and born for the governance of general councils, gathering
together the words of all the orators, spake in this wise: "Most
reverend fathers, this is no new or strange business, nor begun to-day
or yesterday; for it is now many weeks ago since the conclusions were
disputed upon amongst the divines, and sent unto Mentz, and to all
other parts of the world. After this they were disputed upon six days
continually, and fully discussed; and after that, not without great
delay, approved by the deputies; and as the truth seeketh no corners,
so all things were done publicly and openly. Neither can any man
pretend ignorance, neither are the prelates or princes contemned; for
we called all that were present at Basil, and exhorted all the rest to 
be present. And forasmuch as mention is made of the most noble king of
Castile, who is it that is ignorant that the king's orators were there
present? The bishop of Burgos and Ebrun, men of singular learning and
eloquence, and you also, Panormitane, yourself, which here represent
the person of the most famous king of Arragon, were twice present
yourself in the chapter-house, and disputed twice most subtlely, and
twice declared your mind, what you thought in that matter. What do you
desire any more? Also out of the territory of the duke of Milan there
was present the archbishop of Milan, who, albeit he be no ambassador,
yet how famous a prelate he is, you are not ignorant." When he had
spoken these words, the archbishop, being somewhat moved, said unto
him, "My lord cardinal, you supply the place of a president no better
than I do the place of a duke's orator;" and began to taunt him with
many words. But the cardinal, as he was a man most patient, and would
not be provoked to anger by any means, said, "This is it that I even
now desired; for if the archbishop be an ambassador, then hath the
duke no cause to complain, which had his orator present at the
discussing of those matters.

  "I pass over other princes, because they do not complain.
Notwithstanding, the most Christian king of France had there the
bishop of Lyons, a grave and sober man, his ambassador, at the
disputation. As for other princes, I see no cause why they should be
tarried for, which, knowing the council to be congregated for such
matters as pertain unto faith, do not think it absurd that the
doubtful matters of faith should be declared in the council; whereunto
if they had been willing to come, they would have been present ere
this.

  "Why this matter should need so much discussing as some will
have, I do not understand. For if I be well remembered, Panormitane,
and also Ludovicus, have oftentimes affirmed in this place, even the
very same thing which the conclusions signify. And if any of them now
will go about to gainsay it, it will happen unto them as it did unto
Didimus; to whom, when on a time he repugned against a certain
history, as vain and frivolous, his own book was delivered unto him,
wherein the same was written; so likewise these two men, (meaning
Panormitane and Ludovicus the protonotary,) although they be
excellently learned, and eloquent, yet may they be confuted by their
own writings. Besides this, there are synodal epistles and decrees of
this council, which are full of such conclusions. What is it then
whereupon any difficulty can be raised? What is it that may be
impugned? Shall we now bring that again in doubt, which hath so often
been declared, affirmed, and decreed? But (say they) the princes and
ambassadors are absent, which are bishops, by whose presence the
decrees should be of more authority. Well, they are not only absent
which are gone to Mentz, but almost an infinite number of others,
dispersed throughout the whole world; whom if we should tarry to look
for, nothing at any time should be decreed. They are all called unto
the council; they might have come if they would. To those that are
present power is given, and they ought to debate these matters. If any
man will say, that they which are absent are about the affairs of the
commonwealth; truly we sent them not thither, but they went rather
against the will of the council, than with the consent thereof.

  "And admit that they had been sent by the council, yet were not
our power so much restrained but that we might reform the church, for
otherwise there could never any thing be done in the council;
forasmuch as always some are sent out by the council, and some are
always to be looked and tarried for, and therefore we must either do
nothing at all, or send out no prelates from the council. Whereas he
said that prelates, and specially bishops, are contemned, that is most
far from the truth, for they have the chief and first places. They
speak first, and give their voices first of all unto all things; and
if so be they do speak learnedly and truly, all the inferiors, without
any gainsaying, did soon follow their mind.

  "Neither peradventure shall it be found untrue, that there was
never any synod, which did more amplify the power and authority of
bishops, than this. For what have the bishops been in our days, but
only shadows? Might they not well have been called shepherds without
the sheep? What had they more than their mitre and their staff, when
they could determine nothing over their subjects? Verily in the
primitive church the bishops had the greatest power and authority; but
now was it come to that point that they exceeded the common sort of
priests only in their habit and revenues. But we have restored them
again to their old state; we have reduced the collation of benefices
again unto them; we have restored unto them the confirmation of
elections; we have brought again the causes of the subjects to be
heard into their hands, and have made them bishops which were none
before. What cause is there then, that the bishops should say they are
contemned of the council? or what injurious thing have we at any time
done unto them? But Panormitane saith, that forasmuch as most bishops
are on his part, and few against him, the conclusion is not to be
determined by the multitude of the inferiors; but let Panormitane
remember himself, that this is no new kind of proceeding.

  "This order of proceeding, the council ordained from the
beginning, neither hath it been changed at any time since. And this
order, Panormitane, in times past hath pleased you well enough, when
the multitude did follow your mind. But now, because they do not
follow your mind, they do displease you. But the decrees of the
council are not so mutable as the wills of men. Know ye, moreover,
that the very same bishops which do consent with you in word, do not
consent with you in mind, neither speak the same secretly, which they
now do openly. They do fear that which you told them at home in their
country, that except they would follow your mind they should displease
the king. They fear the power of the prince. and to be spoiled of
their temporalties; neither have they free liberty to speak as is
requisite in councils. Albeit if they were true bishops, and true
pastors of souls, they would not doubt to put their lives in venture
for their sheep, neither be afraid to shed their blood for their
mother the church.

  "But at this present (the more is the pity) it is too rare to
find a prelate in this world, which doth not prefer his temporalties
before his spiritualties, with the love whereof they are so withdrawn,
that they study rather to please princes than God; and confess God in
corners, but princes they will openly confess. Of whom the Lord
speaketh in his gospel, Every one, saith he, that confesseth me before
men, I will confess him before my Father which is in heaven. And
contrariwise, the Lord will not confess him before his Father, which
is afraid to confess the Lord before men. Neither is it true which
Panormitane saith, most bishops to be on his part; for here are many
bishops' proctors whom he doth not reckon, because they are not of his
opinion. Neither is the dignity of the fathers to be respected in the
council, as he saith, but only reason; nor any thing more to be looked
for than the truth; neither will I for my part prefer a lie of any
bishop, be he never so rich, before a verity or truth of a poor
priest. Neither ought a bishop to disdain, if he be rude or unlearned,
that the multitude doth not follow him, or that the voice of a poor
learned and eloquent priest should be preferred before his. For wisdom
dwelleth oftener under a bare and ragged cloak, than in rich ornaments
and apparel.

  "Wherefore, I pray you, my lord bishops, do not so much contemn
your inferiors; for the first which died for Christ, the which also
opened unto all other the way of martyrdom, was no bishop, but only a
Levite. As for that which Ludovicus and Panormitane do allege,
touching the voices of bishops, I know not where they have it.
Wherefore, I desire them that they would tell me where they have found
it. But if we repeat the examples of old councils, we shall find that
the inferiors were always present with the bishops. And albeit that
Ludovicus do forbid us the examples of the apostles, I stay myself
most upon their doings. For what is more comely for us to follow, than
the doctrine and customs of the primitive church? It is said,
therefore, in the 15th chapter of the Acts of the Apostles, It seemed
good unto the Holy Ghost, and to us. The which word (to us) is
referred unto them which are before named the apostles and the elders.
Neither this word, (it seemed good,) signifieth in this place
consultation, but decision and determination; whereby it appeareth
that other beside the bishops had determining voices. In another place
also of the said Acts, when the apostles should treat upon a weighty
matter, they durst not determine by themselves, but the twelve called
together the multitude.

  "Here Ludovicus saith, that it doth not appear that the apostles
called other of necessity; but I say unto him, how knowest thou that
they did not call them of necessity? But forasmuch as both parts are
uncertain, nothing doth prohibit us to follow the apostles. For seeing
that all things are written for our learning, it appeareth that the
apostles would give us example, that in weighty matters we should
admit our inferiors. And therefore in all councils which were
celebrated and holden afterwards, we find that priests were also
present; as in the council of Nice, which of all other was most
famous, Athanasius being then but only a priest, withstood the Arians,
and infringed their arguments, albeit there were also other priests.
And albeit mention be made of three hundred twenty-two bishops, yet it
is not denied but that the inferiors were there, whom I think to be
omitted for this cause, for that they were almost innumerable; for as
you know well enough, the denomination for the most part is taken of
the most worthy.

  "In the synod of Chalcedon, (which was counted one of the four
principal synods,) it is said that there were there present six
hundred priests; the which name is common both unto bishops and
priests. In other councils the name both of bishops and priests is
omitted, and mention made only of fathers, which hath the same
signification that this word elders hath in the Acts of the Apostles.
We have also a testimony of the ecclesiastical history, how that there
was a council gathered at Rome of sixty bishops, and as many priests
and deacons, against the Novatians, which called themselves Cathari.

  Also, when Paul the bishop of Antioch, in the time of Galienus
the emperor, preached, that Christ was a man of common nature, the
council assembled against him in Antioch; whereunto there came bishops
out of Cesarea, Cappadocia, out of Pontus, Asia, and from Jerusalem,
and many other bishops, priests, and deacons; and it is said, that for
that cause the council was often holden.

  "And at the last in the same place, under Aurelius the emperor,
Paul was condemned of all Christian churches which were under heaven:
neither was there any man which did more confound the said Paul, then
Malchion, a priest of Antioch, which taught rhetoric in Antioch. But
to make no long digression from the matter, we have most evident
testimonies for the defence of inferiors. For the chief and principal
amongst all the divines, St. Austin, upon the words of Matthew, where
Christ saith to Peter, I will give thee the keys of the kingdom of
heaven, saith, that by those words the judicial power was given not
only unto Peter, but also to the other apostles, and to the whole
church, the bishops and priests. If then priests have a judicial power
in the church, what should let that they have not also a determining
voice in the councils? The famous doctor St. Jerome doth also agree
with St. Austin, whose words are these upon the Epistle of Paul unto
Titus. Before that difference was made in religion by the instigation
of the devil, or that it was spoken amongst the people, I hold of
Paul, I of Apollos, and I of Cephas, the churches were governed by the
common consent and council of the priests; for a priest is the very
same that a bishop is. Wherefore all bishops ought to understand, that
they are of greater power than priests, rather by custom, than by the
dispensation of the truth of God, and that they ought to rule the
church together. And this we do also gather out of Paul unto Titus,
which maketh so much concordance between bishops and priests, that
oftentimes he calleth priests bishops: whereby it doth evidently
appear, that priests are not to be excluded from the conventions of
bishops, and determinations of matters. Albeit, as St. Jerome writeth,
that bishops only by custom are preferred before priests, it may be
that a contrary custom may take away that custom. For if priests ought
to rule the church together with the bishops, it is evident that it
also pertaineth unto them to decide and determine the doubtful matters
of the church.

  "Wherefore the testimony of St. Paul is evident; for, as he,
writing unto the Ephesians, saith, If Christ instituted his apostles,
prophets, pastors, and teachers to the work of the ministry, for the
edifying of his church, until such time as we should meet him, for
this purpose, that there should be no doubt in the diversity of
doctrine; who doubteth, then, but that the governance of the church is
committed unto others together with the apostles? Let these our
champions now hold their peace, and seem to be no wiser than they
ought to be. The memorial of the council of Constance is yet fresh in
memory, where divers of us were present, and I myself also, which was
neither cardinal nor bishop, but only a doctor, where I did see,
without any manner of doubt or difficulty, the inferiors to be
admitted with the bishops, to the deciding of hard and doubtful
matters. Neither ought we to he ashamed to follow the example of that
most sacred and great council, which also followed the examples of the
council of Pisa, and the great council at Lateran, wherein it is not
to be doubted, but that the priests did jointly judge together with
the bishops.

  "Moreover, if abbots, as we do see it observed in all councils,
have a determining voice, which notwithstanding were not instituted by
Christ; why should not priests have the same, whose order Christ
ordained by his apostles? Hereupon also, if only bishops should have a
determining voice, nothing should be done but what pleased the Italian
nation, the which alone doth excel all other nations, or at the least
is equal with them, in number of bishops. And howsoever it be, I judge
it in this behalf to be a work of God, that the inferiors should be
admitted to the determinations; for God hath now revealed that unto
little ones which he hath hidden from the wise.

  "Behold, you do see the zeal, constancy, uprightness, and
magnanimity of these inferiors. Where should the council now be, if
only bishops and cardinals should have their voice? Where should the
authority of the councils be? Where should the catholic faith be?
Where should the decrees and reformation be? For all things have now a
long time been under the will of Eugenius, and he had now obtained his
wicked and naughty purpose, except these inferiors, whom ye now
contemn, had withstood him. These are they which have contemned the
privation made by Eugenius. These, I say, are they which have not
regarded his threatenings, spoil, and persecution. These are they
which, being taken, imprisoned, and tormented, have not feared to
defend the truth of the council; yea, even these are they, who, albeit
they were by Eugenius delivered over for a prey, yet would they still
continue in the sacred council, and feared not to suffer war, famine,
and most cruel pestilence; and finally, what thing is it that these
men have not willingly suffered for the right and equity of the
council? You might have heard this inferior sort, even in the midst of
their tribulations, with a loud voice cry out and say, 'Albeit that
all men become obedient unto that subverter of the church, Eugenius,
and that every man do depart from the verity of the faith and
constitutions of the fathers, consenting unto the commandments of
Eugenius, yet we and our brethren will be constant, and doubt not to
die for the truth and traditions of the holy fathers:' the which
indeed they have done. Neither could they be feared with threatenings
or discouraged with any spoils, neither could any fear or hope turn
them from their most blessed purpose. And, (to speak somewhat of mine
own order,) whether any cardinals have done the like or no, that judge
you.

  "As for the bishops, whom Panormitane alone would have to
determine, you see how few of them are on our part, and even they
which are here present are not able by virtue to overcome iniquity,
they fear the terrene power, and commit offence with their haste. Have
ye not heard how they all said, they would consent unto the king's
will and pleasure? But the inferiors are they which have had truth,
righteousness, and God himself before their eyes, and they are greatly
to be commended for showing themselves such men unto the church of
God. But why do I defend the cause of these inferiors? when some will
also exclude those bishops which are but bishops by name and title,
and have no possession of the church, from our company, not
understanding that whilst they go about to put back those men, they do
condemn Peter, and the other apostles, who (as it is evident) were
long without any great flock, neither was Rome unto Peter, nor
Jerusalem unto James, at any time wholly obedient; for at that time no
great number of people, but a small flock, believed in Christ.

  "For, I pray you, what is that we should require of these
bishops? They have no flock; but that is not their fault. They have no
revenues; but money maketh not a bishop, and, as the Lord saith,
Blessed are the poor in spirit. Neither was there any rich bishops in
the primitive church, neither did the ancient church reject Dionysius,
bishop of Milan, Eusebius, bishop of Vercelli, or Hilary, bishop of
Pictavia, although they were never so poor, and banished without a
flock. But if we will grant the truth, the poor are more apt to give
judgment than the rich; because that riches bring fear, and their
poverty causeth liberty. For the poor men do not fear tyranny as our
rich men do, which being given over unto all kind of vanities,
idleness, and sloth, will rather deny Christ than lack their
accustomed pleasures; whom not their flock but their revenues make
bishops, delighting so much in riches, that they judge all poor men
unhappy. But, as Cicero saith, 'Nothing can happen better unto a wise
man, than mediocrity of substance.' Whereupon it is written in the
Gospel, It is easier for a camel to pass through a needle's eye, than
for a rich man to enter into the kingdom of heaven.

  "But now, to return to a more full declaration of Panormitane's
words, I determine to pass over two points which he propounded in the
beginning of his oration, that is, who maketh the petition, and for
what cause they make their petition. We grant that they are great men,
and men of power, and (as he doth affirm) that they have deserved good
of the church; neither do I doubt but that they are moved thereunto
with a sincere affection. But whether it be a small matter that is
required, or that the same effects would rise thereupon which he spake
of, it is now to be inquired. A delay, saith he, is required; a delay
for a few days. A small matter; a matter of no importance; a matter
easy to be granted. Notwithstanding, let Panormitane here mark well,
that he requireth a delay in a matter of faith. The verities are
already declared; they be already discussed and determined. If now
there should be but a little delay, it would grow to a long delay; for
oftentimes the delay of one moment is the loss of a whole year; hereof
we have many examples. Hannibal, when he had obtained his victory at
Cannæ, if he had gone straight unto Rome, by all men's judgments he
had taken the city. But forasmuch as he did defer it until the next
day, the Romans having recovered their force again, he was shut out,
and deserved to hear this opprobry:

Hannibal, thou knowest victory to get,
But how to use it thou know'st not yet.'

  "Likewise the Frenchmen, after they had taken Rome and besieged
the capitol, whilst that they greedily sought to have great sums of
money, and delayed the time in making of their truce, Camillus, coming
upon them, did most shamefully drive them out again. But what need I
to rehearse old stories, when our own examples are sufficient for us?
Ye know yourselves how often these delays have been hurtful unto you,
and how often the delay of a few days hath grown to a long tract of
time. For now this is the eighth year that you have spent in delays,
and you have seen, that always of one delay another hath sprung and
risen. Wherefore I do require that Panormitane should consider, that
the conclusion being this day disturbed, we know not whether it will
be brought to pass hereafter again or no; many impediments or lets may
rise. Neither doth Panormitane say, that this delay, being obtained,
he would afterward consent with his fellows unto the conclusions, for
he denieth that he hath any commandment thereunto; and, which is more
to be considered, he saith, that the ambassadors, at their return from
Mentz, may bring such news, whereby these conclusions may be omitted;
as though any thing were more excellent than the truth.

  "The which thing doth manifestly declare, that they do not seek
delays for the better examination of the matter, but for to impugn the
conclusions the more strongly. Neither do I agree with Panormitane, as
touching the effects which he said should rise, either of the denial
or granting of the requests; for I see no cause why the princes should
so greatly require any delay. There are no letters of any prince come
unto us as touching such request, neither is there any man lately come
from them, neither is it greatly material unto them, but that the
matters of faith should be determined. But this is a most pernicious
conclusion which Panormitane hath made, and not to be looked for at
the hands of those most godly princes; where he saith, if we do please
them, they will take our part; if contrariwise, they will decline unto
Eugenius, and wholly resist and rebel against us. This is a marvellous
word, and a wonderful conclusion, altogether unworthy to be spoken of
such a man. The decrees of the council of Constance are, that all
manner of men, of what state or condition soever they be, are bound to
the ordinances and decrees of the general councils. But Panormitane's
words do not tend to that effect, for he would not have the princes
obedient unto the council, but the council to be obedient unto the
princes.

  "Alas, most reverend fathers, alas, what times and days, what
manners and conditions, are these! Into what misery are we now
brought! How shall we at any time bring to pass, that the pope, being
Christ's vicar, and (as they say) another Christ in earth, should be
subject unto the council of the Christians, if the council itself
ought to obey worldly princes? But I pray you, look for no such things
at the princes' hands. Do not believe that they will forsake their
mother the church. Do not think them so far alienated from the truth,
that they would have justice suppressed.

  "The conclusions, whereupon the controversy is, are most true,
most holy, most allowable. If the princes do refuse them, they do not
resist against us, but against the Holy Scriptures, yea, and against
Christ himself; which you ought neither to believe, neither was it
comely for Panormitane so to say. Panormitane, (by your licence be it
spoken,) you have uttered most cruel words, neither do you seem to go
about any other matter than to inculcate terror and fear into the
minds of the fathers; for you have rehearsed great perils and dangers,
except we submit ourselves unto the princes.

  "But you, most reverend fathers, shall not be afraid of them that
kill the body, the soul they cannot kill; neither shall ye forsake the
truth, although you should shed your blood for the same. Neither ought
we to be any whit more slack in the quarrel of our mother the church,
and the catholic faith, than those most holy martyrs, which have
established the church with their blood. For why should it be any
grievous matter unto us to suffer for Christ, which for our sakes hath
suffered so cruel and grievous death? who, when he was an immortal
God, void of all passions, took upon him the shape of a mortal man,
and feared not for our redemption to suffer torments upon the cross.
Set before your eyes the prince of the apostles, Peter, Paul, Andrew,
James, and Bartholomew, and (not to speak only of bishops) mark what
Stephen, Laurence, Sebastian, and Fabian did. Some were hanged, some
beheaded, some stoned to death, other some burned, and others
tormented with most cruel and grievous torments suffered for Christ's
sake. I pray you, for God's sake, let us follow the example of these
men. If we will be bishops and succeed in honour, let us not fear
martyrdom. Alas, what effeminate hearts have we! Alas, what faint-
hearted people are we! They in times past, by the contempt of death,
converted the whole world, which was full of Gentility and idolatry;
and we, through our sluggishness and desire of life, do bring the
Christian religion out of the whole world into one corner; and I fear
greatly, lest the little also which is left we shall lose through our
cowardliness, if that, by following Panormitane's mind, we do commit
the whole governance and defence of the church unto the princes. But
now play the stout and valiant men in this time of tribulation, and
fear not to suffer death for the church, which Curtius feared not to
do for the city of Rome; which Mencotheus for Thebes, and Codrus for
Athens, willingly took upon them.

  "Not only the martyrs, but also the Gentiles, might move and stir
us to cast off all the fear of death. What is to be said of Theremeus
the Athenian? with how joyful heart and mind, and pleasant
countenance, did he drink the poison! What say you unto Socrates, that
most excellent philosopher? did he either weep or sigh when he supped
up the poison? They hoped for that which we are most certain of; not
by dying to die, but to change this present life for a better.

  "Truly we ought to be ashamed, being admonished by so many
examples, instructed with so great learning, yea, and redeemed with
the precious blood of Christ, so greatly to fear death.

  "Cato writeth not of one or two men, but of whole legions, which
have cheerfully and courageously gone unto those places, from whence
they knew they should not return. With like courage did the
Lacedemonians give themselves to death at Thermopolis, of whom
Symonides writeth thus:

'Report thou, stranger, the Spartans here to lie,
 Whiles that their country laws they obeyed willingly.'

  "Neither judge the contrary, but that the Lacedemonians went even
of purpose unto death; unto whom their captain Leonidas said, 'O ye
Lacedemonians, go forward courageously, for this day we shall sup
together with the infernal gods.' But I, most reverend fathers, do not
invite you unto the infernals, as he did his Lacedemonians, but unto
the celestial and everlasting joys of paradise, if that you can suffer
death for the truth's sake, and patiently abide the threatenings of
these princes, if there be any threatenings at all. I call you unto
that eternal glory, where there is no alteration of state, nothing
decayeth or fadeth; where all good and perpetual things do abound;
where no man wanteth, no man envieth another, no man stealeth from
another, no man violently taketh from another, no man banisheth, no
man murdereth, and finally, no man dieth. Where all men are blessed
and happy, all are of one mind and one accord, all are immortal, all
are of like estate; and that all men have, every man hath, and that
every man hath, all men have. Which things if we well consider, we
shall truly answer Panormitane, as Theodorus Cyrenensis is said to
have answered Lysimachus the king, when he threatened to hang him, who
said, 'I pray you, threaten these horrible things unto your courtiers;
as for Theodorus, it maketh no matter whether he rot above the ground
or under the ground.' So likewise let us answer unto the princes, if
there be any that do threaten us, and let us not fear their torments.

  "What doth a longer life prevail to help us? No man hath lived
too short a time, which hath obtained the perfect gift of virtue. And
if the death which a man suffereth in the quarrel of his country,
seemeth not only to be glorious amongst the rhetoricians, but also
happy and blessed, what shall we say for these deaths which are
sustained for the country of all countries, the church? Truly, most
reverend fathers, it is too much that our adversaries do persuade
themselves of you, for they judge you fearful, slugglish, and faint-
hearted; and therefore they do object princes unto you, because they
think that you will not suffer hunger, thirst, exile, in the quarrel
and defence of the church. But I think you will esteem it no hard
matter, for the obtaining of ever-lasting life, to do the same which
shipmen do for the obtaining of transitory riches, to put themselves
in danger of the sea and wind, and suffer most cruel storms.

  "The hunters lie abroad in the nights in the snow, in the hills
and woods, and are tormented with cold; yet have they none other
reward, but some wild beast of no value or price. I pray you, what
ought you then to do whose reward shall be paradise? I am ashamed of
your ignavy, when I read that women, yea, even young maidens, have
violently obtained heaven through their martyrdom, and we are made
afraid only with the name of death. This river of Rhine, which runneth
along by the city, in times past hath carried eleven thousand virgins
unto martyrdom. In India (as Cicero writeth) when any man was dead,
his wives (for there they had many wives) came into contention who
should be burned with him; and she whom he loved best having
vanquished the other (all the rest joyfully following her) was cast
into the fire with the dead carcass of her husband, and burnt. The
other which were overcome, departed full of heaviness and sorrow,
wishing rather to have died than live.

  "The which courage we now taking upon us for Christ's sake, will
answer Panormitane even as the Lacedemonians answered Philip, who,
when by his letters he threatened them, that he would stop all that
which they went about, they asked him, whether he would also let them
to die. Therefore, as you are excellent men, so use your virtue, which
is always free, and remaineth always invincible. For you do know that
power is given of the Lord, and strength from the Most High; who will
take account of your works, and examine your thoughts, unto whom ye
should be careful to render a good account, judging rightly and
keeping the law of righteousness, and in all things walking according
to the will of God, and not according to the will of men.

  "And whereas the ambassadors of Eugenius do openly preach and
declare a new doctrine, extolling the bishop of Rome above the
universal church, to the end that ignorant souls be not snared, ye
shall not cease or leave to publish the three first conclusions,
following the example of the apostle Paul, which would in no point
give place unto Peter when he walked not according to the gospel. As
for the other matters which do respect only the person of Eugenius,
because Panormitane and the other ambassadors of the princes shall not
say that we do pass our bounds, ye shall defer them for this present."

  When Cardinal Arelatensis had made an end of this oration, there
was a great noise, crying out and brawling every where. The
president's commandments were not regarded, neither was the accustomed
order observed; for sometimes they spake unto Panormitane, sometimes
unto Ludovicus; no man was suffered to speak, but in haste the bishops
brawled with bishops, and the inferiors with their fellows. All was
full of contention and debate; which even as Ludovicus the patriarch
of Aquileia perceived, a man of no less courage and stomach than of
nobility and birth, being also a duke, for the zeal that he bare unto
the universal church, turning himself unto Panormitane and Ludovicus
the protonotary, he said, "Do not think the matter shall so pass, you
know not yet the manners of the Germans, for if you go forward on this
fashion, it will not be lawful for you to depart out of this country
with whole heads." With which words Panormitane, Ludovicus, and the
archbishop of Milan being stricken, as it were with lightning from
heaven, rose up, and said, "Is our liberty thus taken from us? What
meaneth it that the patriarch doth threaten us, that our heads should
be broken? "And turning themselves unto John, earl of Diernstein, who
then supplied the protector's place, they demanded of him whether he
would defend the council, and preserve all men in their liberty, or
no?

  The citizens also and senators were present to provide and
foresee that no offence should rise, for the citizens observed always
this order, that they would be present in all affairs, which they
supposed would breed dissension, foreseeing specially that no tumults
should rise, otherwise than with words. They used always such a
marvellous foresight and providence, that no man unto this day could
have any cause against them, to complain for violating their promise.
Wherefore if at any time any citizens have deserved well at the hands
of the church, surely this praise is to be given unto the Basilians.
These men, together with John, earl of Diernstein, being present in
the assembly of the fathers, gave a sign of preservation of their
liberty. The earl (albeit he was moved at the strangeness of the
matter, for he would not have thought so great contentions could have
risen amongst wise men) answered by his interpreter, that they all
should be of good cheer; for the emperor's safe-conduct should be
observed and kept even to the uttermost; neither should the patriarch
nor any other once violate the liberty or take away the assurance
granted by the emperor. Notwithstanding he desired the patriarch that
he would call back his words again, and not to speak any more in such 
sort. But that famous father, being nothing at all moved or troubled,
committed his whole mind unto John Bacheisteine, auditor ofthe
chamber, a man both grave and eloquent, to be declared; who affirmed
that the patriarch's mind was not to threaten any man, or disturb the
liberty of the council, but to move the fathers unto constancy, that
they should be mindful of the reformation which they had promised unto
the whole world, and not to say one thing to-day, and another to-
morrow; for if they would so do, it were to be feared lest the laity,
seeing themselves deluded, and despairing of reformation, should rise
against the clergy.

  Therefore he admonisheth the fathers to foresee and provide for
the peril, that they should not depart from the council, nothing being
determined or done; and finally he desired pardon, if in his words he
had offended either against the council, Panormitane, or any other
man. Whereby he declared it to be true which is commonly said, that
humility is the sister of nobility; both which did very excellently
appear in this man. Yet for all this could not the humility of the
patriarch stop or stay their noise or cries; for as often as mention
was made of reading the concordatum, great noise and rumours were
still made to stop the same. Then Amodeus, archbishop of Lyons, and
primate of all France, a man of great reverence and authority, being
touched with the zeal of faith, which he saw there to be stopped and
suppressed, said, "Most reverend fathers, I have now a great occasion
to speak; for it is now seven years or more that I have been amongst
you, yet have I never seen the matter at that point which it is now
at, most like unto a miracle; for even presently I do behold most
wonderful signs of miracles: for it is no small matter that the lame
do walk, the dumb do speak, and that poor men preach the gospel.
Whereupon, I pray you, cometh this sudden change? How happeneth it
that those which lie lurking at home, are now suddenly started up? Who
hath given hearing to the deaf, and speech to the dumb? Who hath
taught the poor man to preach the gospel? I do see here a new sort of
prelates come in, which unto this present have kept silence, and now
begin to speak. Is not this like to a miracle? I would to God they
came to defend the truth, and not to impugn justice.

  "But this is more to be marvelled at than any miracle, that I do
see the best learned men of all impugn our conclusions which are most
certain and true; and they which now reprove them in times past
allowed them. You are not ignorant how that Ludovicus, the
protonotary, preached these verities at Louvaine and at Cologne, and
brought them from thence confirmed with the authorities of the
universities. Wherefore, albeit that he be now changed, yet is the
truth in no point altered. And therefore I desire you and beseech you
all, that ye will not give ear unto these men, which albeit they are
most excellently learned, yet have they no constancy in them, which
doth adorn all other virtues."

  When he had ended his oration, Ludovicus the protonotary rising
up, said, "It is most true that I brought those verities, but you do
call them verities of faith, which addition seemeth very doubtful unto
me." When he had spoken these words, Cardinal Arelatensis required
that the concordatum of the twelve men should be read, and many
whispered him in the ear, that he should go forward, and not alter his
purpose.

  Then Panormitane, as soon as the concordatum began to be read,
rising up with his companions and other Arragons, cried out with a
loud voice, saying, "You fathers do contemn our requests, you contemn
kings and princes, and despise prelates; but take heed lest whilst
that ye despise all men, you be not despised of all men. You would
conclude, but it is not your part for to conclude. We are the greatest
part of prelates, we make the council, and it is our part to conclude;
and I in the name of all other prelates do conclude, that it is to be
deferred and delayed." With this word there sprang such a noise and
rumour in the council, as is accustomed to be in battle, with the
sound of trumpets and noise of horsemen, when two armies join; some
cursing that which Panormitane went about, other some allowing the
same; so that diversity of minds made divers contentions.

  Then Nicholas Amici, a divine of Paris, according unto his
office, said, "Panormitane, I appeal from this your conclusion to the
judgment of the council here present; neither do I affirm any thing to
be ratified which you have done, as I am ready to prove, if it shall
seem good. The contrary part seemed now to be in the better place, for
they had already concluded. The other part had neither concluded,
neither was it seen how they could conclude amongst so great cries and
uproars. Notwithstanding, amongst all this troublous noise, John
Segovius, a singular divine of the university of Salamanca, lacked not
audience; for the whole council was desirous to hear him: wherefore
all men, as soon as he rose up, kept silence, and he, perceiving that
they were desirous to hear him speak, began in this sort:

  "Most reverend fathers, the zeal and love of the house of God
forceth me now to speak, and I would to God that I had been either
blind this day, not to have seen those things which have happened, or
that I had been deaf, that I should not have heard those words which
have been spoken. Who is it that is so stony or hard-hearted, which
can abstainfrom tears, when the authority of the church is so spoiled,
liberty taken away both from us and the council, and that there is no
place given unto the verity. O sweet Jesus, why hast thou forsaken thy
spouse? Behold and look upon thy people, and help us if our requests
are just.

  "We come hither to provide for the necessity of the church, we
require nothing for ourselves, and our desire is only that truth might
appear. We trusted now to have concluded upon the verities which were
sometimes allowed in the sacred deputations. The orators of the
princes are present, and require the conclusions to be deferred. But
we be not unmindful of those things which Ambrose wrote unto
Valentinian the emperor in this manner: If we shall treat upon the
order of the Holy Scripture and ancient times past, who is it that
will deny but that in case of faith (I say, in case of faith) the
bishops ought to judge upon Christian emperors, and not emperors upon
bishops? Neither do we admit their petition but upon most urgent
causes. Notwithstanding we heard them patiently and willingly, whilst
that they did speak even so long as they would.

  "But now if any of our part would speak, by and by he is
interrupted, troubled, and letted. What honesty is this? what modesty
or gravity? is it lawful so to do in the council? where is the decree
of the council of Toulouse now become? (where are our decrees, which
do not only prohibit tumults, but also all small babblings and talk?)
They say, it is because we contemn them; but they are they which not
only contemn the council, but also resist the same. The patriarch
spake but one small word against them, and that of no evil intent or
purpose, and by and by they complained that their liberty was broken;
but they, when they do enforce the council, when they forbid the
president to speak, and will not suffer the ordinances to be read, do
not judge that they do any thing contrary to the liberty of the
council. They say, they are the council themselves, and yet they
entreat the council. These things do not I understand; for if they be
the council, why do they entreat themselves? If they be not the
council, why do they not suffer the council to speak? Why do they not
look for an answer of him to whom they make their petitions?

  Truly this is too much violence, and certes our patience is also
too much, to suffer such excess even in the face of the church. But
this doth most of all grieve me, and this do I most marvel at, that
Panormitane, a man of singular wit and doctrine, did conclude without
any discussing or deciding of the deputies, and without the
examination of the twelve men, or any rite or order. The which, except
mine eyes had beheld and seen, I would scarcely believe if any other
man should report it unto me of him. Neither do I yet know whether I
may sufficiently credit myself, the matter seemeth so horrible: for I
do not see by what authority his conclusion doth stand, except it be
by the authority of his king, who he saith will have it so. But you,
most reverend fathers, take heed that ye bring in no such custom; for
so it shall come to pass, that in all matters, a few froward prelates
shall have one to conclude for them.

  "And albeit Panormitane hath proved (as he thinketh) by strong
reasons, that the verity ought to be deferred, yet, notwithstanding, I
do require you, most reverend fathers, to follow the example of the
apostle, who (as Arelatensis hath very well declared) would not give
one hour's respite unto Peter, when he swerved from the truth of the
gospel. The faith is speedily to be relieved and holpen; neither doth
any thing sustain more danger by deIays, than faith doth. For
heresies, except they be rooted out at the first, when they are once
grown, are hardly taken away. Wherefore, I desire you speedily to help
and aid. Hoist up your sails, and launch out your oars. What should we
tarry looking for either the prelates or the princes? You are now in
conflict: I only desire that you would hasten unto the victory. Regard
not the threatenings of those princes, neither the opprobries of those
contumelious persons: For you are blessed, saith the Lord, when men
curse you and persecute you, speaking all evil against you, making
lies and slanders upon you for my sake; rejoice and be glad, for great
is your reward in heaven. What is it, I pray you, that the princes do
so much object against us? Is not our Lord God able to take us out of
the furnace of hot burning fire, and deliver us out of the hands of
those princes? I beseech you, most reverend fathers and loving
brethren, have no less hope in Jesus Christ, than Shadrach, Meshach,
and Abed-nego had, which feared not that old king Nabuchodonosor: and
let the people know, that the Most High ruleth over the kingdoms of
men, and giveth them unto whom he pleaseth. God beholdeth all things
from above; he is (I say) in the midst amongst us; wherefore are ye
then afraid? Be of good courage, and show yourselves as a strong wall
for the church of God; suffer not the faith to perish under your
hands. The Almighty God is present with you. He is present that will
defend you. Fear not them which seek only to kill the body. Do justice
and equity, and be assured that he will not deliver you over into the
hands of the backbiter and slanderer. Again, I say unto you, show
yourselves valiant and stout: defend your mother the church. And unto
thee, O thou president, I say, that thou oughtest rather to please God
than man; for if thou depart thence without a final conclusion, know
assuredly that thou shalt render account in the strait judgment of
God." And thus without any more words he sat down in his place.

  In the mean time many grave and ancient men had exhorted
Panormitane that he should give over his conclusion. The bishop of
Burgos was very instant and earnest with him, that he should make
unity and concord amongst the fathers, and went about to make a unity
with all men. But neither the fathers of the council were determined
to depart without a conclusion; neither was Panormitane minded to
alter his intent and purpose. All things were disturbed, neither did
the prelates sit in their seats, as they were accustomed, but as every
man's affection led him. Some went to the Cardinal Arelatensis, some
unto Panormitane, and exhorted them, as if they had been princes or
rulers of armies. Then Arelatensis, knowing the matter to be in
danger, and that there was no ready way to make a conclusion, thought
to use some policy to appease the tumult.

  "Most reverend fathers," said he, "we have received now letters
out of France, which declare unto me marvellous things; that there are 
incredible news sprung up there, which, if you will give me willing
audience, I will declare unto you." By this means there was a sudden
silence throughout the whole council, and by this marvellous policy he
made all men attentive to hear. When he saw he had free liberty to
speak, without either fable or history of any letters sent, he opened
the whole order of the matter, and, as it is requisite in an orator,
came by little and little to the principal point, saying, that
"Eugenius's messengers filled all France, preaching a new doctrine,
and extolling the authority of the bishop of Rome above the general
council; against whom, except speedy remedy were found, it would come
to pass that many would give credit unto them, and therefore the
sacred council ought of necessity to provide remedy, and of necessity
to conclude upon the verities which were examined, that thereby the
temerity of the Eugenians might be repressed; which verities, albeit
they were eight in number, yet was it not the fathers' intent to
conclude upon them all, but only the three first: even as I also,"
saith he, "here do conclude, in the name of the Father, the Son, and
the Holy Ghost."

  When he had finished his oration, with .a cheerful and merry
countenance, rising up, he departed. Some of them kissed him, and some
of them kissed the skirts of his garments. A great number followed
him, and greatly commended his wisdom, that being a Frenchman born,
had that day vanquished the Italians, which were men of great policy.
Howbeit this was all men's opinion, that it was done rather by the
operation of the Holy Ghost, than by the cardinal's own power. The
other of the contrary faction, as men bereft of their minds, hanging
down their heads, departed every man to his lodging. They went not
together, neither saluted one another; so that their countenances
declared unto every man that they were overcome. Something more also
is reported of Panormitane, that when he came to his lodging, and was
gone unto his chamber, he complained with himself upon his king, which
had compelled him to strive against the truth, and put both his soul
and good name in danger of losing; and that in the midst of his tears
and complaints he fell asleep, and did eat no meat until late in the
evening, for very sorrow, for that he had neither ignorantly, neither
unwillingly, impugned the truth.

  After this there was great consultation amongst the Eugenians,
what were best to be done in this matter. Some thought good to depart
and leave the council, other some thought it meet to tarry, and withal
endeavour to resist that nothing should further be done against the
Eugenians; and this opinion remained amongst them. The next day after,
being the fifteenth day of April, the archbishop of Lyons, and the
bishop of Burgos, calling together the prelates in the chapter-house
of the great church, began many things as touching peace. The bishop
of Burgos persuaded, that there should be deputations appointed that
day, unto whom the archbishop of Lyons should give power to make an
agreement. Unto whom answer was made, as they thought, very roughly,
but, as other judged, gently, but notwithstanding justly and truly;
for they said there could be no unity of concord made before the
adversaries confessed their fault, and asked pardon therefore.

  The day following, the said bishop of Burgos, with the other
Lombards and Castilians, went unto the Germans, and from thence unto
the senate of the city, speaking much as touching the prohibiting of
schisms. The Germans referred themselves to those things which the
deputation should determine. The senate of the city (as they were
great men in wisdom, which would do nothing without diligent advice
and deliberation) answered, that the matter pertained not unto them,
but unto the council: the fathers whereof were most wise men, and were
not ignorant what pertained unto the Christian faith; and if there
were any danger toward, it should be declared unto the council, and
not to the senate. For they believe that the elders of the council, if
they were premonished, would foresee that thereshould no hurt happen:
as for the senate of the city, it was their duty only to defend the
fathers, and to preserve the promise of the city. With this answer the
bishop of Burgos departed.

  In the mean time the fathers of the council had drawn out a form
of a decree upon the former conclusions, and had approved the same in
the sacred deputations. By this time the princes' orators were
returned from the assembly at Mentz, and holding a council amongst
themselves, they had determined to let the decree. The ninth day of
May, there was a general convocation holden, whereunto all men
resorted, either part putting forth himself unto the conflict.

  The princes' ambassadors were called by the bishop of Lubeck and
Conrad de Winsperge the protector into the choir, and there kept,
where they treated of a unity, and by what means it might be had, and
there they tarried longer than some thought to do; the which matter
gave occasion to bring things well to pass, beyond all expectation,
for the only form of the decree was appointed to be concluded that
day. Whereupon, as soon as Cardinal Arelatensis perceived the
congregation to be full, and that the twelve men had agreed, and that
there was a great expectation with silence, he thought good not to
delay it for fear of tumult, but commanded by and by the public
concordances to be read, wherein this was also contained, that the
Cardinal Arelatensis might appoint a session whensoever he would.
Which being read, he, being desired by the promoters, concluded
according as the manner and custom is. The ambassadors of the princes
being yet in the choir, as soon as they understood how the matter
passed, being very much troubled and vexed, they brake off their talk,
imputing all things to the bishop of Lubeck, which of purpose had kept
them in the choir, and protracted the time. Whereupon they, entering
into the congregation, filled the church full of complaints.

  First of all, the orator of Lubeck complained both in his own
name and the name of the proctor, as touching the conclusion, and
required that the council would revoke the same. If that might be
granted, he promised to entreat a peace, and to be a proctor between
the council and the ambassadors of the princes. But the archbishop of
Turnon said, that it seemed unto him, every man to have free liberty
to speak against that law which should be promulgated unto the
session, when the canons should be consecrated and receive their
force; when the bishops, in their pontificalibus, after the reading of
the decree in the session, should answer that it pleased them;
otherwise the demand which was made by the promoters in the session,
to be but vain; and for that the conclusions were not yet allowed in
the session, therefore he said that he might without rebuke speak
somewhat as touching the same; and that it was a great and hard
matter, and not to be knit up in such a short time, and that he had
the knowledge thereof but even now; notwithstanding that he, being an
archbishop, ought to have known the matter, that at his return home he
might inform the king, and also instruct those which were under him;
and that he and his fellows, before any session should be, would both
hear and be heard of others. Neither doth it seem good unto him that
the session should be holden, before report were made of those things
which the ambassadors of the princes had done at Mentz, which would
peradventure be such as might alter and change the minds of the
fathers. Then the bishop of Concen, ambassador of the king of Castile,
which was also lately returned from Mentz, a man of great
understanding, but lacking utterance, grievously complained that the
prelates were contemned. "Neither had it been," said he, "any great
natter if they had been tarried for, which not without great danger
and expenses went to Mentz, not for their pleasure, but of necessity."
And afterward, as it were, smiling, he said, "How mad am I, that would
have the prelates to be tarried for, until they return from Mentz,
when they are not tarried for whilst they came out of the choir of the
church! Do therefore as ye list: if there rise any offence or mischief
hereupon, neither are we, the ambassadors of Castile, to be blamed,
neither can any man of right impute any thing to our most noble king."

  Here were it long to repeat, with what rebukes and taunts they
inveighed against the Cardinal Arelatensis; but especially the bishop
of Milan railed most cruelly upon him, saying that he fostered and
maintained a rabble of sophisters and schoolmasters, and that he had
concluded in matters of faith with them; calling him also another
Catiline, unto whom all desperate and naughty persons had refuge, that
he was their prince, and ruled the church with them; and that he would
not give ear unto the ambassadors of the most noble princes, or to the
most famous prelates in this most weighty matter. Albiganensis, a
bishop, and a man of great nobility, descended of the emperor's blood,
albeit he had never alienated his mind before from the council, yet,
lest he should seem to dissent from other ambassadors of the princes,
he made the like complaint as touching the attempt of the prelates.
After this it came unto Panormitane to speak, who, as he had a greater
vehemency in speaking, so also he did declare a more angry stomach and
mind; for in the beginning of his oration he seemeth not to go about,
according to the precept of the orators, to get the good-will of the
hearers, but rather their hatred. For he said that our Saviour showed
four signs in the gospel, whereby we should know the good from the
reprobate; For he which is of God, saith he, heareth the words of God,
but ye hear not the words of God, because ye are not of God. And
again, He that doeth evil hateth the light. And in another place also,
By their fruits ye shall know them. And a good tree cannot bring forth
evil fruit.

  All which sayings he wrested against the fathers of the council,
because they would not hear the words of God, that is to say, the
words of peace which the ambassadors had spoken; because they fled
from the light in the absence of the ambassadors, privily concluding;
and because in their deputation they had not holden and kept the holy
day, but had concluded thereupon; also because they had the upper hand
in the aforesaid conclusion, not by reason, but by deceit. As touching
the fruits, he said, that the fathers themselves should meditate and
consider how that, if their fruits were not good, they also themselves
were not good; and that he did see another council at hand, where he
feared lest these conclusions should be revoked, as the fruit of an
evil tree; and therefore they ought not so suddenly to proceed in so
weighty matters; and that he would be yet more fully heard before the
session, as well in his own name, because he was an archbishop, as in
the name of his prince, which reigned not over one kingdom alone, but
over many. Also he said, that he, heretofore, by his words, deeds, and
writings, hath extolled the authority of the council; and that he
feared, lest by these means the authority thereof should be subverted.
At the last he required pardon if he had offended the fathers of the
council, forasmuch as very sorrow and grief forced him to speak so.

  The abbot of Virgilia would have made answer to those things
which Panormitane had touched, concerning his deputation, but
Arelatensis thought good that all the contrary part should speak
first, among whom, last of all, Ludovicus the protonotary, the Homer
of lawyers, rose up: and albeit that he spake unwillingly, yet when he
had begun, he could not refrain his words. And while he went about to
seem learned and eloquent, he utterly forgot to be good. He said that
the council ought to take heed, that they treated of no matter of
faith against the prelates, lest any offence should follow; for that
some would say it were a matter of no force or effect. For albeit that
Christ chose twelve apostles and seventy disciples, notwithstanding in
the setting forth of the creed only the apostles were present,
thereby, as it were, giving example that the matters of faith did
pertain only unto the apostles, and so consequently unto bishops.
Neither that they ought hastily to proceed in matters of faith, which
ought to be clearly distinct, forasmuch as Peter affirmeth the trial
of faith to be much more precious than gold, which is tried by the
fire. And if the bishops be contemned, which are called the pillars
and keys of heaven, the faith cannot seem to be well proved or
examined. But at length he confessed that the inferiors might
determine with the bishops, but denied that the least part of the
bishops with the most part of the inferiors might determine any thing.
From thence he, passing to the matter of faith, said, that those
verities whereupon question was now had, are articles of faith, if
they were verities of faith. And forasmuch as every man should be
found to believe those, therefore he would be better instructed and
taught in that matter which he should believe as an article of faith.
Neither should it be comely for the council to deny him his request;
which, according to the rule of the apostle, ought to be ready to give
account unto every man which shall require it, touching the faith
which it holdeth.

  After every man had made an end of speaking, the Cardinal
Arelatensis, calling his spirits together, made an oration, wherein he
answered now the one, and now the other. And first of all he commended
the desires of the imperial ambassadors, which offered to treat of a
peace and unity; but neither necessity nor honesty (he said) would
suffer those things which are concluded to be revoked. He answered
also, that the petition of the ambassadors of France is most just, in
that they required to be instructed touching the faith; and that the
council would grant their request, and send unto them certain divines,
which should instruct them at home at their lodgings, but the matter
was already concluded, and could no more be brought in question; that
the session was only holden, rather to beautify the matter, than to
confirm the same. And as touching that which the bishop of Concen so
greatly complaineth of, he doth not much marvel; for he could not know
the process of the matter, when he was absent; who being better
instructed, he supposed would speak no more any such words, forasmuch
as a just man would require no unjust thing. Also that his
protestation had no evil sense or meaning, in that he would not; have
it imputed either unto him, or unto his king, if any offence should
rise upon the conclusions. Notwithstanding, it is not to be feared,
that any evil should spring of good works. But unto the bishop of
Milan he would answer nothing, because he saw him so moved and
troubled, for fear of multiplying of more grievous and heinous words.
As for Panormitane, he reserved unto the last. But unto Ludovicus the
protonotary, which desired to he instructed, he said, he willed him to
be satisfied with the words which were spoken unto the bishop of
Turnon.

  Notwithstanding, he left not this untouched which Ludovicus had
spoken concerning the Apostles' Creed. For albeit that in the setting
forth of the Creed the apostles be only named, yet it doth not follow
(saith he) that they only were present at the setting forth thereof.
For it happeneth oftentimes, that princes are commended and praised as
chief authors and doers of things, when, notwithstanding, they have
other helpers; as it appeareth in battles, which, although they are
fought with the force of all the soldiers, yet the victory thereof is
imputed but unto a few. As in these our days they do ascribe all
things which the army doth, either fortunately or wisely, unto
Nicholas Picenius, that most valiant captain, which hath obtained so
many famous victories; albeit that oftentimes other have been the
inventors of the policy, and workers of the feat. And therefore
Ludovicus ought to know and understand, that they are not only
articles of faith, which are contained in the Creed, but all other
determinations made by the councils as touching the faith. Neither is
he ignorant, that there be some articles of the Creed which we now use
in the church, that were not put to by the apostles, but afterward by
general councils; as that part wherein mention is made of the Holy
Ghost, which the council of Lyons did add; in which council also it is
not to be doubted, but that the inferiors did judge together with the
bishops. But forasmuch as he had sufficiently declared that matter in
the congregation before passed, he would stay no longer thereupon. But
coming unto Panormitane, he rehearsed his words, He that is of God,
heareth God's word; which is very well taken out of the Gospel, but
not well applied unto the council, (said he,) for he firmly believed,
that his predecessors have judged the Holy Ghost to be in the midst of
the councils, and therefore the words of the councils to be the words
of the Holy Ghost, which if any man do reject, he denieth himself to
be of God. Neither doth the council hate the light, which doth all
things publicly and openly, whose congregations are evident unto all
men, neither doth it, as the conventicles of the adversaries, admit
some, and exclude other some. Moreover, the thing which is now in hand
was begun to be treated of for two months ago, and first the
conclusions were largely disputed upon in the divinity schools, and
afterward sent unto Mentz and other places of the world.

  After all this the fathers were called into the chapter-house of
the great church, to the number of a hundred and twenty; amongst whom
Panormitane, which now complaineth, was also present, and, according
to his manner, did learnedly and subtlely dispute, and had liberty to
speak what he would. Likewise in the disputations every man spake his
mind freely, and in the deputation where Panormitane was, the matter
was three days discussed. After this the twelve men did agree upon it,
and the general congregation did conclude it. Neither hath there been
at any time any thing more ripely or exactly handled, both openly and
also without any fraud or deceit. And whereas the deputation did sit
upon a holy day, there is no hurt in that, neither is it any new or
strange thing, forasmuch as they have often holden their session upon
festival days, when the matter hath had haste, and specially for that
the matter of faith hath no holy days. And further, he said, that he
did not conclude craftily and deceitfully in the congregation, as
Panormitane hath reported, but publicly and openly at the request of
the promoters: neither hath any man any just cause to complain upon
him, forasmuch as when he was made president, he was sworn that always
when three or four of the deputations did agree, he should conclude
thereupon. And forasmuch as he had already concluded, in divers
causes, touching the pope, be saw no cause why he should not conclude
in the matter of faith, for that he was a cardinal, and did wear his
red hat for this purpose, that he should shed his blood in the defence
of the faith. Neither hath he done any thing now against the pope, for
that, omitting the five conclusions touching Eugenius, he had
concluded but only the general conclusions; which except he had done,
the fathers should have had just cause to complain against him, in
that they, trusting in his fidelity and faithfulness, had chosen him
president, if by him they should now be forsaken in this most
necessary cause of faith. And, turning himself unto the people, he
desired the fathers to be of good comfort, forasmuch as he would never
forsake them, yea, although he should suffer death; for he had given
his faith and fidelity unto the council, which he should observe and
keep; neither should any man's flattery or threatenings put him from
his purpose, that he would be always ready to do whatsoever the
council should command him, and never leave the commandments of the
deputies by any means unperformed.

  As touching that Panormitane had extolled the authority of the
council, he said that he was greatly to be thanked: but yet he ought
to understand and know the authority of the council to be such as
cannot be augmented or increased by any man's praise or commendation,
or be diminished by any opprobry or slander. These things thus
premised, he commanded the form of the decree to be read. Then
Panormitane, and those which took his part, would needs have a certain
protestation to be first read. There was great contention on every
side. Notwithstanding, at the last Arelatensis prevailed, and the form
of the decree was read unto this word, Decernimus, that is to say, We
decree. Then Panormitane, rising up, would not suffer it to be heard
any further: and the bishop of Catania cried out, saying, that it was
uncomely that Arelatensis, with a few other bishops by name, should
conclude the matter. The like did also all those which favoured
Panormitane. The cardinal of Terragona also (which until that time had
holden his peace) did grievously rebuke his partakers, that as men
being asleep, or in a dream, they did not read the protestation, and
commanded by and by one of his familiars to read it. But like as the
adversaries before did perturb the reading of the concordances, so
would not the fathers of the council now give place to the reading of
the protestation. Which, when Albiganensis did consider, he commanded
the writing to be brought unto him, and as he begun to speak, suddenly
Arelatensis rose up, with a great number of the fathers, to depart;
which thing pleased the cardinal of Terraconia and Panormitane very
well, for that they hoped that they alone, with their adherents,
should remain in the church. They exhorted Arelatensis to revoke the
conclusion and to make another.

  There was in that congregation in his place, George, the
protonotary of Bardaxina, sitting somewhat beneath his uncle, the
cardinal of Terragona, a man but young of age, but grave in wisdom,
and noble in humanity; who, as soon as he saw the Cardinal Arelatensis
rise, he determined also to depart, and when his uncle called him,
commanding him to tarry, he said, "God forbid, father, that I should
tarry in your congregation, or do any thing contrary to the oath which
I have taken." By which words he declared his excellent virtue and
nobility, and admonished our men which remained, of those things which
they had to do. His voice was the voice of the Holy Ghost, and words
more necessary than could be thought. For if he had not spoken that
word, the fathers of the council had peradventure departed, and gone
their way, and the other remaining in the church had made another
conclusion, which they would have affirmed to have been of force,
because they would say the last conclusion was to be received. But
many, being warned by the words of the protonotary, and calling to
remembrance the like chance of other councils before, called back
again the multitude which were departing, and cried upon the cardinal
and the patriarch to sit down again, and that they should not leave
the church void and quiet for their adversaries. Whereupon suddenly
all the whole multitude sat down, and the gates were shut again. In
the mean time Mattheus Albiganensis, a bishop, read the protestation
to none else but to himself alone, for it could not be heard for
noise; which being ended, the Lombards and the Cathelanes confirmed
the protestation. When the cardinal of Terraconia said that he did
agree to that dissension, they marvelled at that saying. And when some
smiled and laughed at him, "What," said he, "ye fools, do ye mock me?
do not the ambassadors of my king dissent from you? What do you marvel
then if I do say, I consent unto their dissension?" And with these
words he and almost all the Arragons, Lombards, and Cathelanes
departed; all the other tarried still. And albeit it was somewhat
late, (for it was past two at afternoon,) Arelatensis, seeing the
congregation quiet, commanded the affairs of private persons to be
read, as the manner is; which being ended, he commanded also the
public affairs to be read, and willed the conclusions and the form of
the decree to be read again. There remained in the congregation, the
ambassadors of the empire of France, talking together of their
affairs. Notwithstanding, the bishop of Turnon heard mention made of
the conclusions, and turning himself to the bishop of Lubeck, said,
"Lo, the matters of faith are now in hand again, let us go hence, I
pray you, that we be not an offence unto others, or that we be not
said to dissent from the other ambassadors." To whom the bishop of
Lubeck answered, "Tarry, father, tarry here; are not the conclusions
most true? Why are you afraid to be here for the truth?" These words
were not heard of many, for they spake them softly between themselves.
Notwithstanding, I heard it, for I, sitting at their feet, did
diligently observe what they said. Arelatensis, after all things were
read which he thought necessary, at the request of the deputies
concluded, and so making an end, dismissed the congregation. Twice it
is declared, with how great difficulty Arelatensis concluded,
forasmuch as neither the matter nor the form could be concluded
without dissension: and the conclusions were miraculous, and past all
men's hope, but were obtained by the industry of Arelatensis, or
rather by the special gift of the Holy Ghost.

  After this it was determined between the Lombards and Arragons to
abstain from the deputations for a certain time, which they did not
long observe; notwithstanding, the deputations were holden very
quietly for a certain space, neither was there any thing done worthy
of remembrance until the fifteenth day of May; during which time, all
means possible were sought to set a concord between the fathers, but
would not be. Then Nicholas Amici, promoter of the faith, was called
into the congregation, and briefly rehearsed those things which were
done the days before, and declared how that Arelatensis might appoint
a session. Wherefore, forasmuch as delay in matters of faith was
dangerous, he required that a session should be appointed against the
morrow after, requiring the cardinal for his dignities' sake, in that
he was called the principal of the church, and the other bishops, that
(as they had promised in their consecration) they would not now shrink
from the church in these weighty affairs, and suffer the faith to be
oppressed; but the other inferiors he required, upon their oath which
they had taken, to show themselves faithful and constant herein. Then
again there fell a great contention upon these words; for Arelatensis,
as he was required, did appoint a session, and exhorted all men to be
there present in their robes. The bishop of Lubeck rising up made a
protestation in his own name, and also in the name of his protector,
that he would not consent that there should be any session, if it
should in any part derogate from the agreement had at Mentz. Gregory
Miles also, his fellow ambassador, consented to this protestation.
When the protector of the council, appointed by the emperor,
understood himself to be named by the bishop of Lubeck, he marvelled
awhile what the matter should be. But being certified by an
interpreter, he answered that he would in no case consent unto the
protestation of the bishop of Lubeck, and that he did not know any
thing of their doings at Mentz; also that he was sent by the emperor
to the sacred council, and hath his charge which he doth well
remember, and would be obedient thereunto. After whom the bishop of
Concen, according to his accustomed manner, made his protestation, and
after him also followed Panormitane. Whose words before I will repeat,
I desire that no man would marvel that I make mention so often of
Panormitane; for it is necessary to declare the matter in order as it
was done.

  It happened in these matters even as it doth in warlike affairs:
for as there, such as are most valiant and strong, and do most worthy
feats, obtain most fame, as in the battle of Troy, Achilles and
Hector; so in these spiritual wars and contentions, those which most
excel in learning and eloquence, and do more than others, should be
most renowned and: named: for on the one part, Panormitane was prince
and captain; on the other, Arelatensis: but his own will made not the 
one captain, but only necessity; for it behoved him to obey his
prince. Notwithstanding, he was not ignorant of the truth and verity,
neither did he resist willingly against it; for I have seen him
oftentimes in his library complain of his prince, that he followed
other men's counsel. When his time came to speak, he said, that he did
not a little marvel why the protector of the faith should require the
prelates to have a session, which was nothing pertaining to his
office, and that he ought not to usurp the president's place. And
again, he complained touching the contempt of the prelates, for the
matter did presently touch the state of the apostolic see, and for
that cause the see ought to be heard before any session be holden.
Neither is it to be regarded, said he, that the council of Constance
seemeth to have decreed, that it should now be spoken of, forasmuch as
Pope John was not heard at Constance, neither any man else, to speak
for the see; by which words he seemed both to contemn and bring in
doubt all the decrees of that most great and sacred synod of
Constance: therefore there was a great tumult, and all men cried out
with one voice, saying, that the synod of Constance is holy, and the
authority thereof ought to be inviolate. But he, being still instant,
with a stout and haughty courage affirmed, that the matter could not
be finished without the ambassadors of the princes, and that the
princes ought to be heard in a matter of faith. And again, that the
ambassadors themselves cannot consent, forasmuch as in the colloquy
holden at Mentz, they had promised, during the treaty of peace by them
begun, they would receive and allow nothing that the pope should
either do against the council, or the council against the pope; and
that he doubted not, but that the three first conclusions declared
Eugenius a heretic, insomuch that it was evident that Eugenius did
vehemently resist the two first. And therefore, forasmuch as the
session was not yet holden, and that it was lawful for every man
before that session to speak what he will, he desired and required
them most instantly that there might be no session as yet holden. Unto
whom Arelatensis answered, that it was not to be doubted but that the
promoter of the faith, by his office, might call the prelates to
determine a matter of faith, and specially forasmuch as the deputation
of the faith and the whole council had so given him in commandment.

  As touching the prelates, he saith, that albeit without all doubt
bishops have chief authority, yet, notwithstanding, it is accustomed
in councils not to make any conclusion in the name of the bishops, but
in the name of the whole council: and the universal church hath
decreed certain laws in this council which should remain inviolate.
Neither let the bishops think the presence of the inferiors grievous
unto them, when oftentimes under a bare and torn coat wisdom lieth
hid, and under rich vestures and ornaments folly lurketh. Bishops
ought also to be mindful of the saying of Domitius, which, as St
Jerome reporteth, said, Why should I esteem thee as a prince, if thou
dost not regard me as a senator? For the bishops ought to esteem
priests as priests, if they will have reverence done unto them as
bishops. Neither ought the princes to be looked for to the deciding of
this matter, forasmuch as the church is not congregated in the name of
the princes, but in the name of Christ, which hath not received his
power from princes, but immediately from God; to the defence whereof
he should perceive the inferiors to be no less encouraged than the
bishops, for that he did well understand and know, that they would not
only spend their temporal goods, but also their lives, for the defence
thereof. As for some bishops, rather than they will lose any part of
their temporalties, they will sell the liberty of the church unto the
princes; and make them judges and lords over the council. As touching
the acts at Mentz, he doth not regard them, forasmuch as, it is said,
they counted without their host; for he saith, he doth not understand
how this can be, that they had decreed neither to obey the pope nor
the council. The one or the other they must needs be obedient unto;
for there is no third tribunal whereunto any obedience is due in these
matters, which concern the faith and salvation of souls. And finally,
that the church would not suffer that their affairs and matters of
faith should be determined by the judgment of princes; for the Holy
Ghost is not subject unto princes, but princes unto him; and upon this
conclusion he would not fear either the loss of his goods, or any
death or martyrdom. And whereas Panormitane doth now show himself so
great a defender of Eugenius; he saith, that he doth not a little
marvel at it, for that in times past no man hath more published
Eugenius's errors than he: by whose special labour and council, both a
decree monitory, and also the suspension, was admitted and set out
against Eugenius. And now, whereupon this sudden change should come,
he saith that he was utterly ignorant, forasmuch as neither Eugenius
had altered his life, neither could the church continue in such a
schism. Wherefore he desired Panormitane diligently to consider,
whether he spake according to his conscience or not; for, saith he,
the conclusions which now shall be decreed, are most general; neither
is there any mention in them of the pope; and, moreover, the verity of
faith is contained in them; against the which if Eugenius did contend,
it were more meet that the pope should be corrected, than the verity
omitted. And thus he maketh an end, all were warned to come the next
day unto the session. The protector also desired the sacred council,
that none should be suffered to bring any weapon to the session;
forasmuch as he was ready to observe the safe-conduct of the emperor,
and, together with the senate of the city, to prohibit all quarrels
for doing of injury.

  When the sixteenth day of May was come, all they whom the session
contented and pleased assembled at the hour. The ambassadors also of
the princes were come together into the choir of the church, to
attempt further what they could do; and sending the bishop of Lubeck
and Concen, and the dean of Turnon, an excellent learned man, they
offered themselves to be present at the session, if that the
deposition of Eugenius might yet be deferred four months. Who, when
they had received a gentle answer of Arelatensis and the other
principals, returning again unto the ambassadors, they would only have
the first conclusion decreed, and thereupon sent again unto
Arelatensis; unto whom answer was made, that the chief force did
consist in the two other conclusions, and that the council would
specially determine upon them. If the ambassadors would not be
present, they should understand, that the concord was broken by them,
which would not observe that which they had offered. With which answer
they departed, and the session began to be celebrated. There was no
prelate of Arragon present at it, neither out of Spain, nor out of
Italy, only the bishop of Grosseto, and the abbot of Dona, which for
their constancy and stedfast good-will toward the universal church,
could not he changed from their purpose; but of doctors and other
inferiors, there were a great number of Arragons, and almost all the
inferiors of Spain and Italy, (for the inferiors feared not the
princes, as the bishops did,) and then the worthy stoutness of the
Arragons and Cathelanes appeared in the inferior sort, which would not
shrink away in the necessity of the church. Of the two other nations
there were only present twenty bishops. The residue lurked in their
lodgings, professing the faith in their hearts, but not in their
mouths. Arelatensis, considering before what would come to pass,
caused prayers to be made; and after their prayers made unto Almighty
God, with tears and lamentation, that he would send them his Holy
Spirit to aid and assist them, they were greatly comforted and
encouraged. This congregation was famous, and albeit that there were
not many bishops present, yet all the seats were filled with the
bishops' proctors, archdeacons, presidents, priors, priests, and
doctors of both laws, which I judged to be about the number of four
hundred or more; amongst whom was no noise, no chiding, no opprobrious
words or contention, but one exhorted another to the profession of the
faith, and there appeared a full and whole consent of them all to
defend the church. The bishop of Massilia, a noble man, read the
decree, which was attentively hearkened unto, and not one word
interrupted. When it was ended, Te Deum laudamus was sung with great
joy and gladness, and so the session dissolved, which was in number
the thirty-third session, and amongst all the first the most quiet and
peaceable.

  The day following, being the twenty-second of May, the princes'
ambassadors, without all men's expectation, came unto the general
congregation, by that their doing at the least giving their assent
unto the session before passed. In celebrating whereof, if the fathers
had erred, it had not been lawful for the princes and ambassadors to
have holden the council with those fathers. But it was thought that
they were touched with remorse of conscience, and even now to detest
and abhor that which they had done; as it was not hidden to the
ambassadors of the empire and France. For the bishop of Lubeck said,
that the cause of his absence was, for that he was appointed by the
emperor's commandment to treat a peace. Wherefore it was not comely
for him to be present at any business, whereby he should be vexed or
troubled, with whom the peace should be treated. Notwithstanding, he
did much commend the session before holden, and believed the decree
therein promulgated to be most good and holy, and the verities therein
contained to be undoubted; and said, that he would stick thereunto
both now and ever, even to the death. But the bishop of Turnon, a man
both learned and eloquent, speaking for him and his fellows, said,
that he heard how that they were evil spoken of amongst some, in that
they had not honoured their king in that most sacred session, whom it
becomed especially to exalt and defend the faith; which also for that
cause above all other kings was named most Christian; notwithstanding,
he said that they had a lawful excuse, in that it was convenient that
they, which were sent to treat peace, should do nothing whereby their
embassage should be stopped or letted. Also there are two kinds of
injustice (said he) whereby either things are done that should not be
done, or things that should be done are not done. The first doth not
always bind, because it is convenient to have respect of time, place,
and person. But the last doth always bind, wherein he said they were
not culpable. But as touching the first point, they might seem unto
some to have erred, because they were not present at the session; but
yet in this point they had sufficient to answer, forasmuch as if they
had been present at that session, they should have been unmeet to have
treated of any peace with Eugenius. And therefore, albeit they were
wanting at so holy a business, in that point they followed the example
of Paul, which, albeit he desired to be dissolved and to be with
Christ, yet, for the further profit and advancement of the church, it
was deferred. So likewise, he said, that they had now done; for that
they were not absent because they doubted of the conclusions, (which
they judged to be most true and holy, and whereunto they would stick
even unto the death,) but because they would not be unmeet for the
treaty of peace for which they came: and yet, that which they had not
done in their own persons, they had fulfilled, said he, by their
servants and household, whom altogether they commanded to reverence
that session. I would that I had been then in the place of some great
prelate; surely they should not have gone unpunished, which thought to
have played bo-peep. For what doth the declaration of the truth hinder
the treaty of peace? Or, if it do hurt, why is he not accounted as
great an offender, which consenteth to him that declareth the truth,
as he which doth declare it? What shall we need any further testimony?
For now the ambassadors of the princes have declared Eugenius to be an
enemy unto the truth. But to pass over these things, it is sufficient
that Eugenius wrote afterward unto the king of France, that he did
understand the bishop of Turnon to become his enemy.

  After that the bishop of Tournon had made an end, Cardinal
Arelatensis gave thanks unto God, which had so defended his church,
and after great storms and clouds had sent fair and clear weather: and
commending the good-will of the emperor and the king of France toward
the church, he also praised the bishops of Lubeck and Turnon, for that
oftentimes in the council, and also of late at Mentz, they had
defended the authority of the council. But specially he commended this
their present doings, that they had openly confessed the truth, and
had not sequestered themselves from the faith of the church.

  Afterward he, entering into the declaration of the matter, said,
that he was at Pisa and at Constance, and never saw a more quiet and
devout session than this; affirming that this decree was most
necessary, to repress the ambition of the bishops of Rome, which,
exalting themselves above the universal church, thought it lawful for
them to do all things after their own pleasure; and that no one man
from henceforth should transport the council from one place to
another, as Eugenius attempted to do, now to Bononia, now to
Florentia, then again to Bononia, after to Ferraria, and after that
again to Florentia; and that hereafter the bishops should withdraw
their minds from the carefulness of temporal goods, which (as he
himself did see) had no mind at all on spiritual matters; and
therefore by how much this session was most holy and necessary, by so
much more the assent of the ambassadors was most laudable and
acceptable to all the fathers. These words thus spoken, he rose up,
and the congregation was dissolved.



114. THE ELECTION OF POPE FELIX V.

  Now after that Gabriel Condulmarius was deposed from the
bishopric of Rome, the
principal fathers of the council, being called together in the
chapter-house of the great church, consulted together, whether it were
expedient that a new bishop should be created out of hand, or deferred
for a time. Such as thought good that the election should be done with
speed, showed how dangerous a thing it was for such a congregation to
be without a head; also what a pestiferous sickness was in all the
city, which not only consumed young men and children, but also men of
middle age, and old men in like manner; and that this plague came
first by strangers unto the poor of the city, and so infected the
rich, and now was come unto the fathers of the council: amplifying
moreover and increasing the terror thereof, and making the thing worse
than it was, as the manner is. Neither doth the decree, said they, any
thing let or hinder, wherein it is provided that there should be delay
of sixty days after the see is void; for that is to be understood when
the see is void, at such time as there is no council holden; neither
ought we to tarry or make any delay, lest the princes, being persuaded
by Gabriel, should resist; unto whom the deposition of Gabriel, and
the election of some other, is to be certified all under one message.
The other, which thought good that there should be a delay, said, that
the council did lack no head, forasmuch as Christ was the Head
thereof; neither did lack a ruler, forasmuch as it was governed by the
presidents and other officers; and that no mention should be made of
any pestilence in such case, seeing that, unto stout and strong men,
death is not to be feared, neither can any thing daunt or fear them
which contend for the Christian faith. As for that pestilence which
doth now increase and grow in the city, forasmuch as judgment is now
given, it is to be hoped that it will assuage, which was thought to
have come for the neglecting of justice. Also that in so doubtful a
matter they ought rather to use the princes against their will, than
to neglect them, and that it is not to be feared but that, in this
case, God will help those that are stout and valiant. The matter being
thus discussed amongst them, (albeit that there were as many minds as
there were men,) yet it seemed unto them all, that it was most
profitable to choose the bishop by and by, but most honest to defer
it.

  Hereupon John Segovius, a man of excellent learning, said, "Most
reverend fathers, I am diversely drawn, by sundry reasons, to this
side and that. But as I weigh the matter more deeply in my mind, this
is my opinion, that to come to a speedy election it seemeth good, to
speak after man's judgment; but to delay it for two months, to speak
after God's judgment, it seemeth much better. I do judge that not only
the words, but also the meaning, of our decree ought to be observed.
Wherefore, if ye will give any credit unto me, follow rather dangerous
honesty, than secure utility; albeit that indeed utility cannot be
discerned from honesty." This opinion of delay took place among the
fathers, and they determined to stay for the space of two months. In
the mean time messengers were sent unto the princes, to declare the
deposition of Eugenius by the synod, and publish it abroad.
Illustration: Burial of Plague Victims

  During this time the corrupt air was nothing at all purged, but
the mortality daily increasing, many died and were sick. Whereupon a
sudden fear came upon the fathers. Neither were they sufficiently
advised what they might do; for they thought it not to be without
danger either to depart or to tarry. Notwithstanding, they thought it
good to tarry, and also they caused others to tarry; that since they
had overcome famine, and the assaults of their enemies on earth, they
would not seem to shrink for the persecution of any plague or
sickness. But forasmuch as they could not all be kept there, it was
politicly provided, that the council should not seem to be dissolved
for any man's departure. And for the more establishment of the matter,
there were certain things read before the fathers, which they called
De stabilimento, whose authority continued long time after. When the
dog-days were come, and that all herbs withered with heat, the
pestilence daily increased more and more, that it is incredible how
many died. It was too horrible to see the corpses hourly carried
through the streets, when on every side there was weeping, wailing,
and sighing. There was no house void of mourning; no mirth or laughter
in any place, but matrons bewailing their husbands, and the husbands
their wives. Men and women went through the streets, and durst not
speak one to another. Some tarried at home, and other some, that went
abroad, had perfumes to smell unto, to preserve them against the
plague.

  The common people died without number; and like as in the cold
autumn the leaves of the trees do fall, even so did the youth of the
city consume and fall away. The violence of the disease was such, that
ye should have met a man merry in the street now, and within ten hours
heard that he had been buried. The number of the dead corpses was such
also, that they lacked place to bury them in; insomuch that all the
churchyards were digged up, and filled with dead corpses, and great
holes made in the parish churches, where a great number of corpses
being thrust in together, they covered them over with earth. For which
cause the fathers were so afraid that there appeared no blood in their
faces; and specially the sudden death of Ludovicus the protonotary did
make all men afraid, who was a strong man, and flourishing in age, and
singularly learned in both laws; whom the same envious and raging
sickness took away in a few hours. By and by after died Ludovicus the
patriarch of Aquileia, a man of great age, and brought up always in
troubles and adversity, neither could he see the day of the pope's
election, which he had long wished for. Notwithstanding, he took
partly a consolation in that he had seen Gabriel deposed before his
death. This man's death was grievous unto all the fathers, for now
they said that two pillars of the council were decayed and overthrown,
meaning the protonotary and the patriarch, whereof the one by the law,
and the other with his deeds, defended the verity of the council.

  About the same time also died the king of Arragon's almoner in
Switzerland, a man of excellent learning, being bishop of Liege. The
abbot of Vergilia died at Spires, and John, the bishop of Lubeck,
between Vienna and Buda.

  These two last rehearsed, even at the point of death, did this
thing worthy of remembrance. When they perceived the hour of their
death approach, calling unto them certain grave and wise men, said,
All you that be here present, pray to God that he will convert such as
acknowledge Gabriel for high bishop, for in that state they cannot be
saved; and professing themselves that they would die in the faith of
the council of Basil, they departed in the Lord. In Bohemia also
departed the bishop of Constance, which was ambassador for the
council. There was great fear and trembling throughout all the
council.

  There had been also in the council, by a long time, the abbot of
Dona, of the diocese of Cumana, a man poor unto the world, but rich
unto God, whom neither flattering nor threatenings could turn away
from his good purpose and intent, choosing rather to beg in the truth
of the fathers, than to abound in riches with the false flattering
adversaries.

  Whereupon, after the lords were departed which gave him his
living, he, remaining still, was stricken with the plague and died.
Likewise a great number of the registers and doctors died; and such as
fell into that disease, few or none escaped. One amongst all the rest,
Æneas Sylvius, being stricken with this disease, by God's help
escaped. This man lay three days even at the point of death, all men
being in despair of him; notwithstanding, it pleased God to grant him
longer life. When the pestilence was most fervent and hot, and that
daily there died about one hundred, there was great entreaty made unto
Cardinal Arelatensis, that he would go to some other town or village
near hand; for these were the words of all his friends and household,
"What do you, most reverend father? At the least, void this wane of
the moon, and save yourself; who being safe, all we shall also be
safe; if you die, we all perish. If the plague oppress you, unto whom
shall we fly? Who shall rule us? or who shall be the guide of this
most faithful flock? The infection hath already invaded your chamber.
Your secretary and chamberlain are already dead. Consider the great
danger, and save both yourself and us." But neither the entreaty of
his household, neither the corpses of those which were dead, could
move him, willing rather to preserve the council with peril of his
life, than to save his life with peril of the council; for he did
know, that if he should depart, few would have tarried behind, and
that deceit should have been wrought in his absence.

  Wherefore, like as in wars, the soldiers fear no danger when they
see their captain in the midst of their enemies; so the fathers of the
council were ashamed to fly from this pestilence, seeing their
president to remain with them in the midst of all dangers. Which their
doings did utterly subvert the opinion of them, which babbled abroad,
that the fathers tarried in Basil to seek their own profit and
commodity, and not the verity of the faith; for there is no commodity
upon earth which men would change for their lives; for that all such
as do serve the world, do prefer it before all other things. But these
our fathers, showing themselves an invincible strong wall for the
house of God, vanquishing all the crafty deceits which Gabriel used,
and overcoming all difficulties, which this most cruel and pestiferous
year brought upon them, at the length all desire of life also being
set apart, they have overcome all dangers. and have not doubted with
most constant minds to defend the verity of the council, even unto
this present.

  The time of the decree being passed, after the deposition of
Gabriel, it seemed good unto the fathers, to proceed to the election
of another bishop. And first of all they nominated those that,
together with the cardinals, should elect the pope. The first and
principal of the electors was the Cardinal Arelatensis, a man of
invincible constancy, and incomparable wisdom; unto whose virtue I may
justly ascribe whatsoever was done in the council; for without him,
the prelates had not persevered in their purpose, neither could the
shadow of any prince have so defended them. This man came not to the
election by any favour or denomination, but by his own proper right.
The rest of the electors were chosen out of the Italian, French,
German, and Spanish nations, and their cells and chambers appointed to
them by lots without respect of dignity or person, and as the lots
fell, so were they placed; whereby it chanced a doctor to have the
highest place, and a bishop the last. Wherein the distribution of lots
was very strange, or rather a Divine dispensation, reproving the
devices of man, whereas the prelates had determined to have the best
chambers appointed for themselves, and had earnestly contended before
to have their chambers appointed according to their dignity.

  The next day after, there was a session holden, wherein Marcus, a
famous divine, made an oration unto the electors, wherein he reckoned
up the manifold crimes of Gabriel, which was deposed. He endeavoured
to persuade the electors to choose such a man, which should in all
points be contrary unto Gabriel, and eschew all his vices; that as he,
through his manifold reproaches, was hurtful unto all men, so he which
should be chosen should show himself acceptable unto all men, through
justice; and as Gabriel was covetous and full of rapine, so this man
should show himself continent.
There was so great a number of people gathered together to behold this
matter, that neither in the church, neither in the streets, any man
could pass. There was present, John, earl of Diernstein, who supplied
the place of the emperor's protector; also the senators of the city,
with many other noblemen, to behold the same, whereof you shall hear
(Christ willing) more largely hereafter. The citizens were without in
armour, to take care that there should be no uproar made. The electors
received the communion together, and afterwards they received their
oath, and the Cardinal Arelatensis, opening the book of decrees, read
the form of the oath in the audience of all men, and first of all, he,
taking the oath himself, began in this manner:

  "Most reverend fathers, I promise, swear, and vow, before my Lord
Jesus Christ, (whose most blessed body I, unworthy sinner, have
received, unto whom, in the last judgment, I shall give account of all
my deeds,) that in this business of election, whereunto now, by the
will of the council, we are sent, I will seek nothing else, but only
the salvation of the Christian people, and the profit of the universal
church. This shall be my whole care and study, that the authority of
the general councils be not contemned, that the catholic faith be not
impugned, and that the fathers which remain in the council be not
oppressed. This will I seek for, this shall be my care; unto this,
with all my whole force and power, will I bend myself; neither will I
respect any thing in this point, either for mine own cause, or for any 
friend, but only God, and the profit of the church. With this mind and
intent, and with this heart, will I take mine oath before the
council."

  His words were lively and fearful. After him all the other
electors, in their order, did swear and take their oath. Then they
went with great solemnity unto the conclave, where they remained seven
days. The manner of their election was in this sort: before the
cardinal's seat was set a desk, whereupon there stood a basin of
silver, into the which basin all the electors did cast their
schedules, which the cardinal receiving, read one by one, and four
other of the electors wrote as he read them.

  The tenor of the schedules was in this manner: I George, bishop
of Vicenza, do choose such a man, or such a man, for bishop of Rome,
and peradventure named one or two: every one of the electors
subscribed his name unto the schedule, that he might thereby know his
own, and say nay, if it were contrary to that which was spoken;
whereby all deceit was utterly excluded. The first scrutiny thus
ended, it was found that there were many named to the papacy, yet none
had sufficient voices; for that day there were seventeen of divers
nations nominated. Notwithstanding, Amedeus, duke of Savoy, a man of
singular virtue, surmounted them all, for in the first scrutiny he had
the voice of sixteen electors, which judged him worthy to govern the
church.

  After this, there was diligent inquisition had in the council
touching those which were named of the electors, and as every man's
opinion served him, he did either praise or discommend those which
were nominated. Notwithstanding, there was such report made of
Amedeus, that in the next scrutiny, which was holden in the Nones of
November, the said Amedeus had twenty-one voices, and likewise in the
third and fourth scrutiny, twenty-one voices. And forasmuch as there
was none found in all the scrutiny to have two parts, all the other
schedules were burnt. And forasmuch as there lacked but only one voice
to the election of the high bishop, they fell unto prayer, desiring
God that he would vouchsafe to direct their minds to unity and
concord, worthily to elect and choose him which should take the charge
over the flock of God. Forasmuch as Amedeus seemed to be nearer unto
the papacy than all other, there was great communication had amongst
them touching his life and disposition. Some said that a layman ought
not so suddenly to be chosen; for it would seem a strange thing for a
secular prince to be called unto the bishopric of Rome; which would
also too much derogate from the ecclesiastical state, as though there
were none therein meet or worthy for that dignity. Other some said,
that a man which was married and had children was unmeet for such a
charge. Other some again affirmed, that the bishop of Rome ought to be
a doctor of law, and an excellent learned-man.

  When these words were spoken, other some rising up spake far
otherwise; that albeit Amedeus was no doctor, yet was he learned and
wise, forasmuch as all his whole youth he had bestowed in learning and
study, and had sought not the name, but even ,the ground of learning.
Then said another, "If ye be desirous to be instructed further of this
prince's life, I pray you give ear unto me, which do know him
thoroughly. Truly this man from his youth upward, and even from his
young and tender years, hath lived more religiously than secularly,
being always obedient to his parents and masters, and being always
endued with the fear of God, never given to any vanity or wantonness;
neither hath there at any time been any child of the house of Savoy,
in whom hath appeared greater wit or towardness; whereby all those
which did behold and know this man, judged and foresaw some great
matter in him; neither were they deceived. For if ye desire to know
his rule and governance, what and how noble it hath been, first know
ye this, that this man hath reigned, since his father's decease, about
forty years.

  "During whose time, justice, the lady and queen of all other
virtues, hath always flourished: for he, hearing his subjects himself,
would never suffer the poor to be oppressed, or the weak to be
deceived. He was the defender of the fatherless, the advocate of the
widows, and protector of the poor. There was no rapine or robbery in
all his territory. The poor and rich lived all under one law, neither
was he burdenous to his subjects, or importune against strangers
throughout all his country; there were no grievous exactions of money
throughout all his dominion. He thought himself rich enough, if the
inhabitants of his dominions did abound and were rich; knowing that it
is the point of a good shepherd to shear his sheep, and not to devour
them. In this also was his chief study and care, that his subjects
might live in peace, and such as bordered upon him might have no
occasion of grudge.

  "By which policies he did not only quietly govern his father's
dominion, but also augmented the same by others, which willingly
submitted themselves unto him. He never made war upon any, but
resisting against such as made war upon him, he studied rather to make
peace, than to seek any revenge, desiring rather to overcome his
enemies with benefits than with the sword. He married only one wife;
which was a noble virgin, and of singular beauty and chastity. He
would have all his family to keep their hands and eyes chaste and
continent, and throughout all his house, honesty and integrity of
manners were observed. When his wife had changed her life, and that he
perceived his duchy to be established, and that it should come without
any controversy unto his posterity, he declared his mind, which was
always religious, and devoted unto God, and showed what will and
affection he had long borne in his heart. For he, contemning the pomp
and state of this world, calling unto him his dear friends, departed
and went into a wilderness; where building a goodly abbey he addicted
himself wholly to the service of God, and taking his cross upon him,
followed Christ. In which place he being conversant by the space of
many years, showed forth great examples of holiness, wearing no other
garments but such as could withstand the cold, neither using any kind
of dainty fare, but only to resist hunger, watching and praying the
most part of the night. Wherefore, this prince is not newly come unto
the church, (as some do suppose,) but being a Christian born of
progenitors a thousand years and more being Christians, doth now serve
God in a monastery.

  "But as touching that also which is spoken concerning a wife, I
do not regard it; when not only he which hath had a wife, but he also
which hath a wife, may be elect and chosen pope: but why do the
doctors dispute, whether a married man chosen pope ought to perform
his duty towards his wife, but only because a married man might be
received and chosen? For, as you know well enough, there were many
popes that had wives; and Peter also was not without a wife. But what
do we stand about this? For peradventure it had been better that more
priests had been married; for many should be saved through marriage,
which are now damned throughtheir single life. But hereof we will,"
saith he, "speak in another place. But this seemeth unto me rather to
be laughed at, than worthy any answer, which is objected touching his
children: for in what can children (specially being of great age) be
impediment or let unto the father, being a bishop? Doth not the
Scripture say, Woe be unto him that is alone! for if he fall, he hath
none to help him up again? This cannot be imputed unto the prince; for
he hath two sons, both comely and wise; whereof the one is prince of
Piedmont, the other earl of the Genoese: these men will rule the
country of Savoy in the absence of their father, and will help him if
he have need; for they have already learned to rule over that people.
I pray you, what hurt is it for a bishop of Rome to have valiant
children, which may help their father against tyrants? O most reverend
fathers, the more I do behold the storm of this most perverse and
froward time, the more I do consider the vexations and troubles which
the church is now tormented withal, I do so much the more think it
profitable, yea, and necessary, that this man should be chosen prince
and head: I will think that God hath showed his mercy upon us, if I
may see him have the governance over this ship. I pray you, consider
into what straits we are now driven, with what perils we are now vexed
and tossed. What prince is it that is obedient unto this council? For
some will not confess that the council is here, neither receive our
decrees; other some confess it in their words, but by their deeds they
declare it to be at Florence. For albeit that by their words and
letters they do not deny that the church is here, yet do they procure
promotions at the hands of Gabriel which is deposed. This is the state
of the church, with these storms and tempests the ship is shaken and
bruised; wicked children have risen up against their mother, which
being unmindful of their mother's labours and kindness towards them,
despise her, contemn her, and beat her. What is to be done herein?
Shall we choose a bare man, which shall rather be derided of our
princes, than had in reverence? The days are not now, that men have
respect only unto virtue; for (as the satirical poet writeth) virtue
is praised, but is coldly followed. A poor man speaketh, and they ask
what he is. Truly virtue is good; but for our purpose, it must be
marked and looked upon, whether it be in a rich man, or a poor man;
you must choose a governor which may rule the ship not only by
counsel, but by power also. The wind is great; wherefore, except the
counsel be good, and the power strong, the ship shall be broken, and
all put in danger. The memorial is yet fresh before our eyes, that the
princes do neglect the authority which is of no force or power. Is
there not great valiantness showed in this point, in that you, fearing
no peril or danger, either of life or goods, have so long contended
for the truth of Christ? But the most mighty and high God looketh down
from on high, and will resist this their pride. I have often consented
unto their opinion, which said it was expedient that the temporal
dominions should be divided from the ecclesiastical state; for I did
think that the priests should thereby be made more apt to the Divine
ministry, and secular princes more obedient to the clergy. But
forasmuch as at this present the churches of the world are possessed
partly by Eugenius, and partly by other tyrants, we must provide that
we choose such a one, which may recover again the patrimony of the
church, and in whom the office of Christ's vicar may not be contemned;
through the shield of whose power their contumacy may be suppressed,
which contemn both verity and reason. Whereunto no man seemeth unto me
more apt or meet than Amedeus, duke of Savoy, which holdeth the one
part of his possessions in Italy, and the other in France; unto whom
all Christian princes are allied either by consanguinity, or joined by
amity and friendship, and whose virtue, how famous it is, I have
already declared. Why do we then stay or doubt to choose him, than
whom Gabriel feareth no man more? Let him therefore perish with the
sword wherewithal he hath stricken. There is no man which can more
pacify the church than he. Do you require devotion in a bishop? there
is no man more devout than he. Do you require prudence? Now ye
understand by his former life what manner of man he is. If ye seek for
justice, his people are a witness thereof; so that whether you seek
for virtue or power, all are here present before you. Whereupon do ye
stay? Go to, I pray you, choose this man. He will augment the faith,
he will reform manners, and preserve the authority of the church. Have
ye not heard these troubles of the church to have been before spoken
of, and that the time now present should be an end of all troubles?
Have ye not heard that about this time there should a pope be chosen,
which should comfort Sion, and set all things in peace? And who, I
pray you, should he be that could fulfil these things, except we
choose this man? Believe me, these sayings must be fulfilled, and I
trust that God will move your minds thereunto. Notwithstanding, do
whatsoever you shall think most good and holy."

  When he had spoken these words, the greatest number of the
electors seemed to consent unto him, and his words took such effect,
that in the next scrutiny the matter was finished and ended, and when
the scrutiny was opened, it was found that Amedeus, the most devout
duke of Savoy, according to the decree of the council, was chosen
pope. Wherefore suddenly there was great joy and gladness amongst
them, and all men highly commended their doings. Then the Cardinal
Arelatensis published unto them the name of the elect bishop. After
this all the prelates in their robes and mitres, and all the clergy of
the city, coming unto the conclave, the electors being likewise
adorned, they brought him unto the great church, where, after great
thanks given unto God, and the election again declared unto the
people, a hymn being sung for joy, the congregation was dissolved.

  This Amedeus aforesaid, was a man of reverend age, of comely
stature, of grave and discreet behaviour, also before married. Who
thus being elected for pope about November, was called Felix the
Fifth, and was crowned in the city of Basil, in the month of July.
There was present at his coronation, Lewis, duke of Savoy; Philip,
Earl Gebenensis; Lewis, marquis of Salutz; the marquis of Rotelen;
Conrad of Winsperge, chamberlain of the empire; the earl of
Diernstein; the ambassadors of the cities of Strasburgh, Berne,
Friburg, Solatorne, with a great multitude of other beside, to the
view of fifty thousand persons. At this coronation, the pope's two
sons did serve and minister to their father. Lewis, cardinal of
Hostia, did set on his head the pontifical diadem, which was esteemed
at thirty thousand crowns. It were long here to recite the whole order
and solemnity of the procession, or the pope's riding about the city.
First proceeded the pope, under his canopy of cloth of gold, having on
his head a triple crown, and blessing the people as he went. By him
went the marquis of Rotelen, and Conrad of Winsperge, leading his
horse by the bridle. The procession finished, they went to dinner,
which lasted four full hours, being excessively sumptuous; where the
pope's two sons were butlers to his cup; the marquis of Salutz was the
steward.

  Of this Felix thus writeth Volateran, in his third book, "that
he, being desired of certain of the ambassadors, if he had any dogs or
hounds to show them, he willed them the next day to repair unto him,
and he would show unto them such as he had. When the ambassadors,
according to the appointment, were come, he showeth unto them a great
number of poor people and beggars sitting at his tables at meat,
declaring that those were his hounds, which he every day used to feed,
hunting with them (he trusted) for the glory of heaven to come."

  And thus you have heard the state of this council hitherto, which
council endured a long season, the space of seventeen years.

  About the sixth year of the council, Sigismund the emperor died,
leaving but one daughter to succeed him in his kingdoms, whom he had
married to Albert, the second duke of Austria, which first succeeded
in the kingdom of Hungary and Bohemia, being a sore adversary to the
Bohemians; and afterward was made emperor, A. D. 1438, and reigned
emperor but two years, leaving his wife, which was Sigismund's
daughter, great with child. After which Albert succeeded his brother
Frederic, the third duke of Austria, in the empire, &c., whereof more
(Christ willing) hereafter.

  In the mean time, Eugenius, hearing of the death of Sigismund,
above recited, began to work the dissolution of the council of Basil,
and to transfer it to Ferraria, pretending the coming of the Grecians.
Notwithstanding, the council of Basil, through the disposition of God,
and the worthiness of Cardinal Arelatensis, constantly endured. Albeit
in the said council were many stops and practices to impeach the same,
beside the sore plague of pestilence which fell in the city, during
the said council. In the which plague time, besides the death of many
worthy men, Æneas Sylvius also, himself, the writer and compiler of
the whole history of that council, sitting at the feet of the bishops
of Turnon and Lubeck, lay sore sick three days of the same, as is
above touched, and never thought to escape. They that died, departed
with this exhortation, desiring men to pray to God, that he would
convert the hearts of them that stuck to Eugenius as pope, against
that council, as partly is afore noted, and now repeated again for the
better marking. Arelatensis, being most instantly exhorted by his
friends to fly that danger, could by no means be entreated to avoid,
fearing more the danger of the church, than of his own life.

  Beside these so great difficulties and obstacles to stay and
hinder this council, strange it was to behold the mutation of men's
minds. Of whom such as first seemed to favour the council afterwards
did impugn it, and such as before were against it, in the end showed
themselves most friends unto the same. The chief cardinals and
prelates, the more they had to lose, the sooner they slipped away, or
else lurked in houses or towns near, and absented themselves for fear;
so that the stay of the council most rested upon their proctors,
doctors, archdeacons, deans, provosts, priors, and such other of the
inferior sort. Whereof Æneas Sylvius, in his 183rd epistle, maketh
this relation, where one Caspar Schlicke, the emperor's chancellor,
writeth to Cardinal Julian in these words: "Those cardinals," saith
he, "who so long time magnified so highly the authority of the church,
and of general councils, seeming as though they were ready to spend
their lives for the same, now at the sight of one letter from their
king, (wherein yet no death was threatened, but only loss of their
promotions,) slipped away from Basil." And in the same epistle
deridingly commendeth them, as "wise men, that had rather lose their
faith than their flock. Albeit," saith he, "they departed not far
away, but remained about Solatorne, waiting for other commandments
from their prince. Whereby it may appear, how they did shrink away not
willingly, but the burse," quoth he, "bindeth faster than true honour.
What matter maketh the name of a man, so his money be safe? "

  Moreover, in one of the sessions of the said council, the worthy
Cardinal Arelatensis is said thus to have reported, that "Christ was
sold for thirty pence, but I," said he, "was sold much more dear; for
Gabriel, otherwise called Eugenius, pope, offered threescore thousand
crowns, whoso would take me, and present me unto him." And they that
took the said cardinal, afterward excused their fact by another
colour, pretending the cause, for that the cardinal's brother, what
time the Armiakes wasted Alsace, had brought great damage to the
inhabitants there, and therefore they thought (said they) that they
might lawfully lay hands upon a Frenchman, wheresoever they might take
him. At length, by the bishop of Strasburgh, Rupert, and the said
city, the matter was taken up, and he rescued. Wherein no doubt
appeared the hand of God, in defending his life from the pestilent
danger of the pope his adversary.



115. THE BOHEMIANS AND THE COUNCIL OF BASIL

  And thus far having proceeded in the matters of this aforesaid
council, until the election of Amedeus, called Pope Felix the Fifth,
before we prosecute the rest that remaineth thereof to be spoken, the
order and course of times requireth to intermix withal the residue
pertaining to the matters concluded between this council and the
Bohemians, declaring the whole circumstances of the embassage, their
articles, disputations, and answers, which they had first in the said
council, then in their own country with the council's ambassadors;
also with their petitions and answers unto the same.

  Touching the story of the Bohemians, how they, being sent for,
came up to the council of Basil, and how they appeared, and what was
there concluded and agreed, partly before hath been expressed. Now, as
leisure serveth from other matters, to return again unto the same, it
remaineth to prosecute the rest that lacketh, so far as both brevity
may be observed, and yet the reader not defrauded of such things,
principally worthy in the same to be noted and known.

  The Bohemians then (as is before declared) having always the
upper hand, albeit they were accused by the new bishop Eugenius, yet
it was thought good that they should be called unto Basil, where the
council was appointed. Whereupon Cardinal Julian sent thither before
John Pullumiar, doctor of the law, and John de Ragusio, a divine. Who
coming unto Basil in the month of August, A. D. 1431, called by their
letters unto the council, John, abbot of Mulbrun, and John Gelhusius,
monk of the same cloister; which men, for dexterity of their wit, and
experience, and knowledge of countries, were very meet and necessary
for embassages.

  Within a few days after, Julian also came thither as he had
promised, and immediately sent out John Gelhusius, and Hammon
Offenbourg, a senator of Basil, first unto the Emperor Sigismund,
being at Feldkirch, and afterward unto Frederic, duke of Austria, for
the appeasing of the wars between him and Philip, duke of Burgundy.
This was done to the intent that, peace being had, not only the
ecclesiastical prelates, but also the merchants might have safe access
unto Basil, and so bring in all things necessary for sustentation.

  They going on this embassage, received letters from the synod to
be delivered unto the Emperor Sigismund, whereby the Bohemians and
Moravians were called unto the council. These letters he by and by
caused to be carried unto Bohemia; but forasmuch as he himself went
into Italy, to receive the imperial crown of the bishop, he left
William, duke of Bavaria, as his deputy to be protector unto the
council. Furthermore, when the synod understood that our men would
take a peace with the Bohemians, after their most shameful flight,
they sent John Niderus, a divine, and John Gelhusius, to comfort the
people which joined upon Bohemia, and earnestly to move the Moravians
and Bohemians, who were before called, to come unto the council.

  They, departing from Basil about the end of October, took their
journey toward Monacum, a town of Bavaria; where, after they had
saluted William, duke of Bavaria, and his brother Ernest, and Albert
the son of Ernest, and had declared the commission of their embassage,
and had showed unto Duke William, how that as soon as he should come
unto Basil, the protection of the council should be committed unto him
by the emperor; they exhorted Frederic, marquis of Brandenburgh, and
John, duke of Bavaria, the senate of Nuremberg, and other princes and
lords, partly by the letters of the council, and partly by words of
mouth, that they should by no means take any truce with the Bohemians,
for that it might be hurtful unto the church, and said they should
have aid out of hand. They desired them also, in the name of the
council, that if the Bohemians would send their ambassadors unto
Basil, they would guide them, every man through his country in safety,
which they promised to do. It is incredible how all men rejoiced that
the Bohemians were sent for.

  After this, when they counselled with the senate of Nuremberg,
touching the sending of the council's letters unto Bohemia, it seemed
best, first of all to inquire of the rulers of Egra, whether the
Bohemians had made any answer to the former letters of the council
which they had sent. The rulers of Egra, being advertised by these
letters, sent him which carried the council's letters into Bohemia,
unto Nuremberg. He reported how reverently the council of the greater
city of Prague received the letters, and how he was rewarded.

  Whereupon they conceived great hope of the good success of the
embassage. Therefore the ambassadors, using the council of the senate
of Nuremberg, and divers others, sent the messenger back again unto
Egra, with their own private letters, and with letters of the council:
for there was no better means to send the letters to Bohemia. Much
travail was taken by them of Egra, Frederic, marquis of Brandenburgh,
and John, duke of Bavaria, in this matter; for that they were very
desirous that peace might be had amongst Christians. The copy of those
letters, whereby the synod did call the Bohemians unto the council,
and other letters exhortatory of the ambassadors, and the Bohemians'
answer unto the same, for brevity's cause we have here pretermitted.
The Bohemians, not in all points trusting unto the ambassadors,
required by their letters that the council's ambassadors, with the
other princes, would come unto Egra, where their ambassadors should
also be present, to treat upon the safe-conduct and other matters.

  The day appointed for the meeting was, the Sunday after Easter,
which was the twenty-seventh day of April. Then came the ambassadors
of the council unto Egra, with the noble princes, Frederic, marquis of
Brandenburgh, and John, duke of Bavaria, with other nobles, almost to
the number of two hundred and fifty-two horse. But none of the
Bohemians were present, because the inhabitants of Pilsina and the
Lord Swamberg had not sent their safe-conduct. When they understood
this by their letters, they brought it to pass that the ambassadors of
the Bohemians, Nicholas Humpelz, secretary of the greater city of
Prague, and Matthew CIumpezane, president of Piesta, should be brought
forth by them of Egra, and the Elenbogenses, and so they came unto
Egra with nineteen horse, the eighth day of May. The next day after,
Henry Tocgye received the Bohemian ambassadors before the marquis with
an eloquent oration, taking this part ofthe gospel for his theme,
Peace be with you. Then they propounded what great injuries they had
hitherto received at their hands, which was the cause of so many great
slaughters on either party, and that they were glad that yet now at
the length there was some hope that they should be heard.

  After this they conferred as touching the safe-conduct. The
Bohemians required pledges, and that not of the common sort, but
princes and nobles. Which thing, forasmuch as it did not content the
ambassadors, and that the matter should so be put off, the common
people of Egra began to cry out, that for a long time a concord had
not been made with the Bohemians by the ecclesiastical princes. Then
Frederic, marquis of Brandenburgh, and John, duke of Bavaria, bound
themselves of their own good will. The like also did William, duke of
Bavaria, at the request of the council. Likewise also did the council
and the Emperor Sigismund. Furthermore, promise was made, that all the
princes and cities should do the like, through whose dominion they
should come, and the city of Basil also. The copy of which safe-
conduct was afterward sent unto Prague. This also was required by the
Bohemians, that, if it were possible, the emperor should be present at
the council.

  This convention at Egra continued twenty-one days. But the
Bohemians, albeit they heard the council's ambassadors make great
promises, yet did they not fully give credit unto them. Whereupon they
chose out two ambassadors, Nicholas Humgolizius, and John Zaczenses,
which should go to Basil, and diligently inquire out all things. These
men, Conrad, bishop of Ratisbon, and Conrad Seglaver, dean of Estein,
brought into Cattelspurge, where the marquis dwelt, being sent out by
the synod a little before, to inquire whether the Bohemian ambassadors
would come or not. When they were come to Biberack, one being over-
curious, inquired of one of the Bohemian ambassadors, of what country
he was. He answered that he was a Zaczen. "There," said he, "are most
execrable heretics and naughty men," &c. Who for that slanderous word,
as a breaker of the truce, was straightway carried to prison, and
there should have suffered more punishment, if the Bohemian
ambassadors, and the abbot of Ebera, had not entreated for him. When
they came unto Basil, they were honourably received with wine and
fish. They tarried there five days and a half. The tenth day of
October they came unto the synod, which was assembled at the Friars
Augustines.
These ambassadors, when they were returned home with the charter of
the synod, and declared those things which they had seen, and that the
matter was earnestly handled without fraud or deceit; there were
ambassadors chosen to be sent unto the council, both for the kingdom
of Bohemia, and the marquisdom of Moravia, which, coming unto Tusca,
were brought from thence with thirty-two horse, and divers noblemen,
unto Chambia. From thence they came to Swenkendorph, and so unto
Nuremberg, where, beside their entertainment of wine and fish, twenty-
two horsemen accompanied them unto Ulmes; from thence they of Ulmes
brought them unto Biberack and Sulgotia; there James Tunches, a
knight, receiving them, brought them to Stockacum, and from thence the
bands of the duke of Bavaria brought them unto Schaffhausen. There
they taking ship the fourth day of January, came unto Basil the ninth
day of the same month. What were the names of these ambassadors of the
Bohemians, which were brought up with three hundred horse, and how
they were received at Basil, mention is made before. When they came
unto the synod, Cardinal Julian made an oration, that whatsoever was
in any place in doubt, the same ought to be determined by the
authority of the council, forasmuch as all men are bound to submit
themselves to the judgment of the holy church, which the general
council doth represent. Which oration was not allowed of all the
Bohemians.

  Then Rochezanus made an oration, requiring to have a day
appointed when they should be heard, which was appointed the sixteenth
day of the same month. Upon which day John Rochezanus, having made his
preface, began to propound the first article, touching the communion
to be ministered under both kinds, and disputed upon the same by the
space of three days always before noon. Then Wenceslaus the Taborite
disputed upon the second article, touching the correction and
punishing of sin, by the space of two days. After whom Ulderic, priest
of the Orphanes, propounded and disputed upon the third article by the
space of two days, touching the free preaching of the word of God.

  Last of all, Peter Paine, an Englishman, disputed three days upon
the fourth article, touching the civil dominion of the clergy, and
afterward gave copies of their disputations in writing unto the
council, with hearty thanks that they were heard. The three last did
somewhat inveigh against the council, condemning John Huss and John
Wickliff for their doctrine. Whereupon John de Ragusso, a divine,
rising up, desired that he might have leave to answer in his own name
to the first article of the Bohemians. The council consented
thereunto; so that by the space of eight days in the forenoon he
disputed thereupon. But before he began to answer, John, the abbot of
Sistertia, made an oration unto the Bohemians, that they should submit
themselves to the determination of the holy church, which this
council, said he, doth represent. This matter did not a little offend
the Bohemians. John Ragusinus, a divine, after scholar's fashion, in
his answer, spake often of heresies and heretics. Procopius could not
suffer it, but rising up with angry stomach complained openly to the
council of this injury: "This our countryman," saith he, "doth us
great injury, calling us oftentimes heretics." Whereunto Ragusinus
answered, "Forasmuch as I am your countryman both by tongue and
nation, I do the more desire to reduce you again unto the church." He
was a Dalmatian born, and it appeareth that the Dalmatians, going into
Bohemia, took their name by their country which they possessed. It
came almost to this point, that through this offence the Bohemians
would depart from Basil, and could scarcely be appeased. Certain of
the Bohemians would not hear Ragusinus finish his disputation.

  After him a famous divine, one Egidius Carlerius, dean of the
church of Cambray, answered unto the second article, by the space of
four days. To the third article answered one Henricus, surnamed
Frigidum Ferrum, three days together. Last of all, one Johannes
Polomarius, master of the requests of the palace, answered unto the
fourth article likewise by the space of three days; so that the long
time which they used in disputations seemed tedious unto the
Bohemians. Notwithstanding this answer, the Bohemians still defended
their articles, and especially the first, insomuch as John Roehezanus
did strongly impugn Ragusinus' answer by the space of six days. But
forasmuch as one disputation bred another, and it was not perceived
how that by this means any concord could be made; the Prince William,
duke of Bavaria, protector of the council, attempted another remedy,
that all disputations being set apart the matter should be friendly
debated.

  There were certain appointed on either part to treat upon the
concord; who coming together the eleventh day of March, those which
were appointed for the council were demanded to say their minds. It
seemed good, said they, if these men would be united unto us, and be
made one body with us, that this body might then accord, declare and
determine all manner of diversities of opinions and sects, what is to
be believed or done in them.

  The Bohemians, when they had a while paused, said, this way
seemed not apt enough, except first of all the four articles were
exactly discussed, so that either we should agree with them, or they
with us; for otherwise it would be but a frivolous matter, if they,
being now united, again disagree in the deciding of the articles. Here
answer was made to the Bohemians, that if they were rightly united,
and the aid of the Holy Ghost called for, they should not err in the
deciding of the matter, forasmuch as every Christian ought to believe
that determination; which if they would do, it would breed a most firm
and strong concord and amity on either part. But this answer satisfied
them not, insomuch that the other three rose up, and disputed against
the answers which were given. At that time Cardinal Julian, president
of the council, made this oration unto the Bohemian ambassadors.

  "This sacred synod," saith he, "hath now, by the space of ten
days, patiently heard the propositions of your four articles:" and
afterward he annexed: "You have propounded," saith he, "four articles,
but we understand that, beside these four, you have many other strange
doctrines, wherein ye dissent from us. Wherefore it is necessary, if a
perfect unity and fraternity shall follow between us, that all these
things be declared in the council, to the end that by the grace of the
Holy Ghost, who is the author of peace and truth, due provision may be
made therein. For we have not gathered these things of light
conjectures, but have heard them of credible persons, and partly here
are some present which have seen them with their own eyes in Bohemia,
and partly we do gather it by your own report. For Master Nicholas,
which was the second that did propound, amongst other things, alleged
that John Wickliff was an evangelical doctor. If ye believe him to be
a true doctor, it followeth, that you must repute his works as
authentic. If ye do not so think, it is reason that it should be
opened unto us.

  "Wherefore we desire you, that you will certify us upon these and
certain other points, what you do believe, or what credit you do give
unto them. But we do not require that you should now declare your
reasons, but it shall satisfy us, if you will answer unto every
article by this word, We believe, or believe not; which if you will
do, as we trust you will, then we shall manifestly perceive that you
desire that we should conceive a good estimation of you. If there be
any thing whereof you would be certified by us, ask it boldly, and we
will give you an answer out of hand; for we are ready, according to
the doctrine of St. Peter, to render account unto every man which
shall require it, touching the faith which we hold." Hereunto the
Bohemian ambassadors answered in few words, that they came only to
propound those four articles, not in their own name, but in the name
of the whole kingdom of Bohemia, and speak no more. Whereupon,
William, the noble protector of the council, calling upon him four men
on either part, entreated touching thepacifying of the matter, by
whose advice the council decreed to send a famous embassage, with the
Bohemian ambassadors, unto Prague, where the people should assemble
upon Sunday. But they would not receive these conditions of peace
which were offered, but made haste to depart. Whereupon, the
fourteenth day of April, there were ten chosen out of the council, to
go with the Bohemian ambassadors unto Prague.

  It were too long here to declare what honour was done unto these
ambassadors all the way in their journey, and specially when they came
unto Bohemia, by the citizens of Prague, when a great number of
Bohemians were assembled at Prague at the day appointed, both of the
clergy, nobility, and common people.

  After the coming of those ambassadors, much contention began to
rise between the parties. First began John Rochezanus, who speaking in
the public person of the commonalty, laboured to commend and prefer
the four verities of the Bohemians before propounded; charging also
the prelates and priests for their slanderous obtrectations and
undeserved contumelies, wherewith they did infame the noble kingdom of
Bohemia, complaining also that they would not receive those Christian
verities, left and allowed by their king Wenceslaus now departed.
Wherefore he required them in the behalf of the whole nation, that
they would leave off hereafter to oppress them in such sort, that they
would restore to them again their Joseph's vesture, that is, the
ornament of their good fame and name, whereof their brethren, their
enemies, had spoiled them, &c.

  To this Polomar maketh answer again, with a long and curious
oration, exhorting them to peace and unity of the church, which if
they would embrace, all other obstacles and impediments, said he,
should be soon removed; promising also that this their vesture of
honour and fame should be amply restored again; and that afterward, if
there were any doubtful matters, they might and should be the better
discussed.

  But all this pleased not the Bohemians, unless they might first
have a declaration of their four articles, which if they might obtain,
they promised then to embrace peace and concord. Which peace, said
they, began first to be broken by themselves, in that the council of
Constance, by their unjust condemnation, burned John Huss and Jerome
of Prague, and also by their cruel bulls and censures, raised up first
excommunication, then war against the whole kingdom of Bohemia.

  Hereunto Polomar, reclaiming again, began to advance and magnify
the honour and dignity of general councils. To conclude, as much as
the said Polomar did extol the authority of the councils, so much did
the answer of the Bohemians extenuate the same, saying, that the
latter councils, which are not expressed in the law of God, have
erred, and might err, not only in faith, but also in manners. For that
which hath chanced to the green wood, may also chance unto the dry.
But of other, the most strong pillars of the militant church, the
apostles I mean, seem all to have erred, and the catholic faith to
have remained three days sound and incorrupt only in the Virgin Mary.
No Christian man therefore ought to be compelled to stand to the
determination of the pope or the council, except it be in that which
is plainly expressed in the law of God. For it is evident that all the
general councils which have been of long time, have reformed very few
things as touching the faith, peace, and manners of the church, but
have always, both in their life and decrees, notoriously swerved, and
have not established themselves upon the foundation, which is Christ
Wherefore the said Bohemians protested, that they would not, simply
and plainly. God being their good Lord. yield themselves to their
doctrine, nor to such rash and hasty decrees: lest, through their
hasty and uncircumspect submission, they should bind their faith and
life contrary to the wholesome and sound doctrine of our Lord Christ
Jesus. In short, in no case they would enter into any agreement of
peace, except their four articles, which they counted for evangelical
verities, were first accepted and approved. Which being obtained, said
they, if they would condescend with them in the verity of the gospel,
so would they join together, and be made one with them in the Lord.

  When the ambassadors saw the matter would not otherwise be
brought to pass, they required to have those articles delivered unto
them in a certain form, which they sent unto the council by three
Bohemian ambassadors.

  Afterward the council sent a declaration into Bohemia to be
published unto the people in the common assemblies of the kingdom, by
the ambassadors, which were commanded to report unto the Bohemians, in
the name of the council, that if they would receive the declaration of
those three articles, and the unity of the church, there should be a
mean found whereby the matter touching the first article. of the
communion under both kinds, should be passed with peace and quietness.

  They propounded in Prague, in an open assembly of the nobles and
commons, the declarations of the three articles in form following:

  "Forasmuch as touching the doctrine of the verity we ought to
proceed soberly and warily, that the truth may be declared with words
being so orderly conceived and uttered, that there be no offence given
to any man, whereby he should fall to take occasion of error, and, to
use the words of Isidore, that nothing by obscurity be left doubtful;
whereas you have propounded touching the inhibition and correction of
sin in these words; 'All mortal sins, and specially open offences,
ought to be rooted out, punished, and inhibited, by them whose duty it
is so to do, reasonably and according to the law of God:' here it is
to be marked and understood, that these words, 'whose duty it is,' are
too general, and may be an offence; and according to the meaning of
the Scripture, we ought not to lay any stumbling-stock before the
blind, and the ditches are to be closed up, that our neighbour's ox do
not fall therein; all occasion of offence is to be taken away.
Therefore we say, that according to the meaning of the Holy Scripture,
and the doctrine of the holy doctors, it is thus universally to be
holden; That all mortal sins, especially public offences, are to be
rooted out, corrected, and inhibited, as reasonably as may be,
according to the law of God and the institutions of the fathers. The
power to punish these offenders doth not pertain unto any private
person, but only unto them which have jurisdiction of the law over
them, the distinction of law and justice being orderly observed.

  "As touching the preaching of the word of God, which article you
have alleged in this form, 'That the word of God should be freely and
faithfully preached by the fit and apt ministers of the Lord;' lest by
this word, 'freely,' occasion might be taken of disordered liberty,
(which, as you have often said, you do not mean,) the circumstance
thereof is to be understood; and we say, that (according to the
meaning of the Holy Scripture, and doctrine of the holy fathers) it is
thus universally to be believed; That the word of God ought freely,
but not every where, but faithfully and orderly to be preached by the
priests and Levites of the Lord, being allowed and sent by their
superiors unto whom that office appertaineth, the authority of the
bishop always reserved, who is the provider of all things according to
the institution of the holy fathers.

  "As concerning the last article, expressed under these words; 'It
is not lawful for the Christian clergy, in the time of the law of
grace, to have dominion over temporal goods; we remember that in the
solemn disputation holden in the sacred council, he which was
appointed by the council to dispute, propounded two conclusions in
this sort:

  "First, that such of the clergy as were not religious, and had
not bound themselves thereunto by a vow, might lawfully have and
possess any temporal goods; as the inheritance of his father or any
other, if it be left unto him, or any other goods justly gotten by
means of any gift, or other lawful contract, or else some lawful art.

  "The second conclusion, The church may lawfully have and possess
temporal goods, movable and unmovable, houses, lands, towns and
villages, castles and cities, and in them a private and civil
dominion. Your ambassador which disputed against him, granted those
conclusions, saying that they did not impugn the sense of this article
being well understood, forasmuch as he understandeth this article of
civil dominion formally meant. Whereby, and also by other things, it
may be understood, that those words, 'to have secular dominion,'
expressed in the aforesaid article, seemeth to be referred to some
special manner or kind of dominion. But forasmuch as the doctrine of
the church is not to be treated upon by any ambiguous or doubtful
words, but fully and plainly; therefore we have thought good more
plainly to express that which, according to the law of God, and the
doctrine of the holy doctors, is universally to be believed, that is
to say, the two aforesaid conclusions to be true. And also, that the
clergy ought faithfully to distribute the goods of the church, whose
administrators they are, according to the decrees of the holy fathers;
and that the usurpation of the administration of the church goods,
done by any other than by them, unto whom the administration is
canonically committed, cannot be without guilt of sacrilege.

  "Thus the sacred council," said they, "hath diligently gone
about, according to the verity of the gospel, all ambiguity set apart,
to expound the true sense of the three aforesaid articles. Wherefore,
if there do yet remain any doubt, according to the information which
we have received in the sacred council, we are ready by God's help
(who is the principal verity) to declare the truth unto you. If ye do
receive and embrace the declaration of the said three articles, which
is grounded upon the verity of the Holy Scripture, as you are bound,
and will effectually have a pure, simple, and perfect unity, touching
the liberty of the communion under both kinds, which you desire and
require, which also you cannot lawfully have without the licence of
holy church; we have authority from the general council, by certain
means to treat and conclude with you, trusting that you will show
yourselves as you will continue."

  These things thus declared, after the Bohemians had taken
deliberation, they said that they would give no answer unto the
premises, before they understood what should be offered them as
touching the communion. Wherefore, it shall be necessary to declare
the matter, as it was written in form following:

  "In the name of God and our Saviour Jesus Christ, upon the
sacrament of whose most blessed last supper we shall treat, that he
which hath instituted this most blessed sacrament of unity and peace,
will vouchsafe to work this effect in us, and to make us that we may
be one in the said Lord Jesus, our Head, and that he will subvert all
the subtleties of the devil, who, through his envious craftiness, hath
made the sacrament of peace and unity an occasion of war and discord;
that whilst Christians do contend touching the manner of
communicating, they be not deprived of the fruit of the communion.
Whereupon St. Augustine, in his sermon upon infants, saith thus, 'So
the Lord Jesus Christ certified us, and willed that we should
appertain unto him, and consecrate the mystery of our peace and unity
upon the table. He that receiveth the mystery of unity, and doth not
keep the bond of peace, doth not receive a mystery for himself, but a
testimony against himself.' This we thought good above all things to
be premised, that the general custom of the church, which your
fathers, and you also, in times past have observed, hath a long time
had and still useth, that they which do not consecrate, communicate
only under the kind of bread. Which custom being lawfully brought in
by the church and holy fathers, and now a long time observed, it is
not lawful to reject, or to change at your will and pleasure, without
the authority of the church. Therefore to change the custom of the
church, and to take in hand to communicate unto the people under both
kinds, without the authority of holy church, is altogether unlawful.
For holy church, upon reasonable occasions, may grant liberty unto the
people to communicate under both kinds. And every communion, which,
being attempted without the authority and licence of the church,
should be unlawful, when it is done with the authority of holy church,
shall be lawful, if other things let it not; because, as the apostle
saith, He that eateth and drinketh unworthily, eateth and drinketh his
own damnation.

  "Whereupon St. Isidore, of the second Distinction upon the
Consecration, writeth thus, 'They which live wickedly, and cease not
daily to communicate in the church, thinking thereby to be cleansed,
let them learn that it doth nothing at all profit them to the
cleansing of their sins.' And St. Augustine in the same Distinction
saith, 'Holy things may hurt the evil, for unto the good they are
salvation, but unto the evil damnation.' There are besides these many
other authorities. The apostle Judas was amongst them which did first
communicate, but forasmuch as he received unworthily, having that sin
of treason in his heart, it did profit him nothing, but the devil by
and by exercised the more power and authority over him. This is
declared by a great reason; Which of you is it, that if you should
receive your lord into your house, would not with all diligence and
care study to make clean and adorn his house, that he may receive the
lord honestly? Much more he that shall receive the Lord and Saviour
into the house of his soul, ought diligently to make clean and deck
his soul, to cleanse it by the sacrament of penance, with sorrow and
contrition of heart, humbly, purely, and truly confessing his sins,
and receiving due satisfaction and penance, to adorn and deck the same
with the purple or rich array of devotion, that the heart being so
purged and adorned with fervent desire, he may come to that most holy
sacrament, whereby God reconcileth all the world unto him.

  "Wherefore the most sacred synod admonisheth, exhorteth, and
commandeth, that all priests should diligently exhort and admonish the
people, and that they should use all their care and endeavour, that no
man come to that most blessed sacrament, except he be duly prepared
with great reverence and devotion, lest that which is received for the
salvation of the soul, redound to the condemnation, through the
unworthy receiving thereof.

  "Moreover, doctors do say, that the custom of communicating unto
the people only under the kind of bread, was reasonably introduced by
the church and holy fathers for reasonable causes, especially for the
avoiding of two perils, of error and irreverence. Of error, as to
think that the one part of Christ's body were in the bread, and the
other part in the cup, which were a great error. Of unreverence,
forasmuch as many things may happen, as well on the part of the
minister, as on the part of the receiver; as it is said that it
happened when a certain priest carried the sacrament of the cup unto a
sick man, when he should have ministered, he found nothing in the cup,
being all spilt by the way, with many other such-like chances. We have
heard, moreover, that it hath often happened, that the sacrament
consecrated in the cup hath not been sufficient for the number of
communicants, whereby a new consecration must be made, which is not
agreeable to the doctrine of the holy fathers, and also, that
oftentimes they do minister wine unconsecrated for consecrated wine,
which is a great peril. By this means then it shall be brought to
pass, that if you will effectually receive the unity and peace of the
church in all other things, besides the use of the communion under
both kinds, conforming yourselves to the faith and order of the
universal church, you that hate that use and custom shall communicate
still by the authority of the church under both kinds, and this
article shall be discussed fully in the sacred council, where you
shall see what, as touching this article, is to be holden as a
universal verity, and is to be done for the profit and salvation of
the Christian people; and all things being thus thoroughly handled,
then, if you persevere in your desire, and that your ambassadors do
require it, the sacred council will grant licence in the Lord unto
your ministers, to communicate unto the people under both kinds, that
is to say, to such as be of lawful years and discretion, and shall
reverently and devoutly require the same; this always observed, that
the ministers shall say unto those which shall communicate, that they
ought firmly to believe not the flesh only to be contained under the
form of bread, and the blood only under the wine, but under each kind
to be whole and perfect Christ."

  Thus, hitherto, we have declared the decree of the council. As
touching the other doubts and questions which were afterward moved by
the masters and prelates of Bohemia, the ambassadors of the council
answered thus:

    First they said, that it was not the meaning of the sacred
council, to suffer the communion under both kinds by toleration, or as
the libel of divorcement was permitted to the Jews; forasmuch as the
council, intending even to open the bowels of motherly charity and
pity unto the Bohemians and Moravians, doth not mean to suffer it with
such kind of sufferance, which should not exclude sin; but so to grant
it, that by the authority of our Lord Jesus Christ, and of his true
spouse the church, it may be lawful, profitable, and healthful unto
those who worthily receive the same. Also, as touching that which was
spoken by the said Bohemians of the punishing of offences, that it is
in the Scriptures, how that God oftentimes stirreth up the hearts of
private persons to the correcting and punishing of sins, and so it
should seem lawful unto the inferiors to correct and punish their
superiors; they answered, alleging the text of St. Augustine in the
three and thirtieth decree: "He that striketh wicked men in that they
are wicked, and hath cause of death against them, is the minister of
God: but he which without any public administration or office
murdereth or maimeth any wicked thief, sacrilegious, adulterous, or
perjured person, or any other offender, shall he judged as a homicide,
and so much the more sharply, in that he feared not to abuse and usurp
the power not granted him of God; and truly this city would take it
much more grievously, if any private man should attempt to punish an
offender, and set up a gallows in the street, and there hang him, than
if one man should kill another in brawl or quarrel." They alleged also
other texts of St. Ambrose and St. Jerome agreeable to the same. They
said, that no man doubteth that the law of God is duly and holily
appointed, and therein is simply written, Thou shalt not steal. And,
notwithstanding, by the commandment of God the children of Israel
carried away the goods of the Egyptians, which they had borrowed of
them. Also in the same law it is plainly written, Thou shalt do no
murder. Whereupon St. Augustine in his first book proveth, that it is
not lawful for any man to kill himself; and when he maketh example of
Samson, he answereth with these words: "When God commandeth and doth
affirm himself to command without any doubt, who is he that will call
obedience sin? or who will accuse the obedience to God? "

  Here in this proposition you have the words of St. Augustine for
answer. But let every man well foresee, if God do command, or that he
do intimate the commandment without any circumstances, and let him
prove the spirits whether they be of God. But in such cases there are
no laws to be given, neither are they much to be talked of; for
thereby there should easily rise occasion to make sedition, and for
the inferiors to rise against the superiors; for when any man had
stolen any thing, or killed any man, he would say that he was moved
thereunto by the Spirit of God: but without manifest proof thereof, he
should be punished.

  Again, they said that there were certain cases wherein the laity
had power over the clergy. It was answered, that there were certain
cases in the law, wherein the laity had power over the clergy, and
oftentimes over cardinals. For if, the pope being dead, the cardinals
would not enter the conclave to elect a new pope, the king, prince, or
other lord or secular power may compel them; but in these cases he is
now no private person, but useth his jurisdiction by the authority of
the law. The like is to be understood of all other cases expressed in
the law.

  They said further, that no common law hath any right or justice,
except God's law do allow the same.

  It was answered, that no common law hath right or justice, if it
be against the law of God; because the law of God is the rule of all
other laws. But there is great cunning and knowledge in applying the
rule to that which is made by the rule, for oftentimes it seemeth that
there is diversity in the thing made by the rule, when there is none
indeed; but the default is in the applying, because the rule is not
duly applied to the thing made by it.

  As touching the article of preaching the word of God, it was
moved, that oftentimes some prelates, through their own envy and
malice, without any reasonable cause, do inhibit a good and meet
preacher that preacheth catholicly and well.

  Answer was made, how that they understood well enough that the
abuse of certain prelates, which did inordinately behave themselves,
gave a great occasion of those troubles. Also that they never heard of
any such complaints in those parts, but that the prelates do favour
good preachers, and stir them up to preach, by entreaty, favour, and
promotion. In all such cases there are remedies already provided by
the law; for when any man is so prohibited to use his right, he hath
remedy to appeal; and if he do trust his appeal to be just, he may use
his right, all violence both of the spiritual and secular power set
apart; for the end of the matter shall declare if he had just cause to
appeal. Then shall it be declared that the superior hath done evil in
prohibiting, and the plaintiff justly in doing, and the superior for
his unjust prohibition shall be punished. But if he be justly
prohibited, and that through his temerity he do contemn the just
commandment of his superior, he is worthy to be punished with condign
punishment.

  Where it was moved concerning the third article, whether it were
lawful for the ecclesiastical prelates to exercise, in their proper
person, the acts of secular dominion. Hereunto it was answered, that
if by this word, acts of secular dominion, are understood acts which a
secular lord may do or exercise, then it is to be said, that a prelate
may lawfully exercise some such acts in his proper person, as to sell,
pawn, or pledge, to infeoff by manner and form ordained by law; but
there are some acts, which it is not lawful for them to exercise in
their proper person, but ought to have afterward a vicegerent or
proctor to do the same.

  It was also moved, whether that coactive power, which ought to be
exercised by a steward, &c., be in the hands of an ecclesiastical
prelate.

  Whereupon John Polomar answered, that this question presupposeth
another; whereof there are divers opinions amongst the doctors, in
whose power the dominion of the church should be; and, furthermore,
whether the actions be in the person of the tutor or proctor, or if
they be not in their person, notwithstanding by the constitution of
any actor or proctor, (whose exercising of those actions doth give
authority unto the actor or proctor,) they be; with other
difficulties, whereof it is not needful to speak at this present. But
forasmuch as he was urged to say his opinion, he said, that to such as
had either leisure or pleasure in disputation, and would argue against
him, he would be contented to give the choice to take which part he
would; but his opinion was rather that the dominion of church matters
should be in the power of Christ: and the prelates, with the other
clergy, are but canonical administrators in manner of tutors; but they
have more power and administration than tutors, and by constituting a
steward or vicegerent, &c., their constitution being made, the steward
or vicegerent hath the same coactive power and exercise of
jurisdiction.

  Also as touching the fourth article, for the declaration of the
first conclusion, it is agreed that these words, "justly gotten,"
alleged therein, determine all things contained in the same.

  Also as touching the second conclusion, whereas the sacred canons
and holy doctors speak thus, "The goods of the church, the substance
of the church, and the possessions of the church, and divers other
opinions there be amongst the doctors, in whose power the rule thereof
should be," they do not intend to constrain any man to any of those
opinions, neither to exclude any of them, but that every man should
have liberty probably to maintain which of them he thinketh best.

  Moreover the Bohemians said, that they did believe that the
clergy are but administrators of the temporalties of the church, and
not lords thereof, according to the manner of speaking of the
Scriptures, holy doctors, and canons. Also the Bohemians said, that in
all occasions, which shall hereafter rise, they would wholly stand to
the determination of the judge, agreed upon in Egra, with one consent.
In this manner did the ambassadors make answer unto the Bohemians. At
the last, after much communication had to and fro, a concord and unity
was concluded and confirmed by setting to their hands. The Bohemians
promised to receive the peace and unity of the church, and the
declaration of the three articles. This was done A. D. 1438. About the
feast of St. Martin, it was afterward agreed, both by the ambassadors
of that council and of Bohemia, that whatsoever remained should he
determined and agreed upon, first at Ratisbon, afterward at Bruna, in
the diocese of Olmutz, then at Alba in Hungary, before the Emperor
Sigismund, but the matter could not be ended in any place.

  At the last the concord was confirmed by writing with their seals
at Inglavia, a city of Moravia, the fifth day of July, in the presence
of the emperor.

Certain petitions, which the Bohemians put up last of all in the
sacred council of Basil, A. D. 1438, in the month of November.

  "Unto the most reverend fathers in Christ, and our most gracious
lords. We, the ambassadors of the kingdom of Bohemia, do most humbly
and heartily require you, that for the perpetual preservation of peace
and concord, and for the firm preservation of all things contained in
the composition, you will vouchsafe of your clemency to give and grant
unto us all and singular our requests, hereunder written, with
effectual execution of the same.

  "First, and above all things, we desire and require you, for the
extirpation of divers dissensions and controversies, which will
undoubtedly follow amongst our people, under the diversity of the
communion, and for the abolishing of infinite evils which we are not
able to express as we have conceived them, that you will gently
vouchsafe of your goodness and liberality to give, grant, and command,
unto our kingdom of Bohemia, and marquisdom of Moravia, one uniform
order of the communion unto all men, under both kinds, that is to say,
unto the archbishop of Prague, the bishop of Luthonus, Olmutz, and
other prelates of the kingdom and marquisdom, having charge of souls,
and to their vicars, and also to their flocks and subjects, and that
according to those things which are contained in the bull of the
ambassadors, and in the compositions made in the name of the whole
council, where it is thus said, 'And all other things shall be done,
which shall he meet and necessary for the preservation of the peace
and unity.' For this done, by your benefit the whole kingdom shall be
comforted above measure, and established in brotherly love; whereby a
uniform subjection and obedience shall be perpetually attributed unto
the holy church.

  "Item, we require and desire, as before, that for the avoiding of
all false suspicion and doubtfulness of many, which suppose that the
sacred council hath granted the said communion under both kinds unto
us but for a time, as neither profitable nor wholesome, but as the
libel of divorcement, that you will vouchsafe, according to this
chapter alleged in the compositions, 'First they said, that it was not
the intent of the sacred council,' &c., wholesomely and speedily to
provide for our safety, and with your grant in this behalf, and with
the bulls of your letters, to confirm that chapter, together with the
other pertaining to the office of your ambassadors.

  "Item, we beseech you, as before, that for the confirmation of
obedience, and for the discipline of all the clergy, and for the final
defence and observation of all things determined and agreed upon, and
for the good order in spiritualties, ye will vouchsafe effectually to
provide for us a good and lawful pastor, archbishops and bishops,
which shall seem unto us most meet and acceptable for our kingdom, to
execute those offices and duties.

  "Item, We require you, as aforesaid, that your fatherly
reverences will vouchsafe, for the defence of the worthy fame of the
kingdom and marquisdom, to declare and show our innocency, in that
they have communicated, do, and hereafter shall communicate under both
kinds; to give out, ordain, and direct the letters of the sacred
council, in manner and form most apt and meet for such declaration,
unto all princes, as well secular as spiritual, cities and
commonalties, according to the compositions, and as the lords the
ambassadors are bound unto us to do.

  "Item, We desire you, that in the discussing of the matter for
the communion under both kinds, and of the commandment thereof given
unto all faithful, ye will not proceed otherwise than according to the
concordatum agreed upon in Egra; that is to say, according to the law
of God, the order of Christ, and his apostles, the general councils,
and the minds of the holy doctors, truly grounded upon the law of God.

  "Item, We desire that your fatherly reverences, considering the
great affection of our people, will give us the desired liberty to
communicate unto the younger sort the sacrament of the supper. For if
this use of communicating should be taken away, which our kingdom
being godly, moved by the writings of most great and holy doctors, and
brought in by examples, hath received as catholic, and exercised now a
long time; verily it should raise up an intolerable offence amongst
the people, and their minds would be grievously vexed and troubled.

  "Item, We require you, as before, that for like causes your
fatherly reverences would vouchsafe to permit, at the least the
Gospels, Epistles, and Creed to be sung and read in the church in our
vulgar tongue, before the people, to move them unto devotion; for in
our Sclavonic language it hath been used of old in the church, and
likewise in our kingdom.

  "Item, We require you in the name of the said kingdom, and of the
famous university of Prague, that your fatherly reverences would
vouchsafe to show such diligence and care toward the desired
reformation of that university, that, according to the manner and form
of other universities reformed by the church, prebends and collations
of certain benefices of cathedral and parish churches may be annexed
and incorporated unto the said university, that thereby it may be
increased and preferred.

  "Item, We desire you, as before, as heartily as we may, and also
(saving always your fatherly reverences) require you, and by the
former compositions we most instantly admonish you, that with your
whole minds and endeavours, and with all care and study, your
reverences will watch and seek for that long desired and most
necessary reformation of the church and Christian religion, and
effectually labour for the rooting out of all public evils, as well in
the head as in the members, as you have often promised to do in our
kingdom, in the compositions, and as our fourth article, touching the
avoiding of all public evils, doth exact and require."

    There were certain answers provided by the council, to these
petitions of the Bohemians, which were not delivered unto them, but
kept back, for what purpose and intent we know not. Wherefore, because
we thought them not greatly necessary for this place, and also to
avoid prolixity, we have judged it meet at this present to omit them.
Thus have ye heard compendiously the chief and principal matters
treated and done in this famous council of Basil. And here, to
conclude withal, we have thought good to declare unto you, for the aid
and help of the ignorant people, (which judge many things to be of
longer time and continuance than indeed they be, and thereupon have
established a great part of their opinions,) how that, toward the
latter end of this council, that is to say, in the thirty-seventh
session of the same, holden the seventeenth of September, A. D. 1439,
the feast of the conception of our Lady was ordained to be holden and
celebrated yearly. In like case also in the forty-fourth session of
the same council, holden the first day of July, A. D. 1441, it was
ordained that the feast of the visitation of our Lady should be
celebrated and holden yearly in the month of July. We have also
thought it good, before we do end this story, to annex hereunto
certain degrees, profitably and wholesomely ordained in the said
council, against the inordinate giving of the ecclesiastical benefices
and livings by the pope, with certain other constitutions also,
fruitful for the behalf and edification of the church.

  During the time that the general council at Basil was so diligent
and careful about the reformation of the church, this one thing seemed
good unto them to be prosecuted and followed with an earnest care and
diligence, that through every church apt and meet ministers might be
appointed, which might shine in virtue and knowledge, to the glory of
Christ and the healthful edifying of the Christian people; whereunto
the multitude of expectative graces hath been a great impediment and
let, in that they have been found to have brought grievous troubles,
divers disorders, and many dangers upon the ecclesiastical state. For
hereby oftentimes, scarcely apt or meet ministers have been appointed
for the churches, which are neither known nor examined; and this
expectation of void benefices (as the old laws do witness) doth give
occasion to desire another man's death, which is greatly prejudicial
unto salvation; besides that, innumerable quarrels and contentions are
moved amongst the servants of God; rancour and malice nourished; the
ambition and greedy desire of pluralities of benefices maintained; and
the riches and substance of kingdoms and provinces marvellously
consumed. Poor men suffer innumerable vexations by running unto the
court of Rome. They are oftentimes spoiled and robbed by the way,
troubled and afflicted with divers plagues; and having spent their
patrimony and substance left them by their parents, they are
constrained to live in extreme poverty. Many do challenge
benefices,which,without any just title, (yea, such indeed as ought not
to have them,) obtain and get the same; such, I say, as have most
craft and subtlety to deceive their neighbour, or have greatest
substance to contend in the law. It happeneth oftentimes that under
the intrication of these prerogatives, antelations, and such other as
do associate these expectative graces, much craft and deceit is found.
Also, oftentimes the ministry is taken away from young men by their
ordinary givers, whilst that by the troubles of those contentions, and
divers discourses, running to and fro by means of those graces, they
are vexed and troubled; the ecclesiastical order is confounded, while
every man's authority and jurisdiction is not preserved; and the
bishops of Rome also, by challenging and taking upon them too much the
office of the inferiors, are withdrawn from more weighty and fruitful
matters, neither do they diligently attend to the guiding and
correction of the inferiors, as the public utility doth require. All
which things do bring a great confusion unto the clergy and
ecclesiastical state, to the great prejudice and hinderance of God's
true worship, and public salvation.

  In the same council also divers other constitutions were made,
not unprofitable for reformation, and for removing of certain abuses
and disorders brought in, especially by the bishop of Rome, as
touching causes not to be brought up and translated to the court of
Rome; wherein it was decreed, that no actions nor controversies should
be brought from other countries to be pleaded at Rome, which were
beyond four days' journey distant from the said court of Rome, a few
principal matters only excepted. Also, that no frivolous appeals
should be made to the pope hereafter. It was, moreover, in the same
council decreed, for the number, age, and condition of the cardinals,
that they should not exceed the number of four and twenty, besides
them that were already, and that they should be freely taken out of
all countries; and that they should not be of kin to the bishop of
Rome, or to the cardinals, nor yet blemished with any spot or crime.
Also for annats, or first-fruits, or half-fruits, it was there
provided that no such annats, or confirmation of elections, or
collation of benefices, should be paid or reserved any more to the
pope, for the first year's voidance. All which things, there agreed
and concluded by them, were afterward confirmed and ratified by the
French king, Charles the Seventh, with the full consent of his
prelates, in his high court of parliament in Bourges, and there called
Pragmatica Sanctio, A. D. 1438, whereupon great utility ensued
afterward to the kingdom of France. Albeit, in process of time, divers
friars there were which wrote against the same.

  Amongst many decrees of the said council of Basil, in the
nineteenth session there was also a decree made, touching the
converting of Jews and young novices in religion unto the Christian
faith.

  Also that all ordinaries should yearly, at appointed times,
provide certain men well learned in the Holy Scriptures, in such
places where Jews and other infidels did dwell, to declare to them the
truth of the catholic faith, that they, acknowledging their error,
might forsake the same; unto the which preaching the said ministers
should compel them to resort, and to hear, under pain of excluding
them from occupying any more in that place; provided that the said
diocesans and preachers should behave themselves towards them
mercifully and with all charity, whereby they might win them to
Christ, not only by the declaring of the verity, but also in
exhibiting their offices of humanity.

  And to the intent their preaching might be the more fruitful, and
that the preachers might be the better instructed in the tongues, it
was also in the same council provided and commanded, that the
constitution made before in the council of Vienna, for learning the
Hebrew, Chaldee, Arabic, and Greek tongues, should by all means be
observed and kept, and ordinary stipends provided for them that should
teach the same tongues.

  Another decree moreover in the twentieth session was enacted,
that whosoever was known or publicly noted to be a keeper of
concubines, should be sequestered from all fruits of his benefices for
the space of three months, which fruits should be converted by the
ordinary to the reparations, or some other utility of the church; and
if he did not so amend, it was by the synod decreed, that he should be
clearly deposed from all his benefices.
Furthermore, the said synod did greatly inveigh against them, which,
having the jurisdiction of the church, did not shame to suffer such
offenders, for bribes and money, still to continue in their
filthiness, &c.

  By these decrees of the council above specified, it is to be
seen, what corruption had been then frequented in the church of God,
through the bishop and court of Rome. For the more express declaration
whereof, we thought it not much impertinent here to infer the words of
one Martin Meyre, writing to Æneas Sylvius, touching and noting the
said corruptions; the tenor of whose epistle here ensueth.

  "Unto the reverend father, the Lord Æneas, cardinal of Sienna;
Martin Meyre, chancellor to the bishop of Mentz, wisheth health.

  "I have understood by certain of my friend's letters, that you
are created cardinal. I am glad for your part, that yoUn have received
so worthy rewards for your virtues. I rejoice also for mine own part,
that my friend hath attained unto such a dignity wherein he may in
time to come both help me and my friends: but this is a grief unto me,
that you have happened upon those days, which seem to be troublesome
unto the apostolic see. For there are many complaints made unto my
lord the archbishop upon the pope, that he will neither keep the
decrees of the council of Constance, neither of Basil, neither yet
thinketh himself bound to the covenants of his predecessors, and
seemeth utterly to contemn our nation, and to seek the utter ruin
thereof. For it is evident that the election of prelates is every
where rejected; benefices and dignities, of what sort soever they be,
are reserved for the cardinals and chief notaries; and you yourself
have obtained the reservation of three provinces of Germany, under
such a form as hath not been accustomed or heard of. Advowsons or 
gifts of benefices are granted without number; yearly stipends and
half the revenues are exacted without delay; and it is evident that
there is more extorted than is due. The regiments of churches are not
committed unto such as best deserve them, but unto such as offer most
money for them, and new pardons are granted out daily to scrape and
gather together money. Tithes are commanded to be exacted without the
consent of our prelates, for the Turkish war; and those matters which
were accustomed to be debated and determined at home, are now carried
unto the apostolic see of Rome. A thousand ways are invented and
devised, how the see of Rome may, by subtlety and craft, extort and
get gold and treasure from us, even as it were of the Turks or
barbarians; whereby our nation, which was sometime famous and valiant,
which by their power and blood conquered the Roman empire, and was
once the lady and queen of all the world, now being brought unto
poverty, is made a handmaid, and become tributary, and, being now in
extreme misery, hath of long time bewailed her cruel fortune and
poverty. But now our nobles, being (as it were) wakened out of their
sleep, hath begun to consider and devise with themselves, by what
means they might withstand this calamity, and utterly shake off this
yoke and bondage, and have determined with themselves to challenge
again their former liberty. This will be no small loss unto the court
of Rome, if the princes of Germany bring to pass that which they have
devised. Wherefore, as much as I do rejoice of your late obtained
dignity, so much also am I moved and grieved that these things happen
in your days. But peradventure God's determination is otherwise, and
his will shall surely take place. You, in the mean time, be of good
cheer, and devise according to your wisdom, by what means the
vehemency of these floods may be stayed. Thus fare ye well.

  "From Hasthaffenberge, the last day of August."

  Concerning the authority of this general council of Basil, what
is to be esteemed of it, by the acts and fruits thereof may be
understood of all good men. Neither was it of any man doubted in the
first beginning, so long as the pope agreed and consented unto it. But
after the pope began to draw back, many others followed, especially of
the richer sort of prelates which had any thing to lose; whereof
sufficiently hath been said by Aretalensis the cardinal before. In the
number of those unconstant prelates, besides many others, was, first,
Cardinal Julian, the first collector of this council and vicegerent of
the pope, as by his fervent and vehement letter, written to Pope
Eugenius in defence of this council, may well appear. Wherein he most
earnestly doth expostulate with the aforesaid Pope Eugenius, for
seeking to dissolve the council, and declareth in the same many
causes, why he should rather rejoice, and give God thanks for the
godly proceedings and joyful agreement between the council and the
Bohemians, and so exhorteth him, with manifold persuasions, to resort
to the council himself; and not to seek the dissolution of the same.

  In like manner Æneas Sylvius also, with his own hand and writing,
not only gave testimony to the authority of this council, but also
bestowed his labour and travail in setting forth the whole story
thereof. Notwithstanding, the same Sylvius afterward, being made pope,
with his new honour did alter and change his old sentence. The Epistle
of which Æneas, touching the commendation of the said council, because
it is but short, and will occupy but little room, I thought hereunder,
for the more satisfying of the reader's mind, to insert.

  "To a Christian man which will be a true Christian indeed,
nothing ought to be more desired, than that the sincerity and pureness
of faith, given to us of Christ by our forefathers, be kept of all men
immaculate; and if at any time any thing be wrought or attempted
against the true doctrine of the gospel, the people ought with one
consent to provide lawful remedy, and every man to bring with him some
water to quench the general fire; neither must we fear how we be hated
or envied, so we bring the truth. We must resist every man to his
face, whether he be Paul or Peter, if he walk not directly by the
truth of the Gospel. Which thing I am glad, and so we are all, to hear
that your university hath done in this council of Basil. For a certain
treatise of yours is brought hither unto us, wherein you reprehend the
rudeness, or rather the rashness, of such, which do deny the bishop of
Rome, and the consistory of his judgment, to be subject unto the
general council; and that the supreme tribunal seat of judgment
standeth in the church, and in no one bishop. Such men as deny this
you so confound with lively reasons and truth of the Scriptures, that
they are neither able to slide away like slippery eels, neither to
cavil or bring any objection against you." These be the words of
Sylvius.

  Furthermore, as touching the authority and approbation of the
aforesaid council, this is to be noted, that during the life of
Sigismund the emperor no man resisted this council. Also, continuing
the time of Charles the Seventh, the French king, the said council of
Basil was fully and wholly received through all France. But after the
death of Sigismund, when Eugenius was deposed, and Felix, duke of
Savoy, was elected pope, great discords arose, and much practice was
wrought, but especially on Eugenius's part; who being now
excommunicated by the council of Basil, to make his part more strong,
made eighteen new cardinals. Then he sent his orators unto the
Germans, labouring by all persuasions to dissolve the council of
Basil. The Germans at that time were so divided, that some of them did
hold with Felix and the council of Basil; other some, with Eugenius
and the council of Ferraria; and some were neuters. After this, the
French king being dead, which was Charles the Seventh, about the year
of our Lord 1444, the pope beginneth a new practice, after the old
guise of Rome, to excite, as is supposed, the Dauphin of France by
force of arms to dissipate that council collected against him. Who,
leading an army of fifteen thousand men into Alsatia, did cruelly
waste and spoil the country; after that, laid siege unto Basil, to
expel and drive out the prelates of the council. But the Helvetians,
most stoutly meeting their enemies, with a small power did vanquish
the Frenchmen, and put them to sword and flight; like as the
Lacedemonians with three hundred only did suppress and scatter all the
mighty army of Xerxes at Thermopylæ.

  Although Basil was by the valiantness of the Helvetians thus
defended, yet notwithstanding, the council, through these tumults,
could not continue by reason of the princes' ambassadors, which shrunk
away and would not tarry. So that at length Eugenius brought to pass,
partly through the help of Frederic, being not yet emperor, but
labouring for the empire, partly by his orators, in the number of whom
was Æneas Sylvius above mentioned amongst the Germans, that they were
content to give over both the council of Basil and their neutrality.
This Frederic of Austria, being not yet emperor, but towards the
empire, brought also to pass, that Felix, which was chosen of the
council of Basil to be pope, was contented to renounce and resign his
papacy to Nicholas the Fifth, successor to Eugenius, of the which
Nicholas the said Frederic was confirmed at Rome to he emperor, and
there crowned, A. D. 1451.

  As these things were doing at Basil, in the mean season Pope
Eugenius brought to pass in his convocation at Florence, that the
emperor and the patriarch of Constantinople, with the rest of the
Grecians there present, were persuaded to receive the sentence of the
Church of Rome, concerning the proceeding of the Holy Ghost; also to
receive the communion in unleavened bread, to admit purgatory, and to
yield themselves to the authority of the Romish bishop. Whereunto
notwithstanding the other churches of Grecia would in no wise assent
at their coming home; insomuch that with a public execration they did
condemn afterward all those legates which had consented to these
articles, that none of them should be buried in Christian burial;
which was A. D. 1439.

  And thus endeth the story, both of the council of Basil, and of
the council of Florence, also of the Emperor Sigismund, and of the
schism between Pope Eugenius and Pope Felix, and also of the
Bohemians. The which Bohemians, notwithstanding all these troubles and
tumults abovesaid, did right well, and were strong enough against all
their enemies, till at length, through discord, partly between the two
preachers of the old and new city of Prague, partly also through the
discord of the messengers and captains taking sides one against the
other, they made their enemies strong and enfeebled themselves. Albeit
afterward, in process of time, they so defended the cause of their
religion, not by sword, but by argument and disputation, that the
bishop of Rome could never yet to this day remove the Taborites and
city of Prague from the communion of both kinds, nor could ever cause
them to keep the conditions, which in the beginning of the council was
enjoined their priests to observe, as testifieth Cochleus, lib. 8.
Hist. Huss. With whom also recordeth Antoninus, who in 3. part. Hist.
saith, That the doctrine of the Bohemians, which he termeth by the
name of Zizania, did take so deep root with them, and grew so fast,
that afterward neither by fire nor sword it could be extinct.

  Concerning the which Bohemians, briefly and in a general sum to
recapitulate their whole acts and doings, here is to be noted, that
they, in their own defence, and in the quarrel of John Huss and Jerome
of Prague, provoked by their catholic adversaries to war, fighting
under Zisca their captain, had eleven battles with the pope's side,
and ever went away victors.
  Moreover in the history of Fencer it is testified, that Pope
Martin the Fifth, sending for the bishop of Winchester, then cardinal,
had levied three main armies, intending to overrun all the Bohemians;
one army of the Saxons under the prince elector; the second of the
Francones, under the marquis of Brandenburgh; the third of Rhenates,
Bavarians and Switzers, under Octo archbishop of Treves. With these,
Sigismund also the emperor, and Cardinal Julian the pope's legate,
(who at last was slain in war, and being spoiled of all his attire,
was left naked in the field) joined all their force. These joining
together five times (saith the story) with five sundry battles,
assailed and invaded the Bohemians; at every which battle, five times
the said adversaries, stricken and daunted with a sudden fear, ran
away out of the field, leaving their tents with all their implements
and furniture behind them, before any stroke was given, whereby it may
appear that the holy angels of God do fight for them which embrace the
sincere doctrine of Christ's gospel.

  Thus the Bohemians, through the mighty protection of Almighty
God, continued a long time invincible, during all the life of Zisca,
and also of Procopius, till at length, through discord growing between
them and their captains, Procopius and Mainardus, they were subdued
unto their enemies.
Ilustration: The burning of the Hussite Soldiers

  And here by the way is not to be omitted the wicked and cruel
fact of Mainardus, who, after the death of Procopius, thinking to
purge the realm of Bohemia of those chief and principal soldiers,
which had been long expert and trained up in wars, found means for a
proclamation made, as though he would war against other countries of
their enemies bordering about them, craftily to train all them which
were disposed to take wages, into certain barns or hovels prepared for
the same purpose, and so shutting the doors upon them, the wicked
dissembler set fire upon them, and burnt of them divers thousands, and
so brought the rest by that means under subjection to the emperor
during his lifetime; which after that continued not long. The which
soldiers, if they had fought so much for the catholic liberties of the
pope and his church, as they had fought against him, it is marvel if
the pope had not dignified them all for holy martyrs. But they that
kill with the sword (saith Christ) shall perish with the sword.
Notwithstanding, the cruel deceit of Mainardus is worthy of all men to
be detested.



116. EVENTS IN ENGLAND 1431-1450

  During this business among the bishops beyond the sea, in the
mean time our bishops here also in England were not unoccupied.
Whether it be the nature of the country that so giveth, or whether the
great livings and wealthy promotions of the clergy do draw with them a
more insensible untowardness in God's religion, hard it is to say;
this is manifest to all them which will read and mark our stories from
time to time, that in England is more burning and slaying for religion
and for all other matters, more bloodshed among us, than in any other
land or nation in Christendom besides. After the burning of Richard
Hoveden, and Nicholas Canon, and of Thomas Bagley, priest, above
recorded, whom the bishops condemned to death, A. D. 1431, not long
after, about the year of our Lord 1439, which was the eighteenth of
the reign of King Henry the Sixth,they had another poor man by the
back, named Richard Wiche, priest, mentioned both in Robert Fabian,
and also in another old English Chronicle borrowed of one Perminger.
What his opinions were they do not express. This they record, that
this Richard Wiche first was degraded, then burned at the Tower-hill
for heresy. Some do affirm, that he before his death revolted; but
that seemeth by his burning not to be true.

  It is also testified of him, that before his death he spake, (as
prophesying,) that the postern of the Tower should sink; which also
afterward came, as he saith, to pass; wherefore, of many of the people
he was counted for a holy man; insomuch that (as it is affirmed) they
came to the place where he was burnt, and there made their oblations
and prayers, and reared a great heap of stones, and set up a cross
there by night; so that by this means a great clamour ran upon the
churchmen, and especially upon such as put him to death. Then, to
cease the rumour, the king gave commandment to punish such as went
thither on pilgrimage. The copy whereof is here to be seen as
followeth.

  "Rex vicecomitibus London. et Midd. salutem. Albeit Richard
Wiche, late clerk, who heretofore long sithence heretically did hold,
teach, and publicly preach certain heresies and erroneous opinions in
many places within our realm of England, and for the same many years
now past being judicially convicted, did before a judge in that behalf
sufficiently abjure all heresy generally, and afterward, as a dog
returning to his vomit, did presume to maintain, teach, and publicly
preach his former errors and heresies, so that he was worthily
adjudged a relapse. And again, being impeached for the same before the
reverend father in God, Robert, bishop of London, his lawful ordinary,
was called forth to judgment, and being before him, did judicially
confess his errors and heresies; for the which cause the said reverend
father, upon mature deliberation by him the said reverend father first
had, with the advice of the learned in the law, his assistants,
lawfully proceeding against the said Richard, did by his sentence
definitive pronounce and adjudge him to be a relapse, and did degrade
him from the order and dignity of priesthood, and took from him all
priestly ornaments, and deprived him of all priestly function and
privilege, (according to justice,) and last of all turned him over to
the secular power as the manner is; and afterwards you, by our
princely commandment and warrant, did, according to the law of our
realm, for his last punishment, consume the body of the said Richard
to ashes, being a relapse convict, and degraded as a notorious
traitor, not only against God, but also against us, and our crown and
dignity; all which notwithstanding, certain our subjects, (as we have
been sundry times informed,) being pricked forward with a diabolical
spirit, practising of all likelihood not only sedition, but also
idolatry within our realm, are not afraid publicly to affirm, that the
said Richard was altogether innocent of heretical pravity. Nay,
rather, they do most shamefully with their vain devices, and wickedly
conceived imaginations, blaze abroad, that he was, and died, a good,
just, and a holy man, and that he doth many miracles (whereas, indeed,
no such miracles be done by him). Which disorderly persons we may
well, and upon probable causes, repute and deem culpable not only of
heretical pravity, but also of high treason, and as rebels to our
person, majesty, and violaters of the peace and dignity of our realm,
as withal breakers and trespassers against the sacred canons of the
church, who dare so presumptuously adventure to worship the said
Richard as a saint, whereas it is not lawful to worship any manner of
person, be he never so holy, before he be canonized by the authority
of the bishop of Rome. We, therefore, being very careful for the good
preservation of our peace, and desirous to abolish from out all the
coasts of the same all manner of idolatry, do charge and command you,
that in certain places within your liberties, where you shall think
most convenient, you cause forthwith proclamations to be made on our
behalf, straitly charging, that no person from henceforth presume to
resort to the place where the said Richard was executed under colour
of a pilgrim, or for any other cause of devotion whatsoever, nor send
any offering thither, nor worship him hereafter openly or secretly, or
adjudge, esteem, repute, name, or talk of him as otherwise justified
or innocent, than such as the said reverend father by his definitive
sentence hath pronounced him to be, upon pain and penalty to be taken
and reputed for a heretic, or a favourer of heretics, and to receive
condign punishment provided for heretics. And that you arrest all and
every person whom ye shall find to do any thing contrary to this our
proclamation, and the same so arrested commit to our prison, there to
remain until we shall think good to send countermand for their
deliverance. Witness the king at his manor of Easthampsted, the
fifteenth day of July, in the eighteenth year of his reign."

  Like writs, and to the same effect, were directed to all the
sheriffs through all the realm, bearing all one and the same date. By
the virtue of which letter, the mayor and sheriffs did use such
diligence, that shortly after that concourse and seeking of the people
was left off.

  After the burning of this man, which was about the month of June,
in the same year, about November, a convocation was called by Hemy,
archbishop of Canterbury, wherein was propounded among the clergy, to
consult with themselves what way were best to be taken for the
removing away the law of Præmuniri facias; for so were the hearts then
of the temporally set against the ecclesiastical sort, that where any
advantage might be given them by the law, they did nothing spare; by
reason whereof the churchmen at that time were greatly molested by the
said law of Præmuniri, and by the king's writs, and other indictments,
to their no small annoyance. By long consultation and good advisement,
at last this way was taken, that a petition or supplication should be
drawn and presented to the king, for the abolishing of the aforesaid
law of Præmuniri facias, and also for the restraining of other briefs,
writs, and indictments, which seemed then to lie heavy upon the
clergy. This bill or supplication being contrived and exhibited, by
the archbishop of Canterbury and of York, unto the king standing in
need the same time of a subsidy to be collected of the clergy; this
answer was given to their supplication on the king's behalf: That
forasmuch as the time of Christmas then drew near, whereby he had as
yet no sufficient leisure to advise upon the matter, he would take
therein a further pause. In the mean time, as one tendering their
quiet, he would send to all his officers and ministers within his
realm, that no such brief of Præmuniri should pass against them, or
any of them, from the said time of Christmas, till the next
parliament, A. D. 1439.

  In my former edition of Acts and Monuments, so hastily rashed up
at that present, in such shortness of time, as in the said book thou
mayest see (gentle reader) declared and signified; among many other
matters therein contained, there is a short note made of one Eleanor
Cobham, duchess of Gloucester, and of Sir Roger Onley, knight,
(priest, it should have been printed,) which two persons, about the
year of our Lord 1440, or the next year following, were condemned, the
one to death, the other to perpetual prison. Of this little short
matter, Master Cope, the pope's scout, lying in privy wait to spy
faults in all men's works wheresoever any may appear, taketh pepper in
the nose, and falleth again unto this old barking against me, for
placing these fore-said persons in my Book of Martyrs; but especially
he thinketh to have great advantage against me, for that in the same
story I do join withal one Margaret Jourdeman, the witch of Eye,
condemned also with them the same time, and burned for practising the
king's death by an image of wax, &c. To answer hereunto, first, I say
(as I before said) that I profess no such title to write of martyrs,
but in general to write of acts and monuments passed in the church and
realm of England. Wherein, why should I be restrained from the free
walk of a story writer, more than other that have gone before me?

  Secondly, touching my commendation of Sir Roger Onley and the
Lady Eleanor, if Master Alane he therewith offended, I answer, that I
commended them for savouring and favouring of the truth of Christ's
doctrine; for the fact, if any such were in them, I do not commend
them. And although I did commend them, yet neither did I it with any
long tarrying upon it, nor yet altogether upon mine own head, without
some sufficient warrant of authority. For why may not I as well
believe John Bale, as Master Alane believe Master Fabian? Especially
seeing I do know, and was privy, that the said John, in recognising
his centuries, followed altogether the history of Leland de Catalogo
Virorum Illustrium; which book, being borrowed of Master Cheeke, I
myself did see in the hands of the aforesaid John Bale, what time we
were both together, dwelling in the house of the noble lady, duchess
of Richmond. Wherefore if he think me so lewd to speak without without
mine authors, he is deceived. And if he think mine authors not to be
believed, then let this jolly dictator come forth and prescribe us a
law, what authors he would have us to take, and what to refuse. For
else why is it not as free for me to credit John Bale and Leland, as
for him to credit Robert Fabian and Edward Hall; especially seeing
they had seen his books and works left behind him, whereupon they
might better judge, and so did never these?

  Thirdly, for the name of Roger Onley, if Cope deny that there was
any such name in stories mentioned, but that there was one called
Roger Bolingbroke, &c., hereby it may appear, that either his prompter
out of England deceived him, or else that he, going no further but to
Fabian and Hall, lacketh no good will in him, but only a little matter
to make a perfect sycophant. And admit the said name of Onley could
not be found in those writers, yet were it not impossible for a man to
have two names, especially if he were a religious man, to bear the
name of the town where he was born, beside his own proper surname. But
now what if I, Master Cope, can avouch and bring forth to you the name
of Roger Onley out of sufficient record, which you seem not to have
yet read? Have ye not then done well and properly, think you, so
bitterly to fly in my face, and to bark so eagerly all this while at
moon-shine in the water, having no more cause almost against me, than
against the man in the moon? And now, lest you should think me so
unprovided of unjust authority for my defence, as I see you unprovided
of modesty and patience; write you toyour prompter or suborner,
wheresoever he lurketh here in England, to send you over unto Louvain
the book of John Harding, a chronicler, more ancient than either
Fabian or Hall, printed in the house of Richard Grafton, A. D. 1513,
where turn to the fol. 223. fac. b. lin. 19, and there shall you find
and read these words:

"Again, the church and the king cursedly, 
By help of one Master Roger Onley," &c.

  By the which words ye must necessarily confess Roger Onley to be
the name of the man, or else must ye needs deny the author. For
otherwise, that Master Roger Bolingbroke was the only helper to the
duchess in that fact, by no wise it can stand with the story of these
authors, which say, that four other besides him were condemned for the
same crime, &c. And moreover, though the said Sir Roger Onley was no
knight, (as I have said in my former edition,) yet this ye cannot
deny, by the testimony of them that have seen his works, but that he
was a priest, which you will grant to be a knight's fellow. And thus
much for the name and condition of Master Roger Onley.

  Fourthly, as concerning Margaret Jourdeman, whom ye call the
witch of Eye, ye offer me herein great wrong, to say, that I make here
a martyr which was a witch; whereas I here profess, confess, and
ascertain both you and all Englishmen, both present, and all posterity
hereafter to come, that this Margaret Jourdeman I never spake of,
never thought of, never dreamed of, nor did ever hear of, before you
named her in your book yourself. So far is it off, that I, either with
my will, or against my will, made any martyr of her.

  Furthermore, I profess and denounce in like manner, that neither
have you any just or congruous occasion in my book so to judge, much
less to rail on me. For where, in express words, I do speak of the
mother of the Lady Young, what occasion have you thereby to slander me
and my book with Margaret Jourdeman? Which Margaret, whether she was a
witch or not, I leave her to the Lord. As for me, neither did I know
of her then, nor did I mean of her now. But because I couple her in
the same story, you say. To this I say, Because she was the mother of
a lady, I thought to join her with another lady in the same story, as
in one pew together, although in one cause I will not say. And yet,
notwithstanding, I do so couple the said mother with the duchess, in
such distinct difference of years, that you, Master Cope, might easily
have understood, or beside you no man else would have thought the
contrary, but that Margaret Jourdeman was neither here in my book, nor
yet in my memento. For the words of my story are plain, where the
condemnation of the Lady Eleanor, and of the mother of Lady Young,
being referred to the year of our Lord 1441, I do also, in the same
story, (through the occasion of that lady,) infer mention of the
mother of the Lady Young, declaring in express words, that she
followed certain years after, and in the end of that chapter do name
also the year of her burning to be 1490, which was fifty years after
the death of Onley, and Margaret Jourdeman; by the computation of
which years, it is plain, that no other woman could be noted in that
place, but only the Lady Young's mother.

  But Master Cope, continuing still in his wrangling mood,
objecteth again, for that in my calendar the said Lady Young's mother
hath the next day in the catalogue next after the death of Roger
Onley, which day pertaineth properly to Margaret Jourdeman, which was
burned the same day in Smithfield, and not to the lady's mother, &c.

  What order was taken in placing the names and days, what is that
to me? If he which had the disposing of the catalogue, did place them
so in months, as he saw them joined in chapters, not perusing,
peradventure, nor advising the chapters, that doth nothing prejudice
the truth of my story, which sufficiently doth clear itself in
distinguishing them rightly in names and also in years, as is before
declared.

  Fifthly and lastly, having thus sufficiently answered to your
circumstances of persons, names, and times, Master Cope, I will now
enter to encounter with you concerning the fact and crime objected to
the lady duchess, and to the rest; with this protestation before
premised unto the reader, that if the fact be true, and so done as is
reported in the histories of Fabian, Hall, and Harding, I desire the
reader then so to take me, as though I did not deal here withal, nor
speak of the matter, but utterly to have pretermitted, and dispunged
the same. But, forasmuch as the deed and offence laid and given forth
against these parties, may be a matter made, and of evil will
compacted, rather than true indeed; therefore I do but only move a
question by way of history, not as defending, nor commending, nor
commemorating the thing, if it be true, but only moving the question,
whether it is to be judged true, or suspected rather to be false and
forged; and so having briefly propounded certain conjectural
suspicions or supposals concerning that matter, I will pass it over,
neither meddling on the one side nor on the other.

  The first conjecture, why it may be possible that this act of
treason, laid to the charge of the duchess and Roger Onley, against
the king, may be untrue,is this; That the said Onley (otherwise named
Bolingbroke) took it upon his death, that they never intended any such
thing as they were condemned for.

  The second conjecture; For that the Lady Eleanor and Onley seemed
then to favour and savour of that religion set forth by Wickliff; and
therefore it is like enough that they were hated of the clergy.
Furthermore, what hatred and practices of papists can do, it is not
unknown.

  The third conjecture; For that the said Master Roger Onley,
falsely noted and accused of necromancy, wrote a book in purgation of
himself, entitled, De Innocentia Sua. Also another book, entitled,
Contra Vulgi Superstitiones. Whereupon it is not credible, that he
which wrote professedly against the superstitions of the people, was
overtaken with that filth of necromancy himself.

  The fourth conjecture; Because this accusation against the
duchess of Gloucester, Duke Humphrey's wife, began not before, but
after the grudge kindled between the cardinal of Winchester and Duke
Humphrey her husband.

  Another conjecture may be hereof, For that if the duchess had
intended any such heinous treason against the king's life, as by
burning of a wax candle to consume him, it is not like (neither was
there any such need) that she would have made so many privy to such a
pernicious counsel, as the witch of Eye, Master Roger Bolingbroke,
Master Thomas Southwell, and John Hume.

  Sixthly, It is not to be supposed, if any such high treason had
been wrought or pretended against the king's person by these, that
either the duchess should so escape with bearing a taper and
banishment; or that John Hume should be pardoned his life; the fact
being so heinous, that neither any durst ask this pardon, nor if it
had been asked, had it been like to be granted.

  To these we may also add another supposal, rising upon the words
and form of their accusation, as it standeth in Harding,
Polychronicon, and other more, wherein they were accused for working
sorcery and enchantments against the church and the king. Now what
sorcery can be wrought against the church, that is, the whole
multitude of Christians, let the reader judge; and by the truth of
this, consider also the truth of the other, which was against the
king. Furthermore, if by this church is meant the cardinal of
Winchester, as like it is; then it may be conjectured, that all this
matter rose of that cardinal, who was then a mortal enemy to the house
of Gloucester, &c.

  Eighthly, And that all this was done and wrought by the said
cardinal of Winchester, the witch of Eye maketh the matter the more
suspicious, seeing that town of Eye, as Fabian witnesseth, was near
beside Winchester, and see of that bishop.

  Moreover, forasmuch as Polydore Virgil, among other story
authors, being a man, as may be supposed, rather favouring the
cardinal's part than the duke's, made no mention at all touching this
treason, his silence therefore may minister matter not only to muse,
but also to conjecture, that he had found something which made him to
mistrust the matter. Otherwise it is unlike that he would have so
mewed up the matter, and passed it over without some mention.

  Finally, and briefly, The frequent practices and examples of
other times may make this also more doubtful, considering how many
subtle pretences after the like sort have been sought, and wrongful
accusations brought against many innocent persons. For (not to repeat
the like forgeries against the Lord Cobham, and Sir Roger Acton, &c.)
why may not this accusation of the duchess and Onley be as false, as
that, in the time of King Edward the Fifth, which was laid to the
charge of the queen and Shore's wife by the protector, for enchanting
and bewitching of his withered arm? Which to be false, all the world
doth know, and but a quarrel made only to oppress the life of the Lord
Hastings, and the Lord Stanley, &c.

  Although these, with many more conjectures, may be alleged in
some part of defence of this duchess, and of her chaplains and
priests, yet because it may not be impossible, again, the matter laid
against them to be true, I leave it therefore at large as I find it,
saying as I said before, that if it be true which the stories say in
this matter, think, I beseech thee, gentle reader, that I have said
nothing hereof. Only, because the matter may be disputable, and not
impossible to be false, I have but moved thereof a question, and
brought my conjectures, leaving the determination and judgment hereof
to thy indifferent and free arbitrement. And if Master Cope be so
highly offended with me, because in my first edition of Acts and
Monuments I durst name the Lady Eleanor Cobham, and Roger Onley; let
him take this for a short answer, because my leisure serveth not to
make long brawls with him, that if I had thought no imperfections to
have passed in my former edition before, I would never have taken in
hand the recognition thereof now the second time, whereby to sponge
away such motes as I thought would seem great stumbling-blocks in such
men's walks, which walk with no charity to edify, but with malice to
carp and reprehend, neither admonishing what they see amiss in others,
neither tarrying while other men reform themselves, and finally,
finding quarrels where no great cause is justly given. And here an end
with Master Cope for this time.

  Forasmuch as in the process before, mention was touched
concerning the grudge between the cardinal, called the rich cardinal
of Winchester, and the good Duke Humphrey, duke of Gloucester, the
king's uncle and protector of the realm, order of story now requireth
to open some part of that matter more at large. Wherein this first is
to be understood, that long before great flames of grudge and discord
did burst out between these two. For as the noble heart of the duke
could not abide the proud doings of the cardinal, so much again the
cardinal in like manner sore envied and disdained at the rule of the
duke of Gloucester. Notwithstanding that, by the means of the duke of
Bedford, the bursting out between them was before appeased and cured;
yet not so, but that under imperfect amity, privy hatred, as sparkles
under the embers, did still remain; so that the cardinal, joining with
the archbishop of York, attempted many things of their own
presumption, contrary to the consent, not only of the king, (being
then under age,) but also of the protector and governor of the realm.
Wherewith the duke (like a true-hearted prince) being not without just
cause offended, declared in writing to the king, certain complaints
contained in twenty-one articles, wherein the cardinal and archbishop
had transgressed both against the king and his laws. The tenor whereof
more at large is in other stories expressed, the brief abstract
thereof followeth in a short summary here to be seen.
Illustration: Winchester

  "1. Complained to his sovereign prince his right redoubted lord
Duke Humphrey, his uncle and protector of the realm, that the bishop
of Winchester, in the days of his father, King Henry the Fifth, took
upon him the state of a cardinal, being denied by the king, saying,
that he had as lief set his own crown beside him, as to see him wear a
cardinal's hat; and that in parliaments, he, not being contented with
the place of a bishop among the spiritual persons, presumed above his
order; which the said duke desired to be redressed.

  "2. Item, Whereas he, being made a cardinal, was voided of his
bishopric of Winchester, he procured from Rome the pope's bull,
unknowing to the king, whereby he took again his bishopric, contrary
to the common law of this realm, incurring thereby the case of
provision, and forfeiting all his goods to the king, by the law of
Præmuniri facias.

  "3. Item, He complained, that the said cardinal, with the
archbishop of York, intruded themselves to have the governance of the
king, and the doing under the king of temporal matters, excluding the
king's uncle, and other temporal lords of the king's kin, from having
knowledge of any great matter.

  "4. Item, Whereas the king had borrowed of the cardinal four
thousand pounds, upon certain jewels, and afterward had his money
ready at the day to quit his jewels; the cardinal caused the treasurer
to convert that money to the payment of another army, to keep the
jewels still to his own use and gain.

  "5. Item, He being then bishop of Winchester, and chancellor of
England, delivered the king of Scots upon his own authority, contrary
to the act of parliament, wedding his niece afterward to the said
king. Also, where the said king of Scots should have paid to the king
forty thousand pounds, the cardinal procured ten thousand marks
thereof to be remitted, and yet the rest very slenderly paid.

  "6. Item, The said cardinal, for lending notable sums to the
king, had the profit of the port of Hampton, where he, setting his
servants to be the customers, wool and other merchandise was, under
that cloak, exported, not so much to his singular advantage, being the
chief merchant, as to the great prejudice of the king, and detriment 
to his subjects.

  "7. Item, The cardinal, in lending out great sums to the king,
yet so deferred and delayed the loan thereof, that coming out of
season the same did the king little pleasure, but rather hinclerance.

  "8. Item, Where jewels and plate were prized at eleven thousand
pounds in weight of the said cardinal forfeited to the king, the
cardinal, for loan of a little piece, gat him a restorement thereof,
to the king's great damage, who better might have spared the commons,
if the sum had remained to him clear.

  "9. Item, Where the king's father had given Elizabeth Beauchampe
three hundred marks of livelihood, with this condition, if she wedded
within a year; the cardinal, notwithstanding she was married two or
three years after, yet gave her the same, to the king's great hurt,
and diminishing of his inheritance.

  "10. Item, The cardinal, having no authority nor interest in the
crown, presumed, notwithstanding, to call before him like a king, to
the king's high derogation.

  "11. Item, That the cardinal sued a pardon from Rome, to be freed
from all dismes due to the king, by the church of Winchester, giving
thereby example to the clergy, to withdraw their dismes likewise, and
lay all the charge only upon the temporalty and poor commons.

  "12, 13. Item, By the procuring of the said cardinal and
archbishop of York, great goods of the king's were lost and dispended
upon needless embassies, first to Arras, then to Calais.

  "14. Item, It was laid to the charge of the said cardinal and
archbishop, that by their means, going to Calais, the two enemies of
the king, the duke of Orleans and duke of Burgundy, were deduced
together in accord and alliance; who, being at war before between
themselves, and now confederated together again, joined both together
against the king's towns and countries over the sea, to the great
danger of Normandy and destruction of the king's people.

  "15. Item, by the archbishop of York, and the cardinal,
persuasions were moved openly in the king's presence, with allurements
and inducements, that the king should leave his right, his title, and
honour of his crown, in nominating him king of France, during certain
years, and that he should utterly abstain, and be content only in
writing with Rex Angliæ, to the great note and infamy of the king, and
all his progenitors.

  "16, 17. Item, Through the sleight and subtlety of the said
cardinal and his mate, a new convention was intended between the king
and certain adversaries of France; also the deliverance of the duke of
Orleans was appointed in such sort, as thereby great dishonour and
inconvenience was like to fall, rather of the king's side, than of the
other.

  "18. Item, That the cardinal had purchased great lands and
livelihoods of the king, the duke being on the other side the sea,
occupied in wars, which redounded little to the worship and profit of
the king, and moreover he had the king bound to make him as sure
estate of all those lands by Easter next, as could be devised by any
learned counsel, or else the said cardinal to have and enjoy to him
and his heirs for ever, the lands of the duchy of Lancaster in Norfolk
to the value of seven or eight hundred marks by the year.

  "19. Item, Where the duke, the king's uncle, had often offered
his service for the defence of the realm of France, and the duchy of
Normandy, the cardinal ever laboured to the contrary, in preferring
other, after his singular affection, whereby a great part of Normandy
hath been lost.

  "20. Item, Seeing the cardinal was risen to such riches and
treasure, which could grow to him, neither by his church, nor by
inheritance, which he then had, it was of necessity to be thought,
that it came by his great deceits, in deceiving both the king and his
subjects, in selling offices, preferments, livelihoods, captainships,
both here and in the realm of France, and in Normandy; so that what
hath been there lost, he hath been the greatest causer thereof.

  "21. Furthermore, when the said cardinal had forfeited all his
goods by the statute of provision, he having the rule of the king, and
of other matters of the realm, purchased from the pope a charter of
pardon, not only to the defeating of the laws of the realm, but also
to the defrauding of the king, who otherwise might and should have had
wherewith to sustain his wars, without any tallage of his poor
people," &c.

  When the king heard these accusations, he committed the hearing
thereof to his council, whereof the most part were spiritual persons.
So, what for fear, and what for favour, the matter was winked at, and
dallied out, and nothing said thereunto, and a fair countenance was
made to the duke, as though no displeasure had been taken, nor malice
borne in these spiritual stomachs. But shortly after, the smoke
hereof, not able to keep in any longer within the spiritual breasts of
these charitable churchmen, burst out in flames of mischief. For upon
the neck of this matter, as witnesseth Fabian, Polychronicon, and
Hall, which followeth Polychronicon, first ensued the condemnation of
Lady Eleanor, the duchess, and her chaplains, as ye have heard before.
Whereby it may appear, the said duchess, more of malice than of any
just cause, thus to have been troubled. Also within six years after
followed the lamentable destruction of the duke himself, as hereafter
more is to be declared.

  About which time, or not long after, A. D. 1443, the steeple of
Paul's was set on fire by lightning, and at last by diligent labour of
helpers the fire was quenched.

  And after the condemnation of Lady Eleanor, the duchess
aforesaid, within few years, A. D. 1445, followed the death of Henry
Chichesley, archbishop of Canterbury, by whom she was condemned in St.
Stephen's chapel at Westminster, for penance, to bear a taper through
Cheapside three sundry times, and afterward outlawed to the Isle of
Man, under the custody of Sir John Stanley, knight. This Henry
Chichesley builded in his time two colleges in the university of
Oxford, the one called All-souls' College, the other named Barnard
College.

  Proceeding now to the year, wherein suffered Humphrey that good
duke of Gloucester, which was the year of our Lord 1447, first we will
begin in few words to treat of his life and conversation; then of the
manner and cause of his death. As touching the offspring and descent
of this duke, first, he was the son of Henry the Fourth, brother to
King Henry the Fifth, and uncle to King Henry the Sixth, assigned to
be the governor and protector of his person. Of manners he seemed meek
and gentle, loving the commonwealth, a supporter of the poor commons,
of wit and wisdom discreet and studious, well affected to religion,
and a friend to verity, and no less enemy to pride and ambition,
especially in haughty prelates, which was his undoing in this present
evil world. And, which is seldom and rare in such princes of that
calling, he was both learned himself, and no less given to study, and
also a singular favourer and patron to them which were studious and
learned.

  Furthermore, as the learning of this prince was rare and
memorable, so was the discreet wisdom and singular prudence in him no
less to be considered; as for the more manifest proof thereof I
thought here good, amongst many other .his godly doings, to recite one
example, reported as well by the pen of Sir Thomas Moore, as also by
Master William Tindall, the true apostle of these our latter days, to
the intent to see and note, not only the crafty working of false
miracles in the clergy, but also that the prudent discretion of this
high and mighty prince, the aforesaid Duke Humphrey, may give us the
better to understand what man he was. The story lieth thus:

  In the young days of this King Henry the Sixth, being yet under
the governance of this Duke Humphrey his protector, there came to St.
Alban's a certain beggar with his wife, and there was walking about
the town begging, five or six days before the king's coming thither,
saying, that he was born blind, and never saw in his life, and was
warned in his dream, that he should come out of Berwick, where he said
he had ever dwelled, to seek St. Alban, and that he had been at his
shrine, and had not been holpen, and therefore he would go and seek
him at some other place; for he had heard some say, since he came,
that St. Alban's body should be at Cologne, and indeed such a
contention hath there been. But of truth, as I am surely informed, he
lieth here, at St. Alban's, saving some relics of him which they there
show shrined. But to tell you forth my tale, when the king was come,
and the town full, suddenly this blind man at St. Alban's shrine had
his sight again, and a miracle solemnly rung, and Te Deum sung, so
that nothing was talked of in all the town, but this miracle. So
happened it then, that Duke Humphrey of Gloucester, a man also no less
wise than well learned, having great joy to see such a miracle, called
the poor man unto him; and first showing himself joyous of God's glory
so showed in the getting of his sight, and exhorting him to meekness,
and to no ascribing of any part of the worship to himself, nor to be
proud of the people's praise, which would call him a good and godly
man thereby; at last, he looked well upon his eyes, and asked whether
he could see nothing at all in all his life before. And when as well
his wife as himself affirmed falsely, No, then he looked advisedly
upon his eyes again, and said, I believe you very well, for methinketh
ye cannot see well yet. Yea, sir, quoth he, I thank God and his holy
martyr, I can see now as well as any man. You can, quoth the duke,
what colour is my gown? Then anon the beggar told him. What colour,
quoth he, is this man's gown? He told him also, and so forth, without
any sticking, he told him the names of all the colours that could be
showed him. And when the duke saw that, he bade him walk traitor, and
made him to be set openly in the stocks; for though he could have seen
suddenly by miracle the difference between divers colours, yet could
he not by the sight so suddenly tell the names of all these colours,
except he had known them before, no more than the names of all the men
that he should suddenly see.

  By this may it be seen how Duke Humphrey had not only a head to
discern and dissever truth from forged and feigned hypocrisy, but
study also and diligence likewise was in him to reform that which was
amiss.

  And thus much hitherto for the noble prowess and virtues, joined
with the like ornaments of knowledge and literature, shining in this
princely duke; for the which as he was both loved of the poor commons,
and well spoken of of all men, and no less deserving the same, being
called the good duke of Gloucester; so neither yet wanted he his
enemies and privy enviers, whether it was through the fatal and
unfortunate luck of the name of that house, which is but a vain and
frivolous observation of Polydore and Hall which followeth him,
bringing in the examples of Hugh Spenser, of Thomas of Woodstock, son
of King Edward the Third, of this Duke Humphrey, and after of King
Richard the Third, duke likewise of Gloucester; or whether it was that
the nature of true virtue commonly is such, that as the flame ever
beareth his smoke, and the body his shadow, so the brightness of
virtue never blazeth, but hath some disdain or envy waiting upon it;
or else, whether it was rather for some divorcement from his wife, or
for some other vice or trespass done, as seemeth most like truth,
which God as well in dukes' houses correcteth, as in other inferior
persons, especially where he loveth. But howsoever the cause is to us
unknown, this good duke of Gloucester, albeit being both the king's
sole uncle, and having so many well-willers through the whole realm,
yet lacked not his Satan, lacked not his secret maligners. Of whom
specially was Henry Beaufort, cardinal, bishop of Winchester, and
chancellor of England; who, of long time disdaining and envying the
rule and authority of this duke, first had disposed and appointed
himself to remove the king's person from Eltham unto Windsor, out of
the duke's hands, and there to put in such governors as him listed.
After that, intending the duke's death, he set men of arms and archers
at the end of London bridge, and fore-barring the highway with a draw-
chain, set men in chambers, cellars, and windows with bows and arrows,
and other weapons, to the purposed destruction both of the duke and
his retinue, if God had not so disposed to turn his journey another
way. Besides other manifold injuries and molestations, the ambitious
cardinal, seeking by all means to be pope, procured such trouble
against him, that great division was thereby in the whole realm;
insomuch that all the shops within the city of London were shut in,
for fear of the favourers of these two great personages; for each part
had assembled no small number of people. For the pacifying whereof,
the archbishop of Canterbury, and the duke of Quember, called the
prince of Portugal, rode seven times in one day between those two
adversaries. Such were then the troubles of this tumultuous division
within the realm, and all by the excitation of this unquiet cardinal.

  Over and beside this cardinal aforementioned, another capital
enemy to the said duke was William de la Pole, first earl, then
marquis, at last duke, of Suffolk, a man very ill reported of in
stories, to be not only the organ and instrument of this good man's
death, but also to be the annoyance of the commonwealth, and ruin of
the realm. For by him, and his only device, was first concluded the
unprofitable and unhonourable marriage between the king and Lady
Margaret, daughter of the duke of Anjou; whereas the king had
concluded and contracted a marriage before with the daughter of the
earl of Arminik, upon conditions so much more profitable and
honourable, as more convenient it is for a prince to marry a wife with
riches and friends, than to take a maid with nothing, and disinherit
himself and his realm of old rights and ancient inheritance; which so
came to pass. And all this the good duke did well foresee, and
declared no less; but his counsel would not be taken. Whereupon
followed, first the giving away the duchy of Anjou, and the city of
Maine, with the whole country of Maine, to Reiner duke of Anjou and
father of the damsel, called then king of Sicily and of Jerusalem,
having thereof no penny profit, but only a vain name to play withal.

  Another sore enemy and mortal plague to this duke was the queen
herself, lately before married to the king. Who being of haughty
stomach, and all set upon glory, of wit and wiliness lacking nothing,
and perceiving her husband to be simple of wit, and easy to be ruled,
took upon her to rule and govern both the king and kingdom. And
because the advice and counsel of Humphrey, duke of Gloucester, was
somewhat a stay, that her authority and regiment could not so fully
proceed, and partly because the said duke before did disagree from
that marriage, this manly woman and courageous queen ceased not by all
imaginations and practices possible to set forward his destruction,
having also for her helper herein the duke of Buckingham, &c.

  These being his principal enemies and mortal foes, fearing lest
some commotion might arise, if such a prince, so near the king's
blood, and so dear to the people, and of all men so beloved, should be
openly executed and put to death, they devised how to trap him, and
circumvent him unknowing and unprovided. For the more speedy 
furtherance whereof a parliament was summoned to be kept at Bury, A.
D. 1447, far from the citizens of London, as William Tindall in his
Book of Practice writeth, where resorted all the peers of the realm,
and amongst them the duke of Gloucester, thinking no harm to any man,
and less to himself. Who on the second day of the session was by the
Lord Beaumond, high constable then of England, accompanied with the
duke of Buckingham and other, arrested, apprehended, and put inward,
and upon the same, all his servants discharged and put from him, of
whom thirty-two of the principal, being also under arrest, were
dispersed into divers prisons, to the great murmuring and grievance of
the people. After this arrest thus done, and the duke put into ward,
the night after, saith Hall, (six nights after, saith Fabian and
Polychron.) he was found dead in his bed, the twenty-fourth of
February, and his body showed to the lords and commons, as though he
had been taken naturally with some sudden disease. And although no
wound in his body could be seen, yet to all indifferent persons it
might well be judged that he died of no natural pang, but of some
violent hand. Some suspected him to be strangled; some, that a whole
spit was privily forced into his body; some affirm that he was stifled
between two featherbeds. After the death of this duke, and his body
being interred at St. Alban's, after he had politicly by the space of
twenty-five years governed this realm, five of his household, to wit,
one knight, three esquires, and a yeoman, were arraigned, and
convicted to be hanged, drawn, and quartered. Who being hanged and cut
down half alive, the marquis of Suffolk there present showed the
charter of the king's pardon, and so they were delivered.
Notwithstanding, all this could not appease the grudge of the people,
saying, that the saving of the servants was no amends for the
murdering of the master.
Illustration: Duke Humphrey's Body

  In this cruel fact of these persons, which did so conspire and
consent to the death of this nobleman, and which thought thereby to
work their own safety, the marvellous work of God's judgment appeareth
herein to be noted, who, as in all other like cruel policies of man,
so in this also turned all their policies clean contrary. So that
where the queen thought most to preserve her husband in honour, and
herself in state, thereby both she lost her husband, her husband lost
his realm, the realm lost Anjou, Normandy, the duchy of Aquitaine,
with all her parts beyond the sea, Calais only except, as in the
sequel of the matter, whoso will read the stories, shall right well
understand.

  The next year following it followed also that the cardinal, who
was the principal artificer and ringleader of all this mischief, was
suffered of God no longer to live. Of whose wicked conditions, being
more largely set forth in Edward Hall, I omit here to speak. What he
himself spake on his death-bed for example to other, I thought not
less to pretermit. Who hearing that he should die, and that there was
no remedy, murmured and grudged, wherefore he should die, having so
much riches, saying, that if the whole realm would save his life, he
was able either by policy to get it, or by riches to buy it; adding
and saying, moreover, "Fie," quoth he, "will not death be hired? will
money do nothing? When my nephew of Bedford died, I thought myself
half up the wheel, but when I saw mine other nephew of Gloucester
deceased, then I thought myself able to be equal with kings, and so
thought to increase my treasure, in hope to have worn the triple
crown," &c. And thus is the rich bishop of Winchester, with all his
pomp and riches, gone; with the which riches he was able not only to
build schools, colleges, and universities, but also was able to
sustain the king's armies in war, (as is specified in stories,)
without any taxing of the commons.

  In whose seat next succeeded William Wanflet, preferred to the
bishopric of Winchester, who, though he had less substance, yet having
a mind more godly disposed, did found and erect the college of Mary
Magdalene in Oxford. For the which foundation as there have been and
be yet many students bound to yield grateful thanks unto God, so I
must needs confess myself to be one, except I will be unkind.

  Among the other mischievous adversaries which sought and wrought
the death of Humphrey, duke of Gloucester, next to the cardinal of
Winchester, (who, as is said, died the next year following,) was
William de la Pole, marquis of Suffolk, who also lived not long after,
nor long escaped unpunished. For although he was highly exalted, by
the means of the queen, (whose marriage he only procured,) unto the
favour of the king, and was made duke of Suffolk, and magnified of the
people, and bare the whole sway in the realm, whose acts and facts his
vain-glorious head caused also by the assent of the commons to be
recorded, and substantially to be registered in the rolls of the
parliament, for a perpetual renown to him and all his posterity for
ever; yet, notwithstanding, the hand of God's judgment still hanging
over him, he enjoyed not long this his triumphant victory. For within
three years after the death and ruin of the cardinal, the voices of
the whole commons of England were utterly turned against him, accusing
him in the parliament at the Black Friars for delivery of the duchy of
Anjou, and the earldom of Maine; also for the death of the noble 
Prince Humphrey, duke of Gloucester. They imputed moreover to him the
loss of all Normandy, laying unto him that he was a swallower up and
consumer of the king's treasure, the expeller of all good and virtuous
counsellors from the king, and advancer of vicious persons, apparent
adversaries to the public wealth; so that he was called in every man's
mouth a traitor, a murderer, and a robber of the king's treasure.

  The queen, albeit she tenderly loved the duke, yet to appease the
exclamation of the commons, was forced to commit him to the Tower,
where he, with as much pleasure and liberty as could be, remained for
a month, which being expired he was delivered and restored again unto
his old place and former favour with the king, whereat the people more
grudged than before. It happened by the occasion of a commotion then
beginning amongst the rude people, by one whom they called Bluebeard,
that the parliament was for that time adjourned to Leicester, the
queen thinking by force and rigour of law to repress there the malice
and evil will conceived against the duke. But at that place few of the
nobility would appear. Wherefore it was again re-adjourned unto
London, and kept at Westminster, where was a whole company, and a full
appearance with the king and queen, and with them the duke of Suffolk,
as chief counsellor. The commons, not forgetting the old grudge,
renewed again their former articles and accusations against the said
duke, against the bishop of Salisbury and Sir James Finies, Lord Say,
and others. When the king perceived that no glossing nor dissimulation
would serve to appease the continual clamour of the importunate
commons, to make some quiet pacification, first he sequestered from
him the Lord Say, treasurer of England, and other the duke's
adherents, from their offices. Then he put in exile the duke of
Suffolk for the term of five years, supposing by that space the
furious rage of the people would assuage. But the hand of God would
not suffer the guiltless blood of Humphrey, duke of Gloucester, to be
unrevenged, or the flagitious person further to continue. For when he
was shipped in Suffolk, intending to he transported into France, he
was encountered with a ship of war belonging to the Tower; whereby he
was taken, and brought into Dovcr road, and there, on the side of a
ship boat, one struck off his head; which was about the year of our
Lord 1450.

  And thus have ye heard the full story and discourse of Duke
Humphrey, and of all his adversaries; also of God's condign punishment
upon them for their bloody cruelty. But before I remove from the said
story of the aforesaid duke, and of the proud cardinal his enemy, I
will here by the way annex a certain instrument, by the king and
advice of his council made against the said cardinal, taking upon him
to enter into this realm as legate from the pope, contrary to the old
laws and customs of this realm, as by the words of the said instrument
here in Latin may well appear.

  The sum and effect whereof in English is this, "That in the year
of our Lord 1428, as the king with Duke Humphrey, lord protector, and
the rest of the council, were in the duke's house in the parish of St.
Benet's by Paul's wharf, one Richard Candray, procurator, in the
king's name and behalf, did protest and denounce by this public
instrument, that whereas the king and all his progenitors, kings
before him of this realm of England, have been heretofore possessed,
time out of mind, with special privilege and custom used and observed
in this realm from time to time, that no legate from the apostolic see
should enter into this land or any of the king's dominions, without
the calling, petition, request, invitement, or desire of the king; and
forasmuch as Henry, bishop of Winchester, and cardinal of St.
Eusebius, hath presumed so to enter as legate from the pope, being
neither called, sent for, required, or desired by the king; therefore
the said Richard Candray, in the king's name doth protest by this
instrument, that it standeth not with the king's mind or intent, by
the advice of his council, to admit, approve, or ratify the coming of
the said legate in any wise, in derogation of the right, customs, and
laws of this his realm; or to recognise or assent to any exercise of
this his authority legatine, or to any acts, attempts, or hereafter by
him to be attempted in this respect, contrary to the aforesaid laws,
rights, customs, and liberties of this realm, by these presents," &c.

  And thus much as an appendix, annexed to the story of Duke
Humphrey, and the cardinal of Winchester, extract out of an old
written volume, remaining in the hands of Master William Bowyer.



117. THE INVENTION AND BENEFIT OF PRINTING.
Illustration: Printers and Printing

  In following the course and order of years, we find this
aforesaid year of our Lord, 1450, to be famous and memorable for the
divine and miraculous inventing of printing. Nauclerus, and
Wymselingus following him, refer the invention thereof to the year
1440. In Paralip. Abbatis Ursp. it is recorded this faculty to be
found, A. D. 1446. Aventinus and Zieglerus do say, A. D. 1450. The
first inventor thereof, as most agree, is thought to be a German,
dwelling first in Argentine, afterward citizen of Mentz, named J.
Faustus, a goldsmith. The occasion of this invention first was by
engraving the letters of the alphabet in metal; who, then laying black
ink upon the metal, gave the form of letters in paper. The man, being
industrious and active, perceiving that, thought to proceed further,
and to prove whether it would frame as well in words, and in whole
sentences, as it did in letters. Which, when he perceived to come well
to pass, he made certain other of his council, one J. Guttemberg, and
P. Schafferd, binding them by their oath to keep silence for a season.
After ten years John Guttemberg, copartner with Faustus, began then
first to broach the matter at Strasburgh. The art, being yet but rude,
in process of time was set forward by inventive wits, adding more and
more to the perfection thereof. In the number of whom J. Mentell, J.
Prus, Adolphus Ruschius, were great helpers. Ulricus Han, in Latin
called Gallus, first brought it to Rome.

  Notwithstanding, what man soever was the instrument, without all
doubt God himself was the ordainer and disposer thereof, no otherwise
than he was of the gift of tongues, and that for a singular purpose.
And well may this gift of printing be resembled to the gift of
tongues; for like as God then spake with many tongues, and yet all
that would not turn the Jews; so now, when the Holy Ghost speaketh to
the adversaries in innumerable sorts of books, yet they will not be
converted, nor turn to the gospel.

  Now to consider to what end and purpose the Lord hath given this
gift of printing to the earth, and to what great utility and necessity
it serveth, it is not hard to judge, who so wisely perpendeth both the
time of the sending, and the sequel which thereof ensueth.

  And first, touching the time of this faculty given to the use of
man, this is to be marked, that when the bishop of Rome, with all the
whole and full consent of the cardinals, patriarchs, archbishops,
bishops, abbots, priors, lawyers, doctors, provosts, deans,
archdeacons, assembled together in the council of Constance, had
condemned poor John Huss and Jerome of Prague to death for heresy,
notwithstanding they were no heretics, and after they had subdued the
Bohemians and all the whole world under the supreme authority of the
Romish see, and had made all Christian people obedienciaries and
vassals unto the same, having, as one would say, all the world at
their will, so that the matter now was past not only the power of all
men, but the hope also of any man to be recovered; in this very time,
so dangerous and desperate, where man's power could do no more, there
the blessed wisdom and omnipotent power of the Lord began to work for
his church, not with sword and target to subdue his exalted adversary,
but with printing, writing, and reading, to convince darkness by
light, error by truth, ignorance by learning. So that, by this means
of printing, the secret operation of God hath heaped upon that proud
kingdom a double confusion. For whereas the bishop of Rome had burned
John Huss before, and Jerome of Prague, who neither denied his
transubstantiation, nor his supremacy, nor yet his popish mass, but
said mass and heard mass themselves; neither spake against his
purgatory, nor any other great matter of his popish doctrine, but only
exclaimed against his excessive and pompous pride, his unchristian, or
rather antichristian, abomination of life: thus while he could not
abide his wickedness only of life to be touched, but made it heresy,
or at least matter of death, whatsoever was spoken against his
detestable conversation and manners, God, of his secret judgment,
seeing time to help his church, hath found a way by this faculty of
printing, not only to confound his life and conversation, which before
he could not abide to be touched, but also to cast down the foundation
of his standing, that is, to examine, confute, and detect his
doctrine, laws, and institutions, most detestable in such sort, that
though his life were never so pure, yet his doctrine, standing as it
doth, no man is so blind but he may see, that either the pope is
antichrist, or else that antichrist is near cousin to the pope; and
all this doth and will hereafter more and more appear by printing.

  The reason whereof is this, for that hereby tongues are known,
knowledge groweth, judgment increaseth, books are dispersed, the
Scripture is seen, the doctors be read, stories be opened, times
compared, truth discerned, falsehood detected, and with finger
pointed, and all, as I said, through the benefit of printing.
Wherefore, I suppose, that either the pope must abolish printing, or
he must seek a new world to reign over; for else, as this world
standeth, printing doubtless will abolish him. But the pope, and all
his college of cardinals, must this understand, that through the light
of printing the world beginneth now to have eyes to see and heads to
judge: he cannot walk so invisible in a net, but he will be spied. And
although, through might, he stopped the mouth of John Huss before, and
of Jerome, that they might not preach, thinking to make his kingdom
sure; yet, instead of John Huss and others, God hath opened the press
to preach, whose voice the pope is never able to stop, with all the
puissance of his triple crown. By this printing, as by the gift of
tongues, and as by the singular organ of the Holy Ghost, the doctrine
of the gospel soundeth to all nations and countries under heaven, and
what God revealeth to one man is dispersed to many, and what is known
in one nation is opened to all.

  The first and best were for the bishop of Rome, by the benefit of
printing, to learn and know the truth. If he will not, let him well
understand that printing is not set up for nought. To strive against
the stream it availeth not. What the pope hath lost, since printing
and the press began to preach, let him cast his counters. First, when
Erasmus wrote, and Frobenius printed, what a blow thereby was given to
all friars and monks in the world! And who seeth not that the pen of
Luther, following after Erasmus, and set forward by writing, hath set
the triple crown so awry on the pope's head, that it is like never to
be set straight again?

  Briefly, if there were no demonstration to lead, yet, by this one
argument of printing, the bishop of Rome might understand the counsel
and purpose of the Lord to work against him, having provided such a
way in earth, that almost how many printing presses there be in the
world, so many block-houses there be against the high castle of St.
Angel; so that either the pope must abolish knowledge and printing, or
printing at length will root him out. For if a man wisely consider the
hold and standing of the pope, thus he may repute with himself, that
as nothing made the pope strong in time past, but lack of knowledge
and ignorance of simple Christians; so contrariwise, now nothing doth
debilitate and shake the high spire of his papacy so much, as reading,
preaching, knowledge, and judgment, that is to say, the fruit of
printing; whereof some experience we see already, and more is like (by
the Lord's blessing) to follow. For although, through outward force
and violent cruelty, tongues dare not speak, yet the hearts of men
daily (no doubt) be instructed through the benefit of printing. And
though the pope, both now by cruelty, and in times past by ignorance,
had all under his possession; yet, neither must he think that violence
will always continue, neither must he hope for that now which he had
then; forasmuch as in those former days books then were scarce, and
also of such excessive price, that few could attain to the buying,
fewer to the reading and studying thereof; which books now by the
means of this art, are made easy unto all men. Ye heard before, how
Nicholas Belward bought a New Testament in those days for four marks
and forty pence, whereas now the same price will well serve forty
persons with so many books.

  Moreover, it was before noted and declared by the testimony of
Armachanus, how, for defect of books and good authors, both
universities were decayed and good wits kept in ignorance, while
begging friars, scraping all the wealth from other priests, heaped up
all books that could be gotten into their own libraries, where either
they did not diligently apply them, or did not rightly use them, or at
least kept them from such as more fruitfully would have perused them.
In this then so great rarity and also dearth of good books, when
neither they which could have books would well use them, nor they that
would, could have them to use, what marvel if the greediness of a few
prelates did abuse the blindness of those days, to the advancement of
themselves? Wherefore, Almighty God of his merciful providence, seeing
both what lacked in the church, and how also to remedy the same, for
the advancement of his glory, gave the understanding of this excellent
art or science of printing, whereby three singular commodities at one
time came to the world. First, the price of all books is diminished.
Secondly, the speedy help of reading more furthered. And thirdly, the
plenty of all good authors enlarged; according as Aprutinus doth truly
report:

"The press in one day will do in printing, 
That none in one year can do in writing."

  By reason whereof, as printing of books ministered matter of
reading; so reading brought learning, learning showed light, by the
brightness whereof blind ignorance was suppressed, error detected, and
finally, God's glory with truth of his word advanced. This faculty of
printing was after the invention of guns the space of one hundred and
thirty years; which invention was also found in Germany, A. D. 1380.
And thus much for the worthy commendation of printing.



118. THE LAMENTABLE LOSING OF CONSTANTINOPLE.
Illustration: Constantinople

  A. D. 1453, Constantinus Paleologus being emperor of
Constantinople, the 29th day of May, the great city of Constantinople
was taken by the Turk Mahomet, after the siege of fifty-four days,
which siege began in the beginning of April. Within the city, beside
the citizens, were but only six thousand rescuers of the Greeks, and
three thousand of the Venetians and Genoese. Against these, Mahomet
brought an army of four hundred thousand, collected out of the
countries and places adjoining near about, as out of Grecia, Illyrica,
Wallachia, Dardanis, Triballis, Bulgaria, out of Bithynia, Galatia,
Lydia, Sicily, and such other; which places had the name yet of
Christians. Thus one neighbour for lucre sake helped to destroy
another.

  The city was compassed of the Turks both by the sea and land.
Mahomet the Turk divided his army into three sundry parts, which in
three parts of the city so beat the walls and brake them down, that
they attempted by the breaches thereof to enter the city. But the
valiantness of the Christians therein won much commendation; whose
duke was called John Justinianus, of Genoa. But forasmuch as the
assaults were great, and the number of the Christian soldiers daily
decreased, fighting both at the walls and at the haven against such a
multitude of the Turks, they were not able long to hold out. Beside
the armies which lay battering at the walls, the Turk had upon the sea
his navy of two hundred and fifty sail, laying upon the haven of the
city, reaching from the one side of the haven's mouth unto the other,
as if a bridge should be made from the one bank to the other. Which
haven by the citizens was barred with iron chains, whereby the Turks
were kept out a certain space. Against which navy seven ships there
were of Genoa within the haven, and three of Crete, and certain of
Chios, which stood against them. Also the soldiers issuing out of the
city, as occasion would serve, did manfully gainsay them, and with
wild-fire set their ships on fire, that a certain space they could
serve to no use. At length the chains being burst, and a way made, the
Turk's navy entered the haven, and assaulted the city; whereby the
Turk began to conceive great hope, and was in forwardness to obtain
the city. The assault and skirmish then waxing more hot, Mahomet the
tyrant stood by upon a hill, with his warriors about him, crying and
howling out unto them to scale the walls and enter the town;
otherwise, if any rebelled, he threatened to kill them, and so he did.
Wherefore a great number of his soldiers, in their repulse and retire,
were slain by the Turk's men, being sent by his commandment to slay
them; and so they were justly served, and well paid their hire.

  Although this was some comfort to the Christians, to see and
behold out of the city the Turk's retinue so consumed, yet that hope
lasted not long. Shortly after, by rage of war, it happened Justinian,
the duke above named, to be hurt; who, notwithstanding that he was
earnestly desired by Paleologus the emperor, not to leave his tower
which he had to keep, seeing his wound was not deadly dangerous; yet
could he not be entreated to tarry, but left his standing, and his
fort disfurnished, setting none in his place to award the same. And so
this doughty duke, hurt more with his false heart than with force of
weapon, gave over and fled to Chios, where shortly after for sorrow,
rather than for soreness of his wound, he died. Many of his soldiers,
seeing their captain flee, followed after, leaving their fort utterly
destitute without defence. The Turks, understanding that vantage, soon
burst into the city. The Emperor Paleologus, seeing no other way but
to fly, making toward the gate, either was slain, or else trodden down
with the multitude. In the which gate eight hundred dead men's bodies
were found and taken up.

  The city of Constantinople thus being got, the Turks sacking and
ranging about the streets, houses, and corners, did put to the sword
most unmercifully whomsoever they found, both aged and young, matrons,
virgins, children, and infants, sparing none; the noble matrons and
virgins were horribly ravished, the goods of the city, the treasuries
in houses, the ornaments in churches, were all sacked and spoiled, the
pictures of Christ opprobriously handled, in hatred of Christ. The
spoil and havoc of the city lasted three days together, while the
barbarous soldiers murdered and rifled what them listed.

  These things thus being done, and the tumult ceased, after three
days Mahomet the Turk entereth into the city, and first calling for
the heads and ancients of the city, such as he found to be left alive,
he commanded them to be mangled and cut in pieces. It is also (saith
my author) reported, that in the feasts of the Turks, honest matrons
and virgins, and such as were of the king's stock, after other
contumelies, were hewn and cut in pieces for their disport.

  And this was the end of that princely and famous city of
Constantinople, beginning first by Constantinus, and ending also with
Constantinus, which for the princely royalty thereof was named and
ever honoured, from the time of the first Constantine, equally with
the city of Rome, and called also by the name thereof new Rome, and so
continued the space of eleven hundred and twenty years. I pray God
that old Rome may learn of new Rome, to take heed and beware betime.

  This terrible destruction of the city of Constantinople, the
queen of cities, I thought here to describe, not so much to set forth
the barbarous cruelty of these merciless murderers, as specially for
this, that we, being admonished by the doleful ruin and misery of
those equally christened with ourselves, may call to mind the plagues
and miseries deserved, which seem to hang no less over our own heads;
and thereby may learn betime to invocate and call more earnestly upon
the name of our terrible and merciful God, that he, for his Son's
sake, will keep us, and preserve his church among us, and mitigate
those plagues and sorrows, which we no less have deserved, than these
above minded have done before us. Christ grant it, Amen.



119. REYNOLD PECOCKE

  After the death of Henry Chichesley, archbishop of Canterbury,
next succeeded John Stafford, A. D. 1445,who continued eight years.
After him came John Kemp, A. D. 1453, who sat but three years. Then
succeeded Thomas Burschere. In the time of which archbishop, fell the
trouble of Reynold Pecocke, bishop of Chichester, afflicted by the
pope's prelates for his faith and profession of the gospel. Of this
bishop, Hall also, in his chronology toucheth a little mention,
declaring that an overthwart judgment, as he termeth it, was given by
the fathers of the spiritualty against him. "This man," saith he,
"began to move questions not privately, but openly in the
universities, concerning the annats, Peter pence, and other
jurisdictions and authorities, pertaining to the see of Rome, and not
only put forth the questions, but declared his mind and opinion in the
same; wherefore he was for this cause abjured at Paul's cross." Thus
much of him writeth Hall. Of whom also recordeth Polychronicon, but in
few words. This bishop, first of St. Asaph, then of Chichester, so
long as Duke Humphrey lived, by whom he was promoted and much made of,
was quiet and safe, and also bold to dispute and to write his mind,
and wrote (as Leland recordeth) divers books and treatises. But after
that good duke was thus (as ye have heard) made away, this good man,
lacking his back-stay, was open to his enemies, and matter soon found
against him. Whereupon he, being complained of, and accused by privy
and malignant promoters unto the archbishop, letters first were
directed down from the archbishop, to cite all men to appear that
could say any thing against him. The form of which citation here
ensueth:

  "Thomas, by the permission of God, archbishop of Canterbury,
primate of all England, and legate of the apostolic see, to all and
singular, parsons, vicars, chaplains, curates and not curates, clerks,
and learned men, whatsoever they be, constituted and ordained in any
place throughout our province of Canterbury, health, grace, and
benediction.

  "We have received a grievous complaint of our reverend fellow
brother, Reynold Pecocke, bishop of Chichester, containing in it, that
albeit our said reverend fellow brother, the bishop, delivered unto us
certain books written by him in the English tongue, by us and our
authority to be examined, corrected, reformed, and allowed;
notwithstanding many (the examination and reformation of the said
books depending and remaining before us undiscussed) have openly
preached and taught at Paul's cross in London, and in divers other
places of our province of Canterbury, that our said fellow brother,
the bishop, hath propounded, made, and written, or caused to be
written in the said books, certain conclusions repugnant to the true
faith, and that he doth obstinately hold and defend the same. By the
pretence of which preaching and teaching, the state and good name and
fame of the Lord Reynold, the bishop, are grievously offended and
hurt, and he and his opinion marvellously burdened. Wherefore we
charge you all together, and severally apart do command you, firmly
enjoining you, that openly and generally you do warn, or cause to be
warned, all and singular such persons, which will object any thing
contrary and against the conclusions of our said reverend fellow
brother, the bishop, had or contained in his books or writings; that
the twentieth day after such monition or warning had, they do freely,
of their own accord, appear before us and our commissaries in this
behalf appointed, wheresoever we shall then be in our city, diocese,
or province of Canterbury, to speak, propound, or allege, and affirm
fully and sufficiently in writing, whatsoever heretical or erroneous
matter they will speak, propound, or object against the said
conclusions contained in his said books; and both to satisfy and
receive whatsoever shall seem meet and right, in this behalf, by the
holy institution and ordinances.

  "And forasmuch as this matter depending yet undetermined and
undiscussed, nothing ought to be attempted or renewed; we charge you,
that by this, our authority, you inhibit and forbid all and every one
so to preach and teach hereafter. Unto whom also we, by the tenor of
these presents, do likewise forbid, that during the examination of the
conclusions and books aforesaid, depending before us and our
commissaries undiscussed, they do not presume by any means, without
good advice and judgment, to preach, judge, and affirm any thing to
the prejudice or offence of the said Lord Reynold, the bishop: and if
so be you do find any in this behalf gainsaying or not obeying this
our inhibition, that you do cite, or cause them peremptorily to be
cited, to appear before us or our commissaries, in this behalf
appointed, the tenth day after their citation, if it be a court day,
or else the next court day following, wheresoever we shall then be, in
our city, diocese, or province of Canterbury, to make further
declaration by form of law of the cause of their disobedience, and to
receive such punishment as justice and equity shall determine in their
behalf; and that by your letters you do duly certify us or our
commissaries, what you have done in the premises, at the day and place
aforesaid; or that he which hath so executed our commandment, do so
certify us by his letters. Dated at our manor of Lambeth, the twenty-
second day of October, A. D. 1457, and in the fourth year of our
translation."

  This citation being directed, the bishop, upon the summons
thereof, was brought, or rather came, before the judges and bishops
unto Lambeth, where the aforesaid Thomas the archbishop, with his
doctors and lawyers, were gathered together in the archbishop's court.
In which convention also the duke of Buckingham was present,
accompanied with the bishops of Rochester and of Lincoln. What were
the opinions and articles against him objected, after in his
revocation shall be specified. In his answering for himself, in such a
company of the pope's friends, albeit he could not prevail;
notwithstanding he, stoutly defending himself, declared many things
worthy great commendation of learning, if learning against power could
have prevailed.

  But they on the contrary part, with all labour and travail
extended themselves, either to reduce him, or else to confound him. As
here lacked no blustering words of terror and threatening, so also
many fair flattering words and gentle persuasions were admixed withal.
Briefly, to make a short narration of a long and busy traverse, here
was no stone left unturned, no ways unproved, either by fair means to
entreat him, or by terrible menaces to terrify his mind, till at
length he, being vanquished and overcome by the bishops, began to
faint, and gave over. Whereupon, by and by a recantation was put unto
him by the bishops, which he should declare before the people. The
copy of which his recantation here followeth.

    IN the name of God, Amen. Before you the most reverend father
in Christ and lord, the Lord Thomas, by the grace of God archbishop of
Canterbury, primate of all England, and legate of the apostolic see,
I, Reynold Pecocke, unworthy bishop of Chichester, do purely,
willingly, simply, and absolutely confess and acknowledge, that I in
times past, that is to say, by the space of these twenty years last
past and more, have otherwise conceived, holden, taught, and written,
as touching the sacraments, and the articles of the faith, than the
holy Church of Rome, and universal church; and also that I have made,
written, published, and set forth many and divers pernicious
doctrines, hooks, works, writings, heresies, contrary and against the
true catholic and apostolic faith, containing in them errors contrary
to the catholic faith, and especially these errors and heresies
hereunder written.

  "1. First of all, That we are not bound, by the necessity of
faith, to believe that our Lord Jesus Christ after his death descended
into hell.

  "2. Item, That it is not necessary to salvation to believe in the
holy catholic church.

  "3. Item, That it is not necessary to salvation to believe the
communion of saints.

  "4. Item, That it is not necessary to salvation to affirm the
body material in the sacrament.

  "5. Item, That the universal church may err in matters which
pertain unto faith.

  "6. Item, That it is not necessary unto salvation to believe that
that which every general council doth universally ordain, approve, or
determine, should necessarily, for the help of our faith and the
salvation of souls, be approved and holden of all faithful Christians.

  "Wherefore, I, Reynold Pecocke, wretched sinner, which have long
walked in darkness, and now, by the merciful disposition and ordinance
of God, am reduced and brought again unto the light and way of truth,
and restored unto the unity of our holy mother the church, renounce
and forsake all errors and heresies aforesaid."

  Notwithstanding, godly reader, it is not to be believed that
Pecocke did so give over these opinions, howsoever the words of the
recantation pretend. For it is a policy and play of the bishops, that
when they do subdue or overcome any man, they carry him whither their
list, as it were a young steer by the nose, and frame out his words
for him beforehand, as it were for a parrot, that he should speak unto
the people, not according to his own will, but after their lust and
fantasy. Neither is it to be doubted but that this bishop repented him
afterward of his recantation; which may easily be judged hereby,
because he was committed again to prison, and detained captive, where
it is uncertain whether he was oppressed with privy and secret
tyranny, and there obtained the crown of martyrdom, or no.

  The dictionary of Thomas Gascoigne I have not in my hands at
present. But if credit be to be given to such as have to us alleged
the book, this we may find in the eighth century of John Bale, chap.
xix., that the said Thomas Gascoigne, in his third part of his
dictionary, writing of Reynold Pecocke, maketh declaration of his
articles containing in them matters of sore heresy. "First," saith he,
"Reynold Pecocke at Paul's Cross preached openly, that the office of a
Christian prelate, chiefly above all other things, is to preach the
word of God. That man's reason is not to be preferred before the
Scriptures of the Old and New Testament. That the use of the
sacraments, as they be now handled, is worse than the use of the law
of nature. That bishops which buy their admissions of the bishop of
Rome, do sin. That no man is bound to believe and obey the
determination of the Church of Rome. Also, that the riches of bishops
by inheritance, are the goods of the poor. Item, that the apostles
themselves personally were not the makers of the Creed; and that in
the same Creed once was not the article, he went down to hell. Item,
that the four senses of the Scripture none is to be taken, but the
very first and proper sense. Also, that he gave little estimation, in
some points, to the authority of the old doctors. Item, that he
condemned the wilful begging of the friars, as a thing idle and
needless." This out of Thomas Gascoigne. Leland also, adding this
moreover, saith, that he, not contented to follow the catholic
sentence of the church, in interpreting of the Scripture, did not
think soundly (as he judged it) of the holy eucharist.

  At length, for these and such other articles, the said Reynold
Pecocke was condemned for a heretic, by the archbishops and bishops of
Roffe, Lincoln, and Winchester, with other divines more. Whereupon he,
being driven to his recantation, was, notwithstanding, detained still
in prison. Where, some say, that he was privily made away by death.

  Hall addeth, "that some say his opinions to be, that spiritual
persons by God's law ought to have no temporal possessions." Other
write, that he said that personal tithes were not due by God's law.
But whatsoever the cause was, he was caused at Paul's Cross to abjure,
and all his books burnt, and he himself kept in his own house during
his natural life. I marvel that Polydore, of this extremity of the
bishop's handling, and of his articles, in his history maketh no
memorial. Belike it made but little for the honesty of his great
master the pope.



120. THE PAPACY, 1449-1492

  From persecution and burning in England now out of the way to
digress a little, to speak of foreign matters of the Church of Rome:
you remember before, in the latter end of the council of Basil, how
Eugenius was deposed. Of whose conditions and martial affairs, how he
made war against Sfortia, a famous captain of Italy, and what other
wars he raised beside, not only in Italy but also in Germany, against
the city and council of Basil, I shall not need to make any long
rehearsal. After his deposition ye heard also how Felix, duke of
Savoy, was elected pope. Whereupon another great schism followed in
the church during all the life of Eugenius.

  After his death, his next successor was Pope Nicholas the Fifth,
who (as you before have heard) brought so to pass with the Emperor
Frederic the Third, that Felix was contented to renounce and resign
his papacy to Nicholas, and was, therefore, of him afterward received
to the room of cardinal for his submission; and Frederic for his
working was confirmed at Rome to be full emperor, and there crowned,
A. D. 1451. For emperors, before they be confirmed and crowned by the
pope, are no emperors, but only called kings of Romans.

  This Pope Nicholas here mentioned, to get and gather great sums
of money, appointed a jubilee in the year of our Lord 1450, at which
time there resorted a greater number of people unto Rome, than hath at
any time before been seen. At which time we read, in the story of
Platina, that to have happened, which I thought here not unworthy to
be noted for the example of the thing. As there was a great concourse
of people resorting up to the mount Vatican to behold the image of our
Saviour, which there they had to show to pilgrims, the people being
thick going to and fro between the mount and the city, by chance a
certain mule of the cardinals of St. Mark came by the way, by reason
whereof the people not being able to avoid the way, one or two falling
upon the mule, there was such a press and throng upon that occasion on
the bridge, that to the number of two hundred bodies of men and three 
horses were there strangled, and on each side of the bridge many
besides fell over into the water, and were drowned.

  By means of which occasion the pope afterward caused the small
houses to be plucked down, to make the way broader. And this is the
fruit that cometh by idolatry.

  In the time of this pope, one Matthew Palmerius wrote a book De
Angelis, for defending whereof he was condemned by the pope, and
burned at Corna, A. D. 1448.

  After him succeeded Calixtus the Third, who, amongst divers other
things, ordained, both at noon and at evening, the bell to toll the
AVes, as it was used in the popish time, to help the soldiers that
fought against the Turks, for the which cause also he ordained the
feast of the transfiguration of the Lord, solemnizing it with like
pardons and indulgences as was Corpus Christi day.

  Also this pope, proceeding contrary to the councils of Constance
and Basil, decreed that no man should appeal from the pope to any
council. By whom also St. Edmund of Canterbury, with divers other,
were made saints.

  Next after this Calixtus succeeded Pius Secundus, otherwise
called Æneas Sylvius, who wrote the two books of Commentaries upon the
Council of Basil, before mentioned. This Æneas, at the time of the
writing of those his books, seemed to be a man of an indifferent and
tolerable judgment and doctrine, from the which he afterward, being
pope, seemed to decline and swerve, seeking, by all means possible,
how to deface and abolish the books which heretofore he had written.

Sentences attributed unto this Pope Pius II.

  "The Divine nature of God may rather be comprehended by faith,
than by disputation.

  "Christian faith is to be considered, not by what reason it is
proved, but from whom it proceedeth.

  "Neither can a covetous man be satisfied with money, nor a
learned man with knowledge.

  "Learning ought to be to poor men instead of silver, to noblemen
instead of gold, and to princes instead of precious stones.

  "An artificial oration moveth fools, but not wise men.

  "Suitors in the law be as birds, the court is the bait, the
judges be the nets, and the lawyers be the fowlers.

  "Men are to be given to dignities, and not dignities to men.

  "The office of a bishop is heavy, but it is blessed to him that
doth well bear it.

  "A bishop without learning may be likened to an ass.

  "An evil physician destroyeth bodies, but an unlearned priest
destroyeth souls.

  "Marriage was taken from priests not without great reason, but
with much greater reason it ought to be restored again."

  The like sentence to this he uttereth in his Second Book of the
Council of Basil, before specified, saying, peradventure it were not
the worst, that "the most part of priests had their wives, for many
should be saved in priestly marriage, which now in unmarried
priesthood are damned." The same Pius also, as Celius reporteth,
dissolved certain orders of nuns, of the orders of St. Bridget and St.
Clare, bidding them to depart out, that they should burn no more, nor
cover a harlot under the vesture of religion.

  This Pius, if he had brought so much piety and godliness as he
brought learning unto his popedom, had excelled many popes that went
before him.

  It shall not be impertinent here to touch, what the said Æneas,
called Pius the Pope, writeth, touching the peace of the church, unto
Gasper Schlick, the emperor's chancellor, in his 54th epistle.

  "All men do abhor and detest schism. The way to remedy this evil,
Charles, the French king, hath showed us both safe and brief, which
is, that princes or their orators should convent and assemble together
in some common place, where they may conclude upon matters amongst
themselves. To bring this to pass, it were needful writings to be sent
again to all kings and princes, to send their orators to Strasburgh,
or to Constance, with their full authority there to treat of matters
appertaining to the peace of the church. Neither would it require so
great expenses, forasmuch as we see the year before 300 gilders to be
sufficient. Constantine the emperor bestowed not much more in the
congregation of the council of Nice. And this way could not be
stopped; neither could the pope or the council withstand it, or make
excuse, as though this might not easily be done without them. For why?
the secular princes may convent and assemble together, will they, nill
they; and yet, notwithstanding, unity may there be concluded; for he
shall be an undoubted pope, whom all princes would obey. Neither do I
see any of the clergy so constant to death, which will suffer
martyrdom, either for the one part or the other. All we lightly hold
that faith which our princes hold, which, if they would worship idols,
we would also do the same, and deny not only the pope, but God also,
if the secular power strain us thereunto, for charity is waxed cold,
and all faith is gone. Howsoever it be, let us all desire and seek for
peace; the which peace, whether it come by a council, or by assembly
of princes, call it what you will, I care not, for we stand not upon
the term, but upon the matter. Call bread, if you will, a stone, so
you give it me to assuage my hunger. Whether you call it a council, or
a conventicle, or an assembly, or a congregation, or a synagogue, that
is no matter, so that schism may be excluded, and peace established."

  Thus much out of the epistle of Pius.

  By this it may appear, of what sentence and mind this Pius was in
the time of the council of Basil, before he was made pope. But as our
common proverb saith, Honours change manners; so it happened with this
Pius, who after he came once to be pope, was much altered from what he
was before. For whereas before he preferred general councils before
the pope, now, being pope, he did decree, that no man should appeal
from the high bishop of Rome to any general council.

  And likewise for priests' marriage, whereas before he thought it
best to have their wives restored, yet afterward he altered his mind
otherwise; insomuch that in his book treating of Germany, and there
speaking of the noble city of Augsburg, by occasion he inveighed
against a certain epistle of Hulderick, once bishop of the said city,
written against the constitution of the single life of priests.
Whereby it appeareth how the mind of this Pius was altered from that
it was before. This epistle of Hulderick is before expressed at large.

  Here also might I touch something concerning the discord betwixt
this Æneas Sylvius and Diotherus, archbishop of Mentz, and what
discord was stirred up in Germany upon the same, between Frederick the
Palatine and the duke of Wittenberge, with others; by the occasion
whereof, besides the slaughter of many, the city of Mentz, which was
free, lost her freedom and became servile.

  The causes of the discord betwixt Pope Pius and Diotherus were
these:

  First, because that Diotherus would not consent unto him in the
imposition of certain tallages and taxes within his country.

  Secondly, for that Diotherus would not be bound unto him,
requiring that the said Diotherus, being prince elector, should not
call the other electors together without his licence, that is, without
the licence of the bishop of Rome.

  And thirdly, because Diotherus would not permit to the pope's
legates, to convocate his clergy together after their own lust. This
Pope Pius began his see about the year of our Lord 1458.

  After this Pius the Second succeeded Paulus the Second, a pope
wholly set upon his belly and ambition, and not so much void of all
learning, as the hater of all learned men. This Paulus had a daughter
begotten in fornication, and because he saw her to be had in reproach,
for that she was gotten in fornication, he began (as the stories
report) to repent him of the law of the single life of priests, and
went about to reform the same, had not death prevented him.

  After this Paulus came Sixtus the Fourth, which builded up in
Rome a stews of both kinds, getting thereby no small revenues and
rents unto the Church of Rome. This pope, amongst his other acts,
reduced the year of jubilee from the fiftieth unto the twenty-fifth.
He also instituted the feast of the Conception, and the presentation
of Mary and of Anna her mother, and Joseph. Also he canonized
Bonaventure and Saint Francis for saints.

  By this Sixtus also beads were brought in, and instituted to make
our Lady's Psalter, through the occasion of one Alanus and his order,
whom Baptista maketh mention of in this verse, "These men putting
their beads upon a string, number their prayers." This Sixtus the pope
made two and thirty cardinals in his time, of whom Petrus Ruerius was
the first, who for that time that he was cardinal, which was but two
years, spent in luxurious riot, wasted and consumed two hundred
thousand florins, and was left sixty thousand in debt. Wesellus
Groningensis, in a certain treatise of his writing of this Pope
Sixtus, reporteth this, that at the request of the aforesaid Peter,
cardinal, and of Jerome his brother, the said Pope Sixtus permitted
and granted unto the whole family of the cardinal of St. Lucy, in the
three hot months of summer, June, July, and August, (a horrible thing
to be spoken,) free leave and liberty to use sodomitery, with this
clause, Be it as it is asked.

  Next after this Sixtus came Innocentius the Eighth, as rude, and
as far from all learning, as his predecessor was before him. Amongst
the noble facts of this pope this was one, that in the town of Polus
apud Equicolos, he caused eight men and six women, with the lord of
the place, to be apprehended and taken, and judged for heretics,
because they said that none of them was the vicar of Christ which come
after Peter, but they only which followed the poverty of Christ. Also
he condemned of heresy, George, the king of Bohemia, and deprived him
of his dignity and also of his kingdom, and procured his whole stock
to be utterly rejected and put down, giving his kingdom to Matthias
king of Pannonia.



121. THE WARS OF THE ROSES

  Now from the popes to descend to other estates, it remaineth
likewise somewhat to write of the emperors incident to this time,
which matters and grievances of the Germans, and also of other
princes, first beginning with our troubles and mutations here at home
pertaining to the overthrow of this King Henry and his seat, now
following to be showed. And briefly to contract long process of much
tumult and business into a short narration, here is to be remembered,
which partly before was signified, how, after the death of the duke of
Gloucester, mischiefs came in by heaps upon the king and his realm.
For after the giving away of Anjou and Maine to the Frenchmen, by the
unfortunate marriage of Queen Margaret above mentioned, the said
Frenchmen, perceiving now, by the death of the duke of Gloucester, the
stay and pillar of this commonwealth to be decayed, and seeing,
moreover, the hearts of the nobility among themselves to be divided,
foreslacked no time, having such an open way into Normandy, and in
short time they recovered the same, and also got Gascony, so that no
more now remained to England of all the parts beyond the sea, but only
Calais. Neither yet did all the calamity of the realm only rest in
this; for the king now having lost his friendly uncle, as the stay and
staff of his age, which had brought him up so faithfully from his
youth, was now thereby the more open to his enemies, and they more
imboldened to set upon him; as appeared, first by Jack Cade the
Kentish captain, who, encamping first on Blackheath, afterward aspired
to London, and had the spoil thereof, the king being driven into
Warwickshire. After the suppressing of Cade ensued not long after the
duke of York, who, being accompanied with three earls, set upon the
king near to St. Alban's, where the king was taken in the field
captive, and the duke of York was by parliament declared protector,
which was in the year of our Lord 1453. After this followed long
division and mortal war between the two houses of Lancaster and York,
continuing many years. At length, about the year of our Lord 1459, the
duke of York was slain in battle by the queen near to the town of
Wakefield, and with him also his son, earl of Rutland. By the which
queen also shortly after, in the same year, were discomfited the earl
of Warwick and duke of Norfolk, to whom the keeping of the king was
committed by the duke of York, and so the queen again delivered her
husband.

  After this victory obtained, the northern men, advanced not a
little in pride and courage, began to take upon them great attempts,
not only to spoil and rob churches, and religious houses, and
villages, but also were fully intended, partly by themselves, partly
by the inducement of their lords and captains, to sack, waste, and
utterly to subvert the city of London, and to take the spoil thereof;
"and no doubt," saith my history, "would have proceeded in their
conceived intent, had not the opportune favour of God provided a
speedy remedy." For as these mischiefs were in brewing, suddenly
cometh the noble Prince Edward unto London with a mighty army, the
seven and twentieth day of February, who was the son and heir to the
duke of York above mentioned, accompanied with the earl of Warwick,
and divers more. King Henry in the mean time, with his victory, went
up to York; when Edward, being at London, caused there to be
proclaimed certain articles concerning his title to the crown of
England, which was the second day of March.

  Whereupon, the next day following, the lords both temporal and
spiritual being assembled together, the said articles were propounded,
and also well approved. The fourth day of the said month of March,
after a solemn general procession, (according to the blind
superstition of those days,) the bishop of Exeter made a sermon at
Paul's Cross, wherein he commended and proved by manifold evidences,
the title of Prince Edward to be just and lawful, answering the same
to all objections which might be made to the contrary.

  This matter being thus discussed, Prince Edward, accompanied with
the lords spiritual and temporal, and with much concourse of people,
rode the same day to Westminster Hall, and there, by the full consent,
as well of the lords, as also by the voice of all the commons, took
his possession of the crown, and was called King Edward the Fourth.

  These things thus accomplished at London, as to such a matter
appertained, and preparation of money sufficiently being administered
of the people and commons, with most ready and willing minds, for the
necessary furniture of his wars; he, with the duke of Norfolk, and
earl of Warwick, and Lord Falconbridge, in all speedy wise took his
journey toward King Henry; who now being at York, and forsaken of the
Londoners, had all his refuge only reposed in the northern men.

  When King Edward with his army had passed over the river of
Trent, and was come near to Ferry-bridge, where also the host of King
Henry was not far off, upon Palm Sunday, between Ferrybridge and
Tadcaster, both the armies of the southern and northern men joined
together in battle. And although at the first beginning divers
horsemen of King Edward's side turned their backs, and spoiled the
king of carriage and victuals; yet the courageous prince, with his
captains, little discouraged therewith, fiercely and manfully set on
their adversaries. The which battle on both sides was so cruelly
fought, that in the same conflict were slain to the number, as is
reported, beside men of name, thirty thousand of the poor commons.
Notwithstanding, the conquest fell on King Edward's part, so that King
Henry having lost all, was forced to fly into Scotland, where also he
gave up to the Scots the town of Berwick, after he had reigned eight
and thirty years and a half.

  The claim and title of the duke of York, and after him of Edward
his son, put up to the lords and commons, whereby they challenged the
crown to the house of York, is thus in the story of Scala Mundi, word
for word, as here-under is contained.

The title of the house of York to the crown of England.

  Edward the Third, right king of England, had issue, first, Prince
Edward; second, William Hatfield; third, Lionel; fourth, John of
Gaunt, &c. Prince Edward had Richard the Second, which died without
issue, William Hatfield died without issue, Lionel, duke of Clarence,
had issue lawfully begot, Philippa, his only daughter and heiress; who
was lawfully coupled to Edmund Mortimer, earl of March, and had issue
lawfully begot, Roger Mortimer, earl of March, and heir; which Roger
had issue Edmund, earl of March, Roger, Anne, and Eleanor; Edmund and
Eleanor died without issue, and the said Anne by lawful matrimony was
coupled unto Richard, earl of Cambridge, the son of Edmund of Langley,
who had issue and lawfully bare Richard Plantagenet, now duke of York;
John of Gaunt gat Henry; which unrightfully treated King Richard, then
being alive Edmund Mortimer, earl of March, son of the said Philippa,
daughter to Lionel. To the which Richard, duke of York, and son to
Anne, daughter to Roger Mortimer, earl of March,son and heir to the
said Philippa, daughter and heir to the said Lionel, the third son of 
Edward the Third, the right and dignity of the crown appertained and
belonged, before any issue of the said John of Gaunt. Notwithstanding
the said title of dignity of the said Richard of York, the said
Richard, desiring the wealth, rest, and prosperity of England, agreeth
and consenteth that King Henry the Sixth, should be had and taken for
king of England during his natural life, from this time, without hurt
of his title.

  "Wherefore the king understanding the said title of the said duke
to be just, lawful, true, and sufficient, by the advice and assent of
the lords spiritual and temporal, and the commons in the parliament,
and by the authority of the same parliament, declareth, approveth,
ratifieth, confirmeth, accepteth the said title for just, good,
lawful, and true, and thereto giveth his assent and agreement of his
free will and liberty; and over that, by the said advice and authority
declareth, calleth, stablisheth, affirmeth, and reputeth the said
Richard of York, very true and rightful heir to the crown of England
and France; and that all other statutes and acts made by any of the
late Henries, contrary to this advice, be annulled, repelled, damned,
cancelled, void, and of no force or effect. The king agreed and
consented that the said duke and his heirs should after his natural
life enjoy the crown, &c. Also, that all sayings and doings against
the duke of York shall be high treason, and all acts of parliaments
contrary to this principal act be void and of none effect."

  And thus much for the reign of King Henry the Sixth, who now
lacked his uncle and protector, duke of Gloucester, about him. But
commonly the lack of such friends is never felt before they be missed.

  In the time of this king was builded the house in London called
Leadenhall, founded by one Simon Eyre, mayor once of the said city of
London, A. D. 1445.

  Also the standard in Cheap, builded by John Wells, A. D. 1442;
the conduit in Fleet Street, by William Castfield, A. D. 1438. Item,
Newgate, builded by the goods of Richard Whittington, A. D. 1422.
Moreover the said Henry the Sixth founded the college of Eton, and
another house, having then the title of St. Nicholas, in Cambridge,
now called the King's College.

  In the reign of this Henry the Sixth, it is not to be passed over
in silence which we find noted in the parliament rolls, how that
Louis, archbishop of Rouen, after the death of the late bishop of Ely,
had granted unto him by the pope's bulls, during his life, all the
profits of the said bishopric, by the name of the administrator of the
said bishopric. Louis, the aforesaid archbishop, showeth his bulls to
the king, who utterly rejected his bulls. Notwithstanding, for his
service done in France, the king granted to him the administration
aforesaid, the which to all intents, at the petition of the said
Louis, should be affirmed to be of as great force as though he were
bishop, touching profits, liberties, and ability.

  Neither again is here to be overpast a certain tragical act done
betwixt Easter and Whitsuntide, of a false Briton, A. D. 1427, which
murdered a good widow in her bed, (who had brought him up of alms,
without Aldgate, in the suburbs of London,) and bare away all that she
had, and afterward he took succour of holy church at St. George's in
Southwark; but at the last he took the cross and forswore the king's
land. And as he went his way, it happened him to come by the same
place where he had done that cursed deed; and women of the same parish
came out with stones and channel dung, and there made an end of him in
the high street, so that he went no farther, notwithstanding the
constables and other men also which had him under governance to
conduct him forward; for there was a great company of them, so that
they were not able to withstand them.
Illustration: Tomb of Henry VI
Ornamnetal capital KING Edward, after his conquest and victory
achieved against King Henry, returned again to London, where, upon the
vigil of St. Peter and Paul, being on Sunday, he was crown ed king of
England, and reigned twenty-two years, albeit not without great
disquietness, and much perturbation in his reign.

  Queen Margaret, hearing how her husband was fled into Scotland,
was also fain to fly the land, and went to her father, duke of Anjou;
from whence, the next year following, she returned again to renew war
against King Edward, with small succour and less luck. For being
encountered by the earl of Warwick, about November, she was driven to
the seas again, and by tempest of weather she was driven into
Scotland.

  In this year we read that King Edward, in the cause of a certain
widow for rape, sat in his own person in Westminster Hall upon his own
bench, discussing her cause.

  The year following, King Henry, issuing out of Scotland with a
sufficient power of Scots and Frenchmen, came into the north country
to recover the crown, unto whom the Lord Ralph Percy, and Lord Ralph
Gray, flying from King Edward, did adjoin themselves; but the Lord so
disposing, King Henry with his power was repulsed in battle at Exham
by the Lord Mountecute, having then the rule of the north; where the
duke of Somerset, Lord Hungerford, Lord Ross, with certain other were
taken. The Lord Ralph Percy was slain, the residue fled. Albeit the
history of Scala Mundi referreth this battle to the year 1464, the
fifteenth day of May. In the which month of May, were beheaded the
duke of Somerset, Lord Hungerford, Lord Ross, Lord Philip Wentworth,
Lord Thomas Hussy, Lord Thomas Findern, beside twenty-one other
belonging to the retinue and household of King Henry the Sixth. Queen
Margaret, finding no resting-place here in England, took her progress
again from whence she came, learning in her own country to drink that
drink, which she herself had brewed here in England.

  And not long after, the next year, A. D. 1465, on the day of St.
Peter and Paul, King Henry, being found and known in a wood by one
Cantlow, as they say, was arrested by the earl of Warwick, and at
last, of a king made prisoner in the Tower of London.

  In this mean time, King Edward (after the motion of marriage for
him being made, and first the Lady Margaret, sister to James the
Fourth, king of Scots, thought upon; but that motion taking no effect,
afterward the Lady Elizabeth, sister to Henry, king of Castile, being
intended; but she, being under age, the earl of Warwick, turning then
his legation and voyage to the French king, Louis the Eleventh, to
obtain Lady Bona, daughter of the duke of Savoy, and sister to Carlot,
the French queen, and obtained the same) had cast favour unto one
Elizabeth Grey, widow of Sir John Grey, knight, slain before in the
battle of St. Alban's, daughter to the duchess of Bedford, and Lord
Rivers, and first went about to have her to his concubine. But she, as
being unworthy, as she said, to be the wife of such a high personage,
so thinking herself to be too good to be his concubine, in such sort
won the king's heart, that incontinent, before the return of the earl
of Warwick, he married her; at the which marriage were no more than
only the duchess of Bedford, two gentlewomen, the priest and clerk.
Upon this so hasty and unlucky marriage ensued no little trouble to
the king, much bloodshed to the realm, undoing almost to all her
kindred, and finally, confusion to King Edward's two sons, which both
were declared afterward to be bastards, and also deprived of their
lives. For the earl of Warwick, who had been the faithful friend and
chief maintainer before of the king, at the hearing of this marriage,
was therewith so grievously moved and chafed in his mind, that he
never after sought any thing more, than how to work displeasure to the
king, and to put him beside his cushion. And although for a time he
dissembled his wrathful mood, till he might spy a time convenient, and
a world to set forward his purpose, at last, finding occasion somewhat
serving to his mind, he breaketh his heart to his two brethren, to
wit, the marquis Mountacute, and the archbishop of York, conspiring
with them how to bring his purpose about. Then thought he also to
prove afar off the mind of the duke of Clarence, King Edward's
brother, and likewise obtained him, giving also to him his daughter in
marriage.

  This matter being thus prepared against the king, the first flame
of his conspiracy began to appear in the north country. Where the
northern men, in short space gathering themselves in an open
rebellion, and finding captains of their wicked purpose, came down
from York toward London. Against whom was apppointed by the king,
William Lord Herbert, earl of Pembroke, with the Lord Stafford, and
certain other captains to encounter. The Yorkshiremen giving the
overthrow first to the Lord Stafford, then to the earl of Pembroke,
and his company of Welchmen at Banbury Field, at last joining together
with the army of the earl of Warwick, and the duke of Clarence, in the
dead of the night secretly stealing on the king's field at Wolney by
Warwick, killed the watch, and took the king prisoner, who first being
in the castle of Warwick, then was conveyed by night to Midleham
castle, in Yorkshire, under the custody of the archbishop of York,
where he, having loose keeping, and liberty to go on hunting, meeting
with Sir William Standley, Sir Thomas of Borough, and other his
friends, was too good for his keepers, and escaped the hands of his
enemies, and so came to York, where he was well received; from thence
to Lancaster, where he met with the Lord Hasting, his chamberlain,
well accompanied, by whose help he came safe to London.

  After this tumult, when reconciliation could not come to perfect
peace and unity, although much labour was made by the nobility, the
earl of Warwick raiseth up a new war in Lincolnshire, the captain
whereof was Sir Robert Wells, knight, who shortly after, being taken
in battle with his father, and Sir Thomas Dunocke, were beheaded, the
residue casting away their coats, ran away and fled, giving the name
of the field, called Losecoat Field. The earl of Warwick, after this,
put out of comfort and hope to prevail at home, fled out of England,
A. D. 1470, first to Calais, then to Louis the French king,
accompanied with the duke of Clarence. The fame of the earl of
Warwick, and of his famous acts, was at that time in great admiration
above measure, and so highly favoured, that both in England and France
all men were glad to behold his personage. Wherefore the coming of
this earl, and of the duke of Clarence, was not a little grateful to
the French king, and no less opportune to Queen Margaret, King Henry's
wife, and Prince Edward, her son, who also came to the French court to
meet and confer together touching their affairs, where a league
between them was concluded, and moreover a marriage between Edward,
prince of Wales, and Anne, the second daughter of the earl of Warwick,
was wrought. Thus all things falling luckily upon the earl's part,
beside the large offers and great promises made by the French king, on
the best manner to set forward their purpose, the earl having also
intelligence, by letters, that the hearts almost of all men went with
him, and longed sore for his presence, so that there lacked now but
only haste with all speed possible to return; he, with the duke of
Clarence, well fortified with the French navy, set forward toward
England; for so was it between them before decreed, that they two
should prove the first venture, and then Queen Margaret, with Prince
Edward her son, should follow after. The arrival of the earl was not
so soon heard of at Dartmouth in Devonshire, but great concourse of
people by thousands went to him from all quarters to receive and
welcome him: who immediately made proclamation in the name of King
Henry the Sixth, charging all men, able to bear armour, to prepare
themselves to fight against Edward, duke of York, usurper of the
crown. Here lacked no friends, strength of men, furniture, nor policy
convenient for such a matter.

  When King Edward (who before not passing for the matter, nor
seeking how either to have stopped his landing, or else straightways
to have encountered with him, before the gathering of his friends, but
passing forth the time in hunting, in hawking, in all pleasure and
dalliance) had knowledge what great resort of multitudes incessantly
more repaired and more daily about the earl and the duke, he began now
to provide for remedy, when it was too late; who, trusting too much to
his friends and fortune before, did now right well perceive what a
variable and inconstant thing the people is, and especially here of
England, whose nature is never to be content long with the present
state, but always delighting in news, seeketh new variety of changes,
either envying that which standeth, or else pitying that which is
fallen. Which inconstant mutability of the light people, changing with
the wind, and wavering with the reed, did well appear in the course of
this king's story. For he, through the favour of the people when he
was down, was exalted; now, being exalted, of the same was forsaken.
Whereby this is to be noted of all princes, that as there is nothing
in this mutable world firm and stable; so there is no trust nor
assurance to be made, but only in the favour of God, and in the
promises of his word, only in Christ his Son, whose only kingdom shall
never have end, nor is subject to any mutation.

  These things thus passing on in England on the earl's side
against King Edward, he, accompanied with the duke of Gloucester his
brother, and the Lord Hastings, who had married the earl of Warwick's
sister, and yet was never untrue to the king his master, and the Lord
Scales, brother to the queen, sent abroad to all his trusty friends
for furniture of able soldiers for defence of his person, to withstand
his enemies. When little rescue and few in effect would come, the king
himself, so destitute, departed to Lincolnshire, where he, perceiving
his enemies daily to increase upon him, and all the countries about to
be in a roar, making fires, and singing songs, crying, King Henry,
King Henry, a Warwick, a Warwick, and hearing moreover his enemies the
Lancasterians to be within half a days' journey of him, was advised by
his friends to flee over the sea to the duke of Burgundy, which not
long before had married King Edward's sister.

  Here might be thought, by the common judgment and policy of man,
peradventure that King Edward, as he had in his hands the life of King
Henry, of his queen and prince, so if he had despatched them out of
the way, when he might, he had not fallen into this misery; but
because he took not the vantage, which time rather than godly reason
gave him, therefore that sparing pity of his turned. now to his
confusion and ruin. And certes I suppose no less, but if the same case
had fallen in these our pitiless days, in which charity now waxeth
utterly cold, and humanity is almost forgotten, the occasion of such a
time should not be so neglected. But let us here note and learn, how
godly simplicity always in the end of things gaineth more than man's
policy, forasmuch as man worketh with the one, but God worketh with
the other.

  And so far it is off, that event and success of things be
governed by man's advised policy, or unadvised affection in this
world, that that is judged to be weaker which flourisheth in man, than
that which is cast down in the Lord; as in the double case of both
these kings may well appear. And first, let us consider the case of
King Edward, who, being so beset and compassed with evils and
distresses on every side, first was compelled to take the Washes
between Lincolnshire and Lynn (which was no less dangerous to his
life, than it was unseemly for his state). Being come to Lynn, in what
peril was he there, through the doubtful mutability of the townsmen,
if he had been known to his enemies? And how could he be but known, if
he had tarried any space? But though men and friends forsook him, yet
the mercy of God, not forsaking the life of him which showed mercy
unto other, so provided, that at the same present there was an English
ship, and two hulks of Holland, ready to their journey. Thus King
Edward, without provision, without bag or baggage, without cloth-sack
or mail, without store of money, without raiment, save only apparel
for war, also without all friends, except only his brother, duke of
Gloucester, the Lord Scales, and Lord Hastings, with a few other
trusty friends, to the number of seven or eight hundred persons, took
shipping toward Holland; at which time he was in no less jeopardy
almost on the sea, than he was on the land. For certain Easterlings
having many ships of war, which lay roving the same time on the sea,
and had done much damage the year before, as well to the English
merchants as to the French nation, spying the king's ship, with seven
or eight gallant ships, made sail after the king and his company. The
king's ship was good of sail, and got some ground, albeit not much, of
the Easterlings, that she came, to the coast of Holland before
Alquemare, and there cast anchor; for otherwise, being an ebbing
water, they could not enter the haven. The Easterlings with their
great ships approached as near as they could possibly come for the low
water, purposing at the flood to obtain their prey, and so were like
to do, if the Lord had not there also provided Monsieur de Grounture,
governor for Duke Charles in Holland, at that season to be personally
present in the town of Alquemare, who, hearing of the jeopardy of the
king being there at anchor, prohibited the Easterlings, on pain of
death, to meddle with any Englishmen, which were the duke's friends
and allies.

  Thus King Edward, well chastised of God for his wantonness, both
by sea and land, but not utterly given over from his protection,
escaping so many hard chances, was set on land with his company; who,
there well refreshed and new apparelled, were conducted to Hague.

  Duke Charles, at the hearing of the unprosperous case and
condition of King Edward his brother-in-law, was greatly amazed and
perplexed in himself, much casting and doubting what he should do. For
being then in war with the French king, he could not well provoke the
English nation against him, without his manifest grievance and decay;
neither yet could he, without great shame and obloquy, leave the king
his brother in that necessity. Notwithstanding, so he demeaned himself
through fair speech, pretending to the Englishmen to join part with
the house of Lancaster, being himself partly descended of the same
family by his grandmother's side; that he both was his own friend
openly, and the king's friend covertly, pretending that he did not,
and doing that he pretended not.

  When tidings was spread in England of King Edward's flying,
innumerable people of all hands resorted to the earl of Warwick, to
take his part against King Edward, a few only except of his constant
friends, which took sanctuary. Among whom was also Elizabeth his wife,
who, despairing almost of all comfort, took also sanctuary at
Westminster, where she, in great penury forsaken, was delivered of a
fair son called Edward, which without all pomp was baptized like
another poor woman's child, the godfathers being the abbot and prior
of Westminster, the godmother was Lady Scroope.

  To make the story short, the earl of Warwick having now brought
all things to his appetite, upon the twelfth day of October rode to
the Tower, which was then delivered to him, and there took King Henry
out of the ward, and placed him in the king's lodging. The five and
twentieth day of the same month, the duke of Clarence, accompanied
with the earls of Warwick, Shrewsbury, and the Lord Stanley, with a
great company, brought him in a long gown of blue velvet through the
high streets of London, first to Paul's church to offer, then to the
bishop's palace of London, and there he resumed again the crown royal,
A. D. 1471, which he did not long enjoy.

  After this followed a parliament, in the which King Edward with
all his partakers were judged traitors. Queen Margaret, with her son
Prince Edward, all this while was tarrying for a fair wind, thinking
long belike till she came to an evil bargain, as it proved after. For
King Edward, within six months after his departure out of England unto
the duke of Burgundy, whether by letters from his friends solicited,
or whether by his adventurous courage incited, made instant suit to
Duke Charles his brother, to rescue him with such power as he would
bestow upon him; for he was fully resolved to defer the matter, and to
protract the time no longer.

  The duke camped in double fear in such a dangerous case,
notwithstanding, overcome by nature and affinity, secretly caused to
be delivered to him fifty thousand florins, and further caused four
great ships to be appointed for him in a haven in Zealand, where it
was free for all men to come. Also the same duke had for him hired
fourteen ships of the Fastenings well appointed, taking bond of them
to serve him truly till he were landed in England, and fifteen days
after.

  Thus King Edward, being furnished but only with two thousand men
of war, with more luck than hope to speed, sped his voyage into 
England, and landed at Ravenspur, in the coast of Yorkshire. Although
there was no way for the king with such a small company of soldiers to
do any good, yet, to use policy where strength did lack, first he sent
forth certain light horsemen to prove the country on every side, with
persuasions, to see whether the uplandish people would be stirred to
take King Edward's part. Perceiving that it would not be, king Edward
flieth to his shifts, dissembling his purpose to be, not to claim the
crown and kingdom, but only to claim the duchy of York, which was his
own title, and caused the same to be published. This being notified to
the people, that he desired no more but only his just patrimony and
lineal inheritance, they began to be moved with mercy and compassion
towards him, either to favour him or not to resist him, and so,
journeying toward York, he came to Beverley. The Marquis Mountacute,
brother to the earl of Warwick, was then at Pomfret, to whom the earl
had sent straight charge, with all expedition to set upon him, or else
to stop his passage; and likewise to the citizens of York, and all
Yorkshire, to shut their gates and take armour against him. King
Edward, being in these straits, proceeded notwithstanding near to York
without resistance, where he required of the citizens to be admitted
into their city. But so stood the case then, that they durst not grant
unto him, but, on the contrary, sent him word to approach no nearer,
as he loved his own safeguard. The desolate king was here driven to a
narrow strait, who neither could retire back, for the opinion of the
country and loss of his cause; neither could go farther, for the
present danger of the city. Wherefore, using the same policy as
before, with lovely words and gentle speech he desired the messengers
to declare unto the citizens, that his coming was not to demand the
realm of England, or the title of the same, but only the duchy of
York, his old inheritance; and therefore determined to set forward,
neither with armynor weapon. The messengers were not so soon within
the gates, but he was at the gates in a manner as soon as they.

  The citizens, hearing his courteous answer, and that he intended
nothing to the prejudice of the king, nor of the realm, were something
mitigated toward him, and began to commune with him from the walls,
willing him to withdraw his power to some other place, and they should
be the more ready to aid him, at least he should have no damage by
them.

  Notwithstanding, he again used such lowly language, and delivered
so fair speech unto them, entreating them so courteously, and saluting
the aldermen by their names, requiring at their hands no more but only
his own town, whereof he had the name and title, that at length the
citizens, after long talk and debating upon the matter, partly also
enticed with fair and large promises, fell to this convention, that if
he would swear to be true to King Henry, and gentle in entertaining
his citizens, they would receive him into the city.

  This being concluded, the next morning, at the entering of the
gate, a priest was ready to say mass, in the which, after the
receiving of the sacrament, the king received a solemn oath to observe
the two articles before agreed. By reason of which oath, so rashly
made, and as shortly broken, and not long after punished, as it may
well be thought, in his posterity, he obtained the city of York. Where
he, in short time forgetting his oath, to make all sure, set in
garrisons of armed soldiers. Furthermore, perceiving all things to be
quiet, and no stir to be made against him, he thought to neglect no
opportunity of time, and so made forward toward London, leaving by the
way the Marquis Mountacute, which lay then with his army at Pomfret,
on the right hand, not fully four miles distant from his camp; and so
returning to the high-way, he went forward without any stirring to the
town of Nottingham, where came to him Sir William Parre, Sir Thomas of
Borough, Sir Thomas Montgomery, and divers else of his assured
friends, with their aids, which caused him by a proclamation to stand
to his own title of King Edward the Fourth, saying, that they would
serve no man but a king: at the fame hereof being blown abroad, as the
citizens of York were not a little offended, and that worthily, so
from other towns and cities lords and noblemen began to fall unto him,
thinking with themselves that the Marquis Mountacute either favoured
his cause, or was afraid to encounter with the man. Howsoever it was,
King Edward, being now more fully furnished at all points, came to the
town of Leicester, and there, hearing that the earl of Warwick,
accompanied with the earl of Oxford, were together at Warwick with a
great power, minding to set on the earl, he removed from thence his
army, hoping to give him battle. The duke of Clarence, in the mean
time, about London had levied a great host, coming toward the earl of
Warwick, as he was by the earl appointed. But when the earl saw the
duke to linger the time, he began to suspect (as it fell out indeed)
that he was altered to his brethren's part. The king, advancing
forward his host, came to Warwick, where he found all the people
departed. From thence he moved toward Coventry, where the earl was;
unto whom, the next day after, he boldly offered battle. But the earl,
expecting the duke of Clarence's coming, kept him within the walls.
All this made for the king; for he, hearing that his brother, the duke
of Clarence, was not far off, coming toward him with a great army,
raised his camp, and made toward him, either to treat or else to
encounter with his brother. When each host was in sight of the other,
Richard, duke of Gloucester, brother to them both, as arbiter between
them, first rode to the one, then to the other. Whether all this was
for a face of a matter made, it is uncertain. But hereby both the
brethren, laying all army and weapon aside, first lovingly and
familiarly communed; after that, brotherly and naturally joined
together. And that fraternal amity by proclamation also was ratified,
and put out of all suspicion.

  Then was it agreed between the three brethren to attempt the earl
of Warwick, if he likewise would be reconciled; but he, crying out
shame upon the duke of Clarence, stood at utter defiance. From thence
King Edward, so strongly furnished and daily increasing, taketh his
way to London; where, after it was known that the duke of Clarence was
come to his brethren, much fear fell upon the Londoners, casting with
themselves what was best to do. The suddenness of time permitted no
long consultation. There was at London the same time the archbishop of
York, brother to the earl of Warwick, and the duke of Somerset, with
other of King Henry's council, to whom the earl had sent in
commandment a little before, knowing the weakness of the city, that
they should keep the city from their enemies two or three days, and he
would follow with all possible speed with a puissant army, who,
according to their commandment, defended the city with all their
power, but yet to little purpose. For the citizens consulting with
themselves for their own most indemnity, having no walls to defend
them, thought best to take that way which seemed to them most sure and
safe, and therefore concluded to take part with King Edward. This was
not so soon known abroad, but the commonalty ran out by heaps to meet
King Edward, and to salute him as their king. Whereupon the duke of
Somerset, with other of King Henry's council, hearing thereof, and
wondering at the sudden change of the world, to shift for themselves,
fled away and left there King Henry alone. Who, the same day being
caused by the archbishop of York to ride about London like a king, was
before night made captive, and reduced again to the Tower.

  It was not long after these things thus done at London, but the
coming of the earl of Warwick was heard of; who, thinking to prevent
mischiefs with making speed, came a little too late and missed of his
purpose. In the earl's army were John, duke of Exeter, Edmund, earl of
Somerset, John, earl of Oxford, and Marquis Mountacute, the earl's
brother. The earl had now passed a great part of his journey, when he,
hearing news of the world so changed, and of the captivity of King
Henry, was not a little thereat appalled in his mind; wherefore lie
stayed with his army at St. Alban's, to see what way further to take.
And forasmuch as there was no other remedy, but either he must yield,
or one conflict must finish the matter, he removed to Barnet, ten
miles from St. Alban's.

  Against him set forth King Edward, well appointed with a strong
army of picked and able persons, with artillery, engines, and
instruments meet for the purpose; bringing with him also King Henry.
On Easter-even he came to Barnet, and there he embattled himself. In
the morning upon Easter-day the battle began, and fiercely continued
almost till noon, with murder on each side, much doubtful, till both
parts were almost weary with fighting and murdering. King Edward then
desirous to see an end, off or on, with a great crew of new fresh
soldiers set upon his wearied enemies. Where the earl's men,
encouraged with words of their captain, stoutly fought, but they, sore
wounded and wearied, could not long hold out. The earl, rushing into
the midst of his enemies, ventured so far that he could not be
rescued; where he was stricken down and slain, and there lay he.
Marquis Mountacute, thinking to succour his brother, whom he saw to be
in great jeopardy, was likewise overthrown and slain. After that
Richard Nevill, earl of Warwick, and his brother were gone, the rest
fled, and many were taken. The number of them which were in this field
slain, are judged about ten thousand, as Polydore Virgil reciteth.
Fabian numbereth of them that were slain but fifteen hundred. The duke
of Somerset and earl of Oxford, thinking to fly to Scotland, returned
to Jasper, earl of Pembroke, in Wales. The duke of Exeter hardly
escaped to Westminster, and there took sanctuary. For the death of the
earl of Warwick the king was not so glad, as he was sorry for the
Marquis Mountacute, whom he took to be his friend. The corpses of
these two were brought to the church of Paul's, where they lay open in
two coffins two days, and then were interred.

  In the narration of this history, Polydore Virgil, whom Hall
followeth word for word, doth some deal differ from Robert Fabian.
Neither do I doubt but both these had their authors by whom they were
directed. Notwithstanding this, I marvel that Polydore, writing of so
many things which he never saw, doth not vouchsafe to cite unto us
those writers of whom he borrowed. And more do I marvel, or rather
lament, if it be true that I have heard, that he not only nameth no
author unto us, but also burned a heap of our English stories unknown,
after the finishing of his, in the days of King Henry the Eighth. But
now to our text again.

    All this while yet Queen Margaret, with young Prince Edward her
son, was scarce come over, being long let with contrary winds; who at
length in the month of April arrived at Weymouth in Dorsetshire, and
hearing the sorrowful tidings of these things lately happened to her
husband, and to the earl of Warwick and his brother, and of the
prosperous success of King Edward, was so dismayed, disquieted, and
pierced with sorrow, seeing all things, contrary to her expectation,
so to frame against her, that she feared and took on with herself,
lamenting her husband,, bewailing her son, cursing her coming, and
crying out of Fortune, as though blind Fortune were she that governeth
times and tides, (rewarding just punishments to unjust deservings of
men,) and not the secret power and terrible justice of Almighty God.
Such was then the impatience of that queen, being not able to bear the
vehemency of her passion, (who rather should have sorrowed the
dolorous death of Duke Humphrey, whom before she neglected, but now
she lacked,) that her senses failed, her spirits were taken, her
speech decayed, and, life almost gone, she fell to the ground, as one
that would rather die than live. In this desolate case Queen Margaret,
learning now to know her friends from her foes, when it was too late,
fraught full of heaviness, without solace or hope of remedy, she with
her son and her company departed for the next refuge, to a monastery
of monks called Beauly in Hampshire, there to take sanctuary and
privilege of the house.

  Yet all hearts were not sound nor subdued in England, especially
Edmund, duke of Somerset, with Lord John his brother, Thomas Courtney,
earl of Devonshire, Jasper, earl of Pembroke, Lord Wenlock, John
Longscrother, being prior of the knights of Rhodes, in St. John's.
These, hearing of the queen's return, with speed resorted to her; by
whom she being somewhat quickened in her spirits, and animated to war,
began to take some heart, and to follow their counsel; which was, in
all the hot haste, to renew war against King Edward, being now
unprovided, by reason his army was now dispersed, and chiefest of his
soldiers wasted. Here great hope of victory was showed, great promises
made. Although the queen's mind was, being more careful for the young
prince than for herself, to send him over into France, before some
proof or trial made; yet following the contrary counsel of them, and
partly cut off by shortness of time which required haste, she began
with all expedition to gather power. Likewise Jasper, earl of
Pembroke, posted into Wales to do the same.

  King Edward, having intelligence of all these doings, first
sendeth out certain light horsemen, to espy abroad through the west
parts what ways his enemies did take. In the mean time he, using all
celerity to meet them before they came to London, gathered a power,
such as he could make about London, and first cometh to Abingdon, from
thence to Marlebridge, hearing that the queen was at Bath, thinking to
encounter with them, before they diverted into Wales to the earl of
Pembroke, whither he thought (as they indeed intended) that they would
take. But the queen, understanding the king to be so nigh, removeth
from Bath to Bristol, sending word in the mean while to the citizens
of Gloucester, that they would grant her leave safely to pass by their
city. Which when it could not be obtained, with her army she departed
from Bristol to Tewkesbury; where the duke of Somerset, knowing King
Edward to be at hand at his very back, willed the queen there to stay,
and in no wise to fly backward for certain doubts that might be cast.
Although this counsel was against the consent of many other captains,
who thought it best rather to draw aside, while the earl of Pembroke
with his army were with them associate; yet the mind of the duke
prevailed, the place was prefixed, the field pitched, the time of
battle came, the king was looked for; who being within one mile of
Tewkesbury, with like industry and policy, as his enemies had done,
disposed his army likewise in their array. The celerity of the king,
taking the time, was to him great advantage; who otherwise, if he had
deferred till he had conjoined with the earl of Pembroke, had put the
matter in great hazard. Such a matter it is to take a thing in time.

  Of this battle Hall thus reporteth, adding more than Polydore,
that the duke of Somerset, although he was strongly intrenched, yet,
through the occasion or policy of the duke of Gloucester, which had
the fore ward of the king's part, a little recoiling back, followed
the chase, supposing that the Lord Wenlock, who had the middle ward,
would have followed hard at his back. The duke of Gloucester, whether
for shame rather than of policy, espying his advantage, suddenly
turned face to his enemies. Whereupon the contrary part was eftsoons
discomfited, and so much the more, because they were separated from
their company. The duke of Somerset, not a little aggrieved at this so
unfortunate a case, returneth to the middle ward, where he seeing the
Lord Wenlock abiding still, revileth him, and calleth him traitor, and
with his axe striketh the brains out of his head.

  Thus much addeth Hall besides Polydore; but showeth not his
author where he had it. Polydore, writing of this conflict, writeth no
more but this, that the queen's army being overset with the number and
multitude of their enemies, and she having no fresh soldiers to
furnish the field, was at last overmatched, and for the most part
slain or taken. In which battle were named to be slain, the earl of
Devonshire, the Lord Wenlock, Lord John, duke of Somerset's brother,
besides other. Among them that were taken was Queen Margaret, found in
her chariot almost dead for sorrow, Prince Edward, Edmund, duke of
Somerset, John, prior of St. John's, with twenty other knights; all
which were beheaded within two days after, the queen only and the
young prince excepted. Which Prince Edward being then brought to the
king's presence, it was demanded of him how he durst be so bold to
stand in battle against him. To this Edward Hall addeth more, and
saith, that after the field was finished the king made proclamation,
that whosoever would bring Prince Edward to him, should have annuity
of a hundred pounds during his life, and the prince's life should be
saved. Whereupon Sir Richard Croftes, not mistrusting the king's
promise, brought forth his prisoner, &c. And so the king demanding of
the prince, as is said, how he durst so presumptuously enter this
realm with his banner displayed against him; he answered, saying, that
he came to recover his father's kingdom and inheritance, from his
grandfather and father to him descending; whereat (said Polydore) the
king with his hand disdainfully thrust him from him. Other say that
the king struck him on the face with his gauntlet.

  At the speaking of these words were present George, duke of
Clarence, Richard, duke of Gloucester, and the earl Lord William
Hastings; who upon the same, uncourteously falling upon the prince,
did slay him. Queen Margaret, being brought prisoner to London, was
afterward ransomed of her father, duke of Anjou, for a great sum of
money, which he borrowed of the French king, and for the payment
thereof was fain to yield unto him the title of the kingdom of Sicily,
and Naples, &c. King Edward for these prosperous wars rendered to God
his hearty thanks, and caused publicly through his realm solemn
processions to be kept three days together. And thus much, and too
much, touching the wars of King Edward the Fourth, which was done, A.
D. 1471.

  The same year, and about the same time, upon the Ascension even,
King Henry, being prisoner in the Tower, departed, after he had
reigned in all thirty-eight years and six months. Polydore, and Hall
following him, affirm that he was slain with a dagger by Richard, duke 
of Gloucester, the king's brother, for the more quiet and safeguard of
the king his brother. In the history entitled Scala Mundi, I find
these words, that King Henry being in the Tower, upon the Ascension
even, there happily or quietly departing, was brought by Thames in a
boat to the abbey of Chertsey, and there buried.

  Polydore, after he hath described the virtues of this king,
recordeth that King Henry the Seventh did afterward translate the
corpse of him from Chertsey to Windsor, and addeth, moreover, that by
him certain miracles were wrought. "For the which cause the said King
Henry the Seventh," saith he, "laboured with Pope Julius, to have him
canonized for a saint, but the death of the king was the let why that
matter proceeded not." Edward Hall, writing of this matter, addeth
more, declaring the cause why King Henry's sainting went not forward
to be this; for that the fees of canonizing of a king were of so great
a quantity at Rome, (more than of another, bishop or prelate,) that
the said king thought it better to keep the money in his chests, than
with the impoverishing of the realm to buy so dear and pay so much for
a new holy-day of St. Henry in the calendar, &c. Which if it be true,
it might be replied then to Pope Julius, that if popes be higher than
kings in the earth, and especially in heaven, why then is a pope-saint
so cheap in the marketplace of Rome, and a king-saint so dear? Again,
if the valuation of things in all markets and burses be according to
the price and dignity of the thing that is bought; what reason is it,
seeing the sainting of a king beareth a bigger sale than the sainting
of any pope in heaven, but that kings should be above popes also upon
the earth? As I do not doubt but that King Henry was a good and a
quiet prince, if he had not otherwise been abused by some; so touching
the ruin of his house, I think not contrary, but it came not without
the just appointment of the Lord, either for that the Henries of
Lancaster's house were such enemies to God's people, and for the
burning of the Lord Cobham and many other; or else for the unjust
displacing of King Richard the Second; or else, thirdly, for the cruel
slaughter of Humphrey, the good duke of Gloucester, his uncle, whereof
sufficiently hath been said before.

  During the time of these doings, being about the year of our Lord
1465, there was here in England a certain Friar Carmelite, who, about
the term of Michael the archangel, preached at Paul's, in London, that
our Lord Jesus Christ, being here in this present world, was in
poverty, and did beg. To whose opinion and doctrine the provincial of
that order seemed also to incline, defending the same both in his
reading and preaching, with other doctors more and brethren of the
same order; unto whom also adjoined certain of the Jacobites, and
stiffly did take their parts. On the contrary side, many doctors and
also lawyers, both in their public lectures and preaching, to the
uttermost of their cunning did withstand their assertion, as being a
thing most pestiferous in the church to be heard. Such a bitter
contention was among them, that the defendant part was driven for a
while to keep silence. Much like to those times I might well resemble
these our days now present, with our tumultuous contention of forms
and fashions of garments. But I put myself here in Pythagoras's
school, and keep silence with these friars. In the story, moreover, it
followeth, that this beggarly question of the Begging Friars, whether
Christ did beg or no, went so far, that at length it came to the
pope's ears, Paulus the Second, who was no beggar ye may be sure.
After that the fame of this doctrine, mounting over the Alps, came
flying to the court of Rome, which was about the Assumption of the
Virgin Mary, the year next following, A. D. 1465, it brought with it
such an evil smell to the fine noses there, that it was no need to bid
them to stir; for begging to them was worse than high heresy.
Wherefore the holy father, Pope Paulus the Second, to repress the
sparkles of this doctrine, which otherwise, perhaps, might have set
his whole kitchen on fire, taketh the matter in hand, and eftsoons
directeth down his bull into England, insinuating to the prelates
here, That this heresy, which pestiferously doth affirm that Christ
did openly beg, was condemned of old time by the bishop of Rome, and
his councils, and that the same ought to be declared in all places for
a damned doctrine, and worthy to be trodden down under all men's feet,
&c. This was in the same year when Prince Edward, King Edward's son,
was born in the sanctuary of Westminster, A. D. 1465.

  As touching the rest of the doings and affairs of this king,
(which had vanquished hitherto in nine battles, himself being
present,) how afterward he, through the incitement of Charles, duke of
Burgundy, his brother-in-law, ventured into France with a puissant
army, and how the duke failed him in his promise; also how peace
between these two kings was at length concluded in a solemn meeting of
both the said kings together, (which meeting is notified in stories,
by a white dove sitting the same day of meeting upon the top of King
Edward's tent,) also of the marriage promised between the young
Dauphin and Elizabeth King Edward's eldest daughter, but afterward
broken off on the French king's part; moreover, as touching the death
of the duke of Burgundy slain in war, and of his daughter Mary, niece
to King Edward, spoiled of her lands and possessions wrongfully by
Louis the French king, and married after to Maximilian. Furthermore,
as touching the expedition of King Edward into Scotland, by reason of
King James breaking promise in marrying with Cicely the second
daughter of King Edward, and of driving out his brother, and how the
matter was composed there, and of the recovery again of Berwick; of
these (I say) and such other things more, partly because they are
described sufficiently in our common English stories, partly also
because they be matters not greatly pertaining to the church, I omit
to speak, making of them a supersedeas. Two things I find here, among
many other, specially to be remembered.

  The first is concerning a godly and constant servant of Christ,
named John Goose, which in the time of this king was unjustly
condemned and burnt at the Tower Hill, A. D. 1473, in the month of
August. Thus had England also its John Huss as well as Bohemia.
Wherein, moreover, this is to be noted, that since the time of King
Richard the Second, there is no reign of any king to be assigned
hitherto, wherein some good man or other hath not suffered the pains
of fire for the religion and true testimony of Christ Jesus. Of this
said John Goose, or John Huss, this, moreover, I find in another
English monument recorded, that the said John being delivered to
Robert Belisdon, one of the sheriffs, to see him burnt the afternoon;
the sheriff, like a charitable man, had him home to his house, and
there exhorted him to deny (saith the story) his errors. But the godly
man, after long exhortation heard, desired the sheriff to be content,
for he was satisfied in his conscience. Notwithstanding this, he
desired of the sheriff, for God's sake to give him some meat, saying
that he was very sore hungered. Then the sheriff commanded him meat;
whereof he took and did eat, as if he had been toward no manner of
danger, and said to such as stood about him, I eat now a good and
competent dinner, for I shall pass a little sharp shower ere I go to
supper. And when he had dined, he gave thanks, and required that he
might shortly be led to the place where he should yield up his spirit
unto God.

  The second thing herein to be noted, is the death of George, duke
of Clarence, the king's second brother; of whom relation was made
before, how he assisted King Edward his brother, against the earl of
Warwick at Barnet field, and helped him to the crown; and now after
all these benefits was at length thus requited, that, for what cause
it is uncertain, he was apprehended and cast into the Tower, where he,
being adjudged for a traitor, was privily drowned in a butt of
Malmsey. What the true cause was of his death, it cannot certainly be
affirmed. Divers conjectures and imaginations there be diversely put
forth. Some partly imputed it to the queen's displeasure. Other
suppose it came for taking part in the cause of his servant, which was
accused and condemned for poisoning, sorcery, or enchantment. Another
fame there is, which surmiseth the cause hereof to rise upon the vain
fear of a foolish prophecy, coming no doubt, if it were true, by the
crafty operation of Satan, as it doth many times else happen among
infidels and Gentiles, where Christ is not known; where among high
princes and in noble houses much mischief groweth, first murder and
parricide, and thereby ruin of ancient families, and alteration of
kingdoms. The effect of this prophecy, as the fame goeth, was this,
that after King Edward should one reign whose name should begin with
G. And because the name of the duke of Clarence, being George, began
with a G, therefore he began to be feared, and afterward privily, as
is aforesaid, was made away.



122. ON FALSE PROPHECIES

  By these experiments and mischievous ends of such prophecies, and
also by the nature of them, it is soon to be seen from what fountain
or author they proceed, that is, no doubt, from Satan, the ancient
enemy of mankind, and prince of this world; against whose deceitful
delusions, Christian men must be well instructed, neither to marvel
greatly at them though they seem strange, nor yet to believe them
though they happen true. For Satan being the prince of this world, in
such worldly things can foresee what will follow, and can say truth
for a mischievous end, and yet for all that is but a Satan. So the
dream of Astiages, seeing a vine to grow out of his daughter, which
should cover all Asia, and fearing thereby that by his nephew he
should lose his kingdom, proved true in the sequel thereof; and yet,
notwithstanding, of Satan it came, and caused cruel murder to follow,
first of the shepherd's child, then of the son of Harpagus, whom he
set before his own father to eat. Likewise Cyrus was prophetically
admonished by his dream, to take him for his guide whom he first met
the next morrow. In that also his dream fell true, and yet was not of
God. In the same number are to be put all the blind oracles of the
idolatrous Gentiles, which although they proceed of a lying spirit,
yet sometimes they hit the truth to a mischievous purpose. The like
judgment also is to be given of Merlin's prophecies. The sorceress
mentioned 1 Sam. xxviii., raising up Samuel, told Saul the truth, yet
was it not of God. In the 16th chapter of the Acts, there was a damsel
having the spirit of Pytho, who said truth of Paul and Silas, calling
them the messengers of the high God, and yet it was a wrong spirit.
The unclean spirits in giving testimony of Christ said the truth, yet,
because their testimony came not of God, Christ did not allow it.

  Paulus Diaconus recordeth of Valentinian the emperor, that he
also had a blind prophecy, not much unlike to this of King Edward,
which was, that one should succeed him in the empire whose name should
begin with [Greek: Th, o and d]. Whereupon one Theodorus,
trusting upon the prophecy, began rebelliously to hope for the crown,
and for his labour felt the pains of a traitor. Notwithstanding, the
effect of the prophecy followed; for after Valentinian succeeded
Theodosius. Wherefore Christian princes and noblemen, and all Christ's
faithful people, must beware and learn:

  First, That no man be inquisitive or curious in searching to know
what things be to come, or what shall happen, besides those things
only which are promised and expressed in the word.

  Secondly, To understand what difference there is, and how to
discern the voice of God from the voice of Satan.

  Thirdly, How to resist and avoid the danger of false and devilish
prophecies.

  Many there be, which, being not contented with things present,
curiously occupy their wits to search what is to come, and not giving
thanks to God for their life which they have, will also know what
shall bechance them, how and when their end shall come, how long
princes shall reign, and who after shall succeed them, and for the
same get unto them soothsayers, astrologers, sorcerers, conjurors, or
familiars. And these are not so much inquisitive to search or ask, but
the devil is as ready to answer them, who either falsely doubleth with
them to delude them, or else telleth them truth, to work them
perpetual care and sorrow. Thus was Pope Silvester the sorcerer
circumvented by the devil, who told him that he should be at Jerusalem
before he died, and so it fell out; for as he was saying his mass at a
chapel in Rome, called Jerusalem, there he fell sick, and within three
days after died. To King Henry the Fourth also it seemeth it was
prophesied, that he should not die before he went to Jerusalem, who,
being brought to the abbot's chamber of Westminster, and hearing the
name of the chamber to be called Jerusalem, knew his time to be come,
and died.

  By such deceitful prophecies it cannot be lamented enough to see
what inconvenience, both publicly and privately, groweth to the life
of men, either causing them falsely to trust where they should not, or
else wickedly to perpetrate that they would not; as may appear both by
this king, and also divers more. So was Pompey, Crassus, and Cesar,
(as writeth Cicero,) deceived by the false Chaldees, in declaring to
them that they should not die but in their beds, and with worship, and
in their old age. Of such a false trust, rising upon false prophecies,
St. Ambrose, in his book of Exameron, writeth, speaking of rain, which
being in those parts greatly desired, was promised and prophesied of
one certainly to fall upon such a day, which was at the changing of
the new moon; "but," saith St. Ambrose, "there fell no such rain at
all, till at the prayers of the church the same was obtained; giving
us to understand, that rain cometh not by the word of man, nor by the
beginnings of the moon, but by the providence and mercy of our
Creator."

  Johannes Picus, earl of Mirandula, in his excellent books written
against these vain star-tellers and astrologers, writeth of one
Ordelaphus, a prince, to whom it was prognosticated, by a famous
cunning man in that science, called Hieronymus Manfredus, that he
should enjoy long continuance of health, and prosperous life; who,
notwithstanding, the selfsame year, and in the first year of his
marriage, deceased: and after divers other examples, added moreover
upon the same, he inferreth also mention, and the name of a certain
rich matron in Rome, named Constantia, who, in like manner, departed
the same year, in which she received great promises by these
soothsayers and astrologers, of a long and happy life, saying to her
husband these words, "Behold," saith she, "how true be the
prognostications of these soothtellers!" If it were not for noting of
them which now are gone, and whose names I would in no case to be
blemished with any spot, I could recite the names of certain,
especially one, which, taking his journey in a certain place, after
diligent calculation and forecasting of the success and good speed of
his journey, was, notwithstanding, in the same journey apprehended and
brought where he would not, and after that, never enjoying good day,
in short time he departed. In Basil, this I myself heard, of one which
knew and was conversant with the party, who, having a curious delight
in these speculations of chances and events to come, by his
calculation noted a certain day which he mistrusted should be fatal
unto him, by something which at that day should befall upon him.
Whereupon he determined with himself all that day to keep him sure and
safe within his chamber, where he, reaching up his hand to take down a
book, the book falling down upon his head, gave him his death's wound,
and shortly after he died upon the same. Of these, and such-like
examples, the world is full, and yet the curiousness of men's heads
will not refrain, still to pluck the apple of this unlucky and
forbidden tree.

  Beside all this, what murder and parricide cometh by the fear of
these prophecies, in great bloods and noble houses, I refer it unto
them which read and well advise the stories, as well of our kings here
in England, as in other kingdoms more, both Christened and Turkish,
whereof another place shall serve as well, Christ willing, more
largely to treat, and particularly to discourse. To this pertaineth
also the great inconvenience and hinderance that groweth by the fear
of such prophecies in the vocation of men, forasmuch as many there be
which, fearing some one danger, some another, leave their vocations
undone, and follow inordinate ways: as if one, having a blind
prophecy, that his destruction should be on the day, would wake and do
all his business by night and candle light; and so forth in other
several cases of men and women, as every one in his own conscience
knoweth his own case best.

  The second thing to be considered in these prophecies, is rightly
to discern and understand, as near as we can, the difference between
the prophecies proceeding from God, and the false prophecies
counterfeited by Satan. For Satan sometimes playeth God's ape, and
transformeth himself into an angel of light, bearing such a
resemblance and colour of truth and religion, that a wise man is
scarcely able to discern the one from the other, and the most part is
beguiled. Concerning prophecies therefore, to know which be of God,
which be not, three things are to be observed:

  1. First, whether they go simply and plainly, or whether they be
doubtful and ambiguous; whereof the one seemeth to taste of God's
Spirit, such as be the prophecies of the Scripture; the other to come
otherwise, having a double or doubtful interpretation. Although the
time of God's prophecies, as also of miracles, is commonly and
ordinarily expired; yet if the Lord in these days now extraordinarily
do show and prophesy, by the simpleness and plainness thereof it may
partly be discerned.

  2. Secondly, this is to be expended, whether they be private,
tending to this family or that family, or public. For as the
Scriptures, so commonly the prophecies of God, have no private
interpretation, but general; forasmuch as the care of God's Holy
Spirit is not restrained partially to one person more than to another,
but generally and indifferently respecteth the whole church of his
elect in Christ Jesus his Son. Wherefore such prophecies as privately
are touching the arms of houses or names of men, rising or falling of
private and particular families, are worthily to be suspected.

  3. The third note and special argument to descry the true
prophecies of God from the false prophecies of Satan and his false
prophets, is this, to consider the matter and the end thereof, that
is, whether they be worldly, or whether they be spiritual, or whether
they tend to any glory or state of this present world, or whether they
tend to the spiritual instruction, admonition, or comfort of the
public church.

  Now remaineth, thirdly, after we know what prophecies be of God,
and what not, that we be instructed next, how to eschew the fear and
peril of all devilish prophecies which make against us. Wherein two
special remedies are to be marked of every Christian man, whereby he
may be safe and sure against all danger of the enemy. The first is,
That we set the name of Christ Jesus the Son of God against them,
through a true faith in him, knowing this, that the Son of God hath
appeared to dissolve the works of the devil. And again, This is the
victory (saith the Scripture) that overcometh the world, even our
faith. Whatsoever then Satan worketh or can work against us, be it
never so forcible, faith in Christ will vanquish it. Such a majesty is
in our faith, believing in the name of the Son of God.

  The other remedy is faithful prayer, which obtaineth in the name
of Christ all things with the Lord. So that wicked fiend, which had
killed before seven husbands of Tobias' wife, could not hurt him
entering his matrimony with earnest prayer; so no more shall any
sinister prophecy prevail, where prayer out of a faithful heart doth
strive against it. Neither am I ignorant, that against such temporal
evils and punishments to this life inflicted, a great remedy lieth
also in this, when Satan findeth nothing wherein greatly to accuse our
conscience. But because such a conscience is hard to be found, the
next refuge is to fly to repentance, with amendment of life. For many
times where sin doth reign in our mortal bodies, there also the
operation of Satan is strong against us, to afflict our outward bodies
here; but as touching our eternal salvation, neither work nor merit
hath any place, but only our faith in Christ. And thus much briefly
touching the two special remedies, whereby the operation of all
devilish prophecies may be avoided and defeated.

  Now many there be, which leaving these remedies aforesaid, and
the safe protection which the Lord hath set up in Christ, take other
ways of their own, seeking by their own policy how to withstand and
escape such prophecies, either in eschewing the place and time
subtlely, or else cruelly, by killing the party whom they fear;
whereof cometh injury, murder, and parricide, with other mischiefs in
commonwealths unspeakable. To whom commonly it cometh so to pass, that
whereby they think most to save themselves, by the same means they
fall most into the snare, being subverted and confounded in their own
policy, for that they trusting to their own device, and not unto the
Lord, which only can dissolve the operation of Satan, the Lord so
turneth their device into a trap, thereby to take them, whereby they
think most surely to escape. Examples whereof we see not only in
Astyages, king of the Medes aforesaid, and Cyrus; but in infinite
other-like events, which the trade of the world doth daily offer to
our eyes. So Queen Margaret thought her then cocksure, when Duke
Humphrey was made away; when nothing else was her confusion so much as
the loss and lack of that man.

  So if King Richard the Second had not exercised such cruelty upon
his uncle, Thomas, duke of Gloucester, he had not received such wrong
by King Henry the Fourth as he did. Likewise this King Edward the
Fourth, if he had suffered his brother George, duke of Clarence, to
have lived, his house had not so gone to wreck, by Richard his other
brother, as it did. What befell upon the student of astrology in the
university of Basil, ye heard before; who, if he had not mewed himself
in his chamber for fear of his divination, had escaped the stroke that
fell. Now in avoiding such prophetical events which he should not have
searched, he fell into that which he did fear. These few examples, for
instruction sake, I thought by occasion to infer, not as though these
were alone; but by these few to admonish the reader of infinite other,
which daily come in practice of life, to the great danger and decay,
as well in private houses, as in commonweals.

    Wherefore, briefly to repeat what before  simply hath been said
touching this matter, seeing that Satan through such subtle prophecies
hath, and yet doth daily practise so manifold mischiefs in the world,
setting brother against brother, nephew against the uncle, house
against house, and realm against realm, gendering hatred where love
was, and subverting privily the simplicity of our Christian faith;
therefore the first and best thing is, for godly men not to busy their
brains about such fantasies, neither in delighting in them, nor in
hearkening to them, nor in searching for them, either by soothsayer,
or by conjuration, or by familiar, or by astrologer, knowing and
considering this, that whosoever shall be desirous or ready to search
for them, the devil is as ready to answer his curiosity therein. For
as once, in the old time of Gentility, he gave his oracles by idols
and priests of that time; so the same devil, although he worketh not
now by idols, yet he craftily can give now answer by astrologers and
conjurers in these our days, and in so doing, both to say truth, and
yet to deceive men when he hath said. Wherefore, leaving off such
curiosity, let every Christian man walk simply in his present
vocation, referring hid things, not in the word expressed, unto him
which saith in his word, It is not for you to know the times, and
seasons of times, which the Father hath kept in his own power, &c.

  Secondly, in this matter of prophecies, requisite it is (as is
said) for every Christian man to learn, how to discern and distinguish
the true prophecies which proceed of God, and the false prophecies
which come of Satan. The difference whereof, as it is not hard to be
discerned, so necessary it is that every good man do rightfully 
understand the same, to the intent that he, knowing and flying the
danger of the one, may be the more certain and constant in adhering to
the other.

  Thirdly, because it is not sufficient that the deceitful
prophecies of the devil be known, but also that they be resisted, I
have also declared, by what means the operation of Satan's works and
prophecies are to be overcome, that is, not with strength and policy
of ,man, for that there is nothing in man able to countervail the
power of that enemy. Under heaven there is nothing else that can
prevail against his works, but only the name of the Lord Jesus the Son
of God, not outwardly pronounced only with our lips, or signed in our
foreheads with the outward cross, but inwardly apprehended and
dwelling in our hearts by a silent faith, firmly and earnestly
trusting upon the promises of God, given and sealed unto us in his
name. For so it hath pleased his fatherly wisdom to set him up, to be
both our righteousness before himself, and also to be our fortitude
against the enemy, accepting our faith in his Son in no less price,
than he accepteth the works and worthiness of the same his Son in whom
we do believe.

  Such is the strength and effect of faith both in heaven, in
earth, and also in hell; in heaven to justify, in earth to preserve,
in hell to conquer. And therefore when any such prophecy or any other
thing is to us objected, which seemeth to tend against us, let us
first consider whether it savour of Satan, or not. If it do, then let
us seek our succour, not in ourselves where it doth not dwell, neither
let us kill, nor slay, nor change our vocation therefore, following
inordinate ways; but let us run to our castle of refuge, which is to
the power of the Lord Jesus, remembering the true promise of the
Psalm, Whoso putted his trust in the succour of the Lord, shall have
the God of heaven to his protector. And then shall it afterward follow
in the same Psalm, And he shall deliver him from the snare of the
hunter, and from all evil words and prophecies, be they never so sharp
or bitter against him, &c. And thus much by the occasion of King
Edward, of prophecies.



123. TURMOIL IN THE EMPIRE

  Now having long tarried at home in describing the tumults and
troubles within our own land, we will let out our story more at large,
to consider the afflictions and perturbations of other parties and
places also of Christ's church, as well here in Europe under the pope,
as in the east parts under the Turk, first deducing our story from the
time of Sigismund, where before we left. Which Sigismund, as it is
above recorded, was a great doer in the council of Constance against
John Huss and Jerome of Prague. This emperor had ever evil luck,
fighting against the Turks. Twice he warred against them, and in both
the battles was discomfited and put to flight; once about the city of
Mysia, fighting against Bajazet the great Turk, A. D. 1395; the second
time fighting against Celebinus the son of Bajazet, about the town
called Columbacium. But especially after the council of Constance,
wherein were condemned and burned these two godly martyrs, more
unprosperous success did then follow him, fighting against the
Bohemians, his own subjects, A. D. 1420, by whom he was repulsed in so
many battles, to his great dishonour, during all the life of Zisca,
and of Procopius, as is before more at large expressed; who was so
beaten both of the Turks, and at home of his own people, that he never
did encounter with the Turks after. Then followed the council of
Basil, after the beginning whereof, within six years, this Sigismund,
which was emperor, king of Hungary, and king of Bohemia, died in
Moravia, A. D. 1437.

Albert the emperor.

  This Sigismund left behind him one only daughter, Elizabeth, who
was married to Albert, duke of Austria, by reason whereof he was
advanced to the empire, and so was both duke of Austria, emperor, king
of Hungary, and king also of Bohemia. But this Albert, as is before
declared, being an enemy and a disquieter to the Bohemians, and
especially to the good men of Tabor, as he was preparing and setting
forth against the Turks, in the mean time died, in the second year of
his empire, A. D. 1439, leaving his wife great with child; who, lying
then in Hungary, and thinking herself to be great with a daughter,
called to her the princes and the chieftains of the realms, declaring
to them that she was but a woman, and insufficient to the governance
of such a state; and moreover, how she thought herself to be with
child of a daughter, and therefore required them to provide among them
such a prince and governor, (reserving the right of the kingdom to
herself,) as were fit and able, under her, to have the regiment of the
land committed. The Turk, in the mean while, being elevated and
encouraged with his prosperous victories against Sigismund aforesaid,
began then more fiercely to invade Hungary and those parts of
Christendom. Wherefore the Hungarians, making the more haste,
consulted among themselves to make Duke Uladislaus, brother to
Casimir, king of Poland, their king.

  But while this was in working between the Hungarians and
Uladislaus the duke, in the mean space Elizabeth brought forth a son,
called Ladislaus, who, being the lawful heir of the kingdom, the queen
called back again her former word, minding to reserve the kingdom for
her son, being the true heir thereof, and therefore refuseth marriage
with the said Uladislaus, which she had before pretended. But
Uladislaus, joining with a great part of the Hungarians, persisting
still in the condition before granted, would not give over, by reason
whereof, great contention and division kindling among the people of
Hungary, Amurath, the great Turk, taking his advantage of their
discord, and partly surprised with pride of his former success against
Sigismund aforesaid, with his whole main and force invaded the realm
of Hungary; where Huniades, surnamed Vaivoda, prince of Transylvania,
joining with the new king Uladislaus, did both together set against
the Turk, A. D. 1444, and there Uladislaus, the new king of Hungary,
the fourth year of his kingdom, was slain. Elizabeth, with her son,
was fled in the mean while to Frederic the emperor. Of Huniades
Vaivoda, the noble captain, and of his acts, and also of Ladislaus,
Christ willing, more shall be said hereafter, in his time and place.

Frederic the Third, emperor.

  After the decease of Albert, succeeded in the empire Frederic the
Third, duke of Austria, A. D.1440. By whom it was procured, as we have
before signified, that Pope Felix, elected by the council of Basil,
did resign his popedom to Pope Nicholas the Fifth, upon this
condition, that the said Pope Nicholas should ratify the acts decreed
in the said council of Basil. In the days of this emperor much war and
dissension raged almost through all Christian realms, in Austria,
Hungary, Poland, in France, in Burgundy, and also here in England,
between King Henry the Sixth and King Edward the Fourth, as ye have
already heard; whereby it had been easy for the Turk, with little
mastery, to have overrun all the Christian realms in Europe, had not
the providence of our merciful Lord otherwise provided to keep
Amurath, the Turk, occupied in other civil wars at home in the mean
while. Unto this Frederic came Elizabeth, as is aforesaid, with
Ladislaus, her son, by whom he was nourished and entertained a certain 
space, till at length, after the death of Uladislaus aforesaid, king
of Hungary, which was slain in battle by the Turks, the men of
Austria, through the instigation of Ulricus Eizingerus, and of
Ulricus, earl of Cilicia, rising up in armour, required of Frederic
the emperor, either to give them their young king, or else to stand to
his own defence.

  When Frederic heard this, neither would he render to them a
sudden answer, neither would they abide any longer delay, and so the
matter, growing to war, the new city was besieged, where many were
slain, and much harm done. At length the emperor's part, being the
weaker, the emperor, through the intervention of certain nobles of
Germany, restored Ladislaus unto their hands, who, being yet under
age, committed his three kingdoms to three governors. Whereof John
Huniades, the worthy captain above mentioned, had the ruling of
Hungary; George Pogiebracius had Bohemia; and Ulricus the earl of
Cilicia had Austria. Which Ulricus, having the chief custody of the
king, bare the greatest authority above the rest; a man as full of
ambition and tyranny, as he was hated almost of all the Austrians, and
shortly after, by the means of Eizingerus, was also excluded from the
king and the court, but afterward restored again, and Eizingerus
thrust out. Such is the unstable condition of them which be next in
place about princes. But this contention between them I overpass.

  Not long after, Ladislaus the young king went to Bohemia, there
to be crowned, where George Pogiebracius, as is said, had the
governance. But Ladislaus, during all the time of his being there,
though being much requested, yet would neither enter into the
churches, nor hear the service of them, which did draw after the
doctrine of Huss. Insomuch that when a certain priest, in the high
tower of Prague, was appointed and addressed, after the manner of
priests, to say service before the king, being known to hold with John
Huss and Rochezana, the king disdaining at him commanded him to give
place and depart, or else he would send him down headlong from the
rock of the tower; and so the good minister, repulsed by the king,
departed. Also another time the said Ladislaus, seeing the sacrament
carried by a minister of that side, whom they called then Hussites,
would do thereunto no reverence.

  At length the long abode of the king, although it was not very
long, yet seemed to the godly disposed to be longer than they wished;
and that was not to the king unknown, which made him to make the more
haste away; but before he departed, he thought first to visit the
noble city Uratislavia in Silesia. In the which city, the aforesaid
King Ladislaus being there in the high church at service, many great
princes were about him. Among whom was also George Pogiebracius, who
then stood nearest to the king; unto whom one Chilianus, playing the
parasite about the king, as the fashion is of such as feign themselves
fools, to make other men as very fools as they, spake in this wise as
followeth; "With what countenance you do behold this our service, I
see right well, but your heart I do not see. Say then, doth not the
order of this our religion seem unto you decent and comely? Do you not
see how many and how great princes, yea, the king himself, do follow
one order and uniformity? And why do you then follow rather your
preacher Rochezana than these? Do you think a few Bohemians to be more
wise than all the church of Christ besides? Why then do you not
forsake that rude and rustical people, and join to these nobles, as
you are a nobleman yourself? "

  Unto whom thus Pogiebracius sagely again doth answer. "If you
speak these words of yourself," saith he, "you are not the man whom
you feign yourself to be; and so to you I answer, as not to a fool.
But if you speak this by the suggestion of others, then must I satisfy
them. Hear therefore: As touching the ceremonies of the church, every
man hath a conscience of his own to follow. As for us, we use such
ceremonies as we trust please God; neither is it in our arbitrement to
believe what we will ourselves. The mind of man, being persuaded with
great reasons, is captivated, will he, nill he; and as nature is
instructed and taught, so is she drawn, in some one way, and in some
another. As for myself, I am fully persuaded in the religion of my
preachers. If I should follow thy religion, I might perchance deceive
men, going contrary to mine own conscience; but I cannot deceive God,
who seeth the hearts of all. Neither shall it become me to frame
myself to thy disposition. That which is meet for a jester, is not
likewise convenient for a nobleman. And these words either take to
thyself, as spoken to thee, if thou be a wise man; or else I refer
them to those which set thee on work."

  After the king was returned from the Bohemians again to Austria,
the Hungarians likewise made their petitions to the king, that he
would also come unto them. The governor of Hungary, as ye before have
heard, was Johannes Huniades, whose victorious acts against the Turks
are famous. Against this Huniades, wicked Ulricus, carl of Cilicia,
did all he could with the king to bring him to destruction, and
therefore caused the king to send for him up to Vienna, and there
privily to work his death. But Huniades, having thereof intelligence,
offereth himself within Hungary to serve his prince, to all affairs:
out of the land where he was, it was neither best, said he, for the
king nor safest for himself, to come. The earl being so disappointed
came down with certain nobles of the court, to the borders of Hungary,
thinking either to apprehend him and bring him to Vienna, or there to
despatch him. Huniades, without in the fields, said he would commune
with him, within the town he would not be brought. After that another
train also was laid for him, that under pretence of the king's safe-
conduct he should meet the king in the broad fields of Vienna. But
Huniades, suspecting deceit, came indeed to the place appointed, where
he neither seeing the king to come, nor the earl to have any safe-
conduct for him, was moved (and not without cause) against the earl,
declaring how it was in his power there to slay him, which went about
to seek his blood, but for the reverence of the king he would spare
him and let him go.

  Not long after this, the Turk with a great power of fighting men,
to the number of a hundred and fifteen thousand, arrived in Hungary,
where he laid siege to the city Alba. But through the merciful hand of
God, John Huniades, and Capistranus, a certain Minorite, with a small
garrison of Christian soldiers, gave him the repulse, and put him to
flight with all his mighty host; whereof more (Christ willing)
hereafter. Huniades shortly after this victory deceased. Of whose
death when the king and the earl did understand, they came the more
boldly into Hungary, where he being received by Ladislaus, Huniades'
son, into the town of Alba, there viewed the places where the Turks
before had pitched their tents. When this Ladislaus heard that the
king was coming first toward the town, obediently he opened to him the
gates. Four thousand only of armed soldiers he debarred from entering
the city.

  In the mean time, while the king was there resident in the city,
the earl with other nobles did sit in council, requiring also
Ladislaus to resort unto them; who, first doubting with himself what
he might do, at length putteth on a privy coat of mail, and cometh to
them. Whether the earl first began with him, or he with the earl, it
is not known. The opinion of some is, that Ulricus first called him
traitor, for shutting the gates against the king's soldiers. Howsoever
the occasion began, this is undoubted, that Ulricus taking his sword
from his page let fly at his head. To break the blow, some putting up
their hands had their fingers cut off. The Hungarians hearing a noise
and tumult within the chamber brake it open upon them, and there
incontinent slew Ulricus the earl, wounding and cutting him almost all
to pieces. The king hearing thereof, although he was not a little
discontented thereat in his mind, yet seeing there was then no other
remedy, dissembled his grief for a time.

  From thence the king took his journey again to Buda, accompanied
with the aforesaid Ladislaus; who, passing by the town where the wife
of Huniades was mourning for the death of her husband, seemed with
many fair words to comfort her; and after he had there sufficiently
repasted himself, with such pretence of dissembled love, and feigned
favour, that they were without all suspicion and fear, from thence he
set forward in his journey, taking with him the two sons of Huniades,
Ladislaus and Matthias, who were right ready to wait upon him. The
king being come to Buda, (whether of his own head, or by sinister
counsel set on,) when he had them at a vantage, caused both the sons
of Huniades, to wit, Ladislaus and Matthias, to be apprehended. And
first was brought forth Ladislaus the elder son to the place of
execution, there to be beheaded, where meekly he suffered, being
charged with no other crime but this, published by the voice of the
crier,saying, "Thus are they to be chastened, which are rebels against
their lord." Peucerus writing of his death, addeth this moreover, that
after the hangman had three blows at his neck, yet, notwithstanding,
the said Ladislaus, having his hands bound behind him, after the third
stroke rose upright on his feet, and looking up to heaven called upon
the Lord, and protested his innocency in that behalf; and so laying
down his neck again, at the fourth blow was despatched. Matthias, the
other brother, was led captive with the king into Austria. The rest of
the captives brake the prison and escaped.

  It was not long after this cruelty was wrought upon Ladislaus,
the king being about the age of twenty and two years, that talk was
made of the king's marriage with Magdalene, daughter to the French
king. The place of the marriage was appointed at Prague, where great
preparation was for the matter. At the first entrance of the king into
the city of Prague, Rochezana with a company of ministers, such as
were favourers of John Huss, and of sincere religion, came with all
solemnity to receive the king, making there his oration to gratulate
the king's most joyful and prosperous access into the same his own
realm and country of Bohemia. Unto which Rochezana, after he had ended
his oration, scarce would the king open his mouth to give thanks to
him, or any cheerful countenance unto his company, but fiercely seemed
to frown upon them. In the next pageant after these came forth the
priests of the high minister, after the most popish manner, meeting
him with procession, and with the sacrament of the altar: for as
panacea among physicians serveth for all diseases, so the sacrament of
the pope's altar serveth for all pomps and pageants. First it must lie
upon the altar, then it must be holden up with hands, then it must
hang in the pix, it must serve for the quick, it must also help the
dead, it must moreover visit the sick, it must walk about the
churchyard, it must go about the streets, it must be carried about the
fields to make the grass to grow, it must be had to the battle, it
must ride on horseback before the pope, and finally, it must welcome
kings into cities. Wherein these catholic fathers do seem somewhat to
forget themselves. For if the pope, being inferior to the sacrament of
the altar, at the coming of kings do use to sit still while the kings
come and kiss his feet, what reason is it that the sacrament of the
altar, which is (I trow) above the pope, should meet kings by the way,
and welcome them to the town? But this by the way of parenthesis: let
us now continue the text.

  When Ladislaus this catholic king, who had showed himself before
so stout and stern against Rochezana and his company, had seen these
catholic priests with their procession, and especially with their
blessed sacrament, to come, with all reverence and much devotion he
lighted down from his horse, he embraced the cross and kissed it, and
with cheerful countenance saluted the priests in order. All this while
his young wife was not yet come out of France, but legates were sent,
after most sumptuous wise, to conduct her. Other legates also were
sent the same time to the Emperor Frederic, for conclusion of peace.
The third legacy was directed likewise to Pope Calixtus about
religion, how to reduce the Bohemians to the Church of Rome. The
author of this story, (which was Pope Pius himself,) declareth further
the opinion of some to be, that King Ladislaus the same time had
intended to make a final end and destruction of all that sect in
Bohemia, which held with the doctrine of John Huss and Jerome, by the
assembly and concourse of the catholic princes and popish prelates
which were appointed there to meet together at that marriage in
Prague. For there should be first the Emperor Frederic, Elizabeth, the
king's mother, and his sisters Elizabeth and Anna, the princes of
Saxony, Bavaria, Silesia, Franconia, the Palatine, and other princes
of the Rhine; many also of the lords of France, besides the pope's
cardinals, legates, prelates, and other authorities of the pope's
church; who, if they had all together convented in Bohemia, no doubt
but some great mischief had been wrought there against the Hussites;
against whom this Ladislaus, following the steps of Sigismund his
grandfather, and Albert his father, was ever an utter enemy. But when
man hath purposed, yet God disposeth as pleaseth him.

  And, therefore,truly it is written of Æneas Sylvius in the same
place, saying, "In regiment of cities, in alteration of kingdoms, in
ruling and governing the world, it is less than nothing that man can
do; it is the high God that ruleth high things." Whereunto then I may
well add this, moreover, and say; that if the governance of worldly
kingdoms standeth not in man's power, but in the disposition of God,
much less is it then that man's power can do in the regiment and
governing of religion. Example whereof in this purposed device of
princes doth evidently appear. For as this great preparation and
solemnity of marriage was in doing, and the princes ready to set it
forth, with a little turn of God's holy hand, all these great purposes
were suddenly turned and dashed. For in the midst of this business,
about the one and twentieth day of November, A. D. 1461, this great
adversary of Christ's people, King Ladislaus, king of Bohemia, of
Hungary, and prince of Austria, sickened, and within six and thirty
hours died, some say of a pestilent sore in his groin, some say of
poison. But howsoever it was, it came not without the just judgment of
God, revenging the innocent blood of Ladislaus, Huniades' son,
wrongfully put to death before. So by the opportune death of this
king, the poor churches of Bohemia were graciously delivered. And this
end made Ladislaus, one of the mightiest princes at that time in all
Europe; in whom three mighty kingdoms were conjoined and combined
together, Austria, Hungary, and Bohemia; which countries do lie south-
east from England, in the farthest parts of all Germany, toward
Constantinople, and the dominions of the Turks, and contain these
principal towns in them.

The large dominions of Ladislaus
AUSTRIA, 
called once Pannonia Superior.
Vienna, which was besieged of the Turk, A. D. 1533.
Meleck.
Neustadt, nova Civitas.
Gretz.
St. Hypolit.
Lintz.
Stein.
Haimburg.
Kremsier.
Karolsburg.
Teben.
Kotzo.
Raba.
Lindenburg.
To Austria be adjoining also certain provinces and earldoms, as
Stiria.
Carinthia.
Croatia.
(Provinces)
Cilicia. 
Tyrolentz.
(Earldoms.)

HUNGARY,
which was once called Pannonia Inferior.
Buda, or Ofen.
Strigonium. Kalachia. Varadein.
Nitria
Nicopolis Nova
Nicopolis Vetus
Agria.
Orszaw.
Bossen.
Sabaria.
This Hungary was first called Pannonia, or Pœnia. After the coming of
the Huns, it was called Hungary. Of them came Attila, which destroyed
Italy, about the year of the Lord 440. Through Hungary runneth the
Danube, having on the west side Austria; and Bohemia on the east;
Servia on the south side. The most of this Hungary is now under the
Turk; which Turk first came into Europe, A. D. 1211.

BOHEMIA.
Prague.
Plizen.
Tabor.
Budweis.
Kolm, or Kœlu. 
Egra.
Kuttenberg.
Leimiritz.
Laun.
Racownitz.
Glataw.
Bern, or Beraun. 
Bruck, or Most. 
Gretz, or Hradetz. 
Austi.
Maut, or Myto.
Hof.
Iaromir.
Dubitz, or Biela.
Lantzhut.
Gilgwey.
Krupa.
Krumaw.
Pardubitz. 
Chumitaum. 
Loket, or Teplitz. 
Hantzburg, or Zbraslau.
Labes, or Ultawa.

  After the death of Ladislaus, the kingdom of Bohemia fell to
George Pogiebracius, above mentioned, whom Pope Innocent the Eighth
did excommunicate and depose for his religion, as is before declared.

  Furthermore, the kingdom of Hungary was given to Matthias son of
Huniades, who was in captivity, as is said, with King Ladislaus, and
should have been put to death after his brother, had not the king
before been prevented with death, as is above recorded. Moreover, here
is to be noted that the said King Ladislaus, thus dying without wife
and issue, left behind him two sisters alive, to wit, Elizabeth, which
was married to Casimirus, king of Poland; and Anna, married to
William, duke of Saxony. Elizabeth, by her husband Casimirus, king of
Poland, had Uladislaus, who at length was king of both Bohemia and
Hungary. This Casimirus first was married to Beatrix, wife before to
Matthias. Then being divorced from her by the dispensation of Pope
Alexander, he married a new wife a countess of France, by whom he had
two children, Louis, and Anna; Louis, which was heir of both kingdoms,
of Bohemia and Hungary, was slain fighting against the Turks; Anna was
married to Ferdinandus, by whom he was archduke of Austria, king of
Bohemia, &c.

  Ye heard before, how, after the decease of Ladislaus, the
Hungarians by their election preferred Matthias, surnamed Corvinus,
which was son of Huniades, to the kingdom of Hungary. For which cause
dissension fell between Frederic the emperor and him, for that the
said Frederic was both nominated himself by divers unto that kingdom,
and also because he had the crown of Hungary then remaining in his
hands, which Elizabeth, mother to King Ladislaus, had brought to the
emperor, as was before declared. But this war between them was ceased
by the intercession of the princes of Germany, so that Matthias
ransomed that crown of Frederic for eight thousand florins.

  Not long after, Pope Innocent, being displeased with George
Pogiebracius, (or Bojebracius,) king of Bohemia, for favouring of John
Huss and his religion, that is to say, for playing the part of a godly
prince, did excommunicate and depose him, conferring his kingdom to
Matthias. But forasmuch as Frederic the emperor would not thereto
consent, and especially after the death of the aforesaid George, when
the emperor and the Bohemians, leaving out Matthias, did nominate
Uladislaus son of Casimirus, king of Poland, and of Elizabeth, to be
king of Bohemia, therefore great war and trouble kindled between him
and Frederic the emperor. Wherein the emperor had utterly gone to
ruin, had not Albert, duke of Saxony, rescued the emperor, and
repressed the vehemency of Matthias.

  The noble acts of John Huniades, and of this Matthias his son,
were not only great stays to Hungary, but almost to all Christendom,
in repelling back the Turk. For beside the other victories of John
Huniades the father, aforementioned, this Matthias also his son,
succeeding no less in valiantness than in the name of his father, did
so recover Sirmium, and the confines of Illyrica, from the hands of
the Turks, and so vanquished their power, that both Mahomet, and also
Bajazet his son, were enforced to seek for truce.

  Over and besides, the same Matthias conducting his army into
Bosnia, which lieth south from Hungary, recovered again Jaitza, the
principal town of that kingdom, from the Turk's possession. Who, if
other Christian princes had joined their helps withal, would have
proceeded farther into Thracia. But behold here the malicious subtlety
of Satan, working by the pope. For while Matthias was thus occupied in
this expedition against the Turks, wherein he should have been set
forward and aided by Christian princes and bishops, the bishop of Rome
wickedly and sinfully ministereth matter of civil discord between him
and Pogiebracius aforesaid, in removing him from the right of his
kingdom, and transferring the same to Matthias. Whereupon not only the
course of victory against the Turks was stopped, but also great war
and bloodshed followed in Christian realms, as well between this
Matthias and Pogiebracius, with his two sons Victorinus and Henricus,
as also between Casimirus, Uladislaus, and Matthias, warring about
Uratislavia, till at length the matter was taken up by the princes of
Germany.

  Albeit, for all the execrable excommunication of the pope against
Pogiebracius, a great part of Bohemia would not be removed from the
obedience of their king, whom the pope had cursed and deposed; yet
Matthias took from him Moravia, and a great portion of Silesia, and
adjoined it to his kingdom of Hungary, A. D. 1474.

  Here this by the way is to be noted, that the religion in
Bohemia, planted by John Huss, could not be extinguished or suppressed
with all the power of four mighty princes, Wenceslaus, Sigismund,
Albert, and Ladislaus, notwithstanding they, with the popes, did
therein what they possibly could; but still the Lord maintained the
same, as ye see by this Pogiebracius, king of Bohemia, whom the pope
could not utterly remove out of the kingdom of Bohemia.

  This forementioned Matthias, beside his other memorable acts of
chivalry, is no less also commended for his singular knowledge and
love of learning and of learned men, whom he with great stipends
procured into Pannonia; where, by the means of good letters, and 
furniture of learned men, he reduced, in short space, the barbarous
rudeness of that country into a flourishing commonwealth. Moreover,
such a library he did there erect, and replenish with all kind of
authors, sciences and histories, which he caused to be translated out
of Greek into Latin, as the like is not thought to be found, next to
Italy, in all Europe beside. Out of which library we have received
divers fragments of writers, as of Polybius, and Diodorus Siculus,
which were not extant before.

  The constant fortitude also of Georgius Pogiebracius, king of
Bohemia, is not unworthy of commendation; of whom also Pope Pius
himself, in Descriptione Europæ, doth honestly report, as a pope may
speak of a protestant, in these words writing, Magnus vir alioqui, et
rebus bellicis clarus, &c. Who, although Pope Innocent did execrate
with his children, yet he left not off the profession of the verity
and knowledge which he had received. Moreover, the Lord so prospered
his sons, Victorinus and Henricus, that they subdued their enemies and
kept their estate: insomuch, that when Frederic the emperor at Vienna
was in custody enclosed by the citizens, Victorinus did restore and
deliver him out of their hands. Wherefore the emperor after-ward
advanced them to be dukes. Also God gave them sometimes prosperous
victory against Matthias, as at the city of Glogovia, &c.

  After the decease of Georgius Pogiebracius, king of Bohemia,
Frederic the emperor assigned that kingdom, not to Matthias, upon whom
the pope had bestowed it before, but upon Uladislaus, son of
Casimirus, king of Poland, and of Elizabeth, daughter of the Emperor
Albert, and sister to Ladislaus. For the which Matthias, being
discontented, and for that the emperor had denied him his daughter
Kunegunda, went about to exclude Uladislaus out of Bohemia, and also
proclaimed war against Frederic. But before he accomplished his
purposed preparation, death prevented him, who without issue departed,
A. D. 1490.

  After the death of Matthias, departing without issue, Uladislaus,
son of Casimirus, king of Poland, and of Elizabeth, daughter to
Albert, emperor, and sister to King Ladislaus, married his wife
Beatrix, whom Matthias left a widow, and with her was elected king of
Hungary, with this condition made between him and Frederic the
emperor, that if he died without lawful issue, then the kingdoms of
Hungary and of Bohemia should return to Maximilian, son to Frederic.
But Uladislaus, not long after, did repudiate his wife Beatrix, and,
depriving her of her kingdom, caused the said Beatrix to swear and to
consent to his marrying of another woman, which was the daughter of
the French king, named Anne, procuring from Pope Alexander a
dispensation for the same, as is before signified. By this Anne,
Uladislaus had Louis and Anne; which Anne afterward was married to
Ferdinand.

  Louis, succeeding after his father, had both the said kingdoms of
Bohemia and Hungary, A. D. 1492, and married Mary, sister to Charles
the Fifth, emperor. Anne, as is said, was coupled to Ferdinand, &c.

  Of Charles, duke of Burgundy, somewhat was before touched, who
had married King Edward's sister; and what troubles by him were
stirred up in France, partly was before notified. This Charles, after
he had besieged the city Nuys, or Novasium, the space of a whole year,
went about to alienate the territory of Cologne, from the empire to
his own dominion; wherefore war began to be moved between him and
Frederic the emperor. At length, through communication had, peace was
concluded, and a marriage appointed between Mary, the only daughter of
Charles, and Maximilian, the emperor's son, A. D. 1475. Then from
Novasium Charles leadeth his army toward Helvetia, against Renatus, or
Reinhardus, duke of Lotharing; then against the Helvetians, where he,
being thrice overcome, first at Granson, then at Moratum, or Murta, in
the higher part of Helvetia, at last, at the town of Nantes, was
overthrown and slain, A. D. 1477. The procurer of which wars was
chiefly Louis the Eleventh, the French king, to the intent he might
compass the dominion of Burgundy under his subjection; which afterward
by open wrong and privy fraud he brought about, defrauding Mary, the
daughter of Charles, of her rightful inheritance; for the which cause
the Burgundians were the more willing to join her marriage with
Maximilian, son of Frederic the emperor; by reason whereof the title
of Burgundy was first joined to the house of Austria.

  And thus have you the miserable vexations and contentions among
our Christian princes here in Europe described, under the reign of
this Frederic the Third, emperor, so that almost no angle or portion
of all Christendom (whether we consider the state of the church, or
civil government) was free from discord, tumults, and dissensions.
This cankered worm of ambition so mightily creepeth, and every where
prevaileth in these latter ends of the world, that it suffereth
neither rest in commonwealths, nor peace in the church, nor any
sparkle of charity almost to remain in the life of men. And what
marvel then, if the Lord, seeing us so far to degenerate, not only
from his precepts and counsels, but almost from the sense and bond of
nature, that brother with brother, uncle with nephew, blood with
blood, cannot agree, in striving, killing, and fighting for worldly
dominions, do send therefore these cruel Turks upon us, so to scourge
and devour us? Of whose bloody tyranny and daily spilling of Christian
blood, hereafter (by the grace of Christ) we will discourse more at
large, when we come to the peculiar consideration of the Turkish
stories. In the mean time this shall be for us to note and observe,
not so much the scourge how grievous it is, but rather to behold the
causes which bring the whip upon us, which is our own miserable
ambition and wretched wars among ourselves.

  And yet if this Christian peace and love, left and commended so
heartily unto us by the mouth of the Son of God, being now banished
out of Christian realms and civil governance, might at least find some
refuge in the church, or take sanctuary among men professing nothing
but religion, less cause we had to mourn. Now so it is, that as we see
little peace and amity among civil potentates; so less we find in the
spiritual sort of them, which chiefly take upon them the
administration of Christ's church. So that it may well be doubted
whether the scourge of the Turk or the civil sword of princes have
slain more in the fields, or the pope's keys have burnt more in towns
and cities. And albeit such as be professed to the church do not fight
with sword and target for dominions and revenues, as warlike princes
do; yet this ambition, pride, and avarice, appeareth in them nothing
inferior unto other worldly potentates; especially if we behold and
advise the doings and insatiable desires of the court of Rome. Great
argument and proof hereof neither is hard to be found, nor far to be
sought. What realm almost through all Christendom hath not only seen
with their eyes, but have felt in their purses, the ambition
intolerable and avarice insatiable of that devouring church, and also
have complained upon the grievance thereof, but never could be
redressed? What exactions and extortions have been here in England out
of bishoprics, monasteries, benefices, deaneries, archdeaconries, and
all other offices of the church, to fill the pope's coffers! and when
they had all done, yet every year brought almost some new invention
from Rome to fetch in our English money; and if all the floods in
England (yea, in all Europe) did run into the see of Rome, yet were
that ocean never able to be satisfied.

  In France likewise what floods of money were swallowed up into
this see of Rome! It was openly complained of in the council of Basil,
as is testified by Henry Token, canon and ambassador of the archbishop
of Maidenburg, written in his book entitled Rapulari, where he
writeth, that in the council of Basil, A. D. 1436, the archbishop of
Lyons did declare, that in the time of Pope Martin there came out of
France to the court of Rome, nine millions of gold, which was gathered
of the bishops and prelates, besides those which could not be counted
of the poor clergy, which daily without number ran unto the court of
Rome, carrying with them all their whole substance. The archbishop of
Tours said also at Basil, in the year of our Lord 1439, that three
millions of gold came unto Rome in his time, within the space of
fourteen years, from the prelates and prelacies, whereof no account
could be made, beside the poor clergy which daily run to that court.
Let the man which feareth God judge what a devouring gulf this is. A
million containeth ten hundred thousand.

  And what made Pope Pius the Second to labour so earnestly to
Louis the Eleventh, the French king, (who, as is aforesaid, was a
great enemy to the house of Burgundy,) that he would (according to his
former promise) abolish and utterly extinguish the constitution
established before at the council of Bitures, by King Charles the
Seventh, his predecessor, called Pragmatica Sanctio; but only the
ambition of that see, which had no measure, and their avarice, which
had no end? The story is this: King Charles the Seventh, the French
king, willing to obey and follow the council of Basil, did summon a
parliament at Bourges; where, by the full consent of all the states in
France, both spiritual and temporal, a certain constitution was
decreed and published, called Pragmatica Sanctio; wherein was
comprehended briefly the pith and effect of all the canons and decrees
concluded in the council of Basil. The which constitution the said
King Charles willed and commanded through all his realm inviolably to
be observed and ratified, for the honour and increase of Christian
religion for ever. This was A. D. 1438.

  It followed, that after the decease of the aforesaid Charles the
Seventh, succeeded King Louis the Eleventh, who had promised before
(being Dauphin) to Pope Pius, that if he ever came to the crown, the
aforesaid Sanctio Pragmatica should be abolished; whereupon Pius,
hearing him to be crowned, did send unto him John Balveus, a cardinal,
with his great letters patent, willing him to be mindful of his
promise made. The king, either willing, or else pretending a will to
perform and accomplish that he had promised, directed the pope's
letters patent, with the said cardinal, to the council of Paris,
requiring them to consult upon the cause.

  Thus the matter being brought and proposed in the parliament
house, the king's attorney, named Johannes Romanus, a man well spoken, 
singularly witted, and well reasoned, stepping forth, with great
eloquence and no less boldness, proved the said sanction to be
profitable, holy, and necessary for the wealth of the realm, and in no
case to be abolished. Unto whose sentence the university of Paris,
adjoining their consent, did appeal from the attempts of the pope to
the next general council. The cardinal, understanding this, took no
little indignation thereat, fretting and fuming, and threatening many
terrible things against them; but, all his minatory words
notwithstanding, he returned again to the king, his purpose not
obtained, A. D. 1438.

  Thus the pope's purpose in France was disappointed, which also in
Germany had come to the like effect, if Frederic the emperor had there
done his part likewise toward the Germans, who at the same time,
bewailing their miserable estate, went about with humble suit to
persuade the emperor that he should no longer be under the subjection
of the popes of Rome, except they had first obtained certain things of
them as touching the charter of appeals; declaring their estate to be
far worse (although undeserved) than the Frenchmen or Italians, whose
servants, and especially of the Italians, they are worthily to be
called, except that their estate were altered. The nobles and
commonalty of Germany did instantly entreat, with most weighty reasons
and examples, both for the utility and profit of the empire, to have
the emperor's aid and help therein, for that which he was bound unto
them by an oath; alleging also the great dishonour and ignominy in
that they alone had not the use of their own laws, declaring how the
French nation had not made their suit unto their king in vain against
the exactions of popes, by whom they were defended; which also
provided decrees and ordinances for the liberty of his people, and
caused the same to be observed; the which thing the emperor ought to
foresee within his empire, and to provide for his people and states of
his empire, as well as other kings do for what shall come to pass
thereby, if, that foreign nations, having recourse unto their kings,
being relieved and defended by them from the said exactions, and the
Germans and states of the empire, flying unto their emperor, be by him
forsaken, or rather betrayed, and deprived of their own laws and
decrees? The emperor, being moved and partly overcome by their
persuasions, promised that he would provide no less for them, than the
king of France had done for the Frenchmen, and to make decrees in that
behalf. But the grave authority of Æneas Sylvius, as Platina writeth
in the history of Pius the Second, brake off the matter; who, by his
subtle and pestiferous persuasions, did so bewitch the emperor, that
he, contemning the equal, just, and necessary requests of his
subjects, chose the said Æneas to be his ambassador unto Calixtus,
then newly chosen pope, to swear unto him in his name, and to promise
the absolute obedience of all Germany, as the only country (as they
call it) of obedience, neglecting the ordinances and decrees of their
country, as before he had done unto Eugenius the Fourth, being
ambassador for the said Frederic, promising that he and all the
Germans would be obedient unto him from henceforth in all matters, as
well spiritual as temporal.

  Thus twice Frederic of Austria contemned and derided the Germans,
and, frustrating them of their native decrees and ordinances, brought
them under subjection and bondage of the pope, which partly was the
cause that seven years before his death he caused his son Maximilian,
not only to be chosen, but also crowned king of Romans, and did
associate him to the ministration of the empire, lest, after his
death, (as it came to pass,) the empire should be transported into
another family, suspecting the Germans, whom he had twice, contrary to
his laws, made subject and in bondage unto the pope's exactions; first
before he was crowned in the time of Eugenius the Fourth, and again,
the second time, after his coronation, and death of Pope Nicholas the
Fifth, denying their requests.
  Whereupon Germany being in this miserable poverty and grievous
subjection under the popes tyranny and polling, with tears and sighs
lamenting their estate, continued so almost unto Luther's time; as the
histories hereafter following do testify.

  And here, ceasing with the story of Frederic, we will now proceed
to the reign of Maximilian his son, omitting divers things else 
incident in the time of this emperor; as first, touching the
unbrotherly contention and conflicts between this Frederic and Albert
his brother, and Sigismund his uncle, for the dukedom of Austria,
after the death of Matthias before mentioned. Omitting also to speak
of the long and cruel war between the Prussians and Poles, in the time
of Uladislaus: omitting also the strife and variance for the dukedom
of Milan, between Frederic the emperor, Alfonsus, Charles, duke of
Orleans, and Francis Sfortia: and how the said princedom being after
given to Sfortia, great wars were kindled and long continued between
Sfortia and the Milanese, then between the Milanese and Venetians, and
after between the Frenchmen and the Milanese. All which tumults and
commotions, as not pertinent greatly to the purpose of this story, I
refer to other writers, where they are to be found more amply
discoursed.



124. JOHN THE NEATHERD OF FRANCONIA, A MARTYR, AND DOCTOR JOHANNES DE
WESALIA.

  This, as more properly belonging to the story of the church, I
thought good not to pass over, touching such as were condemned, and
suffered the pains of fire for testimony of Christ and his truth. Of
whom one was John, a pastor or a neatherd, which was a keeper of
cattle: the other was Johannes de Wesalia, although not burned, yet
persecuted near to death, under the reign of this emperor, Frederic
the Third.

  And first touching this John the neatherd, thus writeth Sebastian
Munsterus, That the bishop of Herbipolis condemned and burned for a
heretic one John, which was a keeper of cattle, at a town called
Nicholas Hansen in Franconia, because he taught and held that the life
of the clergy was ignominious and abominable before God.

  The other was Doctor Johannes Wesalia, who was complained upon
unto Dietherus, the archbishop of Mentz, by the Thomists, upon certain
articles and opinions gathered out of his books. Wherefore the said
Dietherus, fearing else to be deposed again from his bishopric,
directeth forth commission to the universities of Heidelberg and
Cologne, to have the matter in examination; who, convening together
the year above mentioned, called this Doctor de Wesalia before them,
making him to swear that heshould present and give up all his
treatises, works, and writings, whatsoever he had made or preached;
that being done, they divided his books amongst themselves, severally
every man to find out what heresies and errors they could. His
articles and opinions are these:

  "That all men be saved freely, and through mere grace by faith in
Christ. Free-will to be nothing. That we should only believe the word
of God, and not the gloss of any man, or fathers. That the word of God
is to be expounded with the collation of one place with another. That
prelates have no authority to make laws, nor to expound the Scriptures
by any peculiar right given them more than to another. That men's
traditions, as fastings, pardons, feasts, long prayers,
peregrinations, and such like, are to be rejected. Extreme unction and
confirmation to be reproved; confession and satisfaction to be
reprehended. The primacy of the pope also he affirmed to be nothing."

  Certain other articles also were gathered out of him by his
adversaries, but in such sort that they may seem rather to follow
their own malicious gathering, than any true intelligence of his mind;
whereof more is to be understood in this process hereafter.

  Thus when Weselianus was commanded to appear, there converted
together first the archbishop, the inquisitor, the doctors of Cologne,
and the doctors of Heidelberg, with the masters of the same, and the
rector of the university of Mentz, the dean of faculties, bachelors of
divinity, and many other masters of the same university, canons,
doctors, with the bishop's chancellor, and his counsellors, besides
many religious prelates, scholars, with a doctor of Frankfort, the
sumner and beadles, which all met together in the great hall of the
Minorites for the examination of this Johannes de Wesalia.

  Friar Elton, the inquisitor, first sitteth in the highest place,
then after him others according to their degree. In the beginning of
the examination, first the inquisitor beginneth with these words,
"Most reverend father and honourable doctors, &c. Our reverend father
and prince elector hath caused this present convocation to be called,
to hear the examination of Master John de Wesalia, in certain
suspected articles concerning the catholic faith. But something I will
say before, that may do him good, and desire that two or three of them
that favour him, or some other, will rise up and give him counsel to
forsake and leave his errors, to recognise himself, and to ask pardon;
which, if he will do, he shall have pardon; if he will not, we will
proceed against him without pardon." And thus Wesalia being cited and
brought in the midst betwixt two Minorites, being very aged, and
having a staff in his hand, was set before the inquisitor. Who,
beginning to answer for himself with a long protestation, could not be
suffered to prosecute his oration, but was cut off, and required
briefly to make an end, and to tell them in few words whether he would
stand to his opinions, or to the determination of the church. To this
he answered, that he never spake any thing against the determination
of the church, but said, that he had written divers and sundry
treatises, in the which if he had erred, or were found to say
otherwise than well, he was contented to revoke and call back the
same, and do all things that were requisite. Then said the inquisitor,
"Do you ask then pardon? "The other answered, "Why should I ask
pardon, when I know no crime or error committed? "The inquisitor said,
"Well, we will call you to the remembrance thereof, and proceed to the
examination."

  In the mean time others called upon him instantly to ask pardon.
Then said Wesalianus, "I ask pardon." Notwithstanding, the inquisitor
proceeded to the examination, reading there two instruments, declaring
that he had authority from the apostolic see: after this he cited the
said John to appear to his examination. Thirdly, he commanded him
under pain of disobedience, in the virtue of the Holy Ghost, and under
pain of excommunication of the greater curse, (from the which no man
could absolve him, but only the pope, or the inquisitor, except only
at the point of death,) to tell plainly the truth upon such things as
should be demanded of him concerning his faith, without ambushes and
sophistication of words. And so being demanded first whether he did
believe upon his oath taken, that he was bound to tell the truth,
although it were against himself or any other, to this he answered,
Scio, that is, I know. Then the inquisitor biddeth him say, Credo,
that is, I believe. To which he answered again, "What need I say that
I believe that thing which I know?" There the inquisitor, something
stirred with the matter, as hot as a toast, (as they say,) cried with
a loud voice, "Master Johannes, Master Johannes, Master Johannes, say
Credo, say Credo." Then he answered, Credo.

  After this, being demanded whether he had written any treatise,
concerning the binding of human laws, to one Nicholas of Bohemia; and
whether he had written any treatise of the ecclesiastical power of
indulgences and pardons, and of fasting, and other treatises; he
answered, that he believed that he had so written, and had conferred
with divers learned men; also that he had sent to the bishop of Wormes
a certain treatise of fasting.

  Many other interrogatories were ministered unto him, whereof some
were vain, some false. Such as were more principal here we will
briefly touch, leaving out superfluities.

  Being demanded whether he was a favourer of the Bohemians; he
said he was not. Also being demanded concerning the sacrament of the
holy body and blood of our Lord, whether he thought Christ there to be 
contained really, or only divinely, and whether he did believe in the
said sacrament the substance of bread there to remain, or only the
form thereof; to this he answered, not denying but the body of Christ
was there really contained, and also that with the body of Christ the
substance of bread did remain.

  After this he was demanded his opinion concerning religious men,
as monks, nuns, or beguines, whether he thought them to be bound to
the vow of chastity, or to the keeping of any other vow, and whether
he said to the Friars Minorites any such word in effect, "I cannot
save you in this your state and order." This he confessed that he had
said, how that not your religion saveth you, but the grace of God,
&c., not denying but they might be saved.

  Item, being required whether he believed or had written that
there is no mortal sin, but which is expressed to be mortal in the
canon of the Holy Bible; to this he answered, that he did so believe
as he hath written, till he was better informed. Likewise, being
required what he thought of the vicar of Christ in earth, he answered,
that he believed that Christ left no vicar in earth; for the
confirmation whereof he alleged and said, that Christ, ascending up to
heaven, said, Behold, I am with you, &c. In the which words he plainly
declared, that he would substitute under him no vicar here in earth;
and said moreover, if a vicar signified any man which in the absence
of the principal hath to do the works of the principal, then Christ
hath no vicar here in earth.

  In like manner, concerning indulgences and pardons, such as the
church doth use to give, they demanded of him, whether they had any
efficacy, and what he thought thereof; who answered again, that he had
written a certain treatise of that matter, and what he had written in
that treatise, he would persist therein: which was thus; that he
believed that the treasure box of the merits of saints could not be
distributed of the pope to others, because that treasure is not left
here in earth; for so it is written in the Apocalypse, Their works
follow them.

  Item, That their merits could not be applied to other men, for
the satisfaction of their pain due unto them; and therefore that the
pope and other prelates cannot distribute that treasure to men.

  It was objected to him moreover, that in the said his treatise he
called pardons and indulgences, holy frauds and deceits of the
faithful.

  Also being demanded what he thought of the hallowing and blessing
of altars, chalices, vestments, wax candles, palms, herbs, holy water,
and other divine things, &c.; he answered, that they had no spiritual
virtue and power in them to drive away devils, and that holy water
hath no more efficacy than other water not hallowed, as concerning
remission of venial sins, and driving away devils, and other effects,
which the school doctors do attribute to it.

  Item, For degrees of marriage forbidden in the Scriptures, he
believeth that all Christian men under deadly sin are bound unto the
same.

  Item, That he believeth that God may give grace to a man, having
the use of reason, without all motion of free-will. Also he thinketh
that St. Paul in his conversion did nothing of his own free-will for
his conversion. He believeth moreover, that God may give such grace to
a man having the use of reason, not doing that which in him is.

  Item, He affirmed that nothing is to be believed which is not
contained in the canon of the Bible.

  Also, that the elect are saved only by the grace of God.

  Besides all these, moreover he was charged with the old opinion
of the Grecians, which they did hold contrary to the Roman Church,
unto the time of the council of Ferraria, above mentioned, concerning
the proceeding of the Holy Ghost.

  The Wednesday next following, three doctors, the suffragan,
Herwicus, and Jacobus Sprenger, were sent unto him with persuasions to
exhort him; and when he would not stand to their canons, whereby they
went about to refute his doctrine, he was then demanded of Herwicus,
why he would believe rather the four evangelists, than the Gospel of
Nicodemus. To whom he answered, Because he would. Being asked again,
why he believed the four evangelists; he said, Because he so received
of his parents. Then being demanded, why he would not believe the
doctors; Because, said he, their doctrine is not canonical Scripture.
Again, it was to him objected, why he would be credited himself when
he preached, seeing he would not believe the holy doctors? To whom he
answered in this wise, saying, that he did preach as his duty was, but
whether they gave credit to his words, he did not care.

  This examination being ended, after these articles were condemned
by the inquisitor and his assistants, then said he after this manner,
"As you do with me, if Christ himself were here, he might be condemned
as a heretic." After this they sent divers to him to have
communication with him, and to persuade him, sending also to him, with
his articles, a form of asking pardon. At length, within three or four
days after, he was content to condescend unto them, and to submit
himself to their holy mother church, and the information of the
doctors. In the book of Orthuinus Gratius, and in Paralipomena,
adjoined to Abbas Urspergensis, we read these words written of this
Johannes de Wesalia: "Except only the article of the proceeding of the
Holy Ghost, in other articles it seemeth that he was not to be
chastened with so sharp censure, if respite and space had been given
him, if good counsellors had been about him, if all they which did
accuse and molest him had not been as Thomists, that is, of the sect
of Thomas; which Thomists were set at that time against the other sect
of the seculars, which were called Nominales, and therefore they so
spited this doctor, because he did not hold with their Thomas, against
whom otherwise, had it not been for that cause, they would never have
been so fierce and malicious in proceeding against him. I take God to
witness, which knoweth all things, that the process which was made
against him, for his revoking and burning of his books, did greatly
displease Master Engeline of Brunswick, a great divine, and also
Master John Keisersburge, being both learned and famous men; but
namely, Master Engeline thought, that too much malice and rashness was
showed in handling of that same man, and did not fear to say, that
many of his articles, and the greater part thereof, might be holden
well enough, and greatly blamed the mad and fantastical dissension of
the Thomists, seeking, by all manner of ways, how to get the triumph
over the secular divines," &c.

  Although this aged and feeble old man by weakness was constrained
to give over unto the Romish clergy by outward profession of his
mouth, yet, notwithstanding, his opinions and doctrine declared his
inward heart, of what judgment he was, if fear of death present had
not enforced him to say otherwise than he did think. Again, although
he had revoked after their minds, yet we read no such form of
recantation to be prescribed to him to read openly unto the people, as
the use is here in England.

  As touching the reign of this Frederic, emperor, seeing we have
comprehended hitherto sufficiently the most principal matters in his
time occurring, we will now pass forward, the Lord guiding us, to
Maximilian, after I have first given a brief memorandum of three
valiant princes and captains, flourishing in the same time of this
Frederic in Germany: of the which, one was Albert, duke of Saxony,
who, for his renowned and famous acts, was called by public voice, The
right hand of the empire. The other was Albert, marquis of
Brandenburg, to whom also the name was attributed, named of Pope Pius,
to be Achilles Germanicus. The third was Frederic, Earl Palatine,
surnamed Victoriosus, who manfully defended the freedom and majesty of
the empire, from the fraudulent oppressions of the pope's tyranny.

  In the year of our Lord 1484, in this emperor's time, died Pope
Sixtus the Fourth, a little before touched on, a monster rather of
nature, than a prelate of the church. Of him writeth Platina, that
unjustly he vexed all Italy with war and dissension. Agrippa, writing
of him, saith, that among all the bawds of these other latter days,
which were builders of brothel houses, this Pope Sixtus the Fourth
surmounted all other, who at Rome erected a stews of double
abomination, not only of women, but also * * * whereupon no small gain
redounded to his coffers. For every such common harlot in Rome paid
him a July piece, the sum whereof grew in the year, some while to two
thousand, at length to forty thousand ducats. Whereunto accordeth
right well the epitaph of John Sapidus:

Non potuit sævum vis ullo extinguere Sixtum,
Audito tandem nomine pacis obit.

  John Carion also witnesseth him to be a man rather born to war
than to religion. For he warred against Vitellius Tiphernates, against
the Florentines, the Venetians, whom he excommunicated, and did not
absolve till he died: also against Columnensis, against Ferdinandus,
king of Apulia, and duke of Calabria; also against other nations and
princes more.

  Of the said pope it is recorded, that he was a special patron and
tutor to all Begging Friars, granting them to have and enjoy revenues
in this world, and in the world to come everlasting life. Among the
which friars there was one named Alanus de Rupe, a Black Friar, which
made the rosary of our Lady's Psalter, so they term it, and erected a
certain new fraternity upon the same, called Fraternitas Coronariorum,
pertaining to the order of the Dominics, of the which order Jacobus
Sprenger, one of the condemners of Johannes de Wesalia above-
mentioned, was a great advancer, and especially this Pope Sixtus the
Fourth, who gave to the said fraternities large graces and privileges.

  Concerning the institution of this rosary, there was a book set
forth about the year of our Lord 1480. In the beginning whereof is
declared, that the blessed Virgin entered into the cell of this
Alanus, and was so familiar with him, that not only she did espouse
him to her husband, but also kissed him with her heavenly mouth, and
also for more familiarity opened to him her paps, kissed him with her
heavenly mouth, and also for and poured great plenty of her own milk
into his mouth. For the confirmation whereof the said Alanus, this
holy babe, saith the story, did swear deeply, cursing himself, if it
were not thus as he had made relation.

  This fabulous figment when I read in the Centuries of John Bale,
I began with myself to mistrust the credit thereof, and had thought
not to trouble the reader with such incredible forgeries; but as the
providence of God worketh in all things, so also it appeared in this,
that the very same book came to my hands at the writing hereof,
wherein this selfsame narration is contained, wherein I found not only
this to be true, which in John Bale is expressed, but also found in
like manner another wonder as prodigious as this; where in another
place not far off it is storied in the same book, how that about the
time of St. Dominic, there was a certain matron in Spain, named Lucia,
which being taken captive by the Saracens, having her husband killed,
was carried great with child into the Turkish land.

  When the time of her labour came, she being left desolate among
beasts and hogs, and remembering this twice holy rosary, (first
instituted, saith the book, by St. Dominic, and afterward renewed by
Alanus,) eftsoons the holy Virgin was ready and stood by her, and
received the child at her travail, supplying all the parts of a
diligent midwife; and moreover causing a priest suddenly to appear,
she gave the child to be christened, calling it after her own name,
Marianus; and so was she wife to Alanus, midwife to Lucia, and
godmother to Marianus. Which story if it be true, then is the pope's
canon by this example to be controlled, which permitteth midwives in
times of necessity to baptize, seeing the blessed Virgin, playing the
part herself of a midwife, durst not baptize this child without a
priest.

  It followeth more in the story, that by the help of the said
blessed Virgin, this Lucia, our Lady's gossip, after her purification,
was restored with her child safe to her country again.

  And this by the occasion of Pope Sixtus. Which Sixtus, what a
maintainer of blind superstition he was, partly by that before spoken,
partly by the end following, it may be seen. For we read in certain
writers, that after this pope had understanding that Hercules
Estensis, duke of Ferraria, had joined peace with the Venetians
against his will, he was so grieved therewith, that for rancour of
mind, within five days after, he died; about whose time also died
Platina, a man not unlearned, but yet a shameful flatterer and bearer
with the wicked lives of the popes.



125. THE WARS OF THE ROSES (CONCLUDED)

  But leaving here Pope Sixtus, let us now proceed, as we before
promised, to enter the story of Maximilian, keeping, notwithstanding,
the order of our kings here in England. For a little before the reign
of Maximilian, King Edward the Fourth ceased his life, A. D. 1483,
after he had reigned twenty and two years. In the time of which King
Edward, this also is not to be forgotten, that one Burdet, a merchant,
dwelling in Cheapside, at the sign of the Crown, which is now the sign
of the Flower-de-luce, merrily speaking to his son, said, that he
would make him inheritor of the crown, meaning, indeed, his own house.
For the which words, King Edward causing them to be misconstrued, and
interpreted as though he had meant the crown of the realm, within less
space than four hours he was apprehended, judged, drawn, and quartered
in Cheapside.

    THIS King Edward left behind him, by his wife Elizabeth, two
sons, Edward and Richard, and two daughters, Elizabeth and Cicely.
Which two sons, Edward and Richard, forasmuch as they were under age,
and not ripe to govern, a consultation was called among the peers, to
debate whether the aforesaid young prince and king should be under the
government of his mother; or else that Richard duke of Gloucester,
brother to King Edward the Fourth, and uncle to the child, should be
governor of the king, and protector of the realm. There hath been and
is an old adage, the words whereof, rather than the true meaning,
wrested out of Solomon: Woe to the kingdom, the king whereof is a
child, &c. But if I may find leave herein to thrust in a gloss, I
would add this, and say, Woe to that child, which is a king in a
kingdom unruly and ambitious. There was the same season, among other
noble peers of the realm, the duke of Buckingham, a man of great
authority, who had married King Edward's wife's sister. Because the
duke, being so near allied to the king, had been unkindly (as he
thought) of the king treated, having by him no advancement nor any
great friendship showed, according to his expectation, he took part
thereof with Richard duke of Gloucester, both against the queen and
her children, to make the aforesaid duke the chief governor and
protector. The which thing being brought to pass by the aid,
assistance, and working of the duke of Buckingham, the queen took
sanctuary with her younger son; the elder brother, which was the king,
remained in the custody of the duke of Gloucester his uncle. Who,
being now in a good towardness to obtain that which he long looked
for, sought all the means, and soon compassed the matter, by false
colour of dissembled words, by perjury, and labour of friends, namely,
the duke of Buckingham, and the cardinal archbishop of Canterbury,
that the other brother also should be committed to his credit. Thus
the ambitious protector and unnatural uncle, having the possession of
his two nephews and innocent babes, thought himself almost up the
wheel where he would climb; although he could not walk in such mists
and clouds, but his devised purposes began to be espied; which caused
him more covertly to go about to remove from him all suspicion, and to
blind the people's eyes. But before he could accomplish his execrable
enterprise, some there were, whom he thought first must be rid out of
the way, as, namely, the Lord Hastings, and the Lord Stanley; who, as
they were sitting together in council within the Tower, the protector
(the matter being so appointed before) suddenly rushed in among them,
and after a few words there communed, he suddenly hasted out again;
his mind belike being full of mischief and fury, was not quiet. Who,
within the space of an hour, returned again into the chamber with a
stern countenance and a frowning look, and so there set him down in
his place. When the lords were in great marvel and muse at the meaning
hereof, then he, out of a cankered heart, thus began to bray, asking
them, What are they worthy to have, which go about to imagine the
destruction of him being so near to the king's blood, and protector of
the realm? At the which question as the other lords sat musing, the
Lord Hastings, because he had been more familiar with him, thus
answered, that they were worthy of punishment, whatsoever they were.
Which, when the other lords also had affirmed, that is (quoth the
protector) yonder sorceress, my brother's wife, meaning the queen and
other with her; adding, moreover, and saying, that sorceress and other
of her counsel, Shore's wife with her affinity, have by their
witchcraft thus wasted my body, and therewith showed forth his left
arm a dry, withered thing, as it was never otherwise, as was well
known.

  This Shore's wife had been before a concubine to King Edward, and
afterward was kept by the same Lord Hastings. Moreover, here is to be
noted, that by the consent of the said Lord Hastings, the cruel
protector had devised about the same time, the kindred of the queen
innocently to be beheaded at Pomfret, of mere despite and hatred.
Wherefore this punishment not undeservedly, by the just hand of God,
fell upon the Lord Hastings.

  It followeth then more in the story, that when the Lord Hastings
had heard of these false accusations of the tyrant, which he knew to
be untrue; "Certainly, my lord," said he, "if they have so done, they
be worthy of heinous punishment." "Why," quoth the protector, "Dost
thou serve me with if and with and? I tell thee, they have so done,
and that I will make good on thy body, traitor:" and therewith giving
a great rap on the board, for a token or watchword, one cried Treason
without, and forthwith the chamber was full of harnessed men. The
protector then approaching to the Lord Hastings, arrested him as a
traitor. Another let fly at the Lord Stanley; who to avoid the blow,
shrunk under the table, or else his head had been cleft asunder:
notwithstanding he received such a wound, that the blood ran about his
ears. There were in that council the same time the archbishop of York,
and Doctor Morton, bishop of Ely, by whose procurement afterward King
Henry the Seventh was sent for into England, and he made archbishop
after that of Canterbury: these with the Lord Stanley diversely were
bestowed in divers chambers. The Lord Hastings was commanded to speed
and shrive him apace, for before dinner the protector sware by St.
Paul that he should die; and so incontinently, without further
judgment, his head was stricken off, by whose counsel the queen's
kindred were at the same time and day beheaded at Pomfret.

  After this tyrannous murder accomplished, the mischievous
protector aspiring still to the crown, to set his devices forward,
first through gifts and fair promises did suborn Doctor Shaw, a famous
preacher then in London, at Paul's Cross to insinuate to the people,
that neither King Edward with his sons, nor the duke of Clarence, were
lawfully begotten, nor the very children of the duke of York, but
begotten unlawfully by other persons in adultery on the duchess their
mother, and that he alone was the true and only lawful heir of the
duke of York. Moreover, to declare and to signify to the audience,
that King Edward was never lawfully married to the queen, but his wife
before was Dame Elizabeth Lucy, and so the two children of King Edward
to be base and bastards, and therefore the title of the crown most
rightly to pertain to the lord protector. Thus this false flatterer,
and loud, lying preacher, to serve the protector's humour, shamed not
most impudently to abuse that holy place, that reverend auditory, the
sacred word of God, taking for his theme, Adulteræ plantationes non
dabunt radices altos, &c., which he most impiously did apply against
the innocent children and right heirs of the realm. Whereupon such
grudge and disdain of the people with worldly wonder followed him,
that, for shame of the people crying out of him, in few days after he
pined away.

  When this sermon would take no effect with the people, the
protector, unmercifully drowned in ambition, rested not thus, but
within few days after excited the duke of Buckingham, first to break
the matter in covert talk to the mayor and certain of the heads of the
city picked out for the purpose; that done, to come to the Guildhall,
to move the people by all flattering and lying persuasions to the
same, which shameless Shaw before had preached at Paul's Cross; which
the duke with all diligence and helps of eloquence, being a man both
learned and well spoken, endeavoured to accomplish, making to the
people a long and artificial oration, supposing no less but that the
people, allured by his crafty insinuations, would cry, King Richard,
King Richard. But there was no King Richard in their mouths, less in
their hearts. Whereupon the duke, looking to the lord mayor, and
asking what this silence meant, contrary to the promise of the one,
and the expectation of the other; it was then answered of the mayor,
that the people peradventure well understood him not; wherefore the
duke, reiterating his narration in other words, declared again that he
had done before. Likewise the third time he repeated his oration again
and again. Then the commons which before stood mute, being now in
amaze, seeing this importunity, began to mutter softly among
themselves, but yet no King Richard could sound in their lips, save
only that in the nether end of the hall certain of the duke's
servants, with one Nashfield, and other belonging to the protector,
thrusting into the hall among the press, began suddenly at men's backs
to cry, King Richard, King Richard, throwing up their caps; whereat
the citizens, turning back their heads, marvelled not a little, but
said nothing.
The duke and the lord mayor with that side, taking this for sufficient
testimony, incontinent came blowing for haste to the protector, then
lying at Baynard's Castle; where the matter, being made before, was
now so contrived, that forsooth humble petition was made in the name
of the whole commons, and that with three sundry suits, to the humble
and simple protector, that he, although it was utterly against his
will to take it, yet would of his humility stoop so low, as to receive
the heavy kingdom of England upon his shoulders. At this their tender
request and suit of the lords and commons made, (ye must know how,)
the mild duke, seeing no other remedy, was contented at length to
yield, although sore against his will, (ye must so imagine,) and to
submit himself so low, as of a protector to be made king; not much
herein unlike to our prellates in the popish church, who when they
have before well compounded for the pope's bulls, yet must they for
manners' sake make courtesy, and thrice deny that for which they so
long before have gaped, and so sweetly have paid for.
Illustration: Portrait of Richard III

  And thus Richard duke of Gloucester took upon him to be made and
proclaimed king of England, the year aforesaid, A. D. 1483, in the
month of June. Who then coming to the Tower by water, first made his
son, a child of ten years old, prince of Wales, and John Howard (a man
of great industry and service) he advanced to be duke of Norfolk, and
Sir Thomas Howard his son he ordained earl of Surrey. Also William
Lord Barkley was appointed earl of Nottingham. Francis Lord Lovell was
made Viscount Lovell. Lord Stanley, for fear of his son, was delivered
out of the Tower, and made steward of the king's household. Likewise
the archbishop of York was set free; but Morton, bishop of Ely, was
committed to the duke of Buckingham, by whom was wrought the first
device to bring in Henry earl of Richmond into England, and to conjoin
marriage between Elizabeth, King Edward's daughter, and him, whereby
the two houses of York and Lancaster were united together.

  After the kingdom of England was thus allotted to King Richard
the usurper, as in manner above remembered, he tarried not long for
his coronation, which was solemnized the month next ensuing, the sixth
day of July.

  The triumph and solemnity of his usurped coronation being
finished, and all things to the same appertaining, this unquiet tyrant
yet could not think himself safe, so long as young Edward, the right
king, and his brother were alive; wherefore the next enterprise which
he did set upon was this, how to rid those innocent babes out of the
way, that he might reign king alone.

  In the mean time, while all this ruffling was in hand, what dread
and sorrow the tender hearts of these fatherless and friendless
children were in, what little joy of themselves, what small joy of
life they had, it is not so hard as dolorous for tender hearts to
understand. As the younger brother lingered in thought and heaviness;
so the prince, which was eleven years old, was so out of heart and so
fraught with fear, that he never tied his points, nor joyed good day,
till the traitorous impiety of their cruel uncle had delivered them of
their wretchedness, which was not long in despatching. For after King
Richard their uncle had first attempted to compass his devilish device
by Robert Brakenbury, constable of the Tower, and could not win him to
such a cruel fact, (to die therefore,) then he got one James Tyrill,
joining with him John Dighton and Miles Forrest, to perpetrate this
heinous murder. Which Dighton and Forrest, about midnight entering
into their chamber, so bewrapped and entangled them amongst the
clothes, keeping down the featherbed and pillows hard unto their
mouths, that within a while they smothered and stifled them piteously
in their bed.

  And thus ended these two young princes their lives, through the
wretched cruelty of these forenamed tormentors, who, for their
detestable and bloody murder committed, escaped not long unpunished by
the just hand of God. For first, Miles Forrest, at St. Martin's le
Grand, by piecemeal miserably rotted away. John Dighton lived at
Calais long after, so disdained and hated, that he was pointed at of
all men, and there died in great misery. Sir James Tyrill was beheaded
at Tower-hill for treason. Also King Richard himself, within a year
and a half after, was slain in the field, hacked and hewed of his
enemies' hands, torn and tugged like a cur dog.

  Furthermore, the said justice of God's hand let not the duke of
Buckingham escape free, which was a great maintainer and setter up of
this butcherly usurper; for less than within a year after, so God
wrought, that he was himself beheaded for treason by the said king,
whom he so unjustly before had advanced and set up.

  In the same catalogue and order of these wicked doers before
recited, we have also to comprehend two other, as well worthy of
memorial as the best, or rather as the worst. The name of the one was
Doctor Shaw above rehearsed; the other Doctor Pinkie, provincial of
the Austin Friars; both famous preachers, and both doctors in
divinity, both of more learning than virtue, (saith the story,) of
more fame than learning, and yet of more learning than truth. Shaw
made a sermon in praise of the protector, before his coronation.
Pinkie preached after his coronation. Both were so full of tedious
flattery, that no good ears could abide them. Pinkie in his sermon so
lost his voice, that he was fain to leave off and came down in the
midst. Doctor Shaw by his sermon lost his honesty, and soon after his
life, for very shame of the world, so that he never durst after that
show his face again. But as for the friar, he was so far past shame,
that the loss thereof did little touch him. Mention was made a little
before of Doctor Morton, bishop of Ely, by whose means the device was
first broached for the conjoining of the two houses of York and
Lancaster together. This device was first broken to the duke of
Buckingham, which soon after cost him his life. But that bishop, more
crafty to save himself, incontinent fled into Brittany.
Notwithstanding, the device, once being broached, was so plausible,
and took such effect, that message was sent over the sea to Henry,
earl of Richmond, by his mother and by the queen, mother to the Lady
Elizabeth, that if he would make his return, and promise to marry with
the said Lady Elizabeth, King Edward's daughter, he should be
received. To make a longer discourse of this matter, which is
sufficiently set forth by Sir Thomas More so ornately, it needeth not.

  Briefly, to contract that in a small compass of words, which was
not so small a thing in doing, after that the Earl Henry, with such
other banished men as fled out of England at the taking of the duke of
Buckingham, had perfect intelligence by his mother and by the queen,
and other friends more out of England, how the case of the realm
stood, and how it was here purposed by his friends, that is, that he
should, with all convenient speed, haste his return over into England,
promising to marry with the Lady Elizabeth; he, with all diligence, as
time and preparation would serve, advanced forward his journey, being
well helped and furnished by Francis,duke of Brittany, and so shipped
his men. Albeit his first voyage sped not; for that, the winds turning
contrary, by force of weather his ships were dispersed, and he
repulsed back into France again. His second voyage was more
prosperous; who, taking the seas at Harfleur, in the month of August,
A. D. 1485, accompanied only with two thousand men, and a small number
of ships, arrived at Milford-haven in Wales, and first came to Dale,
then to Haverfordwest, where he was joyfully received, and also, by
the coming in of Arnold Butler and the Pembroke men, was in power
increased. From thence he, removing by Cardigan to Shrewsbury, and
then to Newport, and so to Stafford, from thence to Litchfield, his
army still more and more augmented. Like as a great flood, by coming
in of many small rivers, gathereth more abundance of water; so to this
earl divers noble captains and men of power adjoined themselves, as
Richard Griffith, John Morgan, Rice ap Thomas, then Sir George Talbot,
with the young earl of Shrewsbury, his ward, Sir William Stanley, Sir
Thomas Burchier, and Sir Walter Hungerford, knights. At the last, the
said earl, hearing of the king's coming, conducted his whole army to
Tamworth.

  King Richard, first hearing of the arrival of the Earl Henry in
the parts of Wales after such a slender sort, did give little or no
regard unto it. But after understanding that he was come to Litchfield
without resistance or encumbrance, he was sore moved, and exceedingly
took on, cursing and crying out against them which had so deceived
him, and in all post speed sent for John, duke of Norfolk, Henry, earl
of Northumberland, Thomas, earl of Surrey, with other his friends of
special trust. Robert Brakenbury also, lieutenant of the Tower, was
sent for, with Sir Thomas Burchier, and Sir Walter Hungerford, with
certain other knights and esquires, of whom he partly misdoubted, or
had some suspicious jealousy. Thus King Richard, after most forcible
manner well fortified and accompanied, leaving nothing undone that
diligence could require, set forward toward his enemies. The earl by
this time was come to Tamworth, to whom secretly in the evening
resorted Sir John Savage, Sir Bryan Sanford, Sir Simon Digby, and many
others, forsaking the part of King Richard, whom all good men hated,
as he no otherwise deserved. The king, having perfect knowledge the
earl to be encamped at Tamworth, embattled himself in a place near to
a village called Bosworth, not far from Leicester, appointing there to
encounter with his adversaries. Here the matter lay in great doubt and
suspense concerning the Lord Stanley, (which was the earl's father-in-
law, and had married his mother,) to what part he would incline. For
although his heart went (no doubt) with the earl, and had secret
conference with him the night before, yet because of his son and heir,
George, Lord Strange, being then in the hands of King Richard, lest
the king should attempt any prejudicial thing against him, he durst
not be seen openly to go that way where in heart he favoured, and
therefore closely kept himself between both, till the push came that
his help might serve at a pinch.
Illustration: the battle of Bosworth Field

  The number of the earl's part exceeded not to the one half of the
side of King Richard. When the time and the place was appointed, where
the two battles should encounter and join together, sore stripes and
great blows were given on both sides, and many slain. If number and
multitude might govern the success of battle, King Richard had double
to the earl. But God is he, not man, that giveth victory, by what
means it seemeth to his Divine providence best. In what order and by
what occasion this field was won and lost, the certain intelligence we
have not certainly expressed, but only by the history of Polydore
Virgil, whom Sir Thomas More doth follow word for word. In the which
story it doth appear, that as these two armies were coupling together,
King Richard, understanding by his espials where the earl of Richmond
was, and how he was but slenderly accompanied, and seeing him to
approach more near unto him, rather carried with courage than ruled
with reason, set spurs to the horse, and ranging out of the compass of
his ranks, pressed toward the earl, setting upon him so sharply, that
first he killed Sir William Brandon, the earl's standard-bearer,
father to the Lord Charles Brandon, duke of Suffolk, then after
overthrew Sir John Cheney, thinking likewise to oppress the earl. But
as the Lord by his secret providence disposeth the event of all
things, as the earl with his men about him, being over-matched, began
to despair of victory, suddenly and opportunely came Sir William
Stanley with three thousand well-appointed able men, whereby King
Richard's men were driven hack, and he himself, cruelly fighting in
the thick of his enemies, was there slain, and brought to his
confusion and death, which he worthily deserved.

  In the mean time the earl of Oxford, who had the guiding of the 
fore ward, discomfited the forefront of King Richard's host, and put
them to flight, in which chase many were slain, of noblemen
especially, above other, John, duke of Norfolk, Lord Ferrers, Sir
Richard Radcliff, and Robert Brakenbury, lieutenant of the Tower, &c.
Lord Thomas Howard, earl of Surrey, there submitted himself, and
although he was not received at first to grace, but long remained in
the Tower, yet, at length, for his fidelity, he was delivered and
advanced to his recovered honour and dignity again.

  This King Richard had but one son, who, shortly after the cruel
murder of King Edward's sons, was taken with sickness and died. The
wife of the said King Richard (whether by poison or by sickness) died
also a little before the field of Bosworth; after whose decease, the
story of Polydore and of Sir Thomas More affirmeth, that he intended
himself to marry the Lady Elizabeth his own brother's daughter, and so
to prevent the earl of Richmond.

  Moreover, as touching the Lord Stanley, thus reporteth the story,
that King Richard being in Bosworth field, sent for the Lord Stanley
by a pursuivant, to advance forward with his company, and come to his
presence; otherwise he sware by Christ's passion, that he would strike
off his son's head before dinner. The Lord Stanley sent word again,
that if he did he had more sons alive. Whereupon the king immediately
commanded the Lord Strange to be beheaded, which was the very time
when both the armies were within sight, and were ready to join
together. Wherefore the kings counsellors, pondering the time and the
case, persuaded the king that it was now time to fight, and not to do
execution, advising him to delay the matter till the battle were
ended. And so (as God would) King Richard breaking his oath, or rather
keeping his oath, for he himself was slain before dinner, the Lord
Strange was committed to be kept prisoner within the king's tent; who
then, after the victory gotten, was sought out and brought to his
joyful father. And thus have ye the tragical life and end of this
wretched King Richard. Henry, the earl of Richmond, after hearty
thanks given to Almighty God, for his glorious victory obtained,
proceeded to the town of Leicester, where was brought to him, by the
Lord Strange, the crown, and put on the earl's head.

  In the mean time the dead corpse of King Richard was shamefully
carried to the town of Leicester, being naked and despoiled to the
skin; and being trussed behind a pursuivant of arms, was carried like
a hog or a dog, having his head and arms hanging on the one side of
the horse, and the legs on the other side, all sprinkled with mire and
blood. And thus ended the usurped reign of King Richard, who reigned
two years and two months.

    When King Henry, by the providence of God, had obtained
thistriumphant victory, and diadem of the realm, first sending for
Edward Plantagenet, earl of Warwick, son to George, duke of Clarence,
and committing him to safe custody within the Tower, from Leicester he
removed to London, and not long after, according to his oath and
promise made before, espoused to him the young Lady Elizabeth, heir of
the house of York; whereby both the houses of York and Lancaster were
conjoined together, to the no little rejoicing of all English hearts,
and no less quiet unto the realm, which was A. D. 1485. This king
reigned twenty-three years and eight months, and being a prince of
great policy, justice, and temperance, kept his realm in good
tolerable rule and order. And here, interrupting a little the course
of our English matters, we will now (the Lord willing) enter the story
above promised, of Maximilian the emperor, and matters of the empire,
especially such as pertain to the church.

  In the year of our Lord 1486, Frederic waxing aged, and partly
also mistrusting the hearts of the Germans, who had complained before
of their grievances, and could not be heard; and therefore misdoubting
that his house, after his decease, should have the less favour among
them, for that cause in his life-time did associate his son Maximilian
to be joined emperor with him; with whom he reigned the space of seven
years till the death of the said Frederic his father, who departed A.
D. 1494, after he had reigned over the empire fifty-three years,
lacking only but three years of the reign of Augustus Cæsar, under
whom was the birth of our Lord and Saviour Christ.

  This Maximilian, as he was a valiant emperor, prudent and
singularly learned, so was his reign entangled in many unquiet and
difficult wars; first, in the lower countries of Flanders and Brabant,
where the said Maximilian was taken captive, but shortly after rescued
and delivered again by his father, A. D. 1487. It was signified before
how this Maximilian, by the advice of the Burgundians, had to wife
Mary, the only daughter of Charles Duke of Burgundy, before mentioned,
by whom he had two children, Philip and Margaret, A. D. 1477. Which
Mary, not long after, about the year of our Lord 1481, by a fall from
her horse fell into an ague, and departed. Other wars many more the
same Maximilian also achieved, both in France, in Italy, in Hungary,
and divers beside.

  So happy was the education of this emperor in good letters, so
expert he was in tongues and sciences, but especially such was his
dexterity and promptness in the Latin style, that he, imitating the
example of Julius Cæsar, did write and comprehend in Latin histories
his own acts and feats done, and that in such sort, that when he had
given a certain taste of his history to one Pircamerus, a learned man,
asking his judgment how his warlike style of Latin did like him, the
said Pircamerus did affirm and report of him to John Carion, the
witness and writer of this story, that he did never see nor read in
any German story, a thing more exactly, and that in such haste, done,
as this was of Maximilian. Moreover, as he was learned himself, so was
he a singular patron and advancer of learned students, as may well
appear by the erecting and setting up the university of Wittenberg. By
this emperor many in those days were excited to the embracing as well
of other liberal arts, as also, namely, to the searching out of old
antiquities of histories, whereby divers were then by him first
occasioned in Germany to set their minds and to exercise their
diligence in collecting and explicating matters pertaining to the
knowledge of history, as well of ancient as also of later times, as
namely Cuspinianus, Nauclerus, Conradus Peutingerus, Manlius, and
other.



126 THE WORD OF GOD SPREAD BY PRINTING

  Here now it began right well to appear, what great benefit was
broached to the world, by the art and facility of printing, as is
before mentioned. Through the means of which printing, the church and
commonwealth of Christ began now to be replenished with learned men,
as both may appear by this emperor, being so endued himself with such
excellent knowledge of good letters, and also by divers other famous
and worthy wits, which began now in this age exceedingly to increase
and multiply; as Baptista Mantuanus, Ang. Politianus, Hermolaus
Barbarus, Picus Mirandula, and Franciscus his cousin, Rodol. Agricola,
Pontanus, Philippus, Beroaldus, Marsilius Ficinus, Volateranus,
Georgius Valla, with infinite other.

  Among whom is also to be numbered Weselus Groningensis, otherwise
named Basilius, who was not long after Johannes de Wesalia, above
recited, both much about one time, and both great friends together.
This Weselus died in the year of our Lord 1490. After that Johannes,
Doctor de Wesalia, aforesaid, was condemned, this Weselus being
familiar with him, thought that the inquisitor would come and examine
him also, as he himself in a certain epistle doth write. He was so
notable and worthy a man, that of the people he was called Lux Mundi,
that is, The light of the world.

  Concerning his doctrine, first he reprehended the opinion of the
papists, as touching repentance, which they divided into three parts,
of the which three parts, satisfaction and confession he did disallow;
likewise purgatory and supererogation of works and pardons he did
disprove, both at Rome and at Paris. He spake against the pope's
indulgences, by the occasion whereof divers of the pope's court,
persuaded by him, began to speak more freely against the same matter
than he himself had done.

  The abuses of masses and praying for the dead he disallowed; and
likewise the supremacy of the pope he utterly rejected, as appeareth
in a book of his, De Sacramento Pœnitentiæ, denying utterly that any
supreme head or governor ought to be in the world over all other;
affirming also and saying many times, that the pope had no authority
to do any thing by commandment, but by truth, that is, so far as truth
goeth with him, so far his sentence to stand; neither that he ought to
prevail by commanding, but only by teaching, so as every true
Christian bishop may prevail over another. Also in some place in his
writings he denieth not, but that popes and their spiritual prelates,
proceeding against Christ's doctrine, be plain antichrists. Such as
were infirm, and not able to perform the bond of chastity taken upon
them, he said they might well. break their vow.

  Also the said Weselus witnesseth that the forefathers which were
before Albert and Thomas, did resist and withstand the pope's
indulgences, calling them in their writings plain idolatry, mere fraud
and error; adding moreover, that unless the severity of some good
divines had withstood these pardons and indulgences of the pope,
innumerable errors had overflown the church.

  Amongst these works of Weselus, there is a certain Epistle of one
written to him, in which the author of the Epistle confesseth, that in
his time there was a certain learned man at Paris, called Master
Thomas de Curselis, a dean; who being in the council of Basil, where
divers began to advance the pope too far, declared and affirmed, to be
said to him of Christ, Whatsoever thou shalt bind upon earth shall be
bound in heaven, but not, Whatsoever thou sayest to be bound; as who
should say the pope cannot nor doth not bind therefore, because he so
saith, except truth and righteousness go also with him, then he doth
so bind indeed. There is a certain book of this man amongst divers
others, which he entitled, De Subditis et Superioribus, in the which
he disputeth greatly against the pope and his prelates; affirming,
that the pope, unless his faith and doctrine be sound, ought not to be
obeyed. He affirmeth also that the pope may err, and when he erreth,
men ought by all manner of means to resist him. Item, That great and
superfluous riches in the clergy do not profit, but hurt the church.
That the pope doth wickedly distribute the rents of the church, and
the church itself, to unworthy ministers by simony, for his own profit
and gain, whereby it may appear that he neither careth for God nor the
health of the church. Item, That the precepts and commandments of the
pope and prelates be no otherwise but as the counsels and precepts of
physicians, binding no further than they are found to be wholesome and
standing with the truth of the word. Item, That the pope can command
no man under pain of deadly sin, except God command him before. He
saith, that the keys of the pope and of the prelates be not such
wherewith they open the kingdom of heaven, but rather shut it, as the
Pharisees did. Concerning vows, he disputeth that such as be foolish
and impossible ought to be broken; that the hearers ought to discern
and judge of the doctrine of their prelates, and not to receive every
thing that they say, without due examination.

  He showeth moreover, that the sentence of excommunication is of
more force, proceeding from a true godly, honest, simple, and learned
man, than from the pope; as in the council of Constance, Bernard was
more esteemed than Eugenius. Also if the pope with his prelates govern
and rule naughtily, that the inferiors, be they never so base, ought
to resist him.

  Writing moreover of two popes, Pius the Second and Sixtus the
Fourth, he saith, that Pius the Second did usurp unto himself all the
kingdoms of the whole world, and that Sixtus the pope did dispense
with all manner of oaths in causes temporal, not only with such oaths
as have been already, but also with all such as shall be made
hereafter; which was nothing else but to give liberty and licence for
men to forswear themselves and deceive one another.

  This Weselus being a Phrygian born, and now aged in years, upon a
certain time when a young man, called Master Johannes Ostendorpius,
came to him, said these words, "Well my child, thou shalt live to that
day, when thou shalt see that the doctrine of these new and
contentious divines, as Thomas and Bonaventure, with others of the
same sort, shall be utterly rejected and exploded from all true
Christian divines." And this which Ostendorpius, then being young,
heard Weselus to speak, he reported himself to Noviomagus, which wrote
this story, A. D. 1520, and heard it of the mouth of the said Weselus,
A. D. 1490, March 18.

  Philip Melancthon, writing of the life of Rodulphus Agricola,
saith, that Josquinus Groningensis, an ancient and a godly man,
reported, that when he was young he was oftentimes present at the
sermons of Rodulphus and Weselus, wherein they many times lamented the
darkness of the church, and reprehended the abuses of the mass, and of
the single life of priests. Item, That they disputed oftentimes of the
righteousness of faith, why St. Paul so oftentimes did inculcate, that
men be justified by faith and not works. The same Josquinus also
reported, that they did openly reject and disprove the opinion of
monks, which say, that men be justified by their works. Item,
Concerning men's traditions their opinion was, that all such were 
deceived, whosoever attributed unto those traditions any opinion of
God's worship, or that they might not be broken. And thus much for the
story of Doctor Wesalia and Weselus.

  By this it may be seen and noted, how, by the grace of God and
gift of printing, first came forth learning; by learning came light to
judge and discern the errors of the pope from the truth of God's word;
as partly by these abovesaid may appear, partly by other that follow
after, (by the grace of Christ,) shall better be seen.

  About the very same time and season, when the gospel began thus
to branch and spring in Germany, the host of Christ's church began
also to muster and to multiply likewise here in England, as by these
histories here consequent may appear. For not long after the death of
this Weselus, in the year of our Lord 1494, and in the ninth year of
the reign of Henry the Seventh, the 28th of April, was burned a very
old woman named Joan Boughton, widow, and mother to the Lady Young,
which lady was also suspected to be of that opinion which her mother
was. Her mother was of fourscore years of age or more, and held eight
of Wickliff's opinions, (which opinions my author doth not show,) for
the which she was burnt in Smithfield the day above-said. My author
saith, she was a disciple of Wickliff, whom she accounted for a saint,
and held so fast and firmly eight of his ten opinions, that all the
doctors of London could not turn her from one of them; and when it was
told her that she should be burnt for her obstinacy and false belief,
she set nothing by their menacing words, but defied them; for she said
she was so beloved of God, and his holy angels, that she cared not for
the fire, and in the midst thereof she cried to God to take her soul
into his holy hands. The night following that she was burnt, the most
part of her ashes were had away of such as had a love unto the
doctrine that she died for.

  Shortly after the martyrdom of this godly aged mother, in the
year of our Lord 1497, and the seventeenth of January, being Sunday,
two men, the one called Richard Milderale, and the other James
Sturdie, bare faggots before the procession of Paul's, and after stood
before the preacher in the time of his sermon. And upon the Sunday
following stood other two men at Paul's Cross all the sermon-time; the
one garnished with painted and written papers, the other having a
faggot on his neck. After that in Lent season upon Passion Sunday, one
Hugh Glover bare a faggot before the procession of Paul's, and after
with the faggot stood before the preacher all the sermon-while at
Paul's Cross. And on the Sunday next following four men stood, and did
their open penance at Paul's, as is aforesaid, in the sermon-time, and
many of their books were burnt before them at the Cross.

  Furthermore, the next year following, which was the year of our
Lord 1498, in the beginning of May, the king then being at Canterbury,
was a priest burnt, which was so strong in his opinion that all the
clerks and doctors then there being could not remove him from his
faith; whereof the king being informed, he caused the said priest to
he brought before his presence, who by his persuasion caused him to
revoke, and so he was burnt immediately. In the same year above
mentioned, which was the year of our Lord 1498, after the beheading of
Edward Plantagenet, earl of 'Warwick, and son to the duke of Clarence,
the king and queen being removed to Calais, a certain godly man and a
constant martyr of Christ, named Babram, in Norfolk, was burnt in the
month of July, as is in Fabian recorded, after the copy which I have
written. Albeit in the book of Fabian printed, his burning is referred
to the next year following, which is A. D. 1500.

  About which year likewise, or in the year next following, the
twentieth day of July, was an old man burnt in Smithfield.
Illustration: A Town Square



127. JEROME SAVANAROLA

  In the same year also, which was of the Lord one thousand four
hundred ninety and nine, fell the martyrdom and burning of Hieronymus
Savanarola, a man no less godly in heart than constant in his
profession. Who, being a monk in Italy, and singularly well learned,
preached sore against the evil life and living of the spiritualty, and
especially of his own order, complaining sore upon them as the springs
and authors of all mischiefs and wickedness. Whereupon by the help of
certain learned men he began to seek reformation in his own order.
Which thing the pope perceiving, and fearing that the said Jerome,
which was now in great reputation amongst all men, should diminish or
overthrow his authority, he ordained his vicar or provincial to see
reformation in these matters; which vicar with great superstition
began to reform things: but the said Jerome did always withstand him,
whereupon he was complained of to the pope, and because that, contrary
unto the pope's commandment, he did withstand his vicar, he was
accursed. But for all that Jerome left not off preaching, but
threatened Italy with the wrath and indignation of God, and prophesied
before unto them, that the land should be overthrown for the pride and
wickedness of the people, and for the untruth, hypocrisy, and
falsehood of the clergy, which God would not leave unrevenged, as
afterward it came to pass, when King Charles came into Italy and to
Rome, and so straitly beset the Pope Alexander, that he was forced to
make composition with the king.

  Now, forasmuch as the said Jerome would not leave off preaching,
he was commanded to appear before the pope, to give account of his new
learning, (for so then they called the truth of the gospel,) but by
means of the manifold perils, he made his excuse that he could not
come. Then was he again forbidden by the pope to preach, and his
learning pronounced and condemned as pernicious, false, and seditious.

  This Jerome, as a man worldly wise, foreseeing the great perils
and dangers that might come unto him, for fear left off preaching. But
when the people, which sore hungered and longed for God's word, were
instant upon him that he would preach again, he began again to preach
in the year of our Lord 1496, in the city of Florence; and albeit that
many counselled him that he should not so do without the pope's
commandment, yet did he not regard it, but went forward freely of his
own good will. When the pope and his shavelings heard news of this,
they were grievously incensed and inflamed against him, and now again
cursed him, as an obstinate and stiffnecked heretic. But for all that
Jerome proceeded in teaching and instructing the people, saying, that
men ought not to regard such curses, which are against the true
doctrine and the common profit, whereby the people should be learned
and amended, Christ's kingdom enlarged, and the kingdom of the devil
utterly overthrown.

  In all his preaching he desired to teach no other thing than the
only pure and simple word of God, making often protestation that all
men should certify him if they had heard him teach or preach any thing
contrary thereunto, for upon his own conscience he knew not that he
had taught any thing but the pure word of God. What his doctrine was
all men may easily judge by his books that he hath written.

  After this, in the year of our Lord 1498, he was taken and
brought out of St. Mark's cloister, and two other friars with him,
named Dominic and Silvester, which favoured his learning, and was
carried into prison, where he wrote a godly meditation upon that most
comfortable thirty-first Psalm; wherein he doth excellently describe
and set forth the continual strife between the flesh and the spirit.

  After this, the pope's legates came to Florence, and called forth
these three good men, threatening them marvellously; but they
continued still constant. Then came the chief counsellors of the city,
with the pope's commissioners, which had gathered out certain articles
against these men, whereupon they were condemned to death; the tenor
of which articles hereafter ensue.

  1. The first article was as touching our free justification
through faith in Christ.

  2. That the communion ought to be ministered under both kinds.

  3. That the indulgences and pardons of the pope were of no
effect.

  4. For preaching against the filthy and wicked living of the
cardinals and spiritualty.

  5. For denying the pope's supremacy.

  6. Also that he had affirmed that the keys were not given unto
Peter alone, but unto the universal church.

  7. Also, that the pope did neither follow the life nor doctrine
of Christ, for that he did attribute more to his own pardons and
traditions, than to Christ's merits; and therefore he was antichrist.

  8. Also, that the pope's excommunications are not to be feared,
and that he which doth fear or fly them is excommunicated of God.

  9. Item, That auricular confession is not necessary.

  10. Item, That he had moved the citizens to uproar and sedition.

  11. Item, That he had neglected and contemned the pope's
citation.

  12. Item, That he had shamefully spoken against and slandered the
pope.

  13. Item, That he had taken Christ to witness of his naughtiness
and heresy.

  14. Also, that Italy must be cleansed through God's scourge, for
the manifold wickedness of the princes and clergy.

  These and such other like articles were laid unto them and read
before them. Then they demanded of the said Jerome and his companions,
whether they would recant and give over their opinions. Whereunto they
answered, that through God's help they would stedfastly continue in
the manifest truth, and not depart from the same. Then were they
degraded one after another by the bishop of Vasion, and so delivered
over to the secular rulers of Florence, with strait commandment to
carry them forth, and handle them as obstinate and stiffnecked
heretics.

  Thus was the worthy witness of Christ, with the other two
aforesaid, first hanged up openly in the market-place, and afterward
burnt to ashes, and the ashes gathered up, and cast into the river of
Arno, the twenty-fourth of May, in the year of our Lord 1499.

  This man foreshowed many things to come, as the destruction of
Florence and Rome, and the renewing of the church, which three things
have happened in these times within our remembrance. Also he
foreshowed that the Turks and Moors, in the latter days, should be
converted unto Christ. He also declared that one should pass the Alps
into Italy, like unto Cyrus, which should subvert and destroy all
Italy. Whereupon Johannes Franciscus Picus, earl of Mirandula, called
him a holy prophet, and defended him by his writings against the pope.
Many other learned men also defended the innocency of the said
Savanarola. Masilius Ficinus also, in a certain epistle, doth
attribute unto him the spirit of prophecy, greatly commending and
praising him. In like manner, Philippus Comineus, a French
historiographer, which had conference with him, witnesseth that he was
a holy man, and full of the spirit of prophecy, forasmuch as he had
foreshowed unto him so many things which in event had proved true.
Anton. Flaminius, an Italian, and for piety and learning famous, in
that age wrote this epigram upon the death of Jerome Savanarola:

"Whilst flames unjust (blest saint) thy body burns,
Weeping religion, with dishevelled hairs,
Cries out, and says, Oh spare his sacred urns,
Spare, cruel flames! that fire our soul impairs."

  There were, besides these, many other, not to be passed over or
forgotten; as Philip Norice, an Irishman, professor at Oxford, who,
albeit he was not burned, yet (as it is said) he was long time vexed
and troubled by the religious rout. But would to God that such as have
occupied themselves in writing of histories, and have so diligently
committed unto memory all other things done in foreign commonwealths,
had bestowed the like diligence and labour in noting and writing those
things which pertain unto the affairs of the church; whereby the
posterity might have had fuller and more perfect understanding and
knowledge of them.



128. DISCONTENT IN GERMANY

  This Savanarola, above mentioned, suffered under Pope Alexander
the Sixth, of which pope more leisure and opportunity shall serve
hereafter, Christ willing, to treat, after that we shall first make a
little digression, to treat of certain causes and complaints of the
Germans, incident in the mean time, which, as they are not to be
overpast in silence, so can they have no place nor time more
convenient to be inferred. What complaints of the Germans were made
and moved unto the Emperor Frederic against the pope's suppressions
and exactions, mention was made before; where also was declared, how
the said Germans at that time were twice put back and forsaken of the
emperor, whereby they continued in the same yoke and bondage until the
time of Luther. Wherefore it cometh now to hand, and we think it also
good here briefly to declare, how the said Germans, in the time of
Maximilian the emperor, renewing their complaints again, delivered
unto the emperor ten principal grievances, whereby the Germans have
been long time oppressed; showing also the remedies against the same,
with certain advisements unto the emperor's Majesty, how he might
withstand and resist the pope's subtleties and crafts: the order and
tenor whereof here ensueth.

The ten grievances of the Germans.

  "1. That the bishops of Rome, successors one unto another, do not
think themselves bound to observe and keep the bulls, covenants,
privileges, and letters, granted by their predecessors, without all
derogation; but by often dispensation, suspension, and revocation,
even at the instance of every vile person, they do gainsay and
withstand the same.

  "2. That the elections of prelates are oftentimes put back.

  "3. That the elections of presidentships are withstood, which the
chapter-houses of many churches have obtained with great cost and
expense, as the church of Spire and Haselt do well know; whose bull,
touching the election of their president, is made frustrate, he being
yet alive which granted the same.

  "4. That benefices, and the greatest ecclesiastical dignities,
are reserved for cardinals and head notaries.

  "5. That expectative graces, called advowsons, are granted
without number, and many oftentimes unto one man, whereupon continual
contentions do arise, and much money is spent, both that which is laid
out for the bulls of those advowsons, which never take effect, and
also that which is consumed in going to law. Whereupon this proverb is
risen, Whosoever will get an advowson from Rome, must have one or two
hundred pieces of gold laid up in his chest, for the obtaining of the
same, which he shall have need of, to prosecute the law withal.

  "6. That annats, or yearly revenues, are exacted without delay or
mercy, even of the bishops lately dead, and oftentimes more extorted
than ought to be, through the new offices and new servants, as by the
examples of the churches of Mentz and Strasburgh may be seen.

  "7. That the rule of the churches is given at Rome unto those
that are not worthy, which were more fit to feed and keep mules, than
to have the rule and governance of men.

  "8. That new indulgences and pardons, with the suspension and
revocation of the old, are granted to gather and scrape money
together.

  "9. That tenths are exacted, under pretence of making war against
the Turk; when no expedition doth follow thereupon.

  "10. That the causes which might be determined in Germany, where
there are both learned and just judges, are indistinctly carried unto
the court of Rome; which thing St. Bernard, writing to Pope Eugenius,
seemeth wonderfully to reprove."

Here ensueth the remedy against the said grievances.

  "If it shall seem good unto the emperor's Majesty, let it be
declared unto the bishop of Rome, how grievous and intolerable a thing
it is unto the Germans, to suffer continually so great charges and
grievances, to pay so great annats for the confirmation of the bishops
and archbishops, and especially in such bishoprics, where the annats
by process of time are enhanced, and in many, as it is said, doubled.
For the archbishop's see of Mentz, as it is said, sometime paid only
10,000 florins; which sum, when one which was chosen there refused to
give, and so continued even unto his death, he which was afterward
elected, being desirous of confirmation, fearing to withstand the
apostolic see, offered the old sum of 10,000 florins; but,
notwithstanding, he could not get his confirmation, except he would
pay the other 10,000, which his predecessor before him had not paid.

  "By this means he was compelled to pay 20,000 florins; which,
being enrolled in the register of the chamber, as much hath been
exacted of every archbishop since, until these our days; and not only
20,000, but also 25,000, for their new offices, and new servants. At
last, the sum drew to 27,000 florins, which James, the archbishop of
Mentz, was compelled to pay, as his commissary did report. So by this
means, in a little time there was seven times 25,000 florins paid out
of the archbishopric of Mentz unto Rome, for the confirmation of the
archbishop. And when this Archbishop James had kept the archbishopric
scarce four years, the Lord Uriel was elected after him, who was
compelled to pay at the least 24,000 or 25,000 florins. Whereof a part
he borrowed of the merchants; but to satisfy and pay them again, he
was forced to exact a subsidy of his poor subjects and husbandmen,
whereof some have not yet satisfied and paid the tribute for the
bishop's pall: so that by this means our people are not only tormented
and brought to extreme poverty, but also are moved unto rebellion, to
seek their liberty by what means soever they may, grievously murmuring
against the cruelty of the clergy.

  "The pope also should be admonished, how that, through divers and
sundry wars and battles, the lands of Germany lie desolate and waste,
and through many mortalities, the number of men is diminished, so
that, for the scarceness of husbandmen, the fields, for the most part,
lie unfilled, the tolls are by divers means diminished, the mines
consumed, and the profits daily decay, whereby the archbishops and
bishops should pay their annats unto the apostolic see, besides their
other necessary and honest charges; insomuch that, not without just
cause, James .the archbishop of Mentz, being even at the point of
death, said, that he did not so much sorrow for his own death, as for
that his poor subjects should be again forced to pay a grievous
exaction for the pall. Wherefore let the high bishop, as a godly
father and lover of his children, and a faithful and prudent pastor,
deal more favourably with his children the Germans, lest that
persecution happen to rise againstthe priests of Christ, and that men,
following the example of the Bohemians, do swerve from the Church of
Rome.

  "At the least, let him be more favourable, as often as any 
archbishop or bishop happened to rule his church but a few years; as
it happened to the bishops of Bamberge, whereof three died within few
years. The like also might happen by other bishoprics, whereof, as
Æneas Sylvius witnesseth, there are in Germany to the number of fifty,
besides abbots, whereof a great number are confirmed at Rome.

  "And admit that in Germany there were greater profits and
revenues rising of the ground, mines, and tolls; notwithstanding, the
emperor and the other princes should lack treasure and munition of war
against their enemies, and specially the infidels, and to preserve
Germany in peace and quietness, and to minister justice unto every
man; for which purpose the council of the chamber, being most holily
instructed and furnished with great cost and charges, doth chiefly
serve. Besides that, the emperor hath need of treasure, to suppress
the rebels in the empire, to banish and drive away thieves and
murderers, whereof a great number are not ashamed to spoil churches
only, and to rob them of their goods, but also to assail the clergy
themselves. Finally, our nation and country of Germany hath need of
great riches and treasure, not only for the repairing of churches and
monasteries, but also for hospitals for children that are laid out in
the streets, for widows, for women with child, for orphans, for the
marriage of the daughters of poor men, that they be not defloured, for
such as have need and necessity, for the old and weak, for the sick
and the sore, whereof (the more is the sorrow) Germany is fully
replenished and filled."

  Hereafter ensueth the copy of a certain letter of the Emperor
Maximilian, given out in manner of a decree or commandment against
certain abuses of the clergy.

  "We, according to the example of our dearly beloved father,
Frederic, emperor of Rome, reverencing the chief pastor of the church,
and all the clergy, have suffered no small revenues of the
ecclesiastical dignities to be carried out of our dominion by the
prelates and clergy that are absent, whose faults committed by human
frailty, with Constantine our predecessor, we have not disdained to
hide and cover. But forasmuch as through our liberality the decay of
God's honour is risen, it is our part to foresee (which are elect unto
the empire, without any desert) that among all other affairs of peace
and war, the churches do not decay, religion quail not, or God's true
worship be not diminished, which we have manifestly experimented, and
daily do perceive, by the insatiable covetousness of some, which are
never satisfied in getting of benefices, through whose absence (being
resident but only upon one) God's honour and worship is diminished,
houses decay, churches decrease, the ecclesiastical liberty is hurt,
learning and monuments are lost and destroyed, hospitality and alms
diminished, and by their unsatiable greediness, such of the clergy as
for their learning and virtue were worthy of benefices, and their
wisdom profitable in commonwealths, are hindered and put back.
Wherefore, according to the office and duty of our estate, for the
love of the increase of God's honour, we exhort and require, that no
man from henceforth, having any canonship or vicarage in one city of
our empire, shall occupy or possess a prebend in another church of the
same city, except he give over the first within a year's space unto
some person fit and profitable for the church; neither that he do, by
unjust quarrels, vex or trouble any man in getting of benefices;
neither that any man do falsely feign himself to have been of the
emperor's household, which hath not been comprehended within the
league and agreement made by the princes; neither that any man attempt
to take away the patronages from any layman, or aggravate the small
prebends of curates, or churches with pensions; neither that they do
use in getting of benefices and bulls, any fraud, deceit, false
instruments, corrupt witnesses, and cloaked simony; neither that any
man presume to obtain any regress, or other thing contrary to the
sacred canons, right, honesty, equity, and reason, upon pain of the
most grievous offence of treason: the which we will, that not only
they going so contrary to God and all honesty; but also all their
favourers, which do help, counsel, harbour, or give them any thing,
all their messengers and writers, proctors, sureties, and other their
friends, shall incur and receive condign punishment for so great
offence and contempt of our commandment. From Œnopont," &c.

  To return now to the order of popes, where we left before,
speaking of Innocent the Eighth. After the said Innocent, next
succeeded Pope Alexander the Sixth. In which Alexander, among other
horrible things, this is one to be noted, that when Gemes, (Peucer
named him Demes,) brother to Bajazet the great Turk, was committed by
the Rhodians to the safe custody, first of Pope Innocent, then of
Alexander the Sixth, for whose keeping the pope received every year
forty thousand crowns; yet notwithstanding, when Pope Alexander
afterward was compelled to send the said Gemes to Charles the Eighth,
the French king, for a pledge, because the French king should not
procure the great Turk's favour, by sending his brother Gemes to him
to be slain, he being hired by the Turk, caused the said Gemes to be
poisoned, who, in his journey going toward the French king, died at
Terracina.

  Moreover, in the said Hieronymus Marius it appeareth, that this
Alexander, taking displeasure with the aforesaid Charles, the French
king, about the winning of Naples, sent to Bajazet the Turk, to fight
against the aforesaid Charles.

  Munsterus, lib. 4. Cosmog., declaring the aforesaid history of
Gemes something otherwise, first calleth him Zizymus, and saith that
he was first committed by the Rhodians to the French king. And when
Johannes Huniades before mentioned did labour to the French king to
have him, thinking by that means to obtain a noble victory against the
Turks, as it was not unlike, this Alexander the pope, through his
fraudulent flattery, got him of the French king into his own hands, by
whose means the said Gemes afterward was poisoned, as is in manner
before expressed.

  Unto these poisoned acts of the pope, let us also adjoin his
malicious wickedness, with like fury exercised upon Antonius
Mancinellus; which Mancinellus being a man of excellent learning,
because he wrote an eloquent oration against his wicked manners and
filthy life, with other vices, he therefore commanded both his hands
and his tongue to be cut off, playing much like with him as Antoninus
the tyrant once did with M. Cicero, for writing against his horrible
life. At length, as one poison requireth another, this poisoned pope,
as he was sitting with his cardinals and other rich senators of Rome
at dinner, his servants, unawares, brought to him a wrong bottle,
wherewith he was poisoned, and his cardinals about him.

  In the time of this Pope Alexander also it happened (which is not
to be pretermitted) how that the angel, which stood in the high top of
the pope's church, was beaten down with a terrible thunder; which
thing seemed then to declare the ruin and fall of the popedom. After
this pope next succeeded Pius the Third, about the year of our Lord
1503. After whom came next Julius the Second, a man so far passing all
other in iniquity, that Wicelius, and such other of his own friends
writing of him, are compelled to say of him, That he was more given to
war and battle than to Christ. Concerning the madness of this man,
this is most certainly known, that at what time he was going to war,
he cast the keys of St. Peter into the river Tiber, saying, that 
forasmuch as the keys of Peter would not serve him to his purpose, he
would take himself to the sword of Paul.

  Of this Julius it is certainly reported, that partly with his
wars, partly with his cursings, within the space of seven years, as
good as two hundred thousand Christians were destroyed. First he
besieged Ravenna against the Venetians, then Servia, Imola, Faventia,
Forolivium, Bononia, and other cities, which he got out of princes'
hands, not without much bloodshed. The Chronicles of John Sleydan made
mention, that when this Julius was made pope, he took an oath,
promising to have a council within two years; but when he had no
leisure thereunto, being occupied with his wars in Italy among the
Venetians, and with the French king, and in Ferraria, and in other
countries, nine of his cardinals, departing from him, came into Milan,
and there appointed a council at the city of Pisa; amongst whom, the
chief were Bernardus, Cruceius, Gulielmus Prenestinus, Franciscus
Constantinus, with divers others; unto whom also were adjoined the
procurators of Maximilian the emperor, and of Charles the French king.
So the council was appointed the year of our Lord 1511, to begin in
the kalends of September. The cause why they did so call this council
was thus alleged, because the pope had so broken his oath, and all
this while he gave no hope to have any council; and also because there
were divers other crimes, whereupon they had to accuse him. Their
purpose was to remove him out of his seat, the which he had procured
through bribes and ambition. Julius hearing this, giveth out contrary
commandment, under great pain, that no man should obey them, and
calleth himself another council against the next year, to be begun the
19th day of April. The French king, understanding Pope Julius to join
with the Venetians, and so to take their part against him, converted a
council at Turin, in the month of September; in which council these
questions were proposed:

  "Whether it was lawful for the pope to move war against any
prince without cause?

  "Whether any prince, in defending himself, might invade his
adversary, and deny his obedience?" Unto the which questions it was
answered, That neither the bishop ought to invade, and also that it
was lawful for the king to defend himself. Moreover, that the
Pragmatical Sanction was to be observed through the realm of France:
neither that any unjust excommunications ought to be feared, if they
were found to be unjust. After this the king sent to Julius the answer
of his council, requiring him either to agree to peace, or to appoint
a general council some other where, where this matter might be more
fully decided. Julius would neither of both these, but forthwith
accursed Charles the French king, with all his kingdom. At the length,
at Ravenna, in a great war he was overcome by the
French king, and at last, after much slaughter, and great bloodshed,
and mortal war, this pope died, in the year of our Lord 1513, the 21st
day of February.



129. HISTORY OF THE TURKS.

   IF it were not that I fear to overlay this our volume with heaps
of foreign histories, which have professed chiefly to treat of Acts
and Monuments here done at home, I would adjoin after these popes
above rehearsed, some discourse also of the Turks' story; of their
rising and cruel persecution of the saints of God, to the great
annoyance and peril of Christendom: yet, notwithstanding, certain
causes there be, which necessarily require the knowledge of their
order and doings, and of their wicked proceedings, their cruel
tyranny, and bloody victories, the ruin and subversion of so many
Christian churches, with the horrible murders and captivity of
infinite Christians, to be made plain and manifest, as well to this
our country of England, as also to other nations.

  First, For the better explaining of the prophecies of the New
Testament, as in St. Paul's Epistle to the Thessalonians, and also in
the Revelation of St. John. Which Scriptures otherwise, without the
opening of these histories, cannot so perfectly be understood. Of the
which Scriptures, we mind hereafter, Christ granting, orderly, as the
course of matter shall lead us, to make rehearsal.

  Another cause is, That we may learn thereby, either with the
public church to lament with our brethren, such a great defection and
decay of Christian faith, through these wicked Turks; or else may fear
thereby our own danger.

  The third cause, That we may ponder more deeply with ourselves
the scourge of God for our sins, and corrupt doctrine; which in the
sequel hereof more evidently may appear to our eyes, for our better
admonition.

  Fourthly, The consideration of this horrible persecution of the
Turks, rising chiefly by our discord and dissension among ourselves,
may reduce us again from our domestic wars, in killing and burning one
of another, to join together in Christian patience and concord.

  Fifthly, But chiefly, these great victories of the Turks, and
unprosperous speed of our men fighting against them, may admonish and
teach us, following the example of the old Israelites, how to seek for
greater strength to encounter with these enemies of Christ, than
hitherto we have done. First, we must consider that the whole power of
Satan, the prince of this world, goeth with the Turks; which to
resist, no strength of man's army is sufficient, but only the name,
spirit, and power of our Lord Jesus, the Son of God, going with us in
our battles; as among the old Israelites, the ark of God's covenant
and promise went with them also, fighting against the enemies of God.
For so are we taught in the Scripture, that we Christian men have no
strength but in Christ only. Whether we war against the devil, or
against the Turk, it is true that the Scripture saith, Without me ye
can do nothing. Otherwise there is no puissance to stand against the
devil, or to conquer the world, but our faith only; to which all the
promises of God, touching salvation, be annexed, beyond which promises
we must not go, for the word must be our rule. He that presumeth
beyond the promises in the word expressed, goeth not, but wandereth,
he cannot tell whither. Neither must we appoint God how to save the
world, but must take that way which he hath appointed. Let us not set
God to school, nor comprehend his Holy Spirit within our skulls. He
that made us without our counsel, did also redeem us as pleased him.
If he be merciful, let us be thankful. And if his mercies surmount our
capacity, let us therefore not resist, but search his word, and
thereunto apply our will, which, if we will do, all our contentions
will be soon at a point. Let us therefore search the will of our God
in his word, and if he will his salvation to stand free to all
nations, why do we make merchandise thereof? If he have graciously
offered his waters to us, without money, or without money-worth, let
us not hedge in the plenteous springs of his grace given us.

  And finally, if God have determined his own Son only to stand
alone, let not us presume to admix with his majesty any of our
trumpery. He that bringeth St. George or St. Dennis as patrons to the
field to fight against the Turk, leaveth Christ (no doubt) at home.
Now, how we have fought these many years against the Turk, though
stories keep silence, yet the success declareth. We fight against a
persecutor, being no less persecutors ourselves. We wrestle against a
bloody tyrant, and our hands be as full of blood as his. He killeth
Christ's people with the sword, and we burn them with fire. He,
observing the works of the law, seeketh his justice by the same; the
like also do we. But neither he nor we seek our justification as we
should, that is, by faith only in the Son of God.

  And what marvel then, our doctrine being as corrupt almost as
his, and our conversation worse, if Christ fight not with us, fighting
against the Turk? The Turk hath prevailed so mightily, not because
Christ is weak, but because that Christians be wicked, and their
doctrine impure. Our temples with images, our hearts with idolatry,
are polluted: our priests stink before God for adultery, being
restrained from lawful matrimony. The name of God is in our mouths,
but his fear is not in our hearts. We war against the Turk with our
works, masses, traditions, and ceremonies; but we fight not against
him with Christ, and with the power of his glory, which if we did, the
field were won.

  Wherefore, briefly to conclude, saying my judgment in this
behalf, what I suppose; this hope I have, and do believe, that when
the church of Christ, with the sacraments thereof, shall be so
reformed, that Christ alone shall be received to be our justifier, all
other religions, merits, traditions, images, patrons, and advocates,
set apart, the sword of the Christians, with the strength of Christ,
shall soon vanquish the Turks' pride and fury. But of this more
largely in the process of this story.

  The sixth and last cause, why I think the knowledge of the Turks'
history requisite to be considered, is this: Because that many there
be, which, for that they be further from the Turks, and think
therefore themselves to be out of danger, take little care and study
what happeneth to their other brethren. Wherefore, to the intent to
excite their zeal and prayer to Almighty God, in this so lamentable
ruin of Christ's church, I thought it requisite, by order of history,
to give this our nation also something to understand, what hath been
done in other nations by these cruel Turks, and what detriment hath
been, and is like more to happen by them to the church of Christ,
except we make our earnest invocation to Almighty God, in the name of
his Son, to stop the course of the devil by these Turks, and to stay
this defection of Christians, falling daily unto them, and to reduce
them again to his faith which are fallen from him. Which the Lord
Jesus of his grace grant with speed. Amen.

  Before we enter into this story of the Turks and Saracens, first
let us call to remembrance the prophecy and forewarning of St. Paul,
writing to the Thessalonians, in his Second Epistle, in these words:
Be not moved or troubled in your minds, either by preaching or
writing, or by letter from us, as though the day of the Lord were at
hand; for the Lord will not come, except there come a defection first,
and the wicked person be revealed, &c. Of this defection, sundry minds
there be of sundry expositors; some thinking this defection to mean a
falling away from the empire of Rome; some, from the obedience of the
pope. But as St. Paul little passed upon the outward glory of the
Roman empire, so less he passed upon the proud obedience of the pope.
What St. Paul meant by this defection, the reading of these Turkish
stories, and the miserable falling away of these churches by him
before planted, will soon declare.

  Another mystery there is in the Revelation, chap. xiii., where
the number of the beast is counted six hundred and sixty-six. Whereby
may seem, by all evidences, to be signified the first origin and
springing of these beastly Saracens, as by sequel hereof may appear,
by the first rising of this devilish sect of Mahomet.

  Moreover, another place there is, Rev. xvi., where we read, that
by pouring out of the vial of God's wrath, of the sixth angel, the
great flood Euphrates was dried up, to let in the kings of the east;
the opening of which prophecy may also more evidently appear, in
considering the order and manner of the coming of these Turks into
Europe.

  Some also apply to the Turks certain prophecies of Daniel,
Ezekiel, and other places of the Old Testament more, which here I
omit, forasmuch as the prophecies of the Old Testament, if they be
taken in their proper and native sense, after my judgment, do extend
no further than to the death of our Saviour, and to the end of the
Jews' kingdom. Albeit herein I do not prejudicate to any man's
opinion, but that every man may abound in his own sense.

  As touching the year and time when this pestiferous sect of
Mahomet first began, histories do not fully consent, some affirming 
that it began A. D. 621, and in the tenth year of Heraclius the
emperor of Constantinople; in which mind is Johannes Lucidus. As
Munsterus counteth, it was in the year of our Lord 622. Martin Luther
and John Carion refer it to the eighteenth year of the reign of
Heraclius, which is the year of our Lord 630. Unto the which number,
the computation of the beast signified in the Apocalypse doth not far
disagree, which numbereth the name of the beast with three Greek
letters, [chi, xi, sigma,] which Greek letters, after the
supputation of the Grecians, make the number of six hundred sixty and
six.

  In this all writers agree, that this damnable Mahomet was born in
the country of Arabia, bordering on the east part of Jewry. His father
was a Syrian, or a Persian, his mother was an Ishmaelite; which
Ishmaelites being a people of Arabia, were called then Agarenes; which
term Mahomet afterward turned to the name of Saracens. Of this
wretched Mahomet mention was made before, where we showed, how he,
making himself the highest prophet of all other, yet denieth not
Christ to be a holy prophet, and next to him, and Moses also to be
another. Moreover, he denieth not Mary the mother of Christ to be a
virgin, and to have conceived Christ by the Holy Ghost; affirming
further, that Christ in his own person was not crucified, but another
called Judas for him. He greatly commendeth also John the son of
Zacharias for a virgin; when he himself permitteth a man to have four
wives, and as many concubines as he is able to find; and saith, that
whereas Christ and other prophets had the gift given them to work
miracles, he was sent by force of sword to compel men to his religion,

  The prodigious vanities, lies, and blasphemies contained in his
law, called Alcoran, are rather to be laughed at than recited.

  It is thought that Sergius, a Nestorian, was a great doer with
Mahomet, in contriving of this lying Alcoran; and so it doth well
appear by the scope and pretence thereof, which especially tendeth to
this end, to take the Divinity from the person of Christ, whom he
granteth, notwithstanding, to be a most holy man, and also that he is
received up to God, and shall come again to kill antichrist, &c.

  Moreover, this ridiculous Alcoran is so blanched and powdered
with so divers mixtures of the Christians', Jews', and the Gentiles'
laws, giving such liberty to all wantonness of flesh, setting up
circumcision, abstaining from swine's flesh, and Judaical lotions, and
so much standeth upon Father Abraham, that it is supposed of some,
this filthy Alcoran not to be set out in the days of Mahomet, but that
certain Jews had some handling also in this matter, and put it out
after his death; and so seemeth first to take his force about the
number of years limited in the Apocalypse, as is aforesaid, where thus
it is written: He that hath intelligence, let him count the number of
the beast; for it is the number of a man, and his number is six
hundred sixty and six.

  After this devilish Mahomet had thus seduced the people, teaching
them that he came not by miracles, but by force of sword to give his
law, and that they which will not obey it, must either be put to
death, or else pay tribute (for so be the words of the Alcoran); and
after that he had gathered strength about him of the Arabians, which
Arabians had then occasion to rebel against the emperor, because their
stipends were not paid them of Heraclius the emperor's officers, he
began to range with force and violence in the parts of Syria bordering
near unto him, and first subdued Mecca, then Damascus; and further
increasing in power, he entered into Egypt and subdued the same. From
thence he turned his power against the Persians, with whom Cosroes,
the king of Persia, encountering with a puissant army, overthrew the
Saracens, and put Mahomet to flight. Of these Persians came the Turks,
which afterward joining with the Saracens, maintained them against the
Christians.

  After the death of this beast, which, as some say, was poisoned
in his house, succeeded Ebocara, or Ebubecer, his father-in-law, or,
as Bibliander affirmeth, his son-in-law, who took upon him the
government of the Christians, and got the city Gaza, and besieged also
Jerusalem two years. He reigned two years, having for his chief city
Damascus.

  After him followed Omar, or Ahumar, who conquered a great part of
Syria, and got Egypt.

  The fourth king of the Saracens, after Mahomet, was Odman, then
followed Haly, and after him Muhanias; which, after the siege of seven
years, obtained and got the Christian city of Cesarea; also overcame
the Persians, with their king Orimasda, and subdued that country to
his law.

  Thus the wicked Saracens, in the space of thirty years, subdued
Arabia, got Palestine, Phoenicia, Syria, Egypt, and Persia, which came
directly to the six hundred and sixty-six years prophesied of in the
Revelation of St. John, as is aforesaid. And not long after they
proceeded further, and got Africa, and then Asia, as in the process of
their story shall appear, the Lord willing.

  Not long after Heraclius, emperor of Constantinople, succeeded
Constance his nephew, who, in the thirteenth year of his empire,
fighting unluckily against the Saracens in Lycia, was overthrown of
Muhanias aforesaid, in the year of our Lord 655. Which Constance, if
he were not prospered by the Lord in his wars, it was no great marvel,
considering that he had slain his brother Theodosius before at home;
moreover, lived in incestuous matrimony; also, being inclined to
certain new sects, could not abide the contrary teachers, but slew
them which admonished him thereof. The said Constance going afterward
to Italy, was also overcome of the Lombards, &c. The Saracens after
this victory spoiled all Rhodes.

  Although these cursed Saracens, in these their great victories
and conquests, were not without domestic sedition and divisions among
themselves, yet the princes of the Saracens, being called then
sultans, had in their possession the government of Syria, Egypt,
Africa, and of a great part of Asia, about the term of four hundred
years; till at length the Saracen king which ruled in Persia, fighting
against the Saracen of Babylon, sought aid of the Turks, to fight with
him against the sultan of Babylon. The which Turks by little and
little surprised upon the sultan of Persia, and not long after putting
him out of place, usurped the kingdom of Persia; which afterward went
further, as ye shall hear, the Lord willing. And this is the first
beginning of the Turks' dominion.

  These Turks, after they had thus overcome great countries and
provinces, and made their power large and mighty both in Asia and
Europe, began to divide their kingdoms and countries amongst
themselves. But when they could not agree, but with deadly war
contended for the bounds of those kingdoms and dominions, in the mean
time four of the principal families, conquering and subduing all the
rest, parted the whole empire amongst themselves. And yet they also
not so contented, fell to such cruel hatred, contention, war, and
slaughter, (no doubt by the just judgment of God against his
blaphemous enemies,) that there was no end thereof, until the remnant
of the ancient Turks was utterly rooted out.

  For it is evident that there are few now remaining which are
Turks indeed by birth and blood, and that the state of that great
empire is not up-holden, but by the strength and power of soldiers
which have been Christians, and now are turned to Mahomet's religion;
so that even their own natural language is now out of use amongst
them, saving in certain families of their nobility and gentlemen.

  These four families above mentioned, with their captains and
armies, about the year of our Lord 1330, went raging throughout all
Asia and Europe, and every one of them conquered some part of the
countries where they passed.

  The causes of these great invasions and victories, were the
dissension and discord, falsehood, idleness, inconstancy, greedy
avarice, lack of truth and fidelity among Christian men of all states
and degrees, both high and low. For by the wilful defection and
backsliding of the Christians the Turkish power did exceedingly
increase, in that many, desiring the licentious life and liberty of
war, and allured with the prosperous success of things, forsook the
church of God, and made themselves bondslaves to Mahomet and his
devilish sect; both because that fleshly liberty is delightful to all
men, and partly also because as fortune favoureth, so commonly the
wills of men incline. And again, such as be profane and without the
fear of God, (whereof there is an infinite number in the church,) in
all ages, are wont commonly to judge of religion according to the
success of realms and kingdoms. For many, not only for the variety of
opinions, but also for the diversity of events and fortune amongst
men, have inquired, and do inquire, whether there be any church of God
distinct from other nations; what it is, and where it is; especially,
forasmuch as the greatest part of men, both in the old time, when the
four monarchies flourished in order, was ignorant of this doctrine,
which is peculiar to the church alone, and now also the barbarity of
Mahomet prevaileth and reigneth in the most part of the world. And how
standeth this with man's reason, that a small number, both miserable
and also feebled and broken with many battles, should be regarded and
loved of God, and the other flourishing in all wealth, prosperities,
victories, authority, and power, should be rejected and despised of
God, seeing there is no power and authority, but by the ordinance of
God? Albeit, therefore, the power of the Turks had been, for these two
hundred years, of greater force than any other monarchy of the world
besides, yet is there no imperial dignity to be esteemed in that
Turkish tyranny, but amongst those nations only, where the heavenly
doctrine of the Gospel is preached, and other disciplines necessary
for the church of God, and the common life of man maintained and
regarded; where the laws of God, and other honest and civil ordinances
agreeable to the same, do flourish and reign; where lawful judgment is
exercised; where virtue is honoured and rewarded; where sin and
wickedness is punished; where honest families are maintained and
defended.

  These things are not regarded amongst the Turks, the enemies of
the Son of God, and all lawful empires; because they dissolve and
reject all godly societies, honest discipline, good laws, policies,
righteous judgment, the ordinance of matrimony, and godly families.
For what hath the empire of the Turks been hitherto, but most deadly,
cruel, and perpetual war, to work all mischief, destruction, and
desolation; to subvert good laws, cities, kingdoms, policies, and to
enlarge their cruel power and dominion? The stay and strength whereof,
is not love and favour proceeding of virtue and justice, as in lawful
and well-governed empires; but fear, violence, oppression, swarms and
infinite thousands of barbarous and most wicked people, ministers of
Satan's malice and fury. Which kind of dominion and tyranny hath been
condemned by the voice of God many years ago; the testimonies whereof
the Lord would have to remain in the church, lest the godly, being
moved with the power and success thereof, should fall away and forsake
the Son of God.

  Wherefore, let us not seek for any imperial state in that
barbarity; but let us be thankful, and acknowledge the great benefit
of God, for that he hath reserved to us certain remnants of the Roman
empire; and let us call upon him daily, with hearty petitions and
groans, and with zeal and love to the house of God, that this Turkish
power, joined with the malice of Satan against the Son of God, prevail
not against the poor congregations and little remnant of his church,
as it hath hitherto done against those strong and noble Christian
kingdoms and churches, where now we see the Turkish tyranny to reign,
and Satan to have taken full possession. Whose state was once far
better than ours is now, and more like to continue without such
horrible overthrows and desolation. Oh that we might foresee a little
the great danger that hangeth over our heads! For though the Turk
seemeth to be far off, yet do we nourish within our breasts at home,
that which may soon cause us to feel his cruel hand, and worse, if
worse may be, to overrun us; to lay our land waste; to scatter us
amongst the infidels, the enemies and blasphemers of the Son of God.

  Now, although these four families above mentioned long continued
together in bloody wars, deadly hatred, yet one of them passed the
rest in all cruelty and tyranny, and subduing the other three
families, took upon him the government alone, and so became the first
monarch, or emperor, that reigned amongst them, called Ottomannus; of
whom all that reigned after him were called Ottomanni. Who succeeding
orderly of his line, have occupied the same dominion and seat of the
Turks, from the year of our Lord 1300, unto this present time, which
have been to the number of twelve; of the which twelve, in such order
as they lived and reigned, I intend, Christ so permitting, severally
and compendiously something to treat, briefly abstracting, out of
prolix and tedious writers, such specialties as for us Christians
shall be briefly requisite to be known.

Ottoman, the first great emperor, or tyrant, of the Turks.

  This Ottoman was at the first of poor estate, and obscure amongst
the common sort of men, coming of a base progeny, and of rustical
parents; but through his valiantness and activity in war, he got him a
great name amongst the Turks; for he being a man of fierce courage,
refusing no labour, and delighting in war, and gathering together by
subtlety a multitude of common soldiers, began to make war, and by
conquest and victories to advance himself and his family. First, he
began to rob and spoil with a great band of rovers, and afterward he
attempted to set upon all men. Neither did he vex and destroy the
Christians only, but set upon his own nation also, and sought all
occasion to subdue them wholly unto him. For now the princes and
captains of the Turks, inflamed with ambition and desire of rule,
began to fall out and contend among themselves, insomuch that they
fell to domestic and inward war, with all the power they could.

  Ottoman having this occasion very fit and meet to accomplish that
which he long had sought for, gathering unto him all such as he
thought to be given to robbing and spoiling, and set all upon
mischief, in short time began to grow in authority, and first set upon
certain towns, as he saw opportunity to serve him. Of which towns some
he took by force, some by yielding, other some he spoiled and
overthrew to terrify the rest, thus laying the first foundation of his
rising. In the mean time, the discord which was amongst the Christians
was no small advantage to this Ottoman, by occasion whereof he, within
ten years' space, subdued Bithynia, and all the provinces about
Pontus; also Natolia, which comprehended all the dominion of the
Greeks within Asia; Ancyra, a city in Phrygia; Synope, a city in
Galatia; and Sabastia, a city in Cappadocia: and thus still
prevailing, he increased in short time to a mighty power, either
through the secret judgment of God against that nation, or else
because God would have them so far and so cruelly to prevail, for the
punishment of the sins of other nations; like as it was prophesied
before, that such a kingdom there should be of Gog and Magog.

  This Ottoman, after he had reigned twenty-eight years, in the
year of our Lord 1327, died, and departed to his Mahomet, leaving
behind him three sons, of whom Orchan, being the youngest, killed his
two brethren, whilst they were at variance between themselves.

Orchan, the second emperor after Ottoman.

  Orchan, the youngest of the sons of Ottoman, after he had slain
his two brethren, took the regiment of the Turks after his father.
Who, after he had drawn to him the hearts of the multitude, such as
had their dispositions set upon the licentious life of war, converted
his power further to enlarge his father's dominion, winning and
subduing Mysia, Lydia, Lycaonia, Phrygia, and Caria; all which
countries, being within the compass of Asia, unto the sea-side of
Hellespontus, and the sea Euxinus, he added to the Turkish empire.
Also he won Prusia, which was the metropolitan city of Bithynia, which
then he made the chief seat of the Turkish empire. Besides these,
moreover, he conquered Nicea, and got Nicomedia; all which were before
Christian cities and regions. And yet all this could not make the
Christian princes in Grecia to cease their civil wars, and to join and
accord among themselves; such debate and variance was then between
Cantacuzenus on the Greeks' part, and Paleologus, the emperor of
Constantinople. By reason whereof, the Turks' aid was sent out of Asia
to help our Christians one to kill another, and at length to get all
those parts of Europe from them both. Who, if they had, according to
their profession, so well joined in brotherly unity, as they did in
cruel hostility dissent, neither had Orchan so prevailed in getting
Prusia from the Grecians, neither had the Turks so soon presumed into
Europe as afterward they did. Orchan, after these victories, when he
had reigned two and twenty years, was stricken, some say, with a dart
in the shoulder, at the siege of Prusia. The opinion of other is, that
he, fighting against the Tartars, where he lost a great part of his
army, was there also slain himself, A. D. 1349.

Amurath, the third emperor of the Turks.

  The Greek writers do hold that Orchan had two sons, Soliman and
Amurath. Of which two, first Soliman reigned, albeit not long. After
him followed Amurath, who, after that Asia now was subdued by his
predecessors, sought by all means and ways how to proceed further, and
to invade Europe. To whose ambitious purpose the domestic wars of the
Christians gave unprosperous occasion, which occasion is thus
declared. Certain discord fell between the princes of Greece (whose
captain was Cantacuzenus) and Paleologus, emperor of Constantinople.
Whereupon Paleologus, for that he was not able to make his party good
with the Grecians, most unwisely sent for Amurath to help him. Who
being glad to have such an occasion offered, which he so long had
sought, sent to aid him twelve thousand Turks into Thracia; but first
he used all delays he could of crafty policy, to the intent that the
Greeks first should waste their strength and power upon themselves,
whereby he might be more able afterward to set upon them, and to
accomplish his conceived desire.

  The Turks thus being called into Europe by the Christians,
whether they, tasting the sweetness of the soil, incensed Amurath
their emperor to make invasion, or whether Amurath of his own head
thought good to use the time, in the year of our Lord 1363, he came
himself over into Europe with sixty thousand Turks, falling upon the
Grecians, being wasted and spent with their long wars and battles
before. The pretence of the devilish Turk was, to aid and to assist
the Emperor Paleologus, whether he would or no, and to subdue such as
had fallen from him. The Christian ships of the Ligurions, for money
were hired to conduct them over, taking for every soldier a piece of
gold.

  Thus the Turks' army being conveyed over by the Grecian sea,
called Hellespont, first got Calipolis, with other towns and cities
bordering about the sea, and there planting themselves, and preparing
ships of their own for transporting their munitions out of Asia,
advanced their power further into Thracia, and there won Philippolis,
then got Adrianopolis, which was not far from Constantinople, and
there Amurath made his chief seat. Then began Paleologus the emperor
at length to bewail his offer and covenant made with Amurath. When the
Turks had expugned thus a great part of Thracia, they extended forth
their army unto Mysia, which they soon subdued; from thence proceeding
and conquering the Bessos and Triballos, they entered into Servia and
Bulgaria, where they joining battle with Lazarus Despota, prince of
Servia, and with other dukes of Dalmatia and Epirus, won of them the
field, and put them to the worse; where Lazarus Despota, being taken
and committed to prison, ended his life. This Lazarus had a certain
faithful client or servant, who to revenge his master's death, with a
bold courage, although seeing death before his eyes, yet ventured his
life so far, that he came to the tyrant and thrust him through with
his dagger. This Amurath reigned twenty-three years, and was slain in
the year of our Lord 1372.

Bajazet, the fourth emperor of the Turks.

  The power of the Turks began to increase in Europe, what time
Bajazet, the first of that name, after the death of his father,
entered the possession of the Turks' kingdom. This Bajazet had two
brethren, Soliman and Sauces; which Sauces had his eyes put out by his
father, for striving for the kingdom. Soliman was slain of his
brother. Thus Bajazet, beginning his kingdom with the murder of his
brother, reduced his imperial seat from Prusia, a city of Bithynia,
unto Adrianople, intending with himself to subdue both Asia and Europe
to his own power. First he set upon the Servians and Bulgarians,
thinking to revenge his father's death, where he gave the overthrow to
Marcus Despota, with all the nobility of the Servians and Bulgarians,
and put all those parts under his subjection, unto the confines and
borders of the Illyrians. All Thracia moreover he brought likewise
under his yoke, only Constantinople and Pera excepted. That done, he
invaded the residue of Grecia, prevailing against the countries of
Thessalia, Macedonia, Phocides, and Attica, spoiling and burning as he
passed without any resistance; and so, returning with innumerable
spoil of the Christians unto Adrianople, laid siege to Constantinople
the space of eight years, and had expugned the same, but that
Paleologus, being brought to extremity, was driven to crave aid of the
Frenchmen, and of Sigismund the emperor; who, being accompanied with a
sufficient power of Frenchmen and Germans, came down to Hungary, and
toward Servia, against the Turk. Bajazet, hearing of their coming,
raised his siege from Constantinople, and with sixty thousand horsemen
came to Nicopolis, where he, encountering with them, overthrew all the
Christian army, took John, the captain of the French power, prisoner;
Sigismund, which before in the council of Constance had burned John
Huss and Jerome of Prague, hardly escaped by flying. Bajazet, after
the victory got, carried away Duke John with five other in bands, into
Prusia, where before his face he caused all the other Christian
prisoners to be cut in pieces. Afterward the said John, being ransomed
with 200,000 crowns, was delivered. Some authors refer this story to
the time of Calepine, as followeth hereafter to be seen.

  Bajazet, the cruel tyrant, after this victory won and tyranny
showed upon the Christians, returned again to the siege of
Constantinople, fully bending himself to conquer and subdue the same;
which thing no doubt he had accomplished, but that the providence of
God had found such a means, that Tamerlane, king of Parthia, with a
hundred thousand horsemen, and swarms of footmen, like a violent flood
overrunning Asia, and pressing upon Syria and Sebastia, had taken 
Orthobules, the son of Bajazet, prisoner, and afterward slew him,
exercising the like cruelty upon his prisoners, as Bajazet had done
before upon the Christians; insomuch that he spared neither sex nor
age of the Turkish multitude; of whom he caused twelve thousand at one
time to be overridden and trodden down under his horses' feet. By
reason whereof, Bajazet the tyrant was forced to raise his siege from
Constantinople, and to return his power into Asia; where he, near the
hill called Stella, pitched his tents there to encounter with
Tamerlane.

  The fight between these two was long and great on both sides,
which was in the year of our Lord 1397, and the second year after the
slaughter of our Christians at Nicopolis in Pannonia; but the victory
of this battle fell to Tamerlane at length. In the which battle, as
Munsterus writeth, were slain two hundred thousand Turks. Among whom
Bajazet the tyrant, having his horse slain under him, was taken
prisoner; and to make a spectacle of his wretched fortune, he was
bound in golden fetters, and so being enclosed in an iron grate, whom
before all Grecia could not hold, was led about and showed through all
Asia, to be scorned and laughed at; and moreover, was used instead of
a footstool to Tamerlane, or a block, as often as he mounted upon his
horse. Some add also, that he was made, like a dog, to feed under
Tamerlane's table. The tyranny of which Bajazet against the
Christians, as it was not much unlike to the cruelty of Valerian the
Roman emperor above mentioned, so neither was the example of his
punishment much discrepant; for as Sapores, king of the Persians, did
then with Valerian in time of the eighth persecution of the primitive
church, so likewise was Bajazet this persecutor worthily handled by
Tamerlane king of the Parthians, as in manner abovesaid.

  Tamerlane after this conquest passed with his army into
Mesopotamia, to Egypt, and all Syria, where he victoriously subduing
the cities and munitions of the Turks, at length also conquered
Damascus. In his sieges his manner was, the first day to go all in
white attire, the second day in red, the third day in black;
signifying thereby mercy the first day, to them that yielded; the
second day the sword; the third day fire and ashes. At last, after
great victories, and spoils gotten of the Turks, he returned into his
country again, and there died, A. D. 1402.

  Seb. Munsterus, writing of this Tamerlane, recordeth that he had
in his army two hundred thousand men; and that he overcame the
Parthians, Scythians, Hiberians, Albans, Persians, Medes, and
conquered all Mesopotamia; and after he had also subdued Armenia,
passing over the river Euphrates, with six hundred thousand footmen,
and four hundred thousand horsemen, he invaded all Asia Minor,
conquering and subduing from the flood Tanais unto the Nile in Egypt,
and was called Terror orbis, The terror of the world. He left behind
him two sons, who, falling in discord for their possessions, lost all
again that their father got.

  In the mean time Bajazet, in the second year of his captivity,
died, leaving behind him divers sons, Jesus or Josua the eldest,
Mulsuman, Moses, Celebine, or Calepine, Jesus the younger, Mustapha,
and Hali; of whom first Jesus the eldest was overcome and slain of
Mulsuman; which Mulsuman afterward was delivered to Moses his brother,
and by him was slain likewise; which Moses had also the like end by
his brother Calepine, having his neck broke with a bowstring, which
was then the usual manner among the Turks in killing their brethren.
The same Calepine sparing only the life of Mustapha his other brother,
condemned him to perpetual prison. Jesus the younger was baptized, and
shortly after departed at Constantinople. In these such discords and
divisions among the Turks, what occasions were given to the Christians
to have recovered again of the Turks that they had lost, if they had
not been either negligent, or in their own private wars otherwise
occupied with themselves?

Calepine, the fifth emperor of the Turks.

  Calepine, or Celebine, was the son of Bajazet, and of four
brethren the eldest; who being all taken captives of the Parthians, he
only escaped and obtained his father's kingdom. This Calepine,
encouraged by the sloth and negligence of the princes of Europe, and
by the discord of the Grecians amongst themselves and other nations
near about them, long troubled and vexed the Bulgarians, Servians, and
Macedonians, even to the time of Sigismund. Which Sigismund, seeing
now Bajazet to be overcome and taken of Tamerlane, and the power of
the Turks weakened in Europe, and having such occasion offered him, as
it were from heaven, to destroy and utterly to root out, not only out
of Asia, but also all Europe, that barbarous nation and cruel enemies
to the name and religion of Christ; and also to revenge the great
slaughter and discomfiture of his army, fighting before with Bajazet
at Nicopolis, a city in Mysia; with great power made war against Cale-
pine at Columbatium, a town in Servia, as is also before mentioned,
but as unluckily and with as little success as he did before against
Bajazet his father. For in that battle were slain of the Christians to
the number of twenty thousand, and the rest utterly discomfited, the
king himself escaping so hardly, that he entered not again into his
kingdom for the space of eighteen months after. Some write that this
was done under Bajazet, other some refer this battle to Amurath; but
howsoever it was, most pernicious was it to the Christians. He reigned
but six years, and died very young, A. D. 1404.

Orchan and Moses his uncle, the sixth after Ottoman.

  After the captivity of Bajazet above mentioned, histories
diversely do dissent. The Greek writers, making no mention at all of
Calepine, only make mention of the sons of Bajazet, and of the
contention among them, until the time of Mahomet. The Latin stories,
writing of the children of Bajazet and of their succession, do not
therein agree, some affirming that Bajazet had two sons, Orchan
surnamed Calepine, and Mahomet his brother, which within two years
slew the said Calepine, and entered his dominion. Other attribute to
Bajazet more sons, as is above rehearsed. Some again do give to
Bajazet only these two sons, Celebine and Mustapha; and hold that
Calepine or Celebine had two sons, to wit, Orchan and Mahomet; and
add, moreover, that the said Orchan, being somewhat young, was slain
of his uncle Moses, who governed but two years. For Mahomet, to
revenge his brother's death, slew Moses, and invaded his dominion. The
Greek stories make no mention at all of Orchan.

Mahomet, the seventh emperor of the Turks.

  This Mahomet, whether he was the son of Bajazet, or else of
Calepine, converted to himself alone the kingdom, or tyranny rather,
of the murdering Turks: who afflicted the Christians with sore wars
within Europe, especially the country called Wallachia, lying not far
from the flood Danube, between Hungary and Thrace. From thence he
removed into Asia, where he recovered divers parts in Galatia, Pontus,
Cappadocia, Cilicia, which before Tamerlane had alienated from the
Turks. This Mahomet planted his chief imperial seat in Adrianople, not
far from Constantinople, within the country of Thrace. In some writers
the conflict between Sigismund and the Great Turk, wherein the
Christians were so discomfited, is referred rather to this Mahomet,
than to Calepine; of which conflict mention is above made in the story
of Sigismund. This Mahomet reigned, as some say, fourteen years, and
died in the year of our Lord 1419; other affirm seventeen years.

Amurath, the eighth emperor of the Turks.

  Amurath, as Philelphus saith, was the son of Celebine; as
Laonicus Chalcondiles testifieth, of Mahomet: whose son soever be was,
a wretched tyrant he was, and permitted, as a scourge of God, to
correct the sins of the Christians. In the story of Bajazet, mention
was made before of Mustapha, his son, who was condemned to perpetual
prison by Calepine, his brother. This Mustapha, escaping out of his
brother's prison, was conveyed to the Grecians, where he remained long
in custody, till at length they, understanding the purpose of Amurath,
set him up with sufficient habiliments and furniture of war, to fight
against the said Amurath, his nephew. But in conclusion, he, being not
able to make his party good, came into the hands of his enemy, and had
his neck broke with a bow-string, after the manner of the Turkish
execution.

  The Grecians then, terrified with this sinister adversity,
required truce of the Turk; but when that would not be granted, they
procured unto them Mustapha, the other brother to Amurath, being of
the age of thirteen years; who, likewise being armed of the Grecians,
got the city of Nice, in Bithynia, from Amurath his brother. Albeit it
was not long but he was circumvented in the same city, and brought to
Amurath, who caused him likewise to taste of the same whip, as the
other Mustapha had done before. Amurath, being now out of all fear and
doubt of brethren and kinsfolk to rise against him, converted all his
power against the Grecians; and first ranging throughout Thrace, where
divers cities yielded unto them, which before belonged to the emperor
of Constantinople, from thence he set forward to the noble and famous
city Thessalonica, being then under the league and protection of the
Venetians. This Thessalonica is a city in Greece, bordering upon
Macedonia, to the citizens whereof St. Paul writeth, foreshowing unto
them, in his Second Epistle, of a defection to come before the coming
of the day of the Lord, 2 Thess. ii. By the which apostacy or
defection, what the holy apostle doth mean, this story of the Turks
may easily declare. After Thessalonica was subdued, Phocis, with all
the country about Athens, Boetia likewise, Ætolia, Acarnania, with all
the region beyond Peloponnesus, unto the coast of Corinth, to whom St.
Paul also wrote two other Epistles, were brought in bondage and
slavery unto the Turk.

  In Epirus, and in that quarter that adjoineth to Macedonia, named
Albania, reigned then one Johannes Castriotus; who, perceiving himself
too weak to match with the Turk's power, made with the Turk this
convention, that he should have Croia, a famous city in Grecia, and
also gave to him his three sons for hostages, to wit, Constantinus,
Reposius, and Georgius.

  In this George, such towardness of noble courage, such vigour of
mind and strength of body, singularly did appear, that the Turk caused
him more freely to be instructed after the Turkish religion and manner
in his own court; where he, being trained up, did so shoot up, as well
in feats of activity as in strength of body, that he excelled all his
equals; insomuch that he was named Scanderbeius, which soundeth as
much as Alexander Magnus.

  After this Alexander was grown up to mature ripeness of age, and
was well trained up in feats of war, he was sent out by the Turk, to
war against Caramannus of Cilicia, the Turk's enemy. In which
expedition he sped himself most manfully, fighting hand to hand, first
with a footman of Scythia, then with a horseman of Persia, being
challenged by them both to encounter, first with the one, after with
the other; whom he so valiantly overthrew that he won great renown
with the Turk; insomuch that he, trusting to the Turk's favour, when
he heard of the decease of his father, durst ask of the Turk the grant
of his father's dominion to be given unto him: which request, although
Amurath the Turk did not deny him, yet, notwithstanding, he,
perceiving the matter to be dallied out with fair words, by subtle
means and policy slipped out of the Turk's court, and came to Epirus,
his own inheritance, where first by forged letters he recovered Croia.
The other cities of their voluntary mind yielded themselves unto him;
who then gathering unto him the people of Epirus and Macedonia, (which
were not so many in number, as with good willing minds they stuck unto
him,) so manfully and valiantly behaved himself, that against all the
puissance both of Amurath, and also of Mahomet, he maintained his own,
repulsed their violence, and put to flight their armies many years
together. But to return again to the course of Amurath's victories,
after he had thus prevailed (as is before signified) against the east
parts of Europe and Greece, and had convented thus for the dominion of
Epirus, he invaded Illyricum, (otherwise called now Sclavonia,)
containing in it Dalmatia, Croatia, Istria, and Liburnia; which
countries after he had spoiled and wasted, he continued his course to
Albania and Bosnia. In which regions, when he had subdued a great
part, and had led away an innumerable multitude of captives, he moved
further to Wallachia and Servia, upon hope to conquer all Pannonia.

  There reigned at the same time in Servia a certain prince named
Georgius Despota, who made great suit to the Turk for truce and peace,
promising to give his daughter to marriage; for by the Turk's law they
marry as many wives as they lust. It was not long after Amurath had
married the daughter of Despota, but he, contrary to his league and
promise, made war upon Despota his father-in-law, and expelled him out
of his kingdom, taking from him divers cities, as Scopia, Novomonte,
Sophia, and all Mysia. Georgius himself fled into Hungary, leaving
behind him his son to defend the town of Sinderonia. Amurath,
understanding of the flight of Despota his father-in-law, compassed
the city of Sinderonia with a strong siege, which, when he in few days
had expugned, he took his wife's brother, the son of Despota, and
without all regard of mercy and affinity, after the barbarous tyranny
of the Turks, put out his eyes, with a bason red hot set before his
eyes, and after that led him about with him in derision, in despite of
his cowardly father.

  Servia being thus won and gotten, Amurath, thinking to go farther
into Hungary, besieged the city called Belgrade, and no doubt had also
suppressed the same, had not the providence of God found means, that
partly through slaughter of his men, partly for lack of victual and
other forage, he was compelled to raise his siege and retire.

  In the mean time Johannes Huniades (of whom mention was made
before) had got great victories against the Turkish power, and had
recovered part of Servia, and all Moldavia; against whom Amurath the
Turk, with a mighty army, moved into Pannonia. But Huniades, with the
power and aid of Ladislaus, king of Poland, (but especially by the
power of the Lord,) did soon infringe the puissance of the Turk, and
gave him the overthrow, recovering unto the Christians the greatest
part of Servia and Bulgaria.

  In this battle Huniades had five sundry conflicts with the Turks
upon one day, and with five victories put them to the worse, and
toward night did so discomfit and overthrow the great captain of
Amurath called Bassa, the duke of Anatolia, (which is otherwise named
Asia Minor,) that he slew of the Turks that day to the number of
thirty thousand. Amurath, although he was not a little thereat
discouraged, yet dissembling his fear, with stout countenance sent for
Carambeius his principal stay and captain, with a new power brought
out of Asia, to assist him in his wars. This Carambeius, in the downs
of Transylvania, Ladislaus, the aforesaid king of Poland, (the Lord so
working,) through the industry of Johannes Huniades, so received and
with such celerity oppressed him unprovided, that all his stout and
sturdy army either was slain downright, or else put to flight and
disparkled, Carambeius the captain being himself taken prisoner in the
same field.

  These victories of Huniades struck no little terror to Amurath,
insomuch that for distress of mind he was ready to destroy himself,
(as some do write,) but being confirmed by Helibeus Bassa, his
counsellor, he kept himself within the straits of the Mount Rhodope.
Who, then hearing that Caramannus invaded the same time the country of
Bithynia and Pontus in Asia, was glad to take truce with Ladislaus and
Huniades upon such conditions as they listed to make themselves; which
conditions were these, that Amurath should depart clearly from all the
region of Servia, and should remove from thence all his garrisons,
which were placed in the castles and forts of the same; also he should
restore George Despota, (which is to say,) prince of Servia, unto his
possession, and set his children free, whom he had in captivity, and
restore them to their inheritance. Item, that he should make no more
claim nor title to the country of Moldavia above mentioned, nor to
that part of Bulgaria which he had lost; and that he should desist
hereafter from all wrongs and injuries against the Christians. Upon
these conditions the Turk being agreed, so was truce concluded on both
parts for ten years, and with solemn oath between them confirmed.

  This done, Amurath, the tyrant, addressed himself toward Asia, to
resist the invasion of Caramannus aforesaid. At what time Pope
Eugenius, so soon as he heard the Turk to be returned into Asia,
sendeth Julianus Cæsarianus his cardinal, (whose story is before
touched,) unto Ladislaus the aforesaid king, with full dispensation
and absolution to break his oath and league with the Turk, promising
moreover great hope and aid, if he would go in arms stoutly against
the tyrant.
Where by the way is to be noted, that as there is no truth of promise
in that pestilent see of Rome, neither was there any war prospered,
which was taken in hand by the pope's counsel; so was there never any
counsel of the pope that brought with it more detriment to
Christianity than this. But the pope belike thought, that as he might
lawfully break promise with John Huss, and with other Christians, so
also he needed not to observe any league or truce taken with the Turk;
but it turned much otherwise than the pope's blind brains imagined, as
by the sequel is to be seen. For Ladislaus being thus excited by the
unadvised and sinister instigation of Pope Eugenius, contrary to the
truce established a little before, set out with his army from
Seledinus, and so proceeding to Wallachia and Bulgaria, came to Varna,
a town of Bulgaria, where he fell sick.

  It was not long but the Turk, having thereof intelligence, left
his wars begun with Caramannus in Asia, and with great journeys made
haste into Europe, passing over by the Straits near to Callipolis,
where all the Italian navy still looking on, and whether of purpose,
or whether for cowardliness, would not stir one oar to stop the
passage of the Turkish army. When Amurath was come to Adrianople in
Thrace, using such celerity as no man looked for, within eight days he
was in Bulgaria, and there encamped himself against Ladislaus. The day
of battle being set, the armies joined on both sides. Huniades was
himself there present, but all the matter was ruled by Julian the
cardinal, and the pope's clergy. The fight continued three days and
three nights together, with great courage and much bloodshed on each
side; insomuch that the field did stand with lakes of blood. It seemed
at the first to incline to the Christians, by breaking the first ranks
of the Turks. But the priests and prelates which were at the field,
(which had been more fit to have been in the church,) seeing the Turks
to begin to fly, unskilfully left their array to pursue the enemy, so
that they, leaving the other standings of the Christians naked, gave
great advantage to the Turks with their darts and shot to disturb the 
Christian ranks. By the which occasion Amurath enclosing the
Christians with his army round about, obtained the victory. In the
which field, Ladislaus the young king of Poland, having his horse
first killed under him, was stricken down and slain. The pope's
bishops flying to save themselves, fell into the marshes, and there
were destroyed, sustaining a dirty death condign to their filthy
falsehood and untruth. Julian the cardinal, which with the pope was
the chief doer in breaking the league, in the way was found dead,
being full of wounds, and spoiled to his naked skin. Of the rest of
the army that escaped by flying, part was drowned in the marshes, some
perished miserably for hunger, some for cold, watching and wandering
in the woods. Huniades hardly escaped the danger, by the merciful
providence of God, being reserved to the further profit and commodity
of Christendom.

  This John Huniades the worthy warrior was born in Wallachia,
being earl of Bistice, of all captains that ever went against the
Turks most famous and singular, prudent in wit, discreet in counsel,
expert and politic in war, prompt of hand, circumspect before he
attempted, quick in expedition; in whom wanted almost no good property
requisite in a warlike captain. Against two most mighty and fierce
tyrants, Amurath and Mahomet, through the Lord's might, he defended
all Pannonia, and therefore was called the thunderbolt and terror of
the Turks. Like as Achilles was unto the Grecians, so was he set up of
God to be as a wall of bulwark of all Europe against the cruel Turks,
and enemies of Christ and of his Christians. Neither was there any
king or prince that ever achieved such noble victories, either so many
in number, or so profitable for the public utility of all Europe, as
did he, and that not only in the days of this Amurath, but also of
Mahomet his successor, as hereafter remaineth further to be seen. This
battle of Amurath against the Christians at Varna in Bulgaria, was
fought in the year of our Lord 1404.

  Amurath, by reason of this victorious overthrow against the
Christians, surprised with no small pride, directed his journey
incontinent toward the Grecians, where Castriotus was, otherwise
called Scanderbeius. And first coming to Peloponnesus, and breaking
down the wall about the straits of Corinth, encountered with the
brother of the emperor of Constantinople, whom with his sudden coming
he oppressed, with all the Greeks' army, ere they were provided.
Paleologus, the emperor, after that did build up the wall again, but
at the Turk's bidding he was compelled to undo it again; which wall
afterwards the Venetians did repair. After the demolition of the wall,
Amurath entering into Peloponnesus took divers towns and cities, as
Sycion, and Patris; and moreover made all the parts of Thessalia and
Achaia tributaries unto him.

  The next year after this battle of Amurath fought against the
Christians at Varna, the Turk being now about the parts of Grecia,
purposed to bend all his force and main against the country of Epirus,
belonging to Georgius Castriotus Scanderbeius. Of this Scanderbeius
mention was made before, how he was brought up in the Turk's court,
from whence we declared also how subtlely he conveyed himself, and
came to the possession of his own patrimony of Epirus. Which Epirus
this noble and victorious Scanderbeius, whom the Lord also had raised
up the same time with Huniades, to bridle the fury of the Turks,
valiantly defended against all the power of Amurath; insomuch that he
discomfited and vanquished seven of the most expert bassas or dukes of
the Ottoman emperor, one after another, with all their armies of most
picked and chosen soldiers, dislodged them of their tents, and
expulsed them utterly out of all Epirus. And when Amurath himself with
his whole puissance had environed about the city of Croia, with cruel
siege and ordinance out of measure, yet, notwithstanding, the said
Scanderbeius, through the power and blessing of the Lord, beat him out
of the field, and repulsed him from the siege.
After this discomfiture, the saying is, that Amurath, to keep his vow
made before, after his victory at Varna, gave himself unto a religious
order, living a contemplative life, with certain other priests joined
unto him, in the forest of Bithynia, renouncing the government of his
realm to the hands of Haly, one of his princes; for thou must
understand, good reader, that the Turks also be not without their
sundry sects of religion, no more than we Christians are without our
friars and monks.
In the mean time, while Amurath this Turkish tyrant was cloistered up
in his monkish religion, Johannes Huniades in the kingdom of Hungary,
and Castriotus Scanderbeius in Grecia, kept great stir against the
Turks. By reason whereof Amurath was taken again from his monkish vow
and profession, and brought again into the field; for first, Huniades
had rescued the whole country of Hungary, and had propelled moreover
all the might of the Turks far from Servia. And although the peevish
practice of Georgius, prince of Servia, had oftentimes disclosed his
counsels unto the Turks, whereby twice he was brought in danger, yet,
notwithstanding, through the Lord's gracious protection, he was
preserved and delivered by the said George unto the Hungarians again,
and after that manfully vanquished the Turks, so that they had no
resting-place about those parts of Servia and Bulgaria, so long as he
lived.

  On the other side, in Grecia, Castriotus Scanderbeius so foiled
the Turk in defence of his country, Epirus and Macedonia, and kept
Amurath so short, that not only he was not able to win any great town
in all Epirus; but also coming from Epirus in the straits, he was so
entangled by Castriotus, that he was forced to give battle; in the
which battle he was so vanquished, and most part of his army slain,
that, for grief and sorrow conceived, he falling into a raving
sickness was transported out of his pavilion unto Adrianople, and
there in fury and madness died, after he had reigned thirty-four
years, which was about the year of our Lord 1450.

  This Amurath first ordained the order of the Janizaries; which
were the men-children of such Christians as he conquered and took
captive; whom he forced to renounce the faith of Christ wherein they
were baptized, and brought them up in Mahomet's law, and exercised
them in the same feats of war as he did his own people, and after that 
they came to men's estate, he named them Janizaries, that is to say,
soldiers of a strange country, and made them to guard his person. They
wear on their head, instead of a helmet, a white attire made of the
grossest sort of wool, and in so many folds about their head that it
cannot be pierced with a sword. It hangeth down on the back with a
tail, and before on the forehead it is garnished with gold and silver.
They were wont to use bows and lances in the field, but now they use
daggers as our horsemen do.

  At the first institution there were but eight thousand in their
garrison, but now there be twice so many. This of all bondage and
servitude that the Christians suffer under the Turk is most
intolerable, and greatly to be of all true Christians lamented. For
what can godly minds behold more to their grief, than to see their
children pulled from the faith of Christ wherein they were baptized,
and by whose blood they should eternally he saved, and to be
instructed and nourished with the blasphemous doctrine of Mahomet, and
so be professed enemies of Christ and his church, to make war against
heaven, and to perish everlastingly? And finally, what a lamentable
thing is it, to see and behold our own children, born of our own
bodies, to become our mortal and cruel enemies, and to cut our throats
with their own hands! This servitude of mind is far greater than death
itself; which if our princes would well consider, it would cause them
the rather to agree, and bend their whole force and power against this
cruel enemy.

Mahomet the Second, the ninth emperor of the Turks.

  Amurath left behind him three sons, Mahomet, born of the daughter
of Despota, prince of Servia, being twenty years of age; the second
son, called Turcin; the third, named Calepine. This Turcin being an
infant, and but eighteen months old, was strangled at the commandment
of the Turk by his servant Moses, himself being there present and
beholding the horrible murder. And when Moses, the executer of the
murder, had desired him not to pollute his hands with the blood of his
brother, he answered, that it was the manner of all the Ottoman Turks,
that all the other brethren, being destroyed, none should be left
alive but one to govern the empire. Wherefore Moses was commanded by
the tyrant, there presently, and in his sight, to kill the infant.
This horrible fact, when the mother of the child understood, she cried
out, and, almost mad for sorrow, cursed the tyrant to his face. But
he, to mitigate the rage of his mother, at her request, being desirous
to be revenged upon the executer of her son's death, delivered the
said Moses bound into her hands, who then, in the presence of the
tyrant, thrust him to the heart with a knife, and opening his side,
took out his liver, and threw it to the dogs to be devoured.

  The third son, called Calepine, which was but six months old, the
aforesaid Amurath, his father, commended to the custody of Halibassa,
one of his nobles, who, to gratify and please the tyrant, betrayed the
infant, and brought him unto him, and thereupon he, at the tyrant's
commandment, was strangled. Some affirm, that instead of Calepine,
another child was offered unto the tyrant, and that Calepine was
conveyed to Constantinople, and after the taking of Constantinople was
carried to Venice, and then to Rome to Pope Calixtus, where he was
baptized, and afterward came into Germany to Frederic the emperor, and
there was honourably entertained, and kept in Austria during his life.
Where note how the merciful providence of God, whom he list to save,
can fetch out of the devil's mouth. And note moreover the aforesaid
Halibassa, the betrayer of the infant, how he escaped not unrevenged.
For Mahomet, understanding him to be a man of great substance and
riches, through forging of false crimes, with great torments put him
to death to have his riches, for this tyrant was given to insatiable
avarice. Thus this bloody Mahomet began regiment with horrible murder,
after the example of other cursed tyrants, his predecessors.

  Although this Mahomet, notwithstanding that he came of a
Christian mother, being the daughter of Despota, prince of Servia, and
by her was brought up and instructed from his childhood in the
precepts of Christian religion and manners, yet he, soon forgetting
all, gave himself to Mahomet's religion, and yet so, that he, being
addicted to neither religion, became an atheist, believing and
worshipping no God at all, but only the goddess of good fortune,
deriding and mocking the minds and judgments of men, which believe
that God by his providence governeth and regardeth the state of human
things on earth.

  After that this Mahomet heard of the victories and conquests of
other his predecessors, and had understanding how Bajazet lay eight
years about Constantinople, and could not win it; he, dispraising
Bajazet, and disdaining that so long, time should be spent about the
siege thereof, and yet no victory gotten, bent all his study and
device how to subdue the same. But first, having a privy hatred
against the city of Athens, and having his hands lately imbrued with
the blood of his brethren, this murdering Mahomet first of all taketh
his voyage to subvert and destroy the city aforesaid, being a famous
school of all good learning and discipline. Against the which city he
did so furiously rage for the hatred of good letters, that he thought
he ought not to suffer the foundation thereof to stand, because that
city was a good nurse and fosterer of good arts and sciences;
wherefore he commanded the city to be razed and utterly subverted; and
wheresoever any monuments or books could be found, he caused them to
be cast into dirty sinks, and the filthiest places of the city, or put
to the most vile uses that could be devised, for extirpating and
abolishing all good literature; and if he understood any to lament the
case and ruin of that noble place, those he grievously punished and
put to death.

  Thus the famous and ancient school of Athens being destroyed and
overthrown, he returned his army and power into Thrace, where in all
haste he, gathering up his power together, both by sea and land, with
a mighty multitude compassed the city of Constantinople about, and
began to lay his siege against it, in the year of our Lord 1453, and
in the four and fiftieth day of the said siege it was taken, sacked,
and the Emperor Constantine slain. As touching the cruelty and
fierceness of the Turks in getting of this city, and what slaughter
there was of men, and women, and children, what calamity and misery
was there to be seen, forasmuch as sufficient relation, with a full
description thereof, hath been madebefore, it shall be superfluous now
to repeat the same. This only is not to be omitted touching three
principal causes of the overthrow of this city, whereof the first was
the filthy avarice of those citizens which, hiding their treasures in
the ground, would not employ the same to the necessary defence of
their city. For so I find it in story expressed, that when the Turk,
after the taking of the city, had found not so much treasure as he
looked for, suspecting with himself (as the truth was) the treasures
and riches to be hidden under the ground, commanded the earth to be
digged up, and the foundations of the houses to be searched; where
when he had found treasures incredible, "What," quoth he, "how could
it be that this place could ever lack munition and fortifications,
which did flow and abound with such great riches as here is, and
plenty of all things? "The second cause was the absence of the navy of
the Venetians, which, if they had been ready in time, might have been
a safeguard against the invasion of the enemies. A third cause also
may be gathered upon occasion incident in stories, either for that the
city of Constantinople fifteen years before did yield to the bishop of
Rome, as is before to be seen, or else because (as in some writers it
is evident) that images were there received and maintained in their
churches, and by the Turks the same time destroyed.

  Johannes Ramus, writing of the destruction of this city, amongst
other matters maketh relation of the image of the crucifix, being
there in the high temple of Sophia; which image the Turk took, and
writing this superscription upon the head of it, This is the god of
the Christians, gave it to his soldiers to be scorned, and commanding
the said image with a trumpet to be carried through all his army, made
every man spit at it most contumeliously. Wherein thou hast, good
reader, by the way to note, what occasion of slander and offence we
Christians give unto the barbarous infidels by this our ungodly
superstition, in having images in our temples, contrary to the express
commandment of God in his word. For if St. Paul, writing to the
Corinthians, saith, We know Christ now no more after the flesh; how
much less then is Christ to be known of us in blind stocks and images
set up in our temples, serving for none other purpose, but for the
infidels to laugh both us and our God to scorn, and to provoke God's
vengeance! which, by the like example, I fear, may also fall upon
other cities, where such images and idolatrous superstition is
maintained; whereof God grant Vienna to take heed betime, which hath
been so long, and yet is, in such great danger of the Turk, and
polluted with so many images and plain idolatry.

  To make the story short, such was the cruelty of these Turks in
winning the city, that when Mahomet had given licence to the soldiers
three days together, to spoil, to kill, and to do whatsoever they
listed, there was no corner in all Constantinople, which did not
either flow with Christian blood, or else was polluted with abominable
abusing of maids, wives, and matrons, without all reverence of nature.
Of the which citizens, some they murdered, some they roasted upon
spits, of some they flayed off their skin, hanging them up to consume
with famine, of other some they put salt into their wounds, the more
terribly to torment them, insomuch that one of them contended with
another, who could devise most strange kinds of new torments and
punishments, exercising such cruelty upon them, that the place where
the city was before, seemed now to be no city, but a slaughter-house
or shambles of Christian men's bodies. Among the dead bodies, the body
also of Constantine the emperor was found; whose head being brought to
Mahomet, he commanded it to be carried upon a spear through the whole
city for a public spectacle and derision to all the Turkish army. And
because he would diminish the number of the captives, which seemed to
him to be very great, he never rose from his table, but he put every
day some of the nobles to death, no less to fill his cruel mind with
blood, than his body was filled with wine; which he used so long to do
as any of the nobles of that city were left alive. And of the other
sort also, as the stories do credibly report, there passed no day in
the which he did not orderly slay more than three hundred persons; the
residue he gave to his rascal soldiers to kill, and to do with them
what they would. Where is to be noted, that as Constantine, the son of
Helena, was the first emperor of Constantinople, so Constantine, the
son also of Helena, was the last emperor thereof.

  Not far from the said city of Constantinople there was another
little city called Pera, and once called Gallatia, situated by the
sea-side; who, hearing of the miserable destruction of Constantinople,
and seeing the city flaming with fire, sent certain of the chief men
with speed to Mahomet, declaring unto him, that they neither had sent
any help to the city of Constantinople, neither yet wrought any
detriment to any of his army; wherefore they desired and prayed him,
that as they would gladly yield unto him, so he would be favourable
unto them and spare them, and not punish the guiltless with the
guilty. Mahomet, although he was not ignorant that for fear, rather
than of any good will, they submitted themselves, and that they would
rather resist him if they had been able, yet he received for that time
the submission of the messengers; but sending with them his
ambassadors into the city, he commanded also his army to follow
withal, and to enter with him into the city, which although it was
greatly suspected and misliked of the citizens, yet they durst not
otherwise do but suffer them to enter; which being done, the
ambassador gave a sign to the soldiers, every man to do whatsoever he
was bidden; of whom, some ran to the walls, some to the temples and
churches, some to the streets and houses of the city, plucking all
things down to the ground, sacking and ranging with no less fury and
abominable filthiness than they had done at Constantinople before,
saving only that they abstained from murder; but the same day letters
came from Mahomet to the ambassador, that he should spare none, but
destroy and murder all that ever were in the city; which message,
because it seemed to the ambassador to be too cruel, forasmuch as they
had yielded themselves, he stayed his hand a little until night came.
In the mean time, drunken Mahomet coming something to himself, (whom
drunkenness had before overcome,) sent his second letters to revoke
the first. Where again is to be noted the merciful providence of God
towards his people in their deserved plagues, by staying the hands and
bridling the fury many times of their enemies, when otherwise the case
seemeth to be past all remedy.

  Mahomet thus being in himself not a little advanced and elevated
by the winning of Constantinople, where he had now made the imperial
seat of the Turkish dominion, the third year next following, to
adventure more masteries, he set out to the siege of Belgrade, a city
of Hungary, lying near to the banks of the Danube, thinking to have
the like success there as he had in the winning of Constantinople,
albeit, through the Lord's disposing, it fell out much otherwise.
Within the city of Belgrade, the same time of the siege thereof, was
Johannes Huniades, the valiant captain, of whom in divers places
mention hath been made before; who with a sufficient strength of
picked soldiers, albeit in number nothing equal to the Turk's army,
valiantly defended the city with great courage, and no less success.
In the which siege great diligence was bestowed, and many of the Turks
slain. Among whom also Mahomet himself, being stricken with a pellet
under the left arm, was fain to be carried out of the field for half
dead, and the rest so put to flight, that of the Turks the same time
were destroyed to the number, or not much under the number, of forty
thousand, besides the loss of all their ordnance, which the Turks, in
haste of their flight, were forced to leave behind them.

  Hieronymus Zieglerus, writing of the siege of this Belgrade,
addeth moreover, that when Mahomet was at the siege thereof, seeing
the town to be so small and weak of itself, that it could not be won
with all his great multitude, he staring and faring like a mad man,
commanded all his brazen pieces to be laid, to batter down the walls
and towers of the town; so that the Christians within the walls were
vehemently distressed; for the siege continued both night and day
without intermission. Among the rest of the Christians which defended
the town, Hieronymus Zieglerus maketh mention of a certain Bohemian,
much worthy of his condign commendation; who being upon the walls, and
seeing a Turk with a banner or ensign of the Turks to be gotten up, by
the sight whereof the whole town was in danger to be conquered and
taken, runneth unto the Turk, and clasping him about the middle,
speaking to John Capistranus standing below, asking him, whether it
were any danger of damnation to him, if he of his voluntary mind did
cast himself with that dog (so he termed him) down headlong from the
wall to be slain with him; what should become of his soul, and whether
he might be saved or not? To whom when the other had answered, that he
should be saved without doubt, he eftsoons tumbleth himself with the
Turk down off the wall, where, by his death he saved the same time the
life of all the city. Mahomet being so wounded, and in despair of
winning the city, was carried (as ye heard) out of the field. Who at
length coming again to himself, partly for fear and partly for shame,
was ready to kill himself. And thus was the town of Belgrade at that
time rescued through God's providence, by the means of Johannes
Huniades and this good Bohemian.

  This siege of Belgrade began in the year of our Lord 1456, and
endured six and forty days. At which siege were numbered of the Turks
two hundred thousand. Of whom more than forty thousand (as is
aforesaid) were slain, where the victory fell to the Christians
through the prosperous success given of God to Johannes Huniades, and
Capistranus. Which Huniades not long after the said victory, through
the importune labour and travail in defending of the said town, was
taken with a sore sickness, and thereof departed; to whose valiant
prowess and singular courage stories do give great laud and
commendation.
Mahomet the Turk, after this done in Europe, returned into Asia to war
with Usumcassanes a Persian, one of the Turk's stock, with whom he had
three battles. The first was about the river Euphrates, where the Turk
lost ten thousand men, and was put to the worse. In the second field
likewise he was discomfited. The third battle was at Arsenga, where
through the terrible noise of the brazen pieces, the Persian horses
disturbed the camp, and so was Usumcassanes overcome.

  From thence the Turk reduced again his power against the
Christians, and first subdued unto him Synope and all Paphlagonia;
also the kingdom of Trapezunce, which he besieging both by land and
water, won from the Christians, and sent David the king of the same
with his two sons, and Calus his uncle, unto Constantinople, where
they were miserably and cruelly put to death, and all the stock of the
Conneni, which were of the king's stock, by the Turk were destroyed.
Which was about the year of our Lord 1459, at which time this
mischievous Mahomet was first saluted emperor.

  Not long after he got from the Grecians Corinth and Mitylene, not
without great slaughter of Christian men, insomuch that the whole city
of Mitylene was utterly to the ground almost destroyed. The isles also
of Lemnos and Lesbos he won from the Venetians; in the whieh island of
Lesbos is the city of Mitylene aforesaid.

  Not far from this isle of Lesbos and Mitylene, there is a country
in Asia toward the sea side, bordering next to Europe, called Mysia,
or of some called Mœsia, wherein stood the city of Troy. This country
Mahomet coveting to win rather by policy and falsehood, than by
doubtful danger of war, secretly sent for the prince thereof, to come
to speak with him for certain causes, as he pretended, which should
concern the profit and commodity of them both. Which when the king of
Mysia either for shame would not, or for fear durst not, deny, he came
to him as to confer upon necessary affairs in common to them
appertaining. Mahomet, when he had brought that to pass which he
would, he caused the king to be apprehended, and cruelly to be slain,
or rather torn in pieces; and so invading the land of Mysia, he
exercised the like tyranny upon his kindred and affinity.

  This Mysia by fraud being taken and lost, Mahomet flyeth again
toward Europe, where he assailed the island Eubœa, otherwise called
Negropont, making a bridge of a marvellous frame over the sea Euripus,
to convey over his army out of Grecia, and there laid his siege to the
city Chalcis, which at length in thirty days he overcame, not without
a great slaughter of his army; who, in the siege thereof, is said to
have lost forty thousand of the Turks. But the slaughter of the
Christians was greater, for when the city was won, the tyrant
commanded, most cruelly, none to be spared within the whole city, but
to be put to the sword, whosoever was above the age of twenty years.
This cruelty was showed of the barbarous tyrant for anger and fury,
because such a number of his Turks were slain at the siege thereof,
being reckoned, as is said, to forty thousand. In the fierce siege of
this city it is memorable that is in stories recorded, how that the
women of that city, seeing the men begin to faint, and the city to lie
in present danger, took the matter themselves in hand, and playing the
men, went to the walls, and there defended the city with no less
trouble to the enemy than the men had before done, and so for a space
continued, so long as any man's strength and diligence could do any
good. A great cause of the loss of this city and island is imputed to
the cowardly timidity of the Venetians' navy, who being there present,
and having prosperous wind, yet durst not, or would not, adventure
upon the Turks' bridge, which if they had done, the island of Eubœa
and Chalcis had not so soon been overmatched of the Turks.

  Thus all the east parts of Grecia being subdued to the Turkish
tyrant, with all Achaia, Attica, Acarnania, and Eubœa, shortly after
followed also Peloponnesus, brought in like subjection to the Turk.
Within Peloponnesus were these provinces contained, Achaia, Messenia,
Laconia, Argolica, and Arcadia, &c. The Venetians in this Peloponnesus
had great possessions, and had made up the wall again toward the sea
side, near to the straits of Corinth before mentioned, where, for the
more speed of the work, they had thirty thousand workmen to the
building thereof; which when it came to the knowledge of the the Turk,
he burst into the country of Peloponnesus with an army of eighty
thousand, and first wasted the regions of the Coroneans, and
Methoneans, and making a great slaughter of the Venetians, in short
time he brought the whole dominion of Peloponnesus under his yoke and
tribute.

  Long it is, and more lamentable, to recite all the victories of
this Mahomet, gotten against the Christians both by land and sea; who,
after he had overcome the isle Lesbos above mentioned, and had cruelly
slain Nicolaus Catalusius, the prince thereof, turning his army toward
the sea of Pontus Euxinus, got the country of Capha from the Genoese.
Before was declared how truce was taken between Georgius Scanderbeius
and the Turk for ten years; which truce being expired, Mahomet leaveth
no time unspent, no diligence unsought, but maketh all his power to
Epirus and Albania, which he, after long fatigation of siege, at
length overcame and subdued. In the which tract also, he won from the
Venetians Scodra, Lysson, and Dinastrum. Notwithstanding, when
Scanderbeius, the valiant captain, had done against the Turk what in
man's strength did lie, yet being overmatched with power and
multitude, seeing no possibility to make his party good, he was forced
to depart his country as an exile, and went to Italy, and there, being
sent for by the pope's letters, openly declared that it was not
possible otherwise to resist the furious rage of the barbarous Turks
by the strength of any one king or prince, unless all Europe, with one
consent, should join their power and force together. And thus Georgius
Scanderbeius, a man of puissant courage, being driven out of his
country, continued his age in exile. Whose courage and vehemency is
reported to have been such, that in fighting against the barbarous
enemy, for very eagerness of spirit, his blood was seen to burst out
of his lips. It is testified also of him, that being provoked, he 
neither denied to fight, and in his fighting never turned his back,
neither yet was ever wounded but only once with a light shaft in his
foot, neither ever set against the Turks with more than six thousand
horsemen and three thousand footmen; who is said with his own hand to
have slain above two thousand Turks, whom with such violence he did
strike, that many of them he did cleave asunder from the head to the
middle.

  Neither yet was the unsatiable greediness of this Turkish hell-
hound with all this satisfied, but still he conceived greater things
in his mind, thinking to conquer the whole world; and so passing
forward towards Europe, he subdued all Illyria, slaying Stephanus the
king of Bosnia, about the year of our Lord 1463. But afterward
Matthias Corvinus, the son of Huniades before mentioned, recovered
again the said kingdom of Bosnia, with many other cities near unto
Croatia and Dalmatia, and moreover repulsed Mahomet the Turk in his
second siege of Jaitza, taking his tents and munitions left behind
him.

  Moreover, the said Mahomet passing unto Wallachia, set upon
Dracula the prince thereof; which Dracula, although he had no great
power of soldiers, yet he so enclosed and environed the Turk, that he
had almost lost his whole army, of whom a great part, notwithstanding,
was destroyed, and many of his ensigns taken. Into Dalmatia were sent
two captains of the Turk, who, fighting against the provinces of the
Venetians, made great spoil and waste about the regions of Stiria and
Carinthia; where also the Venetian power was discomfited, and
Hieronymus Nouell their captain slain. At length truce was taken
between the Turk and the Venetians, upon this condition, that Scodra,
Tenarus, and Lemnos should be yielded unto him, and they should pay to
him to him yearly eight thousand ducats, for the free passage of their
merchants.

  After this peace concluded with the Venetians, Mahomet himself
sailed over into Asia, sending two of his great captains abroad to
sundry places; of whom Mesithes was sent against Rhodes with a mighty
navy. The other, called Acomates Bassa, was sent into Italy to take
Rome, and all the west empire. Concerning the voyage of which two
captains, this was the event, that Mesithes, after his great travail
and bloody siege against the Rhodians, was fain to retire at length
with great shame and loss. The other eaptain, Acomates, as is said,
was sent into Italy with a navy of a hundred ships, and fifteen
thousand men, who by the way in his sailing got Leucadia, (which now
they call St. Maure,) Cephalonia, and Zacynthus, and sailing by
Favelona, arrived in Apulia, and so passing along by the sea side,
spoiled and wasted divers parts by the coast, till at length he came
to Hidruntium, a city in Calabria in Italy, which after long siege he
overcame and subdued, and brought such a terror into all Italy, that
the pope, forgetting all other things, yet mindful of himself, with
all hastefled out of Rome. After the city of Hydruntium was taken, and
the Turks placed in the same, which was the year of our Lord 1481.
Matthias Corvinus, Huniades' son, was sent for by the Italians, to set
upon the said city, upon the rescue whereof, when Acomates was about 
to make his return with five and twenty thousand Turks, in the mean
time news eame, that Mahomet the Great Turk was dead; by reason
whereof, the siege broke up, and the city was delivered to the
Italians again, and so was Italy delivered at that time out of that
present peril and danger. This Mahomet won from the Christians two
hundred cities, and twelve kingdoms, and two empires, which he joined
both together. He died in the year abovesaid, A. D. 1481.

Bajazet the Second, the tenth emperor of the Turks.

  Mahomet aforesaid had three sons; of the which, Mustapha the
eldest, through voluptuousness and carnal lust, died before his
father. The other two were Bajazet and Demes, otherwise called
Zizimus. About whom great controversy rose amongst the Turks, which of
them should succeed in their father's kingdom. For neither of them was
present at Constantinople when Mahomet died; Bajazet being in
Cappadocia, and Demes in Lycaonia; wherefore, when great dissension
was among the nobles for the succession, and great strife and
bloodshed for the matter, the Janizaries, which were the Turk's guard,
did proclaim Bajazet emperor; others, in the absence of Bajazet the
father, did choose Corchuthus his son. Bajazet the father coming at
length from Cappadocia, partly through yielding, partly by corrupting
with money, got the wills of the Janizaries, and was made emperor.
Demes the other brother being in Lycaonia more near, although he made
no less speed in his coming, yet was prevented of Bajazet, and
excluded out of Constantinople. Wherefore he being put back from all
hope of his kingdom, incited by some of his friends, moved war against
his brother; who being overcome in three battles by Acomates, Bajazet
s captain, who had got Hydruntium before, did fly to the great master
of Rhodes, leaving in a place called Carræ his mother and two young
children, whom Bajazet slew.

  This Demes, being with the master of Rhodes, was desired first of
Pope Innocent the Fourth, then of Ludovicus the Second, French king,
but especially of Matthias Corvinus, king of Hungary, intending by him
to obtain great victory against Bajazet. But in conclusion, the
knights of Rhodes sent him to the bishop of Rome, where he, being
kept, and afterwards sent to Charles the Eighth, the French king, for
a hostage of Pope Alexander the Sixth, was poisoned by the way of
Terracina, by the said Pope Alexander, as is before declared. After
whose death, Bajazet, to requite the aforesaid Acomates for his good
service, put him to the halter, partly misdoubting his power, partly
for lucre sake to have his treasure; whose death redounded to the
great profit of the Christians, forasmuch as he was ever an utter
enemy to the religion and name of Christ.

  Bajazet thus being confirmed in his tyranny, made his expedition
against Wallachia, where he subdued two great forts, one called
Lithostomus, the other called Moncastrum. From thence he removed his
power, taking his voyage into Asia, thinking to be revenged of the
sultan of Egypt, which had succoured and entertained before his
brother Demes against him; where he lost two great battles, the one
fought at Adena, the other at Tarsus; but especially at the field at
Tarsus, the army of the Turk took such a wound, that of a hundred
thousand brought into the field, scarce the third part remained
unslain. But as touching the Rhodians, although they were succourers
of Demes aforesaid, yet Bajazet (whether for fear or for subtlety)
abstained to provoke them with war, but rather entering with them the
league of peace, requiring the master of Rhodes to keep his brother
safe under his custody, promising for his yearly salary, to be paid
unto him every year in the month of August, 45,000 ducats.

  Thus Bajazet, being overthrown and terrified with evil luck,
fighting against the sultan of Egypt, removed from Asia, and directed
his army into Europe, where he got Dyrrachium near unto Verona, and
had a great victory over the Christian army in the country of Croatia,
where the Illyrians, Pannonians, and Croatians, joining their powers
together, encountered with the Turk, and lost the field, about the
year of our Lord 1493.

  From thence the Turk leading his army against the Venetians, had
with them divers and doubtful conflicts, where the Turk sometimes was
put to the worse, and sometimes again prevailed, out of Jadra and
divers other cities about Dalmatia, carried away great multitudes of
Christians into captivity, which was about the year of our Lord 1498.

  Two years after this, which was the year of our Lord 1500,
Bajazet, with a hundred and fifty thousand armed men, entered into
Peloponnesus, which although Mahomet had expugned before, yet the
Venetians had defended Methone, otherwise called Modon, all this while
against the Turks. Which Methone the Turk besieged with three
armies,having about the walls five hundred great brazen cannons,
whereof twenty-two were most violent and hurtful, wherewith he
battered the city both day and night; but the citizens, which were
within the city, committing themselves to God, defended their city as
well as they could, rather choosing to die than to yield unto the
Turk's tyranny. But the Turk prevailing, and they not able to
withstand the siege, the Christians convented together into a certain
house prepared for the purpose, both men, women, and children; where
they, setting the house on fire, gave themselves rather to be burned,
than to come into the tyrant's hands. Certain women also, with their
children, cast themselves headlong into the sea, by that means to
avoid the Turkish captivity. Some writers there be, which affirm that
the Methonians, seeing five great ships of the Venetians coming with
men and victuals toward them, issued down from the walls to the sea
side to receive them, which were all taken captives, being above the
number of a thousand; which all being tied with long ropes, were
brought before the tyrant, and in his sight were cruelly slain, except
certain nobles, whom Cherseogles, son-in-law to Bajazet, got to be
pardoned, amongst whom was Andreas Gritto. The city of Coron, and also
Pilus, cities in Greece, being terrified with the example of the
Methonians, yielded themselves to the power of the Turks. Crisseum,
otherwise called Caput Sancti Galli, was expugned by Cherseogles, by
force of guns.

  These things thus achieved, although Bajazet went away victor
unto Constantinople, yet, notwithstanding, the Venetians, through the
help of the kings of France and Spain, had won from the Turk
Cephalonia, an island very commodious for their traffic. Also they had
gotten other two islands, Leucas and Nericus, otherwise called Sancta
Maura, slaying all the garrison of the Turks. But afterwards, peace
being taken between the Venetians and the Turks, by the counsel of
Andreas Gritto aforesaid, the Turks so agreed, that Leucas and
Nericus, the islands abovesaid, should be rendered unto the Turks, and
the Venetians should keep still the possession of Cephalonia.

  Unto this league the Turk did the rather condescend, for that he
had to maintain war against Ismael Sophus in Asia, king of Persia.
Which Sophus was stirred up by God's providence to war with this
Bajazet, whereby the Christian churches in Europe might have some
breathing time, and freedom from the Turk's cruel tyranny and
bloodshed. This Sophus was a valiant Turk, who with great power and
victories had overrun a great compass of the east parts of Asia; then
passing from Assyria into Media, and returning again into Armenia, he
made war against the Albanians, Iberians, and Scythians, and from
thence coming into Asia Minor, encountered with Corchuthus, Bajazet's
son, and afterward coming to Bithynia, fought with Caragius Bassa,
Bajazet's captain, whom he overcame and put to flight, and afterward
took him alive, and his wife, prisoners. Afterward he was encountered
by Halibassa another captain of the Turks, whom Techelles, one of the
said Sophus's captains, meeting in the plain of Galatia, did
withstand, and so by the way slew Caragius the captain, and hanged him
upon a pole in the sight of Halibassa; which Halibassa shortly after
was slain in war, and his army scattered and put to flight.

  Thus through the admirable example of God's justice and
providence, were these Turks kept occupied, and so came it to pass,
that these barbarians, being blasphemous against the Son of God, 
should thus horribly run on to the destruction one of another, being
worthily punished with mutual slaughter and bloodshed, for their
impiety and blasphemy against Christ and his religion, whereby in the
mean time some rest was given to the Christians.

  Bajazet, partly by these victories discouraged, partly diseased
and languishing of the gout, and partly also broken with age,.finding
himself unwieldy to the regiment of that tumultuous kingdom, began to
have talk with the nobles about the choosing of one to succeed him;
the occasion whereof ministered much matter of inward wars amongst the
Turks. This Bajazet had in all six sons, whereof three died before
him, and three yet were left alive, to wit, Acomates, Corchutus, and
Selim. Bajazet himself had most mind to Acomates, but the chiefest of
his nobles did favour rather Selim; who, through their traitorous
incitation, provoked him to stir war against his father; and
notwithstanding that he was overcome in war, yet, through
intercession, he was reconciled again to his father, and afterward
proclaimed again emperor against his father's will, through the help
and favour of the soldiers, entering the first beginning of his
kingdom with the murdering of his own father. The story whereof in
some authors is thus declared.

  After that the Janizaries had persuaded with Bajazet, for that he
himself was unwieldy, therefore he should do well to constitute some
successor, and that he had assigned Acomates to succeed him; the
Janizaries being offended with the said Acomates, because he would not
enlarge their stipends, and bribe them, compassing about the king's
palace with their privy swords which they had under their garments,
with a mighty cry, required Selim to be appointed for their emperor.
Unto whom when Bajazet had answered, that he had assigned Acomates,
they refused him, because he was fat, gross, and unable thereunto; but
needs would have Selim, which was stout and warlike, to be made
emperor; and withal they drew out their swords, crying, Selim, Selim.
Then Bajazet, giving place to their fury, showed himself content to
give them Selim; whom the Janizaries receiving, brought him into the
palace; unto whom Bajazet his father giving place, willed him not to
be so hasty and furious in his doings, but to be modest and take heed
what he did, and not to follow his fury, but to give place unto time,
which revealeth all things, and think himself to be a man subject to
dangers and jeopardies as other men are; and thus speaking, he
resigned his imperial throne and seat unto him, and went away all
heavy, entering into a certain order of their religion. Whereupon
followed great exclamations of the people, saluting Selim as emperor.
Who then taking the rule upon him, began with great cruelty to govern,
destroying many of his nobles, such as had stood against him, some
with poison, some by other cruel means, and advancing his own side
with great honours and promotions.

  Not long after that Selim was thus settled in his kingdom,
Bajazet his father intending to see and prove how he behaved himself
in his government, first entered into his treasure house, where he
found all his riches to be scattered and gone. Afterward he came into
his armoury, where all the spoils gotten by war were likewise wasted;
then he entered into the jewel house, where all his plate and gifts
sent from kings and princes were kept, which likewise were dispersed
and given away. At length he came into the stable, where also he
seeing his principal horses to be lacking, sighing with himself, and
crying vengeance upon him, he prepared himself, with the residue of
the treasure which was remaining, to sail over into Natolia unto his
eldest son; and passing by an orchard near to the sea-side, where he
had appointed to take ship, in the mean time, whilst the ships were in
furnishing, he sat down under a tree, and began to curse his son, and
to ask vengeance upon him, for that he had so despised his father, and
was become so impious a wretch.

  Selim, understanding of his father's departure, came into the
orchard where his father was, seeming to be very heavy, and much
lamenting that his father would so privily depart and go away, seeing
that he desired not the government of the empire, but was contented
only with the title thereof. "O father," said he, "do not thus privily
depart away; do not procure this shame to your son, who so tenderly
loveth you. Let me have but the name only, and be you the emperor
indeed. The end of your natural life most patiently I shall expect,
which I pray God may long continue. And thus using many fair and
flattering words to his father, he commanded a banquet with many
dainty junkets to be brought unto him, but tempered and infected with
poison. Which as soon as Bajazet had begun to taste of, and felt the
strength of the poison working in his body, he took his last farewell
of his son, and going out of the city accompanied with a great retinue
of men, yelling and crying out in the streets, in the middle of his
journey fell down and miserably died, in the year of our Lord 1512.
Here mayest thou see, good reader, a cursed brood of this Turkish
generation, where the father dieth in cursing the son, the son
reigneth by poisoning his father.

Selim, the eleventh emperor of the Turks.

  After that this wretched Selim had exercised his barbarous
cruelty upon his father, with like impiety he seeketh destruction of
his brethren and their children, first beginning his murder with the
five children his nephews, which were the sons of his three brethren
before departed. Which done, then remained his other two brethren yet
alive, Acomates and Corchutus, with their children, likewise to be
destroyed. Of whom the one had three sons, whom the father sent to
Selim his brother, and their uncle, with fair and gentle words, to
entreat him to be good unto their father, offering to him their duty
and service in all things, honouring him also as emperor. But cruel
Selim commanded forthwith his said nephews to be strangled. The father
hearing of the cruel murder of his sons, leaving house and home, went
and hid himself in mountains, where he lived for a space with herbs
and wild honey; but being betrayed by one of his men, he was brought
to Selim, and so was strangled.

  Christopherus Richerus, writing of these matters, seemeth
something to differ from other stories, and saith that Selim, after
the death of his brother Corchutus, came to Bursia, where he, under
the colour of making a great triumph, ordained a feast for his friends
and kinsfolk, whereunto were called especially his nephews, who then
at the end of the feast calling his nephews aside, as under the
pretence of conferring with them secretly about his necessary affairs,
committed them to his servants to be strangled and put to death. All
this while Acomates his other brother, through the help and
instruction of his mother, was kept out of the tyrant's hands, till at
length, after great labour and search made how to get him, certain
forged letters were cast abroad, wherein was contained, that Acomates,
to revenge the great impiety and subdue the tyranny of Selim his
brother, should show himself abroad; which if he would do, he shall
find friends enow to take his part. Acomates, circumvented with these
subtle trains, partly for hope of revengement, partly for desire of
the empire, showed himself abroad with such power and strength as he
had; who, being set upon incontinent by Selim his brother, was
overcome in battle, and falling from his horse, being a man corpulent
and gross, and his horse falling upon him, was so overpressed and
slain.

  Touching the death of this Acomates, Munsterus somewhat differing
from this narration, addeth moreover, and saith, That he was not
killed with the fall from his horse, but sitting all dismayed upon a
stone, and seeing no other remedy but death, desired the captain,
taking his rings from his fingers, to deliver the same to his brother,
desiring him that he might not be put to any extreme cruelty of death,
but that he gently would suffer him to be let blood in the bath, and
so to die. But Selim, being not ignorant of this, suborneth privy
tormentors, who binding his hands behind him, with their feet cast him
down upon the ground, and so twisting his neck with a cord, did
strangle him. This Acomates had two sons, who hearing of the death of
their father, did fly for succour, the one to Sophus in Persia, and
the other to the sultan in Egypt.

  By the means whereof, new occasion of war grew unto Selim,
whereby he was kept in Asia, at home, to fight against the Persians
and Egyptians; so that, through the Lord's providence, Christendom by
that means was delivered from great danger and peril of the Turk's
tyranny. For otherwise the Turk was wholly minded, with all his force
and puissance, to invade the Christians, being in doubt whether first
to begin with Rhodes, or whether to assault Pannonia, or else to set
upon Italy, being then at great discord within itself; but this cause
occupied the Turk's mind otherwise, and kept him at home. Such was
then the providence of the Lord for the safeguard of his people.

  Wherefore, forasmuch as the affairs and doings of this Turk were
spent for the most part in the Turkish and heathenish countries, it
shall not be greatly necessary to trouble our Christian stories
therewith, but only shall suffice to contract them in a brief sum,
declaring superficially what unquietness was amongst them there, which
could never be quieted, but ever working some mischief either abroad
or at home. Amurath, the Turk's nephew aforesaid, after he had
obtained aid of Sophus, the king of the Persians, first invaded
Cappadocia; not long after whom followed Ismael Sophus the Persian
king. By reason whereof a great battle was fought betwixt the Persians
and Selim, in the fields of Armenia Major. In the which battle Ismael
Sophus, the Persian king, was hurt on the shoulder with a pellet, and
so being carried out of the field, left the victory to Selim; who,
albeit he had an army of one hundred and fifty thousand men, yet he in
the same field lost about thirty thousand of his Turks. Which field
was fought in the year of our Lord 1514. Selim, after this victory,
went to Tauricia, the imperial city of the Persians, which he, by
yielding, subdued.

  In this mean time it happened that one Aladulus, a king of
Armenia the Greater, was also a helper to Ismael against the Turk;
whereupon Selim the Turk taking great indignation, the next year
following, leaving the Persians, fought against the said Aladulus, and
in the end overcame him; and afterward being found in a cave in a
wood, he was taken out and brought to Selim, and so beheaded; whose
head, being first carried about Asia for a triumph, was afterward sent
to the senate of Venice for a terror unto them. The eldest son of
Aladulus, escaping the hands of his pursuers, fled into Egypt. This
battle thus fought and ended, Selim, after he had divided the kingdom
of Aladulus into three provinces, went to Lyconia, and from thence to
Europe, there to defend the city of Samandria against the Christians
in Hungary, but the Hungarians being soon repressed by Juno Bassa, the
Turk's captain, great preparation began to be made by the Turks
against the confines of Servia bordering upon Hungary. The terror
whereof stirred up Maximilian the emperor, and Ladislaus, king of
Hungary, and Sigismund, king of Poland, to consult together, and
conjoin their power for defence of Christendom. But through new
encumbrances incident, the Turk, leaving Europe, made haste again into
Asia, to renew again his wars against the Persians, who had made a vow
not to give over that war before Ismael was overthrown.

  But before he entered that war, first he sent his messengers to
the sultan of Egypt, requiring him not to intermeddle in that war; for
this sultan before had promised to assist the Persians against the
Turk. The name of the sultan which reigned then in Egypt, was Campson,
set up by the Mamalukes. These Mamalukes were a certain order amongst
the Egyptians, much like to the Janizaries about the Turk, who, being
the children of Christian men, and after denying Christ, were the
chiefest doers in the sultan's court; and being grown into a great
multitude, did degenerate into a Turkish barbarity, or rather became
worse than Turks. This Campson unto the messengers of the Turk gave
this answer again, That, unless he would leave off this war against
Ismael, and restore the son of Aladulus, he would not lay down his
armour.

  Selim, being incensed not a little with this insolent answer of
the sultan, leaving all other wars aside, with great celerity advaneed
his power against the sultan. Which sultan, partly through the
falsehood of his captain, Cajerbeius, partly by the suddenness of the
Turk's coming, not far from the city of Damascus, encountered with the
Turk, and there overthrown from his horse, being a fat and gross body,
and falling under his horse, and his horse also falling upon him, was
quashed in pieces, and so died, which was the year of our Lord 1516.

  The Mamalukes, of whom more than a thousand in this battle were
slain, flying from thence to Memphis, set up Tomumbeius instead of
Campson; whose captain, Gazelles, was overcome at the city of Gaza,
and he afterward himself driven out of Memphis, where a great part of
the Mamalukes were destroyed. Then Tomumbeius, flying over the flood
Nile, renewed his army again; but in the end was discomfited and
chased into a marsh, where he was found standing in the water up to
the chin: and so being brought to Selim, was put to the rack and great
torments, to make him confess where Campson's treasures were; but when
he would not declare, he was carried about the town with a halter
about his neck, and hanged up upon a high gibbet for a spectacle to
all Egypt; which was the year of our Lord 1517. And thus were the two
sultans of Egypt destroyed with the Mamalukes, which there had borne
the rule in Egypt the space of two hundred and forty-three years. The
progeny of the which Mamalukes remaining of the wars, the Turk
commanded in the prison-gates of Alexandria to be cut in pieces; Selim
from thence triumphing, departed to Constantinople, intending to spend
the rest of his time in persecuting the Christians. But in that mean
space he was stricken with a cankered sore rotting inward, and died,
after he had reigned seven years, like a beast, in the year of our
Lord 1520.

  The reign of this Turk was but short in number of years; but in
number of his murders and cruel bloodshed it might seem exceeding
long, which lived more like a beast than a man; for he never spared
any of his friends or kindred. His father first he poisoned, his
brethren and all his cousins he quelled, leaving none of his kindred
alive. Moreover, his chief and principal captains for small occasions
he put to death, as Mustapha, Calogere, Chendeme, Bostang, his son-in-
law, and Juno Bassa.

  It is said moreover, that he intended the poisoning of his own
son Solyman, sending unto him a shirt infected with poison, because he
seemed something freely to speak against the cruel demeanour of his
father; but by the means of his mother, the gift being suspected, was
given to another, which was his chamberlain, who, putting on the
shirt, was stricken with the poison thereof, and therewithal died.

  As touching this Turk Selim, by the way here may be noted how the
secret providence of the Lord kept him occupied with his Turkish wars
at home, while that the reformation of Christian religion here in
Europe, the same time begun by Martin Luther, might the more quietly
take some rooting without disturbance or interruption. For so it
appeareth by the computation of time, that in the days of this Selim
Martin Luther first began to write against the pope's indulgences,
which was in the year of our Lord 1516.



130. SOLYMAN, THE TWELFTH EMPEROR OF THE TURKS.

  Solyman, the only son of Selim, succeeded after his father's
death, who in the first beginning seemed to some to be simple and
sheepish, and not meet for the Turkish government. Wherefore certain
of his nobles, consulting how to depose him, intended to set up
another emperor. In which conspiracy, especially are named Cajerbeius
and Gazelles. This Cajerbeius was he that betrayed before Campson, the
sultan of Egypt, to Selim, as is aforesaid; who now also being in
consultation with Gazelles and other about this matter, detected them
also unto Solyman. Wherefore the said Gazelles and his fellows, being
thus detected, were put to death by Solyman, declaring thereby that he
was not so sheepish as he was thought of them to be, and as also by
his acts afterward did more appear.

  Solyman, after this execution done upon the conspirators, taking
his voyage into Europe, first besieged Belgrade; which, being a city
in Hungary, was the strongest fort of all the Roman empire, and the
chief defence at that time of all Christendom; which also being
assaulted before time by Amurath the Second, was valiantly defended by
Johannes Huniades, as is above specified. But here now lacked such a
one as Huniades was. For the kingdom of Hungary at that time was under
the government of Ludovicus, a young king, unexpert and of a simple
wit: whom other princes, and specially the covetous churchmen, did so
pill and poll, that they left him nothing but only the bare name and
title of his kingdom, whereby he, being unfurnished both of men and
money, was unable to match with such an enemy.

  Another vantage also the Turks had in besieging Belgrade: for the
Christian princes at that time were in civil dissension and variance
amongst themselves, and the pope, with his churchmen also, were so
busy in suppressing of Luther, and of the gospel then newly springing,
that they minded nothing else, except it were to maintain the wealth
of their own bellies. Which pope, if he set his care, as his duty was,
so much in stirring up princes against the common enemy, as he was
bent to deface the gospel, and to persecute the true professors
thereof, soon might he have brought to pass, not only that Belgrade
might have been defended against the Turk, but also that to be
recovered again which was lost before; and moreover, he might have
stopped the great dangers and perils which now are like to fall upon
the religion and church of Christ, which the Lord of his great mercy
avert and turn away.

  Certes, whatsoever the pope then did, this had been his duty,
setting all other things apart, to have had an earnest compassion of
so many miserable and lost captives, which were fallen from their
faith and religion, unto the misery and slavery of the Turk, and
thraldom of the devil, and to have sought all means possible to have
redueed them, as lost sheep, into the fold again. Which then might
soon have been done, if prelates and princes, joining together in
Christian concord, had loved so well the public glory of Christ, and
souls of Christians, as they tendered their own private, worldly, and
frivolous quarrels. And admit that the pope had conceived never so
much malice against Luther, his quarrel also being good, yet the
public church standing in such danger, as it then did by the invasion
of the Turk, reason would, nature led, religion taught, time required,
that a good prelate, forgetting lighter matters, should rather have
laid his shoulder to the excluding of so great a danger, as then was
imminent both to himself and the universal church of Christ; but now,
his quarrel being unjust, and the cause of Luther being most just and
godly, what is to be said or thought of such a prelate, who forbearing
the Turk, whom in a time so dangerous he ought chiefly to have
resisted, persecuted the truth which be should specially have
maintained? But Christ for his mercy stands for his church, and stirs
up zealous princes and prelates, if not to recover that that is lost,
yet at least to retain that little which is left.

  Solyman therefore, taking this occasion, and using the commodity
of time, while our princes were thus at variance betwixt themselves,
without any resistance or interruption brought his army unto Belgrade,
in the year of our Lord 1521. Which city, being but slenderly
defenced, the Turk, through his underminers, guns, and other engines
of war, without great difficulty, and with little loss of his
soldiers, soon subdued and overcame.

  After this victory, Solyman resting himself a whole year, and
casting in his mind how to make all sure behind him, for fear of
enemies to come upon his back, thought it expedient for his purpose if
he might obtain the island of Rhodes; for that only remained yet
Christian betwixt him and Asia; wherefore the next year following he
brought his army of four hundred and fifty ships, and three hundred
thousand men, to the besieging thereof. This Rhodes was a mighty and
strong island, within the sea called Mare Mediterraneum. The
inhabitants whereof at the first did manfully resist the Turk, sparing
no labour nor pains for the defenee of themselves and of all
Christendom; but afterward being brought to extremity, and pinched
with penury, seeing also no aid to come from the Christians, somewhat
began to languish in themselves. The Turks in the mean time casting up
two great mountains with strength of hand, two miles off from the
city, like rolling trenches carried them before them near unto the
city, in the tops whereof they planted their ordnance and artillery,
to batter the city. The master of the knights of Rhodes was then one
Philippus Villadamus, a Frenchman, in whom no diligence was lacking
that appertained to the defence of the city. The Rhodians likewise so
valiantly behaved themselves upon the walls, that with their shot all
the ditches about the city were filled with carcasses of dead Turks.
Besides this, such a disease of the bloody flux reigned in the Turk's
camp, that thirty thousand of them died thereof; and yet for all this
Solyman would not cease from this siege begun; who, at length by
underminers casting down the vaumures and uttermost parts of the city,
won ground still more and more upon the Rhodians, and with mortar
pieces so battered the houses, that there was no free place almost
standing in all the city. And thus continued the siege for the space
of five or six months, and yet all this while came no help unto them
from the Christians. Wherefore they being out of all hope, through the
advice of Villada mus, yielded themselves unto the Turk, upon
condition that he would spare them with life and goods; which
convention the Turk kept with them faithfully and truly.

  Thus Solyman with his great glory, and utter shame to all
Christian princes, and also ruin of all Christendom, got the noble
isle of Rhodes, although not without great loss and detriment of his
army, insomuch that at one assault twenty thousand Turks about the
walls were slain with fire, sword, stones, and other engines. Whereby
it may be conjectured what these Rhodians might or would have done, if
succour had come to them from other Christian princes as they looked
for. This city was won upon Christmas day, A. D. 1522.

  This conquest of Rhodes obtained, Solyman, thefourth year after, 
bringeth back his army again into Hungary, where he found to resist
him but only Ludovick the young king, who being accompanied with a
small army, and nothing able to match with the Turk, yet of a hasty
rashness and vain hope of victory, would needs set upon him; who if he
had stayed but a little, had prospered the better; for Johannes
Vaivoda, being a captain well exercised in Turkish wars before, was
not far off, coming with a sufficient power of able soldiers. But
Paulus, the archbishop of Colosse, a Franciscan friar, a man more bold
than wise, with his temerity and rashness troubled all their doings.
For the whole sum of the army of the Hungarians contained in all but
only four and twenty thousand horsemen and footmen, who at length
coming unto the battle, and being compassed about with a great
multitude of the Turk's army, were brought into great distress. The
Turks twice shot off their pieces against the Christian army; yet
scarce was any Christian touched with the stroke thereof; which was
thought to be done of purpose, because they were Christians which had
the ordering of the guns, for then the special gunners of the Turks
were Christians, whom for the same cause they spared. Then the Turk's
horsemen, coming back upon the Christian army, compassed them about,
and by reason of their multitude overcharged their horsemen. Amongst
whom was slain the same time the archbishop friar above-said, with the
bishops of Strigone and Varadine, and many other nobles beside. Also
the king himself, being destitute of his necessary aid and succour,
was compelled to fly into a marsh, where he falling from his horse,
being heavy laden with the harness, was not able to rise again, but
there miserably perished.

  Solyman the Turk marvelled at the foolishness of Ludovick the
king, who with so small an army would presume to encounter with such a
great host of two hundred thousand. This battle in Hungary was fought
A. D. 1526.

  After the decease of Ludovick, Ferdinand succeeded in the
kingdom, being duke of Austria and king of Hungary. Then Solyman,
setting contention betwixt Johannes Vaivoda and Ferdinand for the
kingdom of Hungary, sped his voyage to the city of Buda, which also in
short time he made to be yielded unto him, upon condition that they
should escape with their lives and goods; which condition some say he
kept, and some say he did not. Besides Buda, divers places and
munitions the said Turk, contrary to his league made before, did spoil
and waste, as Varadinum, Quinque Ecclesias, and other forts and
munitions more, bordering about the coasts of Hungary.



131. THE SIEGE OF VIENNA
Illustration: Vienna

  In the year of our Lord 1529, Ferdinand, king of Hungary
aforesaid, recovered divers holds gotten of the Turk before, and also
warring against Johannes Vaivoda his enemy, with whom he had variance,
(as ye heard before,) expulsed him out of his kingdom. Whereupon
Vaivoda, flying to the Turk, desired his aid. The Turk, glad to take
that occasion, with great preparation addressed himself to return into
Hungary, where he, recovering again the city of Buda, which Ferdinand
had gotten from him a little before, removed his army into Austria,
spoiling and destroying by the way all that came to his hands, showing
many examples of great cruelty and tyranny most lamentable to hear and
understand. For of some he put out their eyes, of some he cut off
their hands, of some their ears and noses, and of their children he
cut off their privy members. The maidens he corrupted, the matrons had
their breasts cut off, and such as were with child were ripped, and
their children cast into the fire. And these examples of horrible and
barbarous tyranny this wretched Turk perpetrated by the way coming
toward Vienna, a noble city in Austria, besides the captives which he
took by the way and led into servitude most miserable, amounting to
the number of thirty thousand.

    Among other holds by the way as the Turks came, there was a
castle called Altenburch, strongly by nature situated, and by art
defended; which castle the Turk intending not to overpass, because he
would make all things sure behind him, began to make his assault, and
lay his ordnance against it. The warders and keepers of the castle, so
soon as the Turk began to lay siege against them, making no
resistance, of a womanly cowardliness sent their messengers to the
Turk, to yield themselves ready to do his commandment, and further him
with their victual. Amongst whom were three hundred Bohemians, who
were commanded to follow the host, that the Turk by them might learn
what strength was in the city of Vienna; also where the king was, and
what was to be done for the winning thereof.

  Of whom when the Turk had understanding how all things stood, and
how that there were but twenty thousand men in Vienna able to bear
armour, and that other cities of Austria would soon yield if that were
gotten, and that Vienna was victualled but for two months, and that
the king was of late in Bohemia; thus the Turk of all things
certified, having no doubt in his mind of victory, made speed toward
Vienna; and first coming to Neapolis, a city but eight miles distant
from Vienna, he required them to yield themselves; who,
notwithstanding, withstood them, and repulsed them valiantly. Then the
Turks assigned a place for the pitching of their tents; which, because
it seemed something too little for such a great multitude, they took 
in more ground to the compass of seven miles circuit. The multitude of
his army, which he there planted, is accounted of some to extend to
two hundred and fifty thousand soldiers. The Turk thus being planted
made daily excursions over all the country of Austria, especially
about the city of Vienna, wasting and spoiling with great cruelty and
murder amongst the poor Christians.

  Moreover, to make all things more sure toward the preparation of
the siege, scouts were sent abroad, and ambushments were laid about
the river-side of the Danube, to provide that no aid nor victual
should be brought to Vienna. So it pleased the providence of the Lord,
(who disposeth all things,) that three days before the coming of the
Turk, Frederic, the Earl Palatine, which was then assigned by the
empire to take the charge of Vienna, was come down by the river Danube
with fourteen thousand, and with a certain troop of horsemen well
appointed and picked for the purpose. After the coming of this
Frederic, provision also of victual was appointed to follow shortly
after by the said river of Danube.

  In the mean time, they who had the carriage and transporting
thereof, hearing how the ways were laid, and all the passages ten
miles about Vienna stopped by the Turks, although they knew the city
to stand in great need of victual, yet seeing there was no other
remedy, rather than it should come to the enemy's hand, thought it
best to sink their boats with their carriage, and so they did. 
Whereby, albeit the Christians wanted their relief, yet were the Turks
disappointed of their prey and purpose. The captains which had the
keeping of the city, which were chiefly Frederic the Earl Palatine,
William Rogendorf, and Nicholas earl of Salm, seeing themselves so
straitened contrary to their expectation, although they had great
causes to be discouraged, yet calling their courage unto them, they
consulted together for the best way to be taken; and seeing that the
little city Neapolis, (above mentioned,) being eight miles distant
from them, so valiantly withstood the Turks, that in one day they
sustained seven grievous assaults against all the main force of the
Turkish army; by their example and manful standing being the more
animated and encouraged, thought to abide the uttermost before they
would give over; and, first plucking down all the suburbs and
buildings without the walls, whereby the enemy might have any succour,
they willed all the farmers and inhabitants about the city to save
themselves, and to bring in their goods within the walls. Such places
as were weak within the walls, they made strong. About the towers and
munition of the walls they provided ramparts and bulwarks, distant
eighty feet one from another, to keep off the shot; and every man had
his place and standing awarded to him upon the wall, and his office
appointed what to do; but especially that side of the city which lieth
to the river Danube they fortified after the best wise; for that way
only now remained for victual to be transported from the Bohemians
unto them. Wherefore eight ensigns were assigned to the keeping of the
bridge, and in the plain, which was like an island enclosed within the
river, a sufficient garrison of horsemen were placed, lying within
gunshot of the city, to the intent that if any grain or victuals were
sent from the Bohemians, they might provide the same safely to be
brought into the city.

  These things thus being disposed and set in order, Lord William
Rogendorf, to assay the strength of the Turks, made divers roads out
with his horsemen, albeit much against the minds of the Austrians;
who, knowing the manner of the Turks, thought it better to suffer
them, while either with time they might be over-wearied, or for lack
of victuals consumed. Among many and sundry skirmishes which the
Christians had with the Turks, one especially was to our men
unprosperous; in which, certain of the horsemen, espying a small troop
of the Turks scattered abroad from their company, made out after them,
who suddenly and guilefully were enclosed and circumvented by the
Turks, before they could recover the gates of the city, and so were
all taken alive; of whom three were sent from the Turks into the city,
to declare to the Viennians what strength they had seen in the camp of
their adversaries, and to solicit them to yield their city for fear of
punishment which would follow. The residue they reserved to torments
and punishment, whom in the sight of the whole army, and of the
Christians, which should tell the same to the citizens, they caused
every man to be drawn each with four horses, and so to he dismembered
and plucked asunder.

  After this done, the barbarous Turk immediately sent his herald
to talk with the captains of the city, whether they would yield the
city upon honest conditions, or else would abide the arbitrement of
war. If they would gently submit themselves, they should have all
gentleness to them showed. If they would be stubborn, and stand to
their defence, he would also stand to his siege begun, so that he
neither would spare man, woman, or child. To this the captains
answered again, that they were contented that Solyman should stand to
his siege begun, and do his uttermost, what he would, or what he
could; as for them, they were at a point to defend themselves and
their city so long as they might; the event and fall of victory to be
doubtful, and many times so to happen, that they which begin the war
are wearied sooner than they which be provoked; neither again that
they were so unmindful either of themselves, or of their country, but
that they did remember well what they are, and what they be called,
named to be Germans; who use always first to assay the adversary, what
he is able to do, and not rashly to commit themselves into their
enemies' hands.

  Solyman not a little disdaining at this answer, first burning and
consuming all the villages, houses, and places round about the city,
infecting also the springs and fountains which gave water into the
city, and so stopping all passages that no relief should have way unto
them, began with angry mood to approach more near to the city, with
three great camps; sending them word in seorn and contumely by one of
his captains, that if they stood in need of help of soldiers, he would
send unto them the three hundred Bohemians (mentioned a little before)
to aid them in their defence. To whom the Palatine directed answer 
again, that they had more soldiers in the city than they needed. As
for the Bohemians which had yielded themselves, he might do with them
what he would, for Vienna stood in no great need of them.

  In the mean time a messenger coming from Ferdinand was privily
let in by night into the city, which brought word that they should
play the men in keeping out the enemy awhile; for it would not be
long, but both Ferdinand and Charles his brother, with the strength of
all Germany, would be ready to rescue them. At which message the
hearts of the soldiers began somewhat to be cheered, and to contemn
the huge multitude of the adversaries, being so great as they never
did behold, nor did ever almost hear of before. The largeness of whose
army extended no less in compass, as is abovesaid, than of seven miles
round about the city walls.

  Long it were to recite the whole order of this terrible siege,
with all the parts and circumstances thereof. Briefly to touch so much
as shall suffice for this history, with fewer words than were stripes
given at the siege thereof; this is to be judged and confessed,
whosoever beholdeth the number and fierceness of the Turks, the
absence of King Ferdinand, the lack of provision and victual within
the city, the noise of the guns, the violence of the shot, the terror
of the sight, and yet no succour sent unto them; that the custody of
that city was no man's doing, but the arm only of the Lord God of
hosts, according to the true saying of the Psalm, Unless the Lord do
keep the city, the watchmen watch in vain which watch to save it:
unless the Lord do build the house, the builder striveth in vain which
taketh upon him to build it. Experience whereof in keeping this city
may well appear.

  First, Solyman, bending his shot and ordnance against the city,
beat down to the ground the vaumures with all the uttermost suburbs of
the city, and that in such a short moment of time, that the hearts of
the Viennians, a little before refreshed, were now as much appalled
again with fear, misdoubting with themselves, lest the Turk with the
same celerity and violence would have prevailed against the inward
walls, as he did in beating down the outward vaumures. And no doubt
the same time the Turk had put the city in great hazard, had not night
coming on broken off the siege for that day.

  In the mean time the citizens laboured all night in repairing and
refreshing the walls, to make all things sure against the next
assault. The next day early in the morning the Turks approaching the
city again with a new assault, thinking to scale the walls, were so
repulsed and manfully resisted by the Germans, that scarcely any
ditches about the walls could be seen for the bodies of the dead
Turks, wherewith they were replenished; so that the Turks were fain to
fight standing upon the bodies of them which were slain. By the which
calamity the force of the enemy was not a little abated.

  It happened the same time, that a company of the Turks being
spied out of the city wandering out of order, the captain Rogendorf
with two legions of horsemen issuing out of the city gate called
Salmaria, and so passing closely under the hill's side, did so set
upon them, that they slew a great number of them; the rest being
driven to take the river, whom with stones and shot likewise they
destroyed, and so retired back into the city again. By this victory
the captain Rogendorf began to be terrible to the Turks. For in the
same skirmish (as after was known) were slain of them so many, that of
five thousand and three hundred horsemen and footmen scarce one
hundred and forty escaped alive.

  Solyman disdaining at this repulse thought to prove another way,
and so bringing his power toward the gate called the king's gate,
there making his trenches and bulwarks, planted his ordnance, with the
violence whereof the walls were so battered and shaken, that no man
was able there to stand. Wherefore the Turk, seeing two great breaches
made in the wall, commanded his soldiers covertly in the dark smoke of
the gunpowder to press into the city. The like also was done at the
Scottish tower, whereby the city was invaded in two sundry places at
one time. The Viennians at the first freshly began to withstand them,
new soldiers still coming in the place of them that were slain and
hurt; and so this assault continuing more than six hours together, our
men began at length to languish and faint, not only in strength but
also in courage; whereby the city had been in great danger of losing,
had not the two aforesaid captains, Rogendorf in the one place, and
the earl of Salm in the other place, manfully encouraged the soldiers
to abide the brunt, and to bear out awhile the violence of the Turks,
promising that immediately they should have aid from Ferdinand.

  In the mean time the Turks came so thick for the greediness of
the victory, scaling, climbing, and fighting upon the walls, that had
it not been for that press and throng of the great multitude of the
Turks, coming so thick that one of them could not fight for another,
Vienna that same day had been taken and utterly lost. But by the
policy of the captains giving a sign within the city, as though new
soldiers were called for, our men began to be encouraged, and the
Turks' hearts to be discomfited.

  When Solyman saw his army the second time repulsed, he began to
attempt a new way, purposing by undermining to overthrow the city; in
the which work especially he used the help of the Illyrians, of whom
he had a great number in his camp, expert in that kind of feat. These
Illyrians beginning to break the earth at the gate Carinthia, and
coming near to the foundations of the tower, which they by strength of
hand attempted to break, could not work so closely under the ground,
but they were perceived by certain men above, which were skilful and
expert in that kind of matter; who contrariwise undermining against
them, and filling their trenches as they went with gunpowder, so
conveyed their train, that when fire should be set unto it, the
violence thereof should burst out by the trenches of the enemies;
which done, suddenly the ground beneath made a great shaking, so that 
the tower did cleave asunder, and all the underminers of the Turks,
working in their trenches. were smothered and destroyed; which came to
the number (as it was supposed afterward) of eight thousand persons;
insomuch that yet till this day a great number of dead men's skulls
are found in the ground.

  When Solyman saw that this way also would not serve, and had
privy intelligence that the walls about the gates of Stubarium were
negligently kept, and that he might have there more easy entrance;
secretly he conveyeth about ten garrisons of fresh soldiers, in such
sort as the townsmen should not perceive them; who came so suddenly
upon them, that they had filled their ditches, and were upon the top
of the fortresses and munitions, before that our men were aware of
them, or could make themselves ready to resist them. For although
there was no lack of soldiers within the city, yet forasmuch as the
whole brunt of the siege did lie especially at the two gates
aforesaid, from whence the soldiers which were there warding could not
be well removed, for a shift the rescuers, which within the city were
ready for all sudden adventures, were sent to the walls, by whose
coming, those few which kept the enemies off before, being sore hurt
and wounded, were succoured and sent to surgery; and thus the said
assault continued terrible and doubtful, until the dark night coming
upon them, they could not well know the one from the other. In this
bickering were counted of the Turks to be slain more than five
thousand.

  Then the captain Rogendorf, commending the valiant standing of
his soldiers, misdoubting with himself, as it happened indeed, that
the Turks would not so give over, but would set upon him the next day
with a fresh assault, providing with all diligence for the purpose,
made up the breaches of the walls, and prepared all things necessary
for resistance. The next morning following, which was something dark
and misty, the Turks, thinking to prevent our men with their sudden
coming, began again busily to bicker upon the top of the walls.

  It would require a long tractation here to describe the great
distress and danger that the city those three days following was in;
during all the which time there was no rest, no intermission, nor
diligenCe lacking, either in the enemies fighting against the city,
either in our men in defending the same. For the Turks, besides the
multitude of the great ordnance, wherewith, as with a great tempest of
gunshot, they never ceased, still battering the walls and beating the
munitions of the city, sent also such heaps and multitudes of the
Turks to the scaling and climbing of the walls, that scarcely with all
the ordnance and shot of the city, either the violence of them could
be broken, or the `number of them diminished; till at the last, the
soldiers of the Turk, perceiving themselves able by no means to
prevail, but only to run in danger of life, and to do no good, began
to wrangle among themselves, grudging and repining against their dukes
and captains, imputing the whole cause only to them, that the city was
yet untaken, seeing there was in them neither diligence nor good will
lacking; and so ceased the siege for that time.

  After this, when Solyman had purposed in himself with his last
and strongest siege to try against the city the uttermost that he was
able to do, and had encouraged his soldiers to prepare themselves in
most forcible wise thereunto; the soldiers showed themselves much
unwilling to return again from whence they were so often repulsed
before, by reason whereof great commotion began to rise in the Turk's
camp. The rumour whereof when it came to Solyman's ears, he sendeth
his grand captain to keep all the soldiers in order and obedience; or
if they would be stubborn, to compel them, whether they would or not,
to accomplish his commandment. Who coming to the soldiers, showed to
them the Great Turk's message, and to animate and encourage them,
deelared that the opportunity of the time present was not to be
neglected, neither could they now, without great shame, give over,
after so many assaults attempted; who, if they would sustain but one
brunt more, the victory were in their own hands. The townsmen, he
said, were wasted, and their victuals spent; and the more to inflame
their minds, he promised them not only great thanks and reward of
their emperor, but also the whole spoil of the city, in recompence of
their travail.

  But when all this would not stir up the sturdy stomachs of the
tired Turks, using compulsion where persuasion would not serve, he
appointed a number of horsemen to be set at their backs, whereby to
enforce them either to go forward, or if they denied, with guns and
spears to destroy them. The Turks, seeing themselves in such a strait,
that whether they went or tarried, it was to them like peril, yet
would they not set forward except the captain would take the venture
before them. Who warding forward in his array, thus spake unto his
fellows, saying, "Do you forsake your faith and allegiance, and betray
the emperor of Constantinople unto the Christians if you will, but I
will discharge my duty towards the commonwealth and my emperor;" and
with that word advanced his ensign, making toward the city walls. Whom
when other followed, and still more and more pressed after, so it came
to pass that whole routs of them were overthrown and slain of our men
upon the walls, before it was known what they meant. Other, terrified
by their example, gave back and left their array, and winding
themselves by by-ways and under covert of hills, returned again into
their tents; and so came it to pass, that the strength of the enemies
daily more and more decreasing, they had less hope every day more than
other of obtaining the city. For besides the innumerable slaughter of
Turks upon the walls, the townsmen also, watching the foragers and
purveyors of the Turks, as they ranged about for victual for the camp,
ever as occasion served them did compass them about, and so
encountered with them by that way, that of a whole legion scarcely the
tenth part returned again to their fellows alive, by means whereof the
courage of the enemies began greatly to faint. Whereby such a
marvellous alteration happened, that as our men began to receive more
hope and courage, so the Turks began still more to droop and to
languish with despair; so that at length scarce durst they appear
without the bounds where they were intrenched, but only in light
skirmishes, when they were provoked by our men to come out and to show
themselves.

  Solyman perceiving his soldiers thus daily to go to wreck, of
whom he had lost already more than eighty thousand, and that with long
tarrying he could do no good, being also in lack of forage, for that
the country about him was wasted, beginneth to consult with his
captains and counsellors what remained best to be done. Of whom the
most part advised him to raise his siege, and betime to provide for
himself. Which to do, many causes there were that moved him. First,
the loss of his men, which daily were cut from him by great numbers,
besides them which lay in his camp wounded, or sick, or famished.
Secondly, lack of purveyance. Thirdly, the approaching near of winter.
But the chiefest cause was, for that he heard Frederic Palatine above
mentioned, coming with a great army at Ratisbon towards Vienna, and
there had done great molestation to a great number of the Turk's
foragers, whom by the way he prevented, and so enclosed in the woods
that he slew them. Whereof when Solyman had intelligence, thinking it
not best to abide the coming of the Palatine, made haste with bag and
baggage to remove his camp and to retire; and first sending away his
carriage before him, he made speed himself with his army to follow
shortly after.

  The Viennians, when they heard of the removing away of the Turks,
although at the first they scarcely believed it to be true, being
afterward certified out of doubt, both of their removing, and also of
the order thereof, how it was in a manner of a flight or chase, were
greatly desirous to make out of the city after them. Wherein, albeit
the presence of the Palatine with his army, if he had been there
present,might have stood them in great stead, yet, notwithstanding,
they took the opportunity of the time present, and, issuing out of the
city, in most speedy wise set after them with their horsemen; and,
first overpassing the tents, (where the Turks had pitched their
stations or pavilions,) for haste of the way, they made such pursuit
after them, that within little time they overtook the rearward or
latter end of the army, whereof they made such havoc and destruction,
that (as the author reporteth) there was never a shot of the pursuers,
nor weapon drawn, nor stroke stricken, which was in vain. Which was no
hard thing for our men to do. For as the Turks in their flight went
scattered out of order and array, neither would they in the fore-rank
(being so far off from jeopardy) return back to help their fellows, it
was easy for our men, without resistance, to come upon their backs as
they would. Yet, notwithstanding, in long pursuit, when our men could
not see the carriage of the Turks, which was wont in armies to come
alway behind after the host, and suspecting (as truth was) some ambush
to be left in privy wait behind them, to come betwixt them and home;
they called themselves to retreat, and consulted upon the matter,
thinking good first to send out certain scouts, to espy and bring them
word where the enemies lay, and what was the number of them. Whereof,
when intelligence was given them that the remnant of the Turk's army
was remaining in the tents behind, word was sent to their fellows in
Vienna to issue out, and to join also with them against the tail of
the Turks, which had entrenched themselves within the camp. Other were
appointed to follow the chase, lest, peradventure, the Turks seeing
our men to recoil back, might return again upon them and help their
fellows. Which things being thus ordered and appointed, in the mean
time, while part of the Viennians were hovering after the main army,
the rest encountered with them that were left in the camp. Who, seeing
themselves overmatched, first defended their camp with a deep ditch
and bulwark, to delay the time until some help might come to them from
the army. Secondly, they directed messengers to the Christians, to
entreat for peace. Thirdly, they conveyed their privy letters unto
Solyman for speedy aid and rescue. But all the ways and passages being
stopped by the Christians, their letters were intercepted, and so the
miserable Turks, being destitute of all hope and succour, seeing no
other remedy, made out of their camp, to hazard and prove the
uttermost for their defence: but, in conclusion, in their desperate
venture they were enclosed about by our men on every side, and there
put to the sword and slain, a few only excepted, who, escaping out
very hardly by secret passages, shifted after the rest of their
fellows as well as they eould. Their carriage and other furniture left
behind them in their tents was distributed amongst the soldiers, only
such things reserved as might serve for their public use and commodity
of the city.

    Thus through the merciful protection and benefit of Almighty
God, Austria was delivered from the fierce and barbarous hostility of
the cruel Turks. Notwithstanding that neither Ferdinand the king, nor
the emperor his brother, were there present, but only the power of
God, through the valiantness of the worthy Germans, defended that
city; in defence whereof consisted the safety and deliverance (no
doubt) of all these west parts of Christendom. For the which, immortal
praise and thanks be unto our immortal God in Christ our Lord,
according as he hath of us most graciously and worthily deserved.
Wherein by the way take this for a note, gentle reader, how and after
what manner God's blessing goeth with the true reformers of his
religion; and so much the more is it to be noted, for that the Turks
in so many battles and sieges heretofore were never so repulsed and
foiled as at this present time, in encountering with the protestants
and defenders of sincere religion. This city of Vienna was besieged
and delivered the year of our Lord 1529. The assaults of the Turk
against the city are numbered to be twenty, and his repulses as many.
The number of his army which he first brought, was two hundred and
fifty thousand, whereof were reckoned to be slain eighty thousand and
above. During the time of his siege he led away, out of the country
about, many captives; virgins and matrons he quelled, and cast them
out naked, the children he stuck upon stakes.



132. FURTHER CAMPAIGNS OF SOLYMAN

  Solyman thus put from the hope of victory of Vienna, after he had
breathed himself awhile at home, the second year after, which was A.
D. 1531, repairing his host, returned again into Hungary, with no less
multitude than before; where first he got the town called Gunza, being
but slenderly kept with a small garrison. By reason whereof the
townsmen and soldiers, yielding themselves unto the Turks, were
constrained to agree upon unreasonable conditions.

    Melchoir Soiterus in his Second Book, writing De bello
Pannonico, touching the aforesaid town of Gunza, or Gunzium, differeth
herein something from Remus, declaring how this Gunza, being a small
town in Hungary, and having in it but only a hundred soldiers (or, as
Wolfgangus Drechslerus in his Chronicle reporteth, at the most but two
hundred soldiers) under the valiant captain Nicolaus Jureschitz,
defended themselves so manfully and wonderfully, through the notable
power of God, against the whole puissance of two hundred thousand
Turks, that they, being notwithstanding distressed with lack and
penury of purveyance, and suddenly of the Turks invaded, yet with pure
courage and promptness of heart sustained the uttermost force and
violence of thirteen assaults of that great multitude, for the space
of twenty-five days together.

  Although the narration of the author may seem to some incredible,
yet thus he writeth, that what time the great ordnance and battering
pieces of the Turks were planted upon two mountains much higher than
the town, whereby they within the town were oppressed both before and
behind, insomuch that eight ensigns of the Turks were already within
the town, yet by the reason of women and children, and other impotent
persons, who in the middle of the town were congregated in a house
together, such a noise and clamour went up to heaven, praying and
crying to God for help, that the Turks within the walls, supposing a
new army of fresh soldiers to be sent into the town, for sudden fear
voided the town, and leaped down from the walls again, (which before
they had got,) whom no man either pursued or resisted; for never a
soldier almost was left on the walls, which was not either slain or
else wounded with the Turk's ordnance. At what time through the Lord's
providence it so happened, that one Ibrahim Besse, near about the
Turk, seeing both the town to be small, and the great destruction of
the Turks in the siege thereof, and that the captain in no case would
yield, persuaded so the Turk, declaring how the town being so little
was not worth the loss of so many men, in the winning whereof there
was no glory, and if he were repulsed, great dishonour might follow;
whereby the Turk being persuaded did follow his counsel, which was
this; that Nicolaus, the Christian captain, being called unto him,
under pledges and safe-conduct, should receive the town as of his hand
and gift, with condition that he should do no violence to his soldiers
left behind and wounded, but should procure such means as he could for
the recuring of them; and so he raising his siege departed. Another
cause might be also, which moved him so suddenly to raise his siege,
for that he heard the Palatine not to be far off in pursuing after
him; and therefore taking his flight by the mountains of the
Noricians, he returned with much spoil of Christian men's goods unto
Constantinople.

  For so it was provided the same time in Germany, after the
council of Augsburg and Ratisbon, (at what time the controversy of
religion between the protestants and the papists was deferred and set
off to the next general council,) that Charles the Fifth and Ferdinand
his brother, having understanding of the Turk thus ranging in Hungary,
should collect of the Germans, Hungarians, and Spaniards, and others,
an able army of eighty thousand footmen and thirty thousand horsemen,
to repulse the invasions of the Turk. But Solyman having intelligence
of this preparation of the Christian power coming toward him, whether
for fear, or whether to espy further opportunity of time for his more
advantage and our detriment, refused at that time to tarry their
coming, and so, speeding his return unto Constantinople, retired with
much spoil and prey sent before him, as is above premised; which was
in the year of our Lord 1532.

  Not long after, being the year of our salvation 1534, Solyman
intending two wars at once, first sent Conradinus Barbarossa, the
admiral of his navies into Africa, to war against the king of Tunis;
whom then Barbarossa also dispossessed and deprived of his kingdom;
but Charles the emperor, the year next following, A. D. 1535, restored
the said king again into his kingdom, and delivered in the same voyage
twenty thousand captives out of servitude.

  The same time the Turk also sent another captain into Hungary, to
war against Vaivoda, while he himself taking his course to Persia,
planted his siege against the city Taurus, which he in short space
subdued and expugned. Albeit he long enjoyed not the same; for
Tahames, king of the Persians, suddenly coming upon the Turks
unprepared, slew of them twenty thousand, and took his concubines, to
the great foil and reproach of the Turk.

  Two years after this, which was the year of our Lord 1537,
Solyman, who could not be quiet at home, nor rest in peace, returning
again out of Asia into Europe with 270 ships, great and little,set
upon Corcyra, another island belonging to the Venetians, which he
besieged ten days, wasting and burning the towns and fields as he
went, beside the destruction of much people therein, whom partly he
slew, partly led away captives. From thence be sailed to Zacinthus and
Cythara, another island not far off from Corcyra, bordering near to
the coasts of Epirus and Grecia. Where he suddenly by night invading
the husbandmen in villages and fields, sleeping and mistrusting no
harm, drew them out of their houses and possessions, men and women,
besides children, to the number of nine hundred, whom he made his
bondslaves; burning moreover their houses, and carrying away all the
goods and cattle being without the said city of Zacinthus and Cythara.

  From thence these hell-hounds turned their course to the siege
and spoil of Egina, a rich and populous island, lying between Grecia
and Asia. Where first the Eginians did manfully in battle resist them,
and were like to have prevailed; but being wearied at length, and
oppressed with innumerable thousands of fresh Turks, which still were
sent in, to rescue the other which were overcome before, were
compelled to fly unto the city of Egina. Which city the cruel Turks,
or rather devils on earth, with much labour, and violence of their
great ordnance brought out of their ships, subdued and cast down to
the ground; the citizens and inhabitants whereof, the Turk, after he
had burned their houses and ransacked their goods, commanded to be
slain and killed every one. The women, both noble and unnoble, with
their infants, were given to the mariners to be abused, and from
thence being shipped unto Constantinople were led away to perpetual
misery and slavery, which was in the year of our Lord 1537.

  In the same journey Solyman also took the isle in the said sea of
Ægeum, called Paros; also the isle adjoining to the same named Naxus,
and made them to him tributaries. The duke whereof was he which wrote
the story both of these islands aforesaid, and also of the other
islands, called Cyclades.

  This done, Solyman directed his navy unto Apulia, where he set on
land ten thousand footmen, and two thousand horsemen, which spoiled
likewise and wasted those parts, while the emperor, the pope, and the
Venetians were together in war and dissension. Furthermore, the next
year following, A. D. 1538, great attempts began in Stiria, but by the
resistance of the inhabitants the force of the barbarous Turks was
repulsed, notwithstanding great spoils of men and cattle were carried
from thence, and the country miserably spoiled. In the which year also
the Turks turning into Hungary, gave battle unto the Christians in
Savia; where through fraudulent falsehood of the captain Cassianerus,
(Wolfgangus nameth him Calcianus,) being, as they say, corrupted with
money, our men were put to the worse, A. D. 1538.

  After that the Turks had invaded the island of Corcyra,
abovesaid, the Venetians with Solyman the Turk had joined truce for a
certain time, for the which they gave the Turk three hundred thousand
crowns, with the city Neapolis, and Malvasia, in the borders of
Macedonia. But within four or five years, the Turk, to get a new
stipend of the Venetians, brake his league, and invaded their
dominions; whereby they were enforced to enter new conditions again
with him.

  In the year of our Lord 1540, the restless Turk making his return
toward Hungary, by the way passing by Dalmatia, lay against the town
called Newcastle, being defended by the Spaniards. In the which town,
because they refused to yield themselves, all the inhabitants and
soldiers were put to the sword and slain every one. This Newcastle was
a strong fort of the Christians, which being now in the Turk's power,
he had great advantage over all those quarters of Dalmatia, Stiria,
Carinthia, and Hungary. From thence he proceeded further, keeping his
course into Hungary, where he planted his power against the city of
Buda.

  This Buda was a principal city in Hungary, about which great
contention had been (as ye have heard before) between Johannes Vaivoda
and Ferdinand. By reason whereof the Turk, occasioned by Vaivoda, came
into Hungary, and delivered the city to Vaivoda. This Vaivoda, living
not long after, left behind him a son, whom, being an infant, he
committed to the government of one Georgius Monachus, who, being left
tutor unto the infant, reduced all Transylvania, Buda, Pesta, with
other parts of Hungary, which belonged to Vaivoda before, to the
subjection of the child. Ferdinand hearing thereof, in a great haste
and anger levied an army to recover his lands in Hungary, and so laid
siege to Buda. Monachus, seeing his part weak, first sent his legate
to Ferdinand, desiring him to talk and confer with him upon matters,
as he pretended, pertaining to the behoof of them both. Whereupon both
the parties being agreed, the place and manner of their convention was
appointed, and also the day and time assigned. Thus the parties,
aecording to the agreement, conventing together with their armies,
withdrawing a little aside, as they were entered in communication,
suddenly among Ferdinand's men happened a dag to be heard, which, by
the heat of the day, (as is thought,) loosing of his own accord, gave
a crack: the sound whereof coming to the ears of Monachus, he,
supposing the same to have been discharged against him, in great anger
drew out his sword, bidding Ferdinand avaunt with his doubling
dissimulation, saying, that he would never any more trust the promises
of Christians, and immediately upon the same sent to Solyman the Turk
for aid against the Christians, promising that he would surrender to
him free possession of Hungary, if he would come and vanquish the army
of Ferdinand, lying about the siege of Buda. The Turk maketh no long
tarrying, but taketh the occasion, and with a mighty power flyeth into
Hungary, and eftsoons discharging the host of Ferdinand, and putting
them off from the siege of Buda, getteth the city into his own hands,
commanding the son of Vaivoda, with his mother, to follow after his
camp.

  In the history of Johannes Ramus it followeth, that when Solyman
the Turk had thus prevailed against the city of Buda aforesaid, and
against other parts more of Hungary, by the assent of the empire, one
Joachimus, duke of Brandenburg, prince elector, was assigned, with a
puissant army of chosen soldiers of all nations collected, to recover
the city of Buda from the Turk, and to deliver the other parts of
Christendom from the fear of the Turk, A. D. 1542. Which Joachimus, at
his first setting forth, appeared so courageous and valiant, as though
he would have conquered the whole world; but this great heat was so
slaked in short time by the Turk, that before any great jeopardy was
offered unto him, he was glad to be discharged of the voyage, and with
shame enough returned home again. And would God he had left behind him
in the fields no more but his own shame. For the enemies, having
intelligence before of his cowardly departure, thinking to work some
point of mastery or victory before his going, did set upon the right
wing of his army, (which chiefly consisted of Dutchmen of low
Germany,) out of the which they took away with them above five hundred
strong and valiant soldiers, not killing them, but carrying them away
alive. For whom it had been much better to have stood to their weapon,
and to have died manfully upon the Turks, than by yielding themselves
to be disgarnished of weapon and armour, and so to be left to the
cursed courtesy of the foul Turks: to whom what courtesy was showed,
by the sequel did appear. For after the Turks had led them out of
Hungary into their own dominions, after a most horrible and beastly
sort they disfigured and mangled them, and so sent them abroad through
all Grecia to be witnesses of the Turk's victory. Their kind of 
punishment was thus: first, they had their right arm thrust through
with an iron red hot, whereby they should be unable and unmeet to all
labour and warfare. Secondly, their heads were shaven to the very
skulls, after the manner of our friars and monks, when they are newly
shaven. Thirdly, they had all their privy members cut off from their
bodies, to the intent to make them unfruitful for propagation; which
wound was so grievous unto them, that the greatest part of them died
thereupon, the few that recovered the torment thereof led a life more
bitter and more miserable than death itself. And this kind of cruelty
was executed in order upon them all. In much like sort did cruel
Pharaoh exercise his tyranny against the people of God in Egypt; who,
to destroy the generation of them, caused all the male children to be
drowned in the river. Whereby it is the more to be hoped, that seeing
the tyranny of this Turkish Pharaoh is come to such an extremity, the
merciful goodness of God will the more shortly send some Moses or
other unto us for our speedy deliverance. This was by the cruel Turks
done, A. D. 1542, witnessed by Johannes Ramus, which not only writeth
the story, but by the testimony also of his own eyes recordeth the
same to he true, beholding with his eyes one of the same number in the
city of Vienna, who having wife and children in Brussels, either for
shame or sorrow had no mind to return home to his own house.

  But to return again to the city of Buda, from whence we have
digressed, here is not to be pretermitted what falsehood and what
cruelty the Turks used toward the Christians there after their
victory. For after that Solyman the Turk, upon yielding and submission
of the men of Buda, had given to them his promise of safety and life,
within short time the said Turk picking a quarrel with them for
selling oxen unto the Christians, and for bargaining with them, slew
all the magistrates of the said city of Buda; like as in all other
cities, wheresoever the Christians yielded unto him, he never, or very
rarely, kept his promise with them, neither did ever any Christians
speed better with the Turk, than they which most constantly did resist
him.

  And as his promise with the magistrates of Buda was false and
wretched, so his cruelty with the soldiers thereof was much more
notorious and abominable. For in the expugnation of Buda, amongst the
rest which were slain, two cohorts or bands of Christian soldiers came
alive to his hands. To whom, when he seemed at first to grant pardon
of life, he commanded to put on their armour again, and to dispose
themselves in order and battle array, after the warlike manner of the
Christians. Which when they had accomplished readily, according to his
commandment, and he, riding about the ranks of them, had diligently
viewed and beholden them a certain space, at length he commanded them
to put off their armour again. Which done, certain of the tallest and
strongest of them he picked out, the residue he commanded, by his
soldiers coming behind them with swords, to be cut in pieces and
slain. Of the other, whom he had elected and chosen, some he set for
marks and butts to be shot at; some he appointed to his two sons, for
them to slash with their swords, and try their strength, which of them
could give the deeper wound, and, as they termed it, the fairer blow,
whereby the most blood might follow out of their Christian bodies.

  After the winning of Buda, the Turk purposing not so to cease,
before he had subdued and brought under his obedience all Hungary,
proceeding farther with his army, first brought under a strong hold of
the Christians, named Pestum, or Pesta, where a great number of
Christian soldiers partly were slain, partly were led away to more
cruel affliction.

  Then he came to another castle called Walpo, situate in the
confines of Bosnia, Croatia, and Hungary. Which fort or castle he
besieged three months, while no rescue or aid was sent unto them,
neither from Ferdinand, king of Hungary, nor from any other Christian
prince or princes. Whereupon at length the fort was given up to the
Turk; but more through the false treachery or cowardly heart of the
soldiers than of the captain. Wherein is to be noted an example not
unworthy of memory. For when the cowardly soldiers, either for fear or
flattery, would needs surrender themselves and the place unto the
Turk, contrary to the mind of the captain, which in no case would
agree to their yielding; they, thinking to find favour with the Turk,
apprehended their captain, and gave him to Solyman. But see how the
justice of God, sometimes by the hands of the enemy, disposeth the end
of things to the rewarding of virtue and punishing of vice. For where
they thought to save themselves by the danger of the faithful captain,
the event turned clean contrary, so that the Turk was to the captain
bountiful and very liberal; and the soldiers, notwithstanding that
they had all yielded themselves, yet were all put to death, and
commanded piteously to be slain.
Illustration: Battle between Turks and Christians

  There is in Hungary another town, bearing the name of Five-
churches, called Quinque-ecclesiæ, which being partly spoiled before,
as is above mentioned, which now through the loss of Walpo, and by the
hugeness of the Turk's army, containing in it two hundred and twenty
thousand fighting men, so discouraged, and put out of hope and heart,
that the bishop and chief nobles of the town fled before the jeopardy;
the rest of the commons, which were partly prevented by the sudden
coming of the Turks, partly for poverty could not avoid, sent their
messengers to the Turk, to yield and surrender the town, upon promise
of life, unto his hands. Whose promise how firm it stood, the story
leaveth it uncertain. This is affirmed, that three days after the
yielding of this Quinque-ecclesiæ, never a Turk durst enter the city,
A. D. 1543.

  The next fort or hold gotten by the Turks in Hungary was
Soclosia. The town at the first invasion of the Turks was won, sacked,
and fired. The castle within the town did something hold out for a
time, and first requiring truce for fourteen days, to see what aid
should be sent unto them, to deliberate upon the conditions that
should be proposed unto them, after the fourteen days expired, they,
trusting to the situation and munition of the place, which was very
strong, began for a certain space stoutly to put back the enemy. But
afterward seeing their walls to be battered, their foundations to
shake, for the Turk had set twelve thousand under-miners under the
ditches of the castle, and their strength to diminish, and misdoubting
themselves not to be able long to hold out, agreed in like manner to
yield themselves, upon condition to escape with life and goods; which
condition of saving their goods was the losing of their lives,
especially of the richer sort. For the Turks perceiving by that
condition that they were of wealth and substance, omitting the
inferior or baser sort, fell upon the wealthy men for their riches,
and slew them every one, A. D. 1543.

  In the which history, this is also to be noted, that during the
time while the castle of Soclosia was besieged, the villages and
pagans [i. e. villagers] round about the same came of their own
accord, submitting and yielding themselves unto the Turk, bringing in,
as they were commanded, all kind of victual and forage into the Turk's
camp. Which done, Solyman the Turk commanded all the head men of the
pagans to appear before him; which humbly obeyed and came. Then the
Turk warned them to return again the next day after, every one
bringing with him his inferior retinue, and household servants. Which
when they had with like diligence also according to his commandment
accomplished, the Turk immediately commanded them every one, in the
face of his whole army, to be slain, and so was this their reward.
Which reward, the more that it declareth the bloody cruelty of the
Turk, the more courage it may minister to our men, the more constantly
to withstand him.

  Another strong town there is in Hungary, named Strigonium,
distant from Buda abovesaid the space of five Dutch miles, against the
which the Turks made great preparation of ordnance, and all other
instruments of artillery necessary for the siege thereof. Which city
in like manner began also to be compassed and enclosed by the Turks,
before it could be sufficiently prepared and garnished of our men, but
that the archbishop only of Strigon privily conveyed unto them two
hundred oxen. Such was then the negligence of Ferdinand, king of
Hungary, which so slenderly looked unto the necessary defence of his
towns and cities. Moreover, such was the discord then of Christian
kings and princes, which in their civil dissension and wars were so
occupied and hot in needless quarrels, that they had neither leisure
nor remembrance to help in time there where true need required. Which
slender care and cold zeal of the Christian rulers, not in tendering
the public cause, while they contended in private trifles, hath caused
the Turk to come so far as he hath, and yet farther is like, unless
the mercy of the Lord do help more than our diligence. One of the
chief captains within the city, was Martinus Lascanus, a Spaniard.

  The Turks in the beginning of the siege, began first to tempt the
citizens with fair words and accustomed promises, to yield and gently
to submit themselves. But they, not ignorant of the Turk's promises,
wisely refused, and manfully stood so long as they could to the
defence of the city; now and then skirmishing with them in out-
corners, and killing certain numbers of them; sometime with their shot
disturbing their munitions, and breaking the wheels of their guns, &c.

  Three special means the Turks use in winning great forts and
cities: great multitude of soldiers; great ordnance and mortar pieces;
the third is by undermining. All which here in the siege of this city
lacked not. This siege continued vehement a certain space; in which
the Strigonians had borne out four strong assaults, and slew many
thousands of the Turks, till at length the Turks either departing
away, or else seeming to depart unto Buda, the people at last being so
persuaded and made to believe of some chief rulers of the city,
(peradventure not the truest men,) the citizens being erected with
hope and comfort, and singing Te Deum, as though the city had been
free from all danger, suddenly (by whose counsel it is unknown)
conveyed themselves all out of the city; three hundred horsemen also
passed over the river and departed. The Italians which were under
Franciscus Salamanca, a Spanish captain, hardly could be persuaded by
him to abide, which were in all scarce six hundred.

  Within three days after, three hundred German soldiers, with two
ships laden with shot, powder, and artillery, were privily let into
the town; so that of our men in all there were scarce one thousand
three hundred soldiers. Who, seeing the small quantity of their
number, burning and casting down the town and suburbs, took them to
the castle; from whence they beat off the Turks valiantly with their
ordnance a good space, and with wild-fire destroyed great companies of
them, till at last they seeing their walls to fail them, and the whole
castle to shake by undermining, but especially by the working of a
certain Italian surnamed Presbyter, they gave over. This Italian,
whether for fear or, falsehood, secretly, unknown to the rest of the
soldiers, accompanied with two other, conveyed himself down from the
walls, and being brought into the tents of the next captain or Bassa
of the Turks, there in the name of all his fellows convented with the
Turks, to give up to them the castle; whereupon the Turks were bid to
cease the shooting. This Italian shortly after with two other Turks
was sent back to Salamanca his captain, with the Turk's message. The
going out of this Italian being privy to the residue of his fellows,
eontrary to the laws and discipline of war, although it seemed to come
of his own head; yet, forasmuch as the other soldiers were not so
sure, but rather suspected lest the other Italians his countrymen had
been in some part of consent therein, and would take his part; they
neither durst offer him any harm for that his doing, nor yet could
well advise with themselves what was best to do, for fear of privy 
confederacy within themselves.

  Thus while Lascanus, the chief captain of the Christians
aforesaid, with his fellow soldiers, were in a maze what to do, or not
to do; in the mean time came one running, who, giving a sign both to
the Christians and to the Turks to hold their hands and weapons, for
that it was against all law of war to fight after peace and truce
taken; our men, as they were commanded, went into the inward tower.
The Turks in the mean time had got into the castle, and occupied all
the utter parts. Then was Salamanca, by the consent of the rest, sent
out to the Turk, who there being stayed that night; the next morrow
the Turk's bull or warrant was sent into the castle, permitting free
liberty to the Christians to depart with bag and baggage. Who now
being ready to depart, first were commanded by the Turks, compassing
them round about, to cast from them their dags, lances, and battle-
axes into the trench. Then coming to the gate to go out, their swords
were taken from them, looking then for nothing but present death.

  At last when they were come a little further, other were sent to
them to discharge them of their helmets, their targets, cuirasses, and
whatsoever piece of harness was about them. Whereupon great fear came
upon them, lest some great cruelty should be showed upon them.
Solyman, after he had long deliberated with himself, whether to kill
them or not, at last, contrary to all expectation, granted their
lives; but before they should be dismissed, he first caused them, in
derision of Christianity, to be baited with scorns and mocks
throughout all the Turkish army, and so the next day commanded them,
being stripped out of their coats and apparel, to be reduced again
into the castle by companies, setting over them certain Turks with
cudgels and bats to lay upon their backs and sides, causing them to
bury the dead carcasses, and to gather up the rubbish broken down from
the castle walls, and to scour the ditches. Which done, the next day
following he demanded of them, by an interpreter, whether they would
enter wages with him, and take horse and armour to serve him in his
wars; which condition divers for fear were contented to take, seeing
no other remedy to avoid present death. Some neither by menacing
words, nor for fear of any death, could be compelled thereunto; of
whom certain, which stood stoutly in refusing thereof, were presently
slain, whom I may worthily recite in the number and catalogue of holy
martyrs.

  Of the aforesaid Christians, part were carried over the river
Danube, not without great villany, and contumely most despiteful. For
some had their wives taken from them, and carried away; some had their
wives ravished before their face; and such as made or showed any
resistance thereat, had their wives before them cast into the river
and drowned; also their infants and young children, being appointed by
the Turks to the abominable order of the Janizaries, mentioned before,
their parents not consenting thereunto, were precipitated and thrown
into the river and drowned. All which things are testified by John
Martinus Stella, in his Epistles, in print extant, written to his two
brethren, William and Michael, &c. Which Martin Stella moreover addeth
and affirmeth this, That he himself, being the same time at Vienna,
did see one of the aforesaid wives, who being holden fast by the hair
of the head, yet notwithstanding, having her hair plucked off, cast
herself into the river Danube for the singular love to her husband,
and so swam to the ship where he was. And thus this miserable company
of Germans, Spaniards, and Italians mixed together, macerated with
labours, with hunger pined, with watchings, dolours, and sorrow
consumed, came at length to Schinda.

  When the tidings thereof was noised at Vienna, partly with fear
and dread, partly with indignation, all men's hearts were moved and
vexed diversely. Some thought them not worthy to be received into
their city, showing themselves so dastardly and cowardly. Others
thought again that mercy was to be showed unto them, and commended
their fact, for that they being so few, and unfurnished of aid,
neither able to match by any means with such an innumerable multitude
of the Turks, kept themselves till better time might serve them. But
howsoever the matter was to be thought of, the captains brought the
poor remnant of that rueful company unto Possidonium, where the said
captains were laid fast, and there kept in durance, to render account
of the whole matter how it was wrought and handled. And thus have ye
the lamentable story of Strigonium.
Ornamental Cpaital he Turk proceeding in his victories conducted his
army next unto Tath, and to the parts lying near about Comaron. This
Tath was also a strong hold in Hungary, wherein were placed certain
garrisons, partly of the Germans, partly of the Italians. The
chieftain of the Italians was one Annibal Tasso, constituted by
Philippus Tornelius. This Tasso was a man well expert in prowess of
war; but of a filthy, corrupt life, and also a foul swearer, and
horrible blasphemer of God and his saints. To make the story short,
this fort of Tath, before any siege was laid unto it, was yielded and
given up to the Turks; upon what conditions, or by whose means, the
author showeth not. Thus much he showeth, that the said Annibal
shortly upon the same, returning into Italy, was commanded by
Tornelius, aforesaid, to be apprehended and beheaded.

  After the Turks had subverted and destroyed the fort of Tath,
they turned their power against Alba, surnamed Regalis, for that the
kings of Hungary, have been always wont there to be crowned and
buried. This Alba is a little well-compacted city in Hungary, having
on the one side a marsh somewhat boggy or fenny, which made the town
less assaultable. But near to the same was a wood, from the which the
Turks every day with six hundred carts brought such matter of wood,
and trees felled for the same purpose, in the marsh, that within less
than twelve days they made it apt and hard to their feet, which the
townsmen thought never could be gone upon but only in the hard frosts
of winter. At the first beginning of the siege there stood a little
without the munitions, in the front of the city, a certain church or
monastery, which the citizens pretending to maintain and keep against
the Turks, had privily conveyed light matter easily to take flame,
with powder, in secret places thereof, and had hid also fire withal.
Which done, they (as against their wills being driven back) withdrew
themselves within the munitions, waiting the occasions when this fire
would take. Thus the Turks having the possession of the church,
suddenly the fire coming to the powder, raised up the church, and made
a great scatter and slaughter among the barbarous Turks. This was not
so soon espied of them within the town, but they issued out upon them
in this disturbance, and slew of them a great number. Among whom
divers of their nobles also the same time were slain, and one Bassa, a
eunuch, which was of great estimation with the Turks. Moreover, in the
same skirmish was taken one of those gunners which the French king is
said to have sent to the Turk a little before. Which if it be true,
let the Christian reader judge what is to be thought of those
Christian princes, which not only forsaking the common cause of
Christ's church, joined league with the Turk, but also sent him
gunners to set forward his wars to the destruction of Christ's people,
and to the shedding of their blood, for whom they know the blood of
Christ to be shed. If this be not true, I show mine author; if it be,
then let the pope see and mark well how this title of Christianissimus
can well agree with such doings.

  But to let this matter sleep, although the Turks (as ye heard)
had won the fen with their policy and industry, against the city of
Alba, yet all this while the Albanians were nothing inferior to their
enemies, through the valiant help and courageous endeavour of
Octavianus Scruzatus, a captain of Milan: by whose prudent counsel and
constant standing, the busy enterprises of the Turks did little
prevail a long time, till at length suddenly arose a thick fog or mist
upon the city, whereas round about besides the sun did shine bright.
Some said it came by art magical, but rather it may appear to rise out
of the fen or marsh, being so pressed down with men's feet and other
matter laid upon it.

  The Turks, using the occasion of this misty darkness, in secret-
wise approaching the walls, had got up to a certain fortress where the
Germans were, before our men could well perceive them; where they
pressed in so thick, and in such number, that albeit the Christian
soldiers, standing strongly to the defence of their lives, did what
valiant men, in cases of such extremity, were able to do; yet being
overmatched by the multitude of the Turks, and the suddenness of their
coming, gave back, seeking to retire into the inward walls. Which when
their other fellows did seek to rescue, then was there flying of all
hands, every man striving to get into the city. There was between the
outward walls, or vaumures, and inward gate of the city, a strait or
narrow passage, cast up in the manner of a bank or causeway, ditched
on both sides; which passage or ingress happened the same time to be
barred and stopped. By reason whereof the poor soldiers were forced to
cast themselves into the ditch, thinking to swim as well as they could
into the city; where many of them sticking in the mud were drowned,
one pressing upon another; many were slain of their enemies coming
behind them, they having neither heart nor power to resist. A few
which could swim out, were received into the city, but the chief
captains and warders of the town were there slain.

  The citizens, being destitute of their principal captains and
warriors, were in great perplexity and doubt among themselves what to
do, some thinking good to yield, some counselling the contrary. Thus
while the minds of the citizens were distracted in divers and doubtful
sentences, the magistrates minding to stand to the Turk's gentleness,
sent out one of their heads unto the Turk, who in the name of them all
should surrender to him the city, and become unto him tributaries,
upon condition they might enjoy liberty of life and goods; which being
to them granted, after the Turkish faith and assurance, first the
soldiers which were left within the city, putting off their armour,
were discharged and sent away. Who being but only three hundred left
of four ensigns of Italians, and of one thousand Germans, by the way
were laid for by the Tartarians for hope of their spoil, so that they,
scattering asunder one one way, another another, to save themselves as
well as they could, fled every one what way he thought best. Of whom,
some wandering in woods and marshes fainted for famine, some were
taken and slain by the Hungarians, a few with bare and empty and
withered bodies, more like ghosts than men, escaped and came to
Vienna. And this befell upon the soldiers.

  Now understand what happened to the yielding citizens. So in the
story it followeth, that when the Turk had entered the town, and had
visited the sepulchre of the kings, for three or four days he
pretended much clemency toward the citizens, as though he came not to
oppress them, but to be revenged of Ferdinand their king, and to
deliver them from the servitude of the Germans. On the fourth day all
the chief and head men of the city were commanded to appear before the
Turk in a plain not far from the city, where the condemned persons
before were wont to be executed, as though they should come to swear
unto the Turk. At this commandment of the Turk, when the citizens in
great number and in their best attire were assembled; the Turk,
contrary to his faith and promise, commanded suddenly a general
slaughter to be made of them all. And this was the end of the citizens
of Alba.

  In the mean time, during the siege of Alba, the Hungarians,
meeting sometimes with the horsemen of the Tartarians, which were sent
out to stop their victuals from the city, slew of them at one
bickering three thousand Turks. In which story is also reported and
mentioned of mine author, a horrible sight and example of misery,
concerning a certain captain, (a Christian belike,) who coming unto
Vienna, was found to have in his scrip or satchel the half of a young
child of two years old, which remained yet uneaten, the other half
being eaten before, A. D. 1543.

  Next after this was expugned the castle of Pappa by the Turks.
Let the castle now of Papa take heed lest one day it follow after.

  The like fidelity the Turks also kept with the fort of
Wizigradum, and the soldiers thereof. This Wizigradum is situate in
the mid-way between Buda and Strigonium. Of the which fort or castle
the highest tower so mounteth upon the hill, that unless it be for
famine and lack of water, they have not to dread any enemy.
Notwithstanding, so it happened, that the lower place being won, they
in the higher tower abiding four days without drink, were compelled,
with liberty granted of life and goods, to yield themselves. But the
devilish Turks, keeping no faith nor promise, slew them every one;
only Petrus Amandus, the captain of the place, excepted; who privily
was conveyed by the captain of the Turks out of the slaughter, A. D.
1544.
To these, moreover, may be added the winning of Novum Castellum, in
Dalmatia, where he slew all that were within, both soldiers and other,
for that they did not yield themselves in time. Thus the Turk, whether
they yielded to him or not, never spared the people and flock of
Christ.

  As the false and cruel Turk was thus raging in Hungary, and
intended further to rage without all mercy and pity of the Christians,
and easily might then have prevailed and gone whither he would, for
that Charles the emperor, and Francis the French king, were the same
time in war and hostility, and also other Christian princes, as Henry,
duke of Brunswick, against John Frederic, duke of Saxony, also princes
and rulers were contending among themselves; behold the gracious
providence of our Lord and God toward us, who, seeing the misery, and
having pity of his poor Christians, suddenly, as with a snaffle,
reined this raging beast, and brought him out of Europe into his own
country again, by occasion of the Persians, who were then in great
preparation of war against the Turks, and had invaded his dominion. By
reason whereof the Turks were kept there occupied, fighting with the
Persians a long continuance. Which wars at length being achieved and
finished, (wherein the said Turk lost great victories, with slaughter
of many thousands of his Turks,) he was not only provoked by the
instigation of certain evil disposed Hungarians, but also occasioned
by the discord of Christian princes, to return again into Europe, in
hope to subdue all the parts thereof unto his dominion. Whereunto when
he had levied an army incredible of such a multitude of the Turks, as
the like hath not lightly been heard of, see again the merciful
providence and protection of our God toward his people. As the Turk
was thus intending to set forward with his innumerable multitude
against the Christians, the hand of the Lord sent such a pestilence
through all the Turk's army and dominions, reaching from Bithynia, and
from Thrace to Macedonia and also to Hungary, that all the Turk's
possessions seemed almost nothing else but as a heap of dead corpses,
whereby his voyage for that time was stopped, and he almost compelled
to seek a new army.

  Besides this plague of the Turks aforesaid, which was worse to
them than any war, other lets also and domestical calamities, through
God's providence, happened unto Solyman, the great rover and robber of
the world, which stayed him at home from vexing the Christians,
especially touching his eldest son Mustapha.

  This Mustapha being hated, and partly feared, of Rustanus the
chief counsellor about the Turk, and of Rosa the Turk's concubine, and
after his wife, was divers times complained of to his father, accused,
and at length so brought into suspicion and displeasure of the Turk's
by them aforesaid; that in conclusion, his father caused him to be
sent for to his pavilion, where six Turks with visors were appointed
to put him to death; who, coming upon him, put (after their manner) a
small cord or bowstring full of knots about his neck, and so throwing
him down upon the ground, not suffering him to speak one word to his
father, with the twitch thereof throttled and strangled him to death,
his father standing in a secret corner by, and beholding the same.
Which fact being perpetrated, afterward when the Turk would have given
to another son of his and of Rosa, called Gianger, the treasures,
horse, armour, ornaments, and the province of Mustapha his brother;
Gianger crying out for sorrow of his brother's death, "Fie of thee,"
saith he to his father, "thou impious and wretched dog, traitor,
murderer, I cannot call thee father, take the treasures, the horse and 
armour of Mustapha to thyself;" and with that taking out his dagger,
thrust it through his own body. And thus was Solyman murderer and
parricide of his own sons; which was the year of our Lord 1552.

  Wherein, notwithstanding, is to be noted the singular providence
and love of the Lord toward his afflicted Christians. For this
Mustapha, as he was courageous and greatly expert and exercised in all
practice of war, so had he a cruel heart, maliciously set to shed the
blood of Christians. Wherefore great cause have we to congratulate,
and to give thanks to God, for the happy taking away of this Mustapha.
And no less hope also and good eomfort we may conceive of our loving
Lord hereby ministered unto us, to think that our merciful God, after
these sore afflictions of his Christians under these twelve Turks
before recited, now after this Solyman intendeth some gracious good
work to Christendom, to reduce and release us out of this so long and
miserable Turkish captivity, as may be hoped now by taking away these
young imps of this impious generation, before they should come to work
their conceived malice against us; the Lord therefore be glorified and
praised. Amen.



133. RECENT DEFEATS OF THE TURKS

  Moreover, as I was in writing hereof, opportunely came to my
hands a certain writing out of Germany, certifying us of such news and
victory of late achieved against the Turk, as may not a little
increase our hope and comfort us, touching the decay and ruin of the
Turk's power and tyranny against us. Which news are these: That after
the Turkish tyrant had besieged, with an army of thirty thousand men,
the famous and strong town and castle of Jula in Hungary, lying forty
Dutch miles beyond the river Danube, which city had by the space of
six weeks sustained many grievous assaults; God, through his great
mercy and goodness, so comforted the said town of Jula and the poor
Christians therein, at their earnest prayers, that the Turk with all
his host was driven back by the hands of the general, called Karetshim
Laslaw, and his valiant company; who not only defended the said town,
but also constrained the Turks to retire to their great shame and
confusion, with a great slaughter of the Turkish rabble; for the which
the everlasting God be praised for ever.

  The manner of the overthrow was this. As the aforesaid general
did see his advantage, with Captain George and other horsemen of the
Silesians and Hungarians, they set on the rearward of the Turks, and
killed about eight thousand of them, and took also some of their
artillery, and followed them so fast, that the Turks were constrained
to fly into a marsh ground, and to break the wheels of the rest of
their artillery to save themselves, and therewith they got a very rich
booty, rescuing besides and taking from the Turks a great number of
Christian prisoners. Like thanks are also to be given to God for the
prosperous success given to Magotschy the valiant captain of Erla; who
making toward the Turks, and encountering with the Tartarians, slew of
them about eight hundred.

  Not long after this it happened, through the like providence of
our God, a Turkish captain called Begen, accompanied with a thousand
fresh horsemen, came newly out of Turkey, to go toward the city named
Finffenkyrchen, with whom the earl of Serin by the way did encounter,
and in the night setting upon him, killed the captain, and took eight
camels, and eight mules laden with treasure, and also got two red
standards, with a whole great piece of rich cloth of gold, and with
another fair and strange jewel. The horse of this aforesaid Turkish
captain was betrapped and decked most richly. The saddle whereof had
the pommel and back part covered over with plate of fine Arabic gold,
and the rest of the saddle, beside the sitting-place, was plated with
silver very fair gilded. The seat of the saddle was covered with
purple velvet; the trappers and bridle beset with little Turquoises
and rubies: which horse was sent to Vienna unto the Emperor Maximilian
for a present.

  Although the earl would very fain have saved the captain, not
knowing what he was, yet the Janizaries, labouring to carry away their
captain, so stiffly defended themselves, that the earl with his
company, was constrained to kill both them and their captain. From
whom the said earl of Serin the same time got fifteen thousand Turkish
and Hungarian ducats; which money was brought for the payment of the
Turkish soldiers in the town aforesaid of Finffenkyrchen, &c. All
which be good beginnings of greater goodness to be hoped for
hereafter, through the grace of Christ our Lord, especially if our
Christian rulers and potentates, first the churchmen and prelates for
their parts, then the civil powers and princes for their parts,
withholding their affections a little, will turn their brawls and
variance into brotherly concord and agreement, which the Lord of peace
put in their minds to do. Amen. Or otherwise, if it will so please the
Lord that the Turk come further upon us, so as he hath begun, for our
punishment and castigation, his grace then give to the flock of his
poor Christians constancy of faith, patience in suffering, and
amendment of life. For so I understand by public fame, although
uncertainly rumoured by the voice of some, that the Turk's power of
late, this present year of our Lord 1566, hath pierced the parts of
Apulia within Italy, wasting and burning the space of a hundred miles
toward Naples. Which if it be certain, it is to be feared, that the
Turk having thus set in his foot, and feeling the sweetness of Italy,
will not so cease before he get in both head and shoulders also so far
into Italy, that he will display his banners within the walls of Rome,
and do with old Rome the like as Mahomet his great grandfather did
with new Rome, the city of Constantinople, and as the Persians did
with Babylon.

  The causes why we have so to judge be divers; first, that the see
of Rome hath been defended hitherto and maintained with much blood;
and therefore it may seem not incredible, but that it will not long
continue, but be lost with blood again, according to the verdict of
the gospel; He that striketh with the sword, shall perish with the
sword, &c. Another cause is, the fulfilling of the eighteenth chapter
of the Apocalypse, where it is written, That great Babylon shall fall
and be made an habitation of devils, and a den of unclean spirits, and
a cage of filthy and unclean birds: the fall whereof shall be like a
millstone in the sea, that is, which shall not rise again. And this to
come before the day of judgment, the text of the said chapter doth
apertly declare; where the words do follow, showing that the kings of
the earth, and the merchants which had to do with the whorish city,
standing afar off for fear of the heat, and beholding the smoke of the
said city flaming and burning with fire, shall bewail and rue her
destruction and desolation, &c. What city this is, called great
Babylon, which like a millstone shall fall and burn, and be made an
habitation of unclean spirits and beasts, let the reader construe.
This is certain and plain, by these her kings and merchants standing
afar off for fear, and beholding her burning, that the destruction of
this city (what city soever it be) shall be seen here in earth before
the coming of the Lord's judgment, as may easily be gathered by these
three circumstances, that is, by the standing, the beholding, and
bewailing of her merchants. By the which merchants andkings of the
earth, peradventure may be signified the pope, the rich cardinals, the
great prelates and fat doctors, and other obedienciaries of the Romish
see, who at the coming of the Turks will not adventure their lives for
their church, but will flee the city (no doubt) and stand afar off
from danger; and when they shall see with their eyes, and hear with
their ears, the city of Rome to be set on fire and consumed by the
cruel Turks, the sight whereof shall seem to them piteous and
lamentable, to behold the great and fair city of Rome, the tall castle
of St. Angel, the pope's mighty see, (where they were wont to fish out
such riches, dignities, treasures, and pleasure,) so to burn before
their eyes, and to come to such utter desolation, which shall never be
re-edified again, but shall be made an habitation of devils and
unclean spirits, that is, of Turks, and heathen sultans, and barbarous
Saracens, &c. This (I say) peradventure may be the meaning of that
prophetical place of the Apocalypse; not that I have here any thing to
pronounee, but only give my guess what may probably be conjectured.
But the end at length will make this and all other things more plain
and manifest. For mystical prophecies lightly are never so well
understood, as when the event of them is past and accomplished.
Another cause, concurring with the causes aforesaid, may be collected
out of Paulus Jovius, who writing of the subversion of Rhodes, whieh
was, as ye heard, A. D. 1522, upon Christmas day, saith, That it
chanced suddenly the same day in Rome, that as Pope Hadrian the Sixth
was entering into the church to his service, suddenly over his head
the upper frontier or top of the chapel door, which was of marble,
immediately as the pope was entering, fell down, and slew eertain of
his guard waiting upon him. Whereby peradventure may be meant, that
the ruin of Rome was not long after to follow the loss of Rhodes.

  The fourth cause I borrow out of Johannes Aventinus, who in his
third book alleging the names, but not the words, of Hildegard,
Bridget, and other prophetical men, hath these words: "If the sayings
and prophecies of Hildegard, of Bridget, and of other prophetical
persons, be true, which being foretold long before, we have seen now
in these our days accomplished, the town of Cologne, will we, nill we,
must needs be the head city of the Turks," &c.

  And this I wrote not as one pronouncing against the city of Rome
what will happen, but as one fearing what may fall. Which if it come
to pass, (as I pray God it do not,) then shall the pope well
understand, whither his wrong understanding of the Scriptures, and his
false flattering glossers upon the same, have brought him.

  Wherefore my counsel is to the pope, and all his popish
maintainers and upholders, to humble themselves, and to agree with
their brethren betime, letting all contention fall; lest that while
the bishop of Rome shall strive to be the highest of all other
bishops, it so fall out shortly, that the bishop of Rome shall be
found the lowest of all other bishops, or peradventure no bishop at
all.

  Whereunto also another cause may be added, taken out of
Hieronymus Savanarola, who prophesieth, that one shall come over the
Alps like unto Cyrus, and destroy Italy. Whereof see more before.

  This Solyman, if he be yet alive, hath now reigned forty-six
years, who began the same year in the which the emperor Charles the
Fifth was crowned, which was A. D. 1520, and so hath continued by
God's permission, for a scourge to the Christians, unto this year now
present, 1556. This Solyman by one of his concubines had his eldest
son, called Mustapha. By another concubine, called Rosa, he had four
sons, Mahomet, Bajazet, Selim, and Gianger. Of the which sons,
Mustapha and Gianger were slain, as ye heard before, by the means of
their own father. And thus much concerning the wretched tyranny of the
Turks out of the authors hereunder written.

The authors of the Turks' stories.
Laconicus Chalcondyla.
Nicolaus Eboicus Episc. Saguntinus.
Johannes Ramus.
Andræas a Lucana.
Wolfgangus Drechslerus.
Johannes Crispus.
Johannes Faber.
Ludovicus Vives.
Bernardus de Breydenbach.
Mityleneus Archiepisc. Sabellicus.
Isidorus Rutherus.
Marinus Barletus.
Henricus Penia de bello Rhodio.
Melchior Soiterus.
Paulus Jovius.
Johan. Martinus Stella.
Gaspar Peucerus, &c. 
Nicolaus a Mogen Burgundus.
Sebast. Munsterus.
Baptista Egnatius.
Barthol. Peregrinus.



134. A NOTICE TOUCHING THE MISERABLE PERSECUTION, SLAUGHTER, AND
CAPTIVITY OF THE CHRISTIANS UNDER THE TURKS.

  Hitherto thou halt heard, Christian reader, the lamentable
persecutions of these latter days, wrought by the Turks against the
people and servants of Christ. In the reading whereof such as sit
quietly at home, and be far from jeopardy, may see what misery there
is abroad: the knowledge and reading whereof shall not be unprofitable
for all Christians earnestly to weigh and consider, for that many
there be which, falsely deceiving themselves, imagine that
Christianity is a quiet and restful state of life, full of pleasure
and solace in this present world; when indeed it is nothing less,
testified by the mouth of our Saviour himself, who rightly defining
his kingdom, teacheth us that his kingdom is not of this world,
premonishing us also before, that in this world we must look for
affliction, but in him we shall have peace. Examples hereof in all
parts of this history through all ages are plenteous and evident to be
seen, whether we turn our eyes to the first ten persecutions in the
primitive church, during the first three hundred years after Christ;
or whether we consider the latter three hundred years in this last age
of the church, wherein the poor flock of Christ hath been so
afflicted, oppressed, and devoured, that it is hard to say whether
have been more cruel against the Christians, the infidel emperors of
Rome in the primitive age of the church, or else these barbarous Turks
in these our latter times of the church now present.

  Thus from time to time the church of Christ almost hath had
little or no rest in this earth, what for the heathen emperors on the
one side, what for the proud pope on the other side, on the third side
what for the barbarous Turk; for these are and have been from the
beginning the three principal and capital enemies of the church of
Christ, signified in the Apocalypse by the beast, the false lamb, and
the false prophet, from whom went out three foul spirits like frogs,
to gather together all the kings of the earth to the battle of the day
of the Lord God Almighty, Apoc. xvi. The cruelty and malice of these
enemies against Christ's people hath been such, that to judge which of
them did most exceed in cruelty of persecution it is hard to say; but
that it may be thought that the bloody and beastly tyranny of the
Turks especially above the rest, incomparably surmounteth all the
afflictions and cruel slaughters that ever were seen in any age, or
read of in any story. Insomuch that there is neither history so
perfect, nor writer so diligent, who writing of the miserable tyranny
of the Turks, is able to express or comprehend the horrible examples
of their unspeakable cruelty and slaughter, exercised by these twelve
Turkish tyrants upon poor Christian men's bodies, within the compass
of these latter three hundred years. Whereof although no sufficient
relation can be made, nor number expressed; yet to give to the reader
some general guess or view thereof, let us first perpend and consider
what dominions and empires, how many countries, kingdoms, provinces,
cities, towns, strong holds, and forts, these Turks have surprised and
won from the Christians. In all which victories, being so many, this
is secondly to be noted, that there is almost no place which the Turks
ever came to and subdued, where they did not either slay all the
inhabitants thereof, or led away the most part thereof into such
captivity and slavery, that they continued not long after alive, or
else so lived, that death almost had been to them more tolerable.

  Like as in the time of the first persecutions of the Roman
emperors, the saying was, that no man could step with his feet in all
Rome, but should tread upon a martyr; so here may be said, that almost
there is not a town, city, or village in all Asia, Grecia, also in a
great part of Europe and Africa, whose streets have not flowed with
the blood of the Christians, whom the cruel Turks have murdered. Of
whom are to be seen in histories, heaps of soldiers slain, of men and
women cut in pieces, of children stuck upon poles and stakes, whom
these detestable Turks most spitefully (and that in the sight of their
parents) used to gore to death; some they drag at their horses' tails,
and famish to death; some they tear in pieces, tying their arms and
legs to four horses; other some they make marks to shoot at; upon some
they try their swords, how deep they can cut and slash, as before ye
have read. The aged and feeble they tread under their horses; women
with child they spare not, but rip their bodies, and cast the infants
into the fire, or otherwise destroy them. Whether the Christians yield
to them, or yield not, is no matter. As in their promises there is no
truth, so in their victories there is no sense of manhood or mercy in
them, but they make havoc of all.

  So the citizens of Croja, after they had yielded and were all
promised their lives, were all destroyed, and that horribly. In Mysia,
after the king had given himself to the Turk's hand, having promise of
life, Mahomet the Turk slew him with his own hands. The princes of
Rasia had both their eyes put out with basins red hot set before them.
Theodosia, otherwise called Capha, was also surrendered to the Turk,
having the like assurance of life and safety; and yet, contrary to the
league, the citizens were put to the sword and slain. At the winning
and yielding of Lesbos, what a number of young men and children were
put upon sharp stakes and poles, and so thrust through! At the winning
of the city of Buda, what tyranny was showed and exercised against the
poor Christians, which had yielded themselves, and against the two
dukes, Christopher Bisserer and Johannes Tranbinger, contrary to the
promise and hand-writing of the Turk, is to be seen in the story of
Melchior Soiterus, De Bello Pannonico.

  The like also is to be read in the story of Bernardus de
Breydenbach, who, writing of the taking of Hydruntum, a city in
Apulia, testifieth of the miserable slaughter of the young men there
slain, of old men trodden under the horses' feet, of matrons and
virgins ravished, of women with child cut and rent in pieces, of the
priests in the churches slain, and of the archbishop of that city,
who, being an aged man and holding the cross in his hands, was cut
asunder with a wooden saw, &c. The same Bernardus also, writing of the
overthrow of Negropont, otherwise called Chalcides, A. D. 1471,
describeth the like terrible slaughter which there was exercised;
where the Turk, after his promise given to the contrary, most cruelly
caused all the youth of Italy to be pricked upon sharp stakes; some to
be dashed against the hard stones, other some to be cut in sunder in
the midst, and other more with other kinds of torments to be put to
death; insomuch that all the streets and ways of Chalcides did flow
with the blood of them which were there slain. In which history the
aforesaid writer recordeth one memorable example of maidenly chastity,
worthy of all Christians to be noted and commended. The story is told
of the prætor's daughter of that city, who being the only daughter of
her father, and noted to be of an exceeding singular beauty, was saved
out of the slaughter, and brought to Mahomet the Turk, to be his
concubine. But she denying to consent to his Turkish appetite and
filthiness, was commanded therewith to be slain and murdered, and so
died she a martyr, keeping both her faith and her body undefiled unto
Christ her spouse.

  The like cruelty also was showed upon them which kept the castle,
and afterward yielding themselves upon hope of the Turk's promise,
were slain every one. What should I speak of the miserable slaughter
of Methone, and the citizens thereof dwelling in Peloponnesus; who,
seeing no other remedy but needs to come into the Turk's hands, set
the barn on fire where they were gathered together, men, women, and
children? some women also with child voluntarily cast themselves into
the sea, rather than they would sustain the Turk's captivity.

  Miserable it is to behold, long to recite, incredible to believe,
all the cruel parts and horrible slaughters wrought by these
miscreants against the Christians through all places almost of the
world, both in Asia, in Africa, but especially in Europe. Who is able
to recite the innumerable societies and companies of the Grecians
martyred by the Turk's sword in Achaia, Attica, Thessalia, Macedonia,
Epirus, and all Peloponnesus; besides the island of Rhodes and other
islands and Cyclades adjacent to the sea about, numbered to two and
fifty; of the which also Patmos was one, where St. John being banished
wrote his Revelation? Where did ever the Turks set any foot, but the
blood of Christians there, without pity or measure, went to wreck? and
what place or province is there almost through the world, where the
Turks either have not pierced, or are not likely shortly to enter? In
Thrace, and through all the coasts of the Danube, in Bulgaria,
Dalmatia, in Servia, Transylvania, Bosnia, in Hungaria, also in
Austria, what havoc hath been made by them of Christian men's bodies,
it will rue any Christian heart to remember. At the siege of Moldavia,
at the winning of Buda, of Pesta, of Alba, of Walpo, Strigonium,
Soclosia, Tath, Wizigradum, Novum Castellum in Dalmatia, Belgrade,
Varadinum, Quinque Ecclesia; also at the battle of Verna, where
Ladislaus, king of Poland, with all his army almost, through the
rashness of the pope's cardinal, were slain; at the winning moreover
of Xabiacchus, Lyssus, Dynastrum; at the siege of Gunza, and of the
faithful town Scorad, where the number of the shot against their
walls, at the siege thereof, were reckoned to two thousand five
hundred and thirty-nine. Likewise at the siege of Vienna, where all
the Christian captives were brought before the whole army and slain,
and divers drawn in pieces with horses; but especially at the winning
of Constantinople, above-mentioned, also at Croja and Methone, what
beastly cruelty was showed, it is unspeakable. For as in
Constantinople Mahomet the drunken Turk never rose from dinner, but he
caused every day, for his disport, three hundred Christian captives of
the nobles of that city to be slain before his face; so in Methone,
after that his captain Osmares had sent unto him at Constantinople
five hundred prisoners of the Christians, the cruel tyrant commanded
them all to be cut and divided in sunder by the middle, and so being
slain, to be thrown out into the fields.

  Leonicus Chalcondyla, writing of the same story, addeth moreover
a prodigious narration (if it be true) of a brute ox, which being in
the fields, and seeing the carcasses of the dead bodies so cut in two,
made there a loud noise after the lowing of his kind and nature; and
afterwards, coming to the quarters of one of the dead bodies lying in
the field, first took up the one half, and then coming again took up
likewise the other half, and so (as he could) joined them both
together. Which being espied of them which saw the doing of the brute
ox, and marvelling thereat, and word being brought thereof to Mahomet,
he commanded the quarters again to be brought where they were before,
to prove whether the beast will come again; who failed not, (as the
author recordeth,) but in like sort as before, taking the fragments of
the dead corpse, laid them again together. It followeth more in the
author, how that Mahomet, being astonied at the strange wonder of the
ox, commanded the quarters of the Christian man's body to be interred,
and the ox to be brought to his house, and much made of. Some said it
to be the body of a Venetian; some affirmed, that he was an Illyrian;
but whatsoever he was, certain it is, that the Turk himself was much 
more bestial than was the brute ox; which being a beast, showed more
sense of humanity to a dead man, than one man did to another.

  To this cruelty add moreover, that beside these five hundred
Methonians thus destroyed at Constantinople, in the said city of
Methone all the townsmen also were slain by the aforesaid captain
Omares, and among them their bishop likewise was put to death.
John Faber, in his oration made before King Henry the Eighth, at the
appointment of King Ferdinand, and declaring therein the miserable
cruelty of the Turks toward all Christians, as also toward the bishops
and ministers of the church, testifieth, how that in Mitylene, in
Constantinople, and Trapezunda, what bishops and archbishops or other
ecclesiastical and religious persons the Turks could find, they
brought them out of the city into the fields, there to be slain like
oxen and calves. The same Faber also writing of the battle of Solyman
in Hungary, where Ludovicus the king of Hungary was overthrown,
declareth, that eight bishops in the same field were slain. And
moreover, when the archbishop of Strigon, and Paulus the archbishop of
Colossensis, were found dead, Solyman caused them to be taken up, and
to be beheaded and chopped in small pieces, A. D. 1526.

  What Christian heart will not pity the incredible slaughter done
by the Turks in Eubœa, where the said Faber testifieth that
innumerable people were sticked and gored upon stakes, divers were
thrust through with a hot iron, children and infants not yet weaned
from the mother were dashed against the stones, and many cut asunder
in the midst?

  But never did country taste and feel more the bitter and deadly
tyranny of the Turks, then did Rasia, called Mysia inferior, and now
Servia. Where (as writeth Wolfgangus Drechslerus) the prince of the
same country being sent for, under fair pretence of words and
promises, to come and speak with the Turk, after he was come of his
own gentleness, thinking no harm, was apprehended, and wretchedly and
falsely put to death, and his skin flayed off, his brother and sister
brought to Constantinople for a triumph, and all the nobles of his
country (as Faber addeth) had their eyes put out, &c.

  Briefly to conclude, by the vehement and furious rage of these
cursed caitiffs it may seem that Satan the old dragon, for the great
hatred he beareth to Christ, hath stirred them up to be the butchers
of all Christian people, inflaming their beastly hearts with such
malice and cruelty against the name and religion of Christ, that they,
degenerating from the nature of men to devils, neither by reason will
be ruled, nor by any blood or slaughter satisfied. Like as in the
primitive age of the church, and in time of Dioclesian and Maximilian;
when the devil saw that he could not prevail against the person of
Christ which was risen again, he turned all his fury upon his silly
servants, thinking by the Roman emperors utterly to extinguish the
name and profession of Christ out from the earth; so in this latter
age of the world Satan, being let loose again, rageth by the Turks,
thinking to make no end of murdering and killing, till he have
brought, as he intendeth, the whole church of Christ, with all the
professors thereof, under foot. But the Lord, I trust, will send a
Constantine to vanquish proud Marentius; Moses, to drown indurate
Pharaoh; Cyrus, to subdue the stout Babylonian.

  And thus much hitherto touching our Christian brethren which were
slain and destroyed by these blasphemous Turks. Now forasmuch as,
besides these aforesaid, many other were plucked away violently from
their country, from their wives and children. from liberty, and from
all their possessions, into wretched captivity and extreme penury, it
remaineth likewise to treat somewhat also concerning the cruel manner
of the Turks handling of the said Christian cap,ives. And first here
is to be noted, that the Turk never cometh into Europe to war against
the Christians, but there followeth after his army a great number of
brokers or merchants, such as buy men and children to sell again,
bringing with them long chains in hope of great escheats. In the which
chains they link them by fifty and sixty together, such as remain
undestroyed with the sword, whom they buy of the spoils of them that
rob and spoil the Christian countries; which is lawful for any of the
Turk's army to do, so that the tenth of their spoil or prey,
whatsoever it be, be reserved to the head Turk, that is, to the great
master thief.

  Of such as remain for tithe, if they be aged, of whom very few be
reserved alive, because little profit cometh of that age, they be sold
to the use of husbandry or keeping of beasts. If they be young men or
women, they be sent to certain places, there to be instructed in their
language and arts, as shall be most profitable for their advantage,
and such are called in their tongue Sarai: and the first care of the
Turks is this, to make them deny the Christian religion, and to be
circumcised: and after that they are appointed, every one as he
seemeth most apt, either to the learning of their laws, or else to
learn the feats of war. Their first rudiment of war is to handle the
bow, first beginning with a weak bow, and so as they grow in strength
coming to a stronger bow, and if they miss the mark, they are sharply
beaten; and their allowance is twopence or threepence a day, till they
come and take wages to serve in war. Some are brought up for the
purpose to be placed in the number of the wicked Janizaries, that is,
the order of the Turk's champions, which is the most abominable
condition of all other. Of these Janizaries, see before. And if any of
the aforesaid young men or children shall appear to excel in any
beauty, him they so cut, that no part of that which nature giveth to
man remaineth to be seen in all his body, whereby, while the freshness
of age continueth, he is compelled to serve their abominable
abomination; and when age cometh, then they serve instead of eunuchs
to wait upon matrons, or to keep horses and mules, or else to be
scullions and drudges in their kitchens.

  Such as be young maidens and beautiful, are deputed for
concubines. They which be of mean beauty serve for matrons to their
drudgery work in their houses and chambers, or else are put to
spinning and such other labours; but so, that it is not lawful for
them either to profess their Christian religion, or ever to hope for
any liberty. And thus much of them which fall to the Turk by tithe.

  The other which are bought and sold amongst private subjects,
first are allured with fair words and promises to take circumcision.
Which if they will do, they are more favourably treated; but all hope
is taken from them of returning again into their country, which if
they attempt, the pain thereof is burning. And if such coming at
length to liberty will marry, they may; but then their children remain
bond to the lord, for him to sell at his pleasure; and therefore such
as are wise amongst them will not marry. They which refuse to be
circumcised are miserably handled; for example whereof, the author,
which giveth testimony hereof, doth infer his own experience. Such
captives as be expert in any manual art or occupation can better shift
for themselves; but contrariwise, they which have no handicraft to
live upon are in worse case. And therefore such as have been brought
up in learning, or be priests or noblemen, and such other whose tender
education can abide no hardness, are the least reputed, and most of
all other neglected of him that hath the sale or keeping of them, for
that he seeth less profit to rise of them than of the other; and
therefore no cost of raiment is bestowed upon them, but they are
carried about barehead and barefoot, both summer and winter, in frost
and snow. And if any faint and be sick in the way, there is no resting
for him in any inn, but first he is driven forward with whips, and if
that will not serve, he is set, peradventure, upon some horse; or if
his weakness be such that he cannot sit, then is he laid athwart the
horse upon his belly like a calf; and if he chance to die, they take
off his garment such as he hath, and throw him in a ditch.

  In the way, moreover, beside the common chain which doth enclose
them all, the hands also of every one are manacled, which is because
they should not harm their leaders, for many times it happened that
ten persons had the leading of fifty captives; and when night came
their feet also were fettered, so that they lodged in no house, but
lay upon the ground all night.

  The young women had a little more gentleness showed, being
carried in panniers in the day time. But when night came, pity it was
to hear the miserable crying out of such as were enclosed within, by
reason of the filthy injuries which they suffered by their carriers;
insomuch that the young tender age of seven or eight years, as well of
the one sex as of the other, could not save them from the most filthy
villany of the bestial Turks.

  When the morning cometh, they are brought forth to the market to
sale, where the buyer, if he be disposed, plucking off their garments
vieweth all the bones and joints of their body; and if he like them he
giveth his price, and carrieth them away into miserable servitude,
either to tilling of their ground, or to pasture their cattle, or some
other strange kind of misery incredible to speak of; insomuch that the
author reporteth, that he hath seen himself certain of such Christian
captives yoked together like horses and oxen, and to draw the plough.
The maid servants likewise are kept in perpetual toil and work in
close places, where neither they come in sight of any man, neither be
they permitted to have any talk with their fellow servants, &c. Such
as are committed to keep beasts, lie abroad day and night in the wild
fields, without house and harbour, and so, changing their pasture, go
from mountain to mountain; of whom also, beside the office of keeping
the beasts, other handy labour is exacted at spare hours, such as
pleaseth their masters to put unto them.

  Out of this misery there is no way for them to fly, especially
for them that are carried into Asia beyond the seas; or if any do
attempt so to do, he taketh his time chiefly about harvest, when he
may hide himself all the day time in the corn, or in woods or marshes,
and find food; and in the night only he flieth, and had rather be
devoured of wolves and other wild beasts, than to return again to his
master. In their flying they use to take with them a hatchet and
cords, that when they come to the sea-side they may cut down trees,
and bind together the ends of them, and so where the sea of Hellespont
is narrowest, about Sestos and Abydos, they take the sea, sitting upon
trees, where, if the wind and tide do serve luckily, they may cut over
in four or five hours. But the most part either perish in the floods,
or are driven back again upon the coasts of Asia, or else be devoured
of wild beasts in woods, or perish with hunger and famine. If any
escape over the sea alive into Europe, by the way they enter into no
town, but wander upon the mountains, following only the north star for
their guide.

  As touching such towns and provinces which are won by the Turk,
and wherein the Christians are suffered to live under tribute; First,
all the nobility there they kill and make away, the churchmen and
clergy hardly they spare. The churches, with the bells and all the
furniture thereof, either they cast down, or else they convert to the
use of their own blasphemous religion, leaving to the Christians
certain old and blind chapels, which when they decay, it is permitted
to our men to repair them again for a great sum of money given to the
Turk. Neither be they permitted to use any open preaching or
ministration, but only in silence and by stealth to frequent together.
Neither is it lawful for any Christian to bear office within the city
or province, nor to bear weapon; nor to wear any garment like to the
Turks. And if any contumely or blasphemy, be it never so great, be
spoken against them, or against Christ, yet must thou bear it, and
hold thy peace. Or if thou speak one word against their religion, thou
shalt be compelled (whether thou wilt or no) to be circumeised; and
then if thou speak one word against Mahomet, thy punishment is fire
and burning. And if it chance a Christian being on horseback to meet
or pass by a Mussulman, that is, a Turkish priest, he must light from
his horse, and with a lowly look devoutly reverence and adore the
Mussulman; or if he do not, he is beaten down from his horse with
clubs and staves.

  Furthermore, for their tribute they pay the fourth part of their
substance and gain to the Turk; beside the ordinary tribute of the
Christians, which is to pay for every poll within his family a ducat
unto the Turk; which if the parents cannot do, they are compelled to
sell their children into bondage. Other being not able to pay, go
chained in fetters from door to door begging, to make up their
payment, or else must lie in perpetual prison.

  And yet, notwithstanding, when the Christians have discharged all
duties, it remaineth free for the Turks to take up among the
Christians' children whom they best like, and them to circumcise, and
to take them away, being young, from the sight of their parents to far
places, to be brought up for the Turk's wars, so that they may not
return to them again; but first are taught to forget Christ, and then
their parents; so that if they come again amongst them, yet are they
not able to know their kinsfolks and parents.

  This misery, passing all other miseries, no man is able with
tongue to utter, or with words to express. What weeping and tears,
with sorrow and lamentation, what groaning, sighs, and deep dolour,
doth tear and rend asunder the woeful hearts of the silly parents at
the plucking away of their babes and children! To see their sons and
their own children, whom they have borne and bred up to the service of
Christ Jesus the Son of God, now to be drawn away violently from them
to the warfare of Satan, and to fight against Christ! to see their
babes, born of Christian blood, of Christians to be made Turks, and so
to be plucked out of their arms, and out of their sight, without hope
ever to return to them again! to live perpetually with aliens,
barbarous and blasphemous Turks, and so become of the number of them
which are called fatherless and motherless!

  Albeit the same children afterward do greatly degenerate from the
faith of Christ, yet very many of them have privily about them the
Gospel written of St. John, In principio erat Verbum, &c.; which for a
token or remembrance of their Christian faith they carry under their
arm-hole, written in Greek and Arabic; who greatly desire, and long
look for the revenging sword of the Christians to come, and deliver
them out of their dolorous thraldom and captivity, according as the
Turks themselves have a prophecy, and greatly stand in fear of the
same. Whereof more shall be said (Christ willing) in the chapter
following.

  And thus have ye heard the lamentable afflictions of our
Christian brethren under the cruel tyranny and captivity of the Turks,
passing all other captivities that ever have been to God's people,
either under Pharaoh in Egypt, or under Nebuchadnezzar in Babylon, or
under Antiochus in the time of the Maccabees. Under the which
captivity, if it so please the Lord to have his spouse, the church, to
be nurtured, his good will be done and obeyed. But if this misery come
by the negligence and discord of our Christian guides and leaders,
then have we to pray and cry to our Lord God, either to give better
hearts to our guides and rulers, or else better guides and rulers to
his flock.

  And these troubles and afflictions of our Christian brethren
suffered by the Turks, I thought good and profitable for our country
people here of England to know, forasmuch as by the ignorance of these
and such-like histories worthy of consideration, I see much
inconvenience doth follow. Whereby it cometh to pass, that because we
Englishmen being far off from these countries, and little knowing what
misery is abroad, are the less moved with zeal and compassion to
tender their grievances, and to pray for them whose troubles we know
not. Whereupon also it followeth, that we, not considering the
miserable state of other, are the less grateful to God, when any
tranquillity by him to us is granted. And if any little cloud of
perturbation arise upon us, be it never so little, as poverty, loss of
living, or a little banishment out of our country for the Lord's
cause, we make a great matter thereof, and all because we go no
further than our own country, and only feeling our own cross, do not
compare that which we feel with the great crosses whereunto the
churches of Christ commonly, in other places abroad, are subject.
Which if we did rightly understand, and earnestly consider, and ponder
in our minds, neither would we so excessively forget ourselves in time
of our prosperity given us of God, nor yet so impatiently be troubled
as we are in time of our adversity, and all because either we hear
not, or else we ponder not, the terrible crosses which the Lord layeth
upon our other brethren abroad in other nations, as by this present
story here prefixed may appear.

  The world being divided commonly into three parts, Asia, Africa,
and Europe, Asia is counted to be the greatest in compass, containing
as much as both the other, and is divided into two portions, the one
called Asia Major, the other called Asia Minor. And although the
empire of the Turk extendeth unto them both; yet especially his
dominion standeth in the other Asia, which is called Asia Minor, which
reacheth from the coasts of Europe unto Armenia Major, beyond the
river Euphrates.

  Æneas Sylvius, otherwise Pope Pius the Second, in describing Asia
Minor, chap. lxxiv., reciteth a certain fact of a worthy virgin, who,
at what time the Turks were besieging a certain town in Lesbos, and
had cast down a great part of the walls, so that all the townsmen had
given over, putting on man's harness, stepped forth into the breach,
where not only she kept the Turks from entering in, but also slew of
them a great sort. The citizens seeing the rare courage and good
success of the maiden, took to them again their hearts and harness,
and so lustily laid about them, that an incredible number of the Turks
were slain. The rest being repulsed from the land recoiled into their
ships; who being then pursued by a navy of Calisa were worthily
discomfited likewise upon the sea. And thus was the isle of Lesbos at
that time, by a poor virgin, that is, by the strong hand of the Lord
working in a weak creature, preserved from the Turks.

  Beside these regions and countries of Asia Minor, above
described, Sebastian Munster, in the fifth book of his Cosmography,
declareth moreover, that the Turks and sultans have under their
subjection, both Arabia, Persia, and also India exterior, wherein is
Calcutta. The which Persia, although it be under the Sophi, which is
an enemy to the Turk, yet it is to be thought that he is a sultan, one
of Turkish and Mahometan religion. This Persia and India were once
seasoned with Christ's gospel, as may appear by the primitive church.
And thus have you the parts of Asia described, which in times past
being almost all Christened, do now serve under the Turk.

  After the description of Asia, let us next consider the parts and
countries of Africa. Where, although the greatest part either
consisteth in deserts desolate, or is possessed with Prester John,
which professeth Christ and his gospel; yet the Turk hath there also
no little portion under his dominion.

  As I was writing hereof, a certain sound of lamentable news was
brought unto us, how the Turk, whom we had hoped before to have been
repulsed by the Emperor Maximilian out of Christendom, hath now of
late, this present year, 1566, got the town of Gyula about
Transylvania, after they had sustained sixteen of his most forcible
assaults, destroying in the same most cruelly many thousand of our
Christian brethren, men, women, and children; but because we have no
full eertainty, we will refer the story thereof to further
information.

A table describing the times and years of the Saracens, Turks, and
Tartarians, for the better explaining of the story above prefixed.

YEAR
S
A. D. 632. Began the kingdom of the Saracens or Arabians, after
the death of Mahomet the first ring-leader of the mischief,
which Saracens, reigning in Babylon over Persia and Asia,
continued about
198
A. D. 667. Jerusalem was taken of the Saracens. These Saracens,
after they had subdued Ormisda, king of Persia, set up to
themselves a new kingdom, calling their chief prince, caliph,
which signifieth a general lord; and under him,seriphes, that
is, an under prince; and again under him their soldan, which
is, a ruler or captain; under the which soldans all the
provinces were divided. And thus ruled they the space abovesaid
of
198
A. D. 703. The Egyptians, being weary of their subjection under
the Romans, called for help of the Saracen caliph; and so
casting off the Romans, submitted themselves to the law of the 
Saracens, and had also their caliph and their Babylon, called
Cairo, where their caliph continued unto Saraco, or Syracinus,
447
A. D. 810. Mauginetus, or Muchumetus, the chief sultan of
Persia, being at variance with Imbrael, the sultan of Babylon,
sent for the aid of the Turks out of Scythia; by whom, when he
had got the victory against the Babylonians, the said Turks
shortly after conquered the Persians, and subdued their
country, within the space of
20
A. D. 830. The Saracens being expulsed out of Asia by the
Turks, wandered about Africa, Spain, and Italy, and were in
divers places dispersed, and so remain.

A. D. 830. The Turks, after they had ex-pulsed the Saracens out
of Asia, began to reign in Asia, in Persia, and in Arabia, and
there reigned without interruption, till the coming of the
Tartars, the space of
192
A. D. 1009. The Turks won the city of Jerusalem from the
Saracens; which city the sultan of Egypt won again from the
Turks shortly after, and possessed the same till the coming of
Gotfridus.

A. D. 1051. Began the first king of the Turks, called Zaduke,
to reign in Asia, and joined league with the caliph of Egypt,
and there reigned till the conquest of Gotfridus and the
Christians, the space of
46
A. D. 1078. Solyman, nephew to Aspasalem the Turkish king in
Asia, otherwise called Turquinia, subdued Cappadocia, which had
continued now the space of
500
A. D. 1099. Gotfridus Bulion, duke of Lotharing, a Christian
prince, taking his voyage into Asia with seven hundred thousand
Christian soldiers, first got the city of Nicea against the
sultan of the Turks; then Lycaonia, Silicia, Syria; afterward
Mesopotamia, and Comagena; then Antiochia, A. D. 1098, and the
next year recovered Jerusalem, being then in the hands of the
Saracens, which they a little before had won from the Turks, as
is aforesaid. After this Gotfridus succeeded eight Christian
kings, which kept the kingdom of Jerusalem and Asia, both from
the Turks and Saracens, the space of
88
A. D. 1100. The Georgians, which be a people of Armenia the
Greater, vanquished the Turks out of the kingdom of Persia,
after they had cut their king in pieces. Whereby the Turks
flying to Cappadocia, there remained under Salomon, and joined
themselves to the soldan of Egypt, and waxed then strong in
Asia Minor, called now Turquinia.

A. D. 1170. When Almericus, the seventh king of Jerusalem after
Gotfridus, had overcome the caliph or sultan of Egypt, the
sultan being overcome, called for the help of Saracon the
sultan of Syria. This Saracon, after he had expulsed the
Christians out of Egypt, turned his power against the sultan of
Egypt, and vanquished him, took to himself the kingdom of
Egypt; which kingdom he with his posterity did hold till the
coming of the Tartarians, and the Mamalukes, about the space of
88
A. D. 1187. Saladin, the nephew of Saracon the sultan of Egypt,
perceiving the dissension among the Christian states of
Palestine, got Antioch, where he slew Raymund the prince with
his own hands; then got Tiberias: from thence he went to Acre,
where he took Guido, king of Jerusalem, and master of the
Templars, prisoners; for whose ransom the Turk had Ascalon
yielded up to him of the Christians. That done, he subdued
Jerusalem, which had been in the hands of the Christians
before, the space of
88
A. D. 1189. Frederic the emperor, Philip French king, Richard
king of England, made their voyage into Asia, where Frederic
washing in a river at Cilicia, died. In this voyage, at the
siege of Acre, Saladin won the field of our men, of whom two
thousand were slain in the chase. Acre at length was got of the
Christians. King Richard got Epirus. The two kings fell at
strife. Philip retired home without any good doing. King
Richard laid siege to Jerusalem, but in vain, and so returning
homeward, was taken near to Vienna in Austria, after he had
taken truce before with the soldan, upon such condition as
pleased him. And this good speed had the popes, sending out
against the Turks.

A. D. 1215. There was another council holden at Rome by Pope
Innocent the Third, where was enacted a new article of our
faith for transubstantiation of bread and wine, to be turned
into the body and blood of our Saviour. In this council also
great excitation was made by the pope, and great preparation
was through all Christendom to set forward for recovery of the
Holy Land. A mighty army was collected of dukes, lords,
knights, bishops, and prelates, that if God's blessing had gone
with them, they might have gone throughout all Asia and India.

A. D. 1219. The Christians after eighteen months' siege got a
certain town in Egypt, called Damietta or Elipolis, with much
ado, but not much to the purpose. For afterward as the
Christian army of the pope's sending went about to besiege the
city Cairo or Babylon, the sultan, through his subtle train, so
entrapped and enclosed them within the danger of the Nile, that
they were constrained to render again the city of Damietta with
their prisoners, and all the furniture thereof as they found
it, into the soldan's hand, and glad so with their lives to
pass forward to Tyrus, A. D. 1221.

In the mean time the Egyptian Turk caused the city of Jerusalem
to be razed, that it should serve to no use to the Christians.
What great thing else was done in that voyage, it doth not
greatly appear in stories. Albeit Frederic the Second, emperor,
was not unfruitfully there occupied, and much more might have
done, had it not been for the violence and persecution of the
bishop of Rome against him; whereby he was enforced to take
truce with the sultan for ten years, and so returned. After
which things done, not many years after, at length the last
city of all belonging to the Christians, which was Ptolomais or
Acre, was also taken from them by the sultan, so that now the
Christians had not one foot left in all Asia.

A. D. 1230. Thus the Christians being driven out of Asia by the
sultans and Turks, yet the said Turks and sultans did not long
enjoy their victory. For eftsoons the Lord stirred up against
them the Tartarians, who breaking into Asia by the ports of
Caspius, subdued divers parts of Asia, namely about Comana,
Colchis, Iberia, Albania, &c. These Tartarians, as they had got
many captives in their wars, so for gain they used to ship them
over customably to Alexandria in Egypt to be sold; which
servants and captives Melechsala the great sultan was glad to 
buy to serve him in his wars. Which captains and servants after
they had continued a certain space in Egypt, and through their
valiant service grew in favour and estimation with the said
Melechsala, and began more to increase in number and strength;
at length they slew him, and took to themselves the name and
kingdom of the sultan. And thus ceased the stock of Saracon and
Saladin aforementioned, which continued in Egypt about the
space as is said of
100
A. D. 1240. After the death of Melechsala, the army of these
aforesaid rascals and captives set up to themselves a king of
their own company, whom they called Turquemenius. Who, to fill
up the number of their company that it should not diminish,
devised this order, to get or to buy Christian men's children,
taken young from their parents, and the mother's lap; whom they
used so to bring up, to make them to deny Christ, and to be
circumcised, and instructed in Mahomet's law, and afterward to
be trained in the feats of war; and these were called
Mamalukes. Among whom this was their order, that none might be
advanced to be king but out of their own number, or else chosen
by them; neither that any should be made knights or horsemen,
but only the children of Christians which should deny Christ
before, called Mamalukes. Also it was among them provided, that
to this dignity neither Saracens nor Jews should be admitted.
Item, That the succession thereof should not descend to the
children and offspring of these Mamalukes. Also that the
succession of the crown should not descend to the children of
the aforesaid sultan, but should go by voice and election. The
Tartarians, with Turquemenius their king, about this time
obtained Turquia, that is Asia Minor, from the Turks, and
within two years after, prevailing against the Turks, expelled
them from their kingdom; and so continued these Mamalukes
reigning over Egypt, and a great part of Asia, till the time of
Tomumbeius their last king, which was destroyed and hanged at
the gates of Memphis, by Selim the Turk, father to this
Solyman, as in his history is declared. These Mamalukes
continued the space of
260
A. D. 1245. These Tartarians ranging through the countries of
the Georgians, and all Armenia, came as far as Iconium, which
was then the imperial city of the Turks.

A. D. 1289. The soldan of Egypt and Babylon got from the
Christians, Tripolis, Tyrus, Sidon, and Berithus in Syria.

A. D. 1291. Lastly, Ptolomais, which also is called Acre, was
surprised by the said soldan, razed and cast down to the
ground, and all the Christians therein (which were not many
left) were slain. And this was the last city which the
Christians had in Asia. So that now the Christians have not one
foot (as is said before) left in all Asia. Thus the Egyptian
soldans and the Tartarians reigned and ranged over the most
part of Asia above the Turks, till the reign of Ottoman the
great Turk, about the space of
80


  And thus have ye the whole discourse of the Turkish story, with
their names, countries, towns, dominions, also with their times,
continuance, interruptions, and alterations, in order described, and
in years distinguished; which, otherwise, in most authors and writers
be so confused, that it is hard to know distinctly, what difference is
between the Saracens, Turks, Tartarians, the sultans or soldans,.
Mamalukes, or Janizaries; what is their caliph, their seriphes, their
sultan or bashaw, in what times they began, and how long, and in what
order of years they reigned. All which in this present table
manifestly to thine eye may appear.

  Wherein this thou hast moreover, gentle reader, to consider,
which is worthy the noting, how the bishop of Rome all this season,
from the first beginning of the Turk's reign, hath not ceased, from
time to time continually, calling upon Christian princes and subjects,
to take the cross, and to war against the Turks; whereupon so many
great voyages have been made to the Holy Land, and so many battles
fought against the Turk and soldan for winning the holy cross; and yet
no lucky success hath followed thereof hitherto, nor ever came it
prosperously forward, whatsoever through the exciting of that bishop
hath been attempted against that great enemy of the Lord; insomuch
that the Christians have lost not only all that they had in Asia, but
also are scarce able to defend that little they have in Europe against
his violence. What the cause is of this hard luck of the bishop's
doings, it is hard for man to define. Let men muse as their mind
leadeth, and, as the gospel saith, He that hath eyes to see, let him
see. This is certain, that as there hath lacked no care nor diligence
in the bishop of Rome, to stir men up to that business, so on the
princes' behalf there hath lacked no courage nor strength of men, no
contribution of expenses, no supportation of charges, no furniture or
habiliment of war, only the blessing of God seemeth to have lacked.
The reason and cause whereof I would it were so easy to be reformed,
as it may be quickly construed. For what man, beholding the life of us
Christians, will greatly marvel why the Lord goeth not with our army
to fight against the Turks? And if my verdict might here have place,
for me to add my censure, there appeareth to me another cause in this
matter, yet greater than this aforesaid; which to make plain and
evident in full discourse of words, leisure now doth not permit.
Briefly to touch what I conceive, my opinion is this, that if the
sincere doctrine of Christian faith delivered and left unto us in the
word of God, had not been so corrupted in the Church of Rome, or if
the bishop of Rome would yet reclaim his impure idolatry and
profanations, and admit Christ the Lamb of God to stand alone, without
our impure additions, to be our only justification, according to the
free promise of God's grace; I nothing doubt, but the power of this
faith, grounding only upon Christ the Son of God, had both framed our
lives into a better disposition; and also soon would, or yet will,
bring down the pride of that proud Holofernes. But otherwise, if the
bishop of Rome will not gently give place to the mild voice of God's
word, I think not contrary, but he shall be compelled at last to give
place and room to the Turk, whether he will or not. And yet,
notwithstanding, when both the Turk and the pope shall do against it
what they can, the truth and grace of God's testament shall fructify
and increase by such means as the Lord shall work, which beginneth
already, praise to the Lord, to come graciously and luckily forward in
most places.

A prayer against the Turks.
O eternal Lord God, Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, Creator and
disposer of all things, just, gracious, and wise only; in the name and
reverence of thy Son Jesus, we prostrate ourselves, desiring thine
omnipotent Majesty to look down upon these afflicted times of thy poor
creatures and servants; relieve thy church, increase our faith, and
confound our enemies: and as thou hast given thine only begotten Son
unto us, promising with him life to all that shall believe upon his
name; so incline the obedience of our faith to thy promises in him,
that our hearts may be far off from all other sinful additions and
profane inventions, which are besides him, and not in him, grounded
upon thy will and promise. And grant, we beseech thee, to thy church,
more and more to see how terrible a thing it is, to set up any other
means or help of salvation, but only in him whom thou only hast sent
and sealed. Reform thy church with perfect doctrine and faithful
teachers, that we, seeing our own weakness, may put off ourselves, and
put on him without whom we can do nothing. So shall we stand strong,
when nothing standeth in us, but thy Son alone, in whom thou art only
pleased. Renew in this thy church again the decayed faith of thy Son
Jesus, which may plentifully bring forth in us, not leaves only, but
fruits of Christian life. And forgive our wretched idolatry and blind
fantasies past, wherewith we have provoked, manifold ways, thy
deserved indignation against us. For our hearts have been full of
idols, our temples full of images, our ways full of hypocrisy; thy
sacraments profaned, and thy religion turned to superstition; because
the lantern of thy word went not before us, therefore we have
stumbled. Miserably we have walked hitherto, like sons, not of Sarah,
but of Hagar, and therefore these Turkish Hagarenes have risen up
against us. Many hard and strait ways we have passed, but the ways of
the Lord we have not found. Much cost we have bestowed on bread that
assuageth no hunger, but that bread which only feedeth and cometh
freely we have not tasted. We have sailed far and near in barks of our
own building, but have not kept within the ark only of thy promise,
and therefore these floods have taken us. We have prayed much, but not
in thine appointed temple, and therefore have not been heard. We have
ploughed and tilled, but without thy heifer, and therefore this untidy
ground of ours bringeth forth so many weeds. We do fish apace, and
that all night, but because we fish not on the right side of the boat,
in our fishing we catch never a fin. Our buildings be full of good
intentions and great devotions, but because the ground-work is not
surely laid upon the rock of thy promise, the east wind riseth and
shaketh them all to shivers. We walk and have walked long after the
precepts and doctrines of men, having a show of wisdom, but not a
holding the Head, where lieth all our strength, and therefore these
Philistine Turks have hitherto so prevailed against us. Briefly, all
the parts and bones of the body be shaken out of place. Wherefore we
beseech thee, O Lord, put to thy holy hand, and set them in the right
joint again. And finally, reduce this same thy mystical body again to
his perfect and natural Head, which is thine only Son Jesus Christ,
and none other; for him only hast thou anointed and appointed. Neither
is there any other head that can minister strength and nutriment to
this body, but he alone; forasmuch as all other heads be sinful, and
are not able to stand in thy sight, but make this body rather worse
than better. Only this thy well-beloved and perfect Son is he, in whom
only dwelleth all our strength and fulness; him only we confess and
acknowledge. For whom and with whom, we beseech thee, O Lord God of
hosts, grant to thy church strength and victory against the malicious
fury of these Turks, Saracens, Tartarians, against Gog and Magog, and
all the malignant rabble of antichrist, enemies to thy Son Jesus our
Lord and Saviour. Prevent their devices, overthrow their power, and
dissolve their kingdom, that the kingdom of thy Son, so long
oppressed, may recover and flourish over all; and that they which
wretchedly be fallen from thee, may happily be reduced again into the
fold of thy salvation, through Jesus Christ our only Mediator and most
merciful Advocate. Amen.



135. PERSECUTION IN ENGLAND, 1500-1509

  In this long digression, wherein sufficiently hath been described
the grievous and tedious persecution of the Saracens and Turks against
the Christians, thou hast to understand, good reader, and behold the
image of a terrible antichrist evidently appearing both by his own
doings, and also by the Scriptures, prophesied and declared to us
before. Now in comparing the Turk with the pope, if a question be
asked, whether of them is the truer or greater antichrist, it were
easy to see and judge, that the Turk is the more open and manifest
enemy against Christ and his church. But if it be asked whether of
them two hath been the more bloody and pernicious adversary to Christ
and his members; or whether of them hath consumed and spilt more
Christian blood, he with sword, or this with fire and sword together,
neither is it a light matter to discern, neither is it my part here to
discuss, which do only write the history and the acts of them both.
Wherefore, after the story of the Turks thus finished, now to re-enter
again there where we left, in describing the domestical troubles and
persecutions here at home under the bishop of Rome; after the burning
of Babram in Norfolk above declared. I signified also of another
certain aged man, mentioned in an old written Chronicle borrowed of
one in the Tower, entitled Polychron, although I find not his name in
the said Chronicle expressed, which suffered the pains of burning in
Smithfield, about the same time, which was the year of our Lord 1500.

  This aged father, I suppose, is he of whom I find mention made of
certain old papers and records of William Cary, citizen, albeit the
day of the month doth a little differ, wherein is thus testified, that
on the twentieth day of July, A. D. 1500, upon the day of St.
Margaret, there was an old man burned in Smithfield for a heretic; and
the same person, upon the tenth day before he was burnt, would have
stolen out of the Lollard's Tower, and so falling out of the Tower,
did foully hurt himself; whereupon he was carried in a cart to his
death, as he went to his burning.

  In the aforesaid papers of ancient record, is furthermore
declared, how in the year above prefixed, which was A. D. 1499, in the
time of one Persevel, many were taken for heretics in Kent, and at
Paul's Cross they bare faggots and were abjured; and shortly after,
the same year, there went thirteen Lollards before the procession in
Paul's, and there were of them eight women and a young lad, and the
lad's mother was one of the eight, and all the thirteen bare faggots
on their necks before the procession.

William Tylsworth, martyr.

  Forasmuch as the world is come now to such a morosity and peevish
insensibility in these contentious and cavilling days of ours, that
nothing can be so circumspectly written and storied, but shall lie in
danger of one sycophant or another, which never will credit there
where they list not to like; neither will they ever like that which
seemeth prejudicial to their faction, or not to serve the humour
wherewith their fantasies be infected; therefore to stop the mouths of
such carping cavillers with as much possibility as I may, be it known
to all and singular such persons, who by evidence of truth and witness
will be satisfied, that in the town of Amersham be yet alive both men
and women, which can and do bear witness of this that I shall declare.
Also there is of the said company, one named William Page, an aged
father and yet alive, witness to the same. Also another named Agnes
Wetherley, widow, being about the age of a hundred years, yet living
and witness hereof; that in the days of King Henry the Seventh, A. D.
1506, in the diocese of Lincoln in Buckinghamshire, (William Smith
being bishop of the same diocese,) one William Tylsworth was burned in
Amersham, in a close called Stanley, about sixty years ago. At which
time one Joan Clerke, being a married woman, which was the only
daughter of the said William Tylsworth and a faithful woman, was
compelled with her own hands to set fire to her dear father; and at
the same time her husband, John Clerke, did penance at her father's
burning, and bare a faggot, as did also
Bobert Bartlet.
Richard Bartlet.
John Bartlet.
Thomas Harding, and his wife.
Henry Harding.
Richard Harding.
Robert Harding.
John Milsent, and his wife.
William White.
John Mumbe, and his wife.
Richard Bennet.  
Roger Bennet. 
John Fip.
William Grinder. 
Thomas Homes. 
Yomand Dorman. 
William Scrivener. 
John Scrivener. 
Thomas Chase. 
John Cracher.

  All these bare faggots, and afterward were compelled to wear
certain badges, and went abroad to certain towns to do penance, as to
Buckingham, Aylesbury, and other towns more. And also divers of these
men were afterward burned in the cheek, as William Page, which at this
present is alive, and likewise did bear a faggot with the aforesaid.
Furthermore, the aforesaid Agnes Wetherley testifieth, that at the
burning of this William Tylsworth, sixty and above that were put to
bear faggots for their penance, of whom divers were enjoined to bear
and wear faggots at Lincoln the space of seven years, some at one
time, some at another, &c. In which number was also one Robert
Bartlet, a rich man, who for his profession sake was put out of his
farm and goods, and was condemned to be kept in the monastery of
Ashryge, where he wore on his right sleeve a square piece of cloth,
the space of seven years together.

  It followeth moreover, in the testimony of the forenamed, that
about the same time of the burning of William Tylsworth, (as the
Amersham men do say,) or the next day after, as recordeth the
aforesaid Agnes, was one father Roberts burned at Buckingham. He was a
miller, and dwelt at Missenden; and at his burning there were about
twenty persons that were compelled to bear faggots, and to do such
penance as the wicked Pharisees did compel them. After that, by the
space of two or three years, was burned at Amersham, Thomas Bernard, a
husbandman, and James Mordon, a labourer; they two were burned both at
one fire, and there was William Littlepage, (who is yet alive,)
compelled to be burned in the right cheek, and father Rogers, and
father Rever, alias Reive, which after was burned. This father Rogers
was in the bishop's prison fourteen weeks together, night and day,
where he was so cruelly handled with cold, hunger, and irons, that
after his coming out of the said prison he was so lame in his back,
that he could never go upright as long as he lived, as can testify
divers honest men that be now living. Also there were thirty more
burned in the right cheek and bare faggots the same time. The cause
was, that they would talk against superstition and idolatry, and were
desirous to hear and read the Holy Scriptures. The manner of their
burning in the cheek was this: their necks were tied fast to a post or
stay with towels, and their hands holden that they might not stir, and
so the iron, being hot, was put to their cheeks; and thus bare they
the prints and marks of the Lord Jesus about them.

The cruel handling of Thomas Chase of Amersham, wickedly strangled and
martyred in the bishop's prison at Woburn, under William Smith, bishop
of Lincoln.

  Among these aforesaid, which were so cruelly persecuted for the
gospel and word of Christ, one Thomas Chase, of Amersham, was one of
them that was thus cruelly handled: which Thomas Chase, by the report
of such as did know him, was a man of a godly, sober, and honest
behaviour, (whose virtuous doings do yet remain in memory,) and could
not abide idolatry and superstition, but many times would speak
against it. Wherefore the ungodly and wicked did the more hate and
despise him, and took him, and brought him before the blind bishop,
being at that time in Woburn, in the county of Buckingham; and as it
is written, Acts xii., that wicked Herod did vex certain of the
congregation, and killed James the brother of John with the sword, and
because he saw that it pleased the Jews, &c.; he proceeded further,
and had this same Thomas Chase before him, asking him many questions
touching the Romish religion, with many taunts, checks, and rebukes;
but what answer this godly man, Thomas Chase, made them, it is
unknown. Howbeit it is to be supposed, that his answer was most
zealous and godly in professing Christ's true religion and gospel, and
to the extirpation of idolatry, and superstition, and hypocrisy, for
that the said Thomas Chase was commanded to be put in the bishop's
prison, called Little Ease, in the bishop's house at Woburn, which
prison had not been ministered unto him had not his answers been sound
and upright. There Thomas Chase lay bound most painfully with chains,
gyves, manacles, and irons, ofttimes sore pined with hunger, where the
bishop's alms was daily brought unto him by his chaplains; which alms 
was nothing else but checks, taunts, rebukes, and threatenings,
floutings, and mockings. All which cruelty the godly martyr took most
quietly and patiently, remembering and having respect to Christ's
promises, Matt. v., Blessed are they which suffer persecution for
righteousness sake, for theirs is the kingdom of heaven; and as
followeth, Blessed are ye when men revile you and persecute you, &c.
When the bishop, with his band of shavelings, perceived that by their
daily practices of cruelty they could not prevail against him, but
rather that he was the more fervent and earnest in professing Christ's
true religion, and that he did tolerate and bear most patiently all
their wickedness and cruelty ministered unto him, they imagined how
and which way they might put him to death, lest there should be a
tumult or an uproar among the people. And as Richard Hun shortly about
the year of our Lord 1514, even so these after was hanged or strangled
in Lollards' Tower, blood-suckers most cruelly strangled and pressed
to death this said Thomas Chase in prison, which most heartily called
upon God to receive his spirit, as witnesseth a certain woman that
kept him in prison.
Illustration: Lollard's Tower, Lambeth Palace

  After that these stinging vipers, being of the wicked brood of
antichrist, had thus most cruelly and impiously murdered this faithful
Christian, they were at their wits' end, and could not tell what shift
to make to cloak their shameful murder withal: at last, to blind the
ignorant, silly people, these bloody butchers most slanderously caused
it by their ministers to be bruited abroad, that the aforesaid Thomas
Chase had hanged himself in prison; which was a most shameful and
abominable lie, for the prison was such that a man could not stand
upright, nor lie at ease, but stooping, as they do report that did
know it. And besides that, this man had so many manacles and irons
upon him, that he could not well move either hand or foot, as the
woman did declare that saw him dead, insomuch that they confessed that
his heart was broken, by reason they had so vilely beaten him and
bruised him. And yet these holy catholics had not made an end of their
wicked act in this both killing and slandering ofthis godly martyr;
but to put out the remembrance of him, they caused him to be buried in
the wood called Norland wood, in the highway betwixt Woburn and Little
Marlow, to the intent he should not be taken up again to be seen: and
thus commonly are innocent men laid up by these clerkly clergymen. But
He that is effectually true, of himself hath promised, at one time or
at another, to clear his true servants, not with lies and fables, but
by his own true word. No secret, saith he, is so close, but once shall
be opened; neither is any thing so hid, that shall not at the last be
known clearly. Such a sweet Lord is God always to those that are his
true servants. Blessed be his holy name therefore, for ever and ever.
Amen.

  Thomas Harding, being one of this company, thus molested and
troubled, as is aforesaid, in the town of Amersham, for the truth of
the gospel, after his abjuration and penance done, was again sought
for, and brought to the fire, in the days of King Henry the Eighth,
and under Dr. Longland, then bishop of Lincoln, succeeding after
Cardinal Wolsey; of whose death and martyrdom we shall likewise
record, Christ willing and granting, in order, when we shall come to
the time and year of his suffering.

  After the martyrdom of these two, I read also of one Thomas
Norice, who likewise for the same cause, that is, for the profession
of Christ's gospel, was condemned by the bishop, and burnt at Norwich,
the last day of March, A. D. 1507.

  In the next year following, which was A. D. 1508, in the
consistory of London, was convented Elizabeth Sampson, of the parish
of Aldermanbury, upon certain articles, and specially for speaking
against pilgrimage and adoration of images, as the image of our Lady
at Wilsdon, at Staines, at Crome, at Walsingham, and the image of St.
Saviour of Bermondsey, and against the sacrament of the altar, and for
that she had spoken these or like words; that our Lady of Wilsdon was
but a burnt arse elf, and a burnt arse stock; and if she might have
holpen men and women which go to her on pilgrimage, she would not have
suffered her tail to have been burnt: and what should folk worship our
Lady of Wilsdon, or our Lady of Crome? for the one is but a burnt arse
stock, and the other is but a puppet: and better it were for the
people to give their alms at home to poor people, than to go on
pilgrimage. Also she called the image of St. Saviour, Sim Saviour with
kit lips; and that she said she could make as good bread as that which
tie priest occupied, and that it was not the body of Christ, but
bread, for that Christ could not be both in heaven and in earth at one
time. For these and certain other articles, she was compelled to
abjure before Master William Horsey, chancellor, the day and year
above written.

  Lamentable it is to remember, and a thing almost infinite to
comprehend the names, times, and persons of all them which have been
slain by the rigour of the pope's clergy, for the true maintaining of
Christ's cause, and of his sacraments. Whose memory being registered
in the book of life, albeit it need not the commemoration of our
stories, yet for the more confirmation of the church, I thought it not
unprofitable, the suffering and martyrdom of them to be notified,
which innocently have given their blood to be shed in Christ's
quarrel.

Laurence Ghest.

  In the catalogue of whom, next in order, cometh the memorial of
Laurence Ghest, who was burned in Salisbury for the matter of the
sacrament, in the days of King Henry the Seventh: he was of a comely
and tall personage, and otherwise (as appeareth) not unfriended; for
the which, the bishop and the close were the more loth to burn him,
but kept him in prison the space of two years. This Laurence hada wife
and seven children. Wherefore they, thinking to expugn and persuade
his mind, by stirring of his fatherly affection toward his children,
when the time came which they appointed for his burning, as he was at 
the stake, they brought before him his wife and his aforesaid seven
children. At the sight whereof, although nature is commonly wont to
work in other, yet in him religion overcoming nature, made his
constancy to remain unmovable, in such sort, as when his wife began to
exhort and desire him to favour himself, he again desired her to be
content, and not to be a block in his way, for he was in a good
course, running toward the mark of his salvation; and so fire being
put to him, he finished his life, renouncing not only wife and
children, but also himself to follow Christ. As he was in burning, one
of the bishop's men threw a firebrand at his face; whereat the brother
of Laurence, standing by, ran at him with his dagger, and would have
slain him, had he not been otherwise stayed.

  Testified and witnessed by the credible report of one William
Russell, an aged man dwelling of late in Coleman Street, who was there
present the same time at the burning of Laurence, and was also himself
burned in the cheek, and one of the persecuted flock in those days,
whose daughter is yet living: the same is confirmed also with the
testimony of one Richard Webb, servant sometime to Master Latimer,
who, sojourning in the house of the said William Russell, heard him
many times declare the same.

A faithful woman burned.

  But amongst all the examples of God, whereof so many have
suffered from time to time for Christ and his truth, I cannot tell if
ever were any martyrdom more notable and admirable, wherein the plain
demonstration of God's mighty power and judgment hath at any time been
more evident against the persecutors of his flock, than at the burning
of a certain godly woman, put to death in Chipping Sudbery, about the
same time, under the reign of King Henry the Seventh.

  The constancy of which blessed woman, as it is glorious for all
true godly Christians to behold; so again the example of the bishop's
chancellor, which cruelly condemned the innocent, may offer a terrible
spectacle to the eyes of all papistical persecutors to consider, and
to take example, which the living God grant they may. Amen. The name
of the town where she was martyred was, as is said, Cheaping Sadbery.
The name of the woman is not as yet come to my knowledge. The name of
the chancellor who condemned her, was called Doctor Whittington. The
time of her burning was in the reign and time of King Henry the
Seventh, orderly therefore in this place and time to be inserted.
Wherein is to be noted moreover the opportunity of this present
history brought to my hands, and that in such convenient season, as I
was drawing toward the end of the aforesaid king's reign; so that it
may appear to them which behold the opportunity of things, not to be
without God's holy will and providence, that this aforesaid example
should not lie hid and unremembered, but should come to light and
knowledge, and that in sueh order of placing, according as the due
course of our story hitherto kept, requireth.

  After this godly woman, and manly martyr of Christ, was condemned
by the wretched chancellor above-named, Doctor Whittington, for the
faithful profession of the truth, which the papists then called
heresy, and the time now come when she should be brought to the place
and pains of her martyrdom, a great concourse of all the multitude,
both in the town and country about, (as the manner is in such times,)
was gathered to behold her end. Among whom was also the aforesaid 
Doctor Whittington the chancellor, there present, to see the execution
done. Thus the faithful woman, and true servant of God, constantly
persisting in the testimony of the truth; committing her cause to the
Lord, gave over her life to the fire, refusing no pains nor torments
to keep her conscience clear and unreprovable in the day of the Lord.
The sacrifice being ended, the people began to return homeward, coming
from the burning of this blessed martyr. It happened in the mean time,
that as the catholic executioners were busy in slaying this silly lamb
at the town's side, a certain butcher was as busy within the town
slaying of a bull, which bull he had fast bound in ropes, ready to
knock him on the head. But the butcher, (belike not so skilful in his
art of killing beasts as the papists be in murdering Christians,) as
he was lifting his axe to strike the bull, failed in his stroke, and
smote a little too low, or else how he smote I know not; this was
certain, that the bull, although somewhat grieved at the stroke, but
yet not stricken down, put his strength to the ropes, and brake loose
from the butcher into the street, the very same time as the people
were coming in great press from the burning. Who seeing the bull
coming towards them, and supposing him to be wild, (as it was no other
like,) gave way for the beast, every man shifting for himself as well
as he might. Thus the people giving back, and making a lane for the
bull, he passed through the throng of them, touching neither man nor
child, till he came where the chancellor was. Against whom the bull,
as pricked with a sudden vehemency, ran full butt with his horns, and
taking him upon the paunch, gored him through and through, and so
killed him immediately, carrying his guts, and trailing them with his
horns all the street over, to the great admiration and wonder of all
them that saw it.

  Although the carnal sense of man be blind in considering the
works of the Lord, imputing many times to blind chance the things
which properly pertain to God's only praise and providence; yet in
this so strange and so evident example, what man can be so dull or
ignorant, which seeth not herein a plain miracle of God's mighty power
and judgment, both in the punishing of this wretched chancellor, and
also in admonishing all other like persecutors, by his example, to
fear the Lord, and to abstain from the like cruelty.

  Now for the credit of this story, lest I be said upon mine own
head to commit to story things rashly, which I cannot justify;
therefore, to stop such cavilling mouths, I will discharge myself with
authority, I trust, sufficient, that is, with the witness of him which
both was a papist, and also present at the same time at the burning of
the woman, whose name was Rowland Webb; which Rowland, dwelling then
in Chipping Sudbery, had a son named Richard Webb, servant sometime to
Master Latimer, who also enduring with him in time of his trouble six
years together, was himself imprisoned and persecuted for the same
cause. Unto the which Richard Webb, being now aged, then young, the
aforesaid Rowland his father, to the intent to exhort him from the
sect of heresy, (as he then called it,) recited to him many times the 
burning of this woman, and withal added the story of the bull
aforesaid, which he himself did see and testify.

  And thus much concerning the state of the church. Wherein is to
be understood, what storms and persecutions have been raised up in all
quarters against the flock and congregation of Christ, not only by the
Turks, but also at home within ourselves, by the bishop of Rome and
his retinue. Where also it is to be noted in the days and reign of
this King Henry the Seventh, how mightily the working of God's gospel
hath multiplied and increased, and what great numbers of men and women
have suffered for the same with us in England, as by these stories
above passed may be apparent.

  Now these things declared, which to the chureh matters be
appertaining, consequently it remaineth something to treat of the
state likewise of the commonwealth, which commonly doth follow the
state of the church. Where the church is quietly and modestly
governed, and the flock of Christ defended by godly princes in peace
and safety, from devouring and violence of bloody wolves; the success
of civil estate, for the most part, there doth flourish, and the
princes long continue, through God's preservation, in prosperous rest
and tranquillity. Contrariwise, where either the church of Christ,
through the negligence of princes, or, through their setting on, the
poor members of Christ, be persecuted and devoured; shortly after
ensueth some just recompence of the Lord upon those princes, that
either their lives do not long continue, or else they find not that
quiet in the commonwealth which they look for. Examples hereof, as in
all other ages be abundant, so in this present time be not lacking,
whether we consider the state and condition of other countries far
off, or else of our own country near at home.

  And here not to wander in our story farther than to France only,
let us a little behold the example of King Charles the Eighth, who
living in this king's time, died also not long before him. This
Charles is commended of Philippus Comineus, to be a moderate, valiant,
and victorious prince, adorned with many special virtues to a prince
appertaining. And yet the same king, beeause he was slack and remiss
in defence of Christ's church, neither did use his authority, nor took
his occasion offered to him of God, to amend and reform the estate of
the bishop and clergy of Rome when he might, he was therefore himself
punished and cut off of the Lord, as by his story ensuing may right
well appear. For so it is of him recorded, that being marvellously
excited and provoked, of his own mind (contrary to the counsel of most
of his nobles) he took his journey into Italy, neither being furnished
with money, nor the season of the year being convenient thereunto. And
that this may appear the better to proceed of the Lord's doing, to the
intent he would have the Church and clergy of Rome reformed by the
prince's sword, which so vexed all Christendom at that time, we shall
hear what is testified in the Commentaries of the said Philip
Comineus, writing in this wise.

  "There was," (saith he,) "in the city of Florence the same time a
Dominic Friar, named Hieronymus Savanarola, (of whom mention was made 
before,) a man of a right godly and approved life; who in the said
city of Florence preached and prophesied long before, that the French
king should come with an army into Italy, being stirred up of God to
suppress the tyrants of Italy, and none should withstand him. He
should also come to the city of Pisa, and the state of Florence should
be altered: all which happened true. He affirmed moreover to be
signified to him of the Lord, that the ecelesiastical state of the
church must be redressed per vim armorum, i. e. by the sword, or force
of arms. Many things also he prophesied of the Venetians, and of the
French king, saying, that the king with some dangerand difficulty
should pass that journey, yet notwithstanding should overcome it and
escape, albeit his strength were never so slender, for God would
safely conduct him in that journey, and safely bring him home again.
But because he had not done his office, in amending the state of the
church, and in defending his people from injury, and from devouring,
therefore it should come to pass, (saith he,) and that shortly, that
some incommodity or detriment should happen to the king; or if he
should escape that danger of his sickness and recover health, then if
he did resist the cruelty of the wicked, and procure the safety of the
poor and miserable, God would show mercy unto him," &c. And this the
said Hieronymus declared before to Comineus, one of the king's
counsellors, which was the writer of the story, and required him to
signify the same unto the king, which so did; and he, moreover,
himself coming to the presence of the king, declared no less.

  All which things, as he had foretold, came directly to effect.
For the king, being but easily accompanied with a small power, entered
into Italy, where first he came to Asta, then to Genoa, and to Pisa,
from thence proceeded to Florence, which also he obtained, displacing
there Petrus Medices, the duke, who had used great tyranny upon the
subjects. From thence he removed toward Rome, where a great part of
the city wall, at the coming of the French king, fell down.

  Afterward, when the king was entered into the city, and the pope
(who then took part with Alphonsus, king of Naples, against the French
king) had immured himself within the mount of Adrian, the wall of the
castle fell down of itself; whereby when the king was both occasioned,
and exhorted also by his captains, to invade the pope, and to depose
him, and to reform the Church of Rome, which he might then easily have
done as it had pleased him, yet all these occasions, offered so
opportunely of God, moved not the king to do his duty, and to help the
poor church of Christ; wherefore shortly after, returning home into
France from Naples, either the same year, or the next year following,
he was stricken with a sudden sickness at Amboise, as he was looking
on them that played at tennis, and that in the most stinking place in
all the castle, where he fell down and died within twelve hours,
according to the forewarning of Hieronymus, who wrote unto him a
little before, both of his son's death, and of his own, which was
about the year of our Lord 1498.

  Like examples we have many here also in this our realm of
England. So long as King John kept out of the realm the pope's
authority and power, he continued safe and quiet with his nobles; but
so soon as he brought the realm under tribute and subjection to that
foreign bishop, God stirred up his nobles against him, whereby he had
much disquiet and trouble, and soon thereupon decayed.
Of all the kings of England, from William Conqueror to this King Henry
the Seventh, were none which either longer continued, or more
prosperously flourished, than King Henry the Second, King Henry the
Third, King Edward the First, King Edward the Third; of whom the
first, how stout he was in withstanding Thomas Becket and Pope
Alexander the Third, is sufficiently before comprehended.

  The second, which was son of King John, albeit, through the
wretchedness of that time, his power was not sufficient to repulse the
pope's usurped jurisdiction out of the realm, yet his will was good:
at last he so defended and provided for his subjects, that they took
no great wrong at the pope's hands; who reigned one year longer than
Augustus Cæsar, which hath not commonly been seen in any prince.

  The third, which was King Edward the First, so vigilantly behaved
himself for the public commodity and safety of his people, that he
defended them from all foreign power and hostility, both of the Scots,
(then our enemies, now our friends,) and also from the bishop of Rome,
taking part with them against us, as may appear above. Furthermore, of
the same king, and of his worthy nobles and house of parliament, how
valiantly they stood in denial of the pope's subsidies, and also how
the said king secluded out of his protection the bishops, and
especially the Archbishop Pecham, for standing with the pope, read
before.

  Now as touching King Edward the Third, how little he regarded,
how princely he, with his nobles, likewise resisted the pope's
reservations and provisions, how he bridled the archbishop, John
Stratford, and rejected the vain authority of the bishop of Rome, both
in defence of his subjects, and also in defence of claiming his right
title in the realm of France, read before.

  Not that I do here affirm or define, as in a general rule, that
worldly success and prosperity of life always follow the godly, which
we see rather to be given more often to the wicked sort; but speaking
of the duty of princes, I note and observe, by examples of histories,
that such princes as have most defended the church of Christ,
committed to their governance, from injury and violence of the bishop
of Rome, have not lacked at God's hand great blessing and felicity;
whereas, contrariwise, they which either themselves have been
persecutors of Christ's members, or have not shielded them by their
protection from foreign tyranny and injuries, have lacked at God's
hand that protection which the other had; as may appear by King Edward
the Second, Richard the Third, King Henry the Fourth, King Henry the
Fifth, King Henry the Sixth, &c.; who because either negligently they
have suffered or cruelly caused such persecuting laws to be made, and
so much Christian blood injuriously to be devoured, therefore have
they been the less prospered of the Lord, so that either they were
deposed, or if they flourished for a while, yet they did not long
continue, almost not half the time of the other kings before named.

  And therefore, as the state of the commonwealth doth commonly
follow the state of the church, as ye heard before; so it had been to
be wished, that this King Henry the Seventh, being otherwise a prudent
and temperate prince, had not permitted the intemperate rage of the
pope's clergy so much to have their wills over the poor flock of
Christ, as then they had; according as by these persecutions above
mentioned may appear. The which King Henry the Seventh, albeit he had
a sufficient continuance, who had now reigned twenty-four years, yet,
notwithstanding, here cometh the same thing to be noted, whereof I
spake before; that when the church of Christ beginneth to be injured
with violence, and to go to wreck through misorder and negligence, the
state of the commonwealth cannot there long endure without some
alteration, and stroke of God's correction. But howsoever this mark is
to be taken, thus lieth the story; that after the burning and vexing
of these poor servants of Christ above recited, when the persecution
began now in the church to be hot, God calleth away the king, the same
year above mentioned, which was 1509, after he had reigned the term of
twenty-four years. Who, if he had adjoined a little more pitiful
respect, in protecting Christ's poor members from the fire of the
pope's tyranny, to his other great virtues of singular wisdom,
excellent temperance, and moderate frugality; so much had he been
comparable with the best of those princes above comprehended, as he
had been inferior but to a few; but this defect which lacked in him,
was supplied most luckily, blessed be the Lord, by his posterity
succeeding after him. Of whom in the next volume following, Christ
thereunto assisting us, we have to specify more at large.

  Among many other things incident in the reign of this King Henry
the Seventh, I have overpassed the history of certain godly persons
persecuted in the diocese of Coventry and Litchfield, as we find them
in the registers of the diocese recorded, here following. The year of
our Lord 1485, March the ninth amongst divers and sundry other good
men in Coventry, these nine hereunder named, were examined before
John, bishop of Coventry and Litchfield, in St. Michael's church, upon
these articles following in order.

  "First, John Blomston was openly and publicly infamed, accused,
reported, and appeached, that he was a very heretic, because he had
preached, taught, holden, and affirmed, that the power attributed to
St. Peter in the church of God, by our Saviour Jesus Christ
immediately, did not flit or pass from him, to remain with his
successors.

  "Item, That there was as much virtue in a herb, as in the image
of the Virgin Mary.

  "Item, That prayer and alms avail not the dead; for incontinent
after death he goeth either to heaven or hell, whereupon he concludeth
there is no purgatory.

  "Item, That it was foolishness to go on pilgrimage to the image
of our Lady of Doncaster, Walsingham, or of the tower of the city of
Coventry; for a man might as well worship the blessed Virgin by the
fire-side in the kitchen, as in the aforesaid places; and as well
might a man worship the blessed Virgin when he seeth his mother or
sister, as in visiting the images, because they be no more but dead
stocks and stones.

  "Item, That he said in English, with a frowning countenance, as
it appeared, A vengeance on all such whoreson priests, for they have
great envy that a poor man should get his living among them.

  "Richard Hegham of the same city was accused, &c., to be a very
heretic, because he did hold that a Christian man being at the point
of death, should renounce all his own works good and ill, and submit
him to the mercy of God.

  "Item, That it was fondness to worship the images of our Lady of
Tower in the aforesaid city, or of other saints, for they are but
stocks and stones.

  "Item, That if the image of our Lady of Tower were put into the
fire, it would make a good fire.

  "Item, That it were better to deal money unto poor folks, than to
offer to the image of Christ and other saints; which are but dead
stocks and stones.

  "Robert Crowther of the same city was accused that he was a
heretic, because he did hold, that whoso receiveth the sacrament of
the altar in deadly sin, or out of charity, receiveth nothing but
bread and wine.

  "Item, That neither bishop, nor priests or curates of churches,
have power in the market of penance to bind and loose.

  "Item, That pilgrimage to the image of our Lady of Tower is
foolishness, for it is but a stock or a stone.

  "John Smith was accused to be a very heretic, because he did
hold, that every man is bound toknow the Lord's Prayer and the Creed
in English, if he might for these false priests.

  "Item, That whoso believed as the churchmen did believe, believe
ill; and that a man had need to frequent the schools a good while, ere
that he can attain to the knowledge of the true and right faith.

  "Item, That no priest hath power to absolve a man, in the market
of penance, from his sins.

  "Roger Browne, of the same city, was also accused to be a
heretic, because he did hold, that no man ought to worship the image
of our Lady of Walsingham, nor the blood of Christ at Hales, but
rather God Almighty, who would give him whatsoever he would ask.

  "Item, That he held not up his hands, nor looked up, at the
elevation of the eucharist.

  "Item, That he promised one to show him certain books of heresy,
if he would swear that he would not utter them, and if he would credit
them.

  "Item, That he did eat flesh in Lent, and was taken with the
manner.

  "Item, If any man were not shriven in his whole life long, and in
the point of death would be confessed, and could not, if he had no
more but contrition only, he should pass to joy without purgatory; and
if he were confessed of any sin, and were enjoined only to say for
penance one Pater-noster, if he thought he should have any punishment
in purgatory for that sin, he would never be confessed for any sin.

  "Item, Because he said all is lost that is given to priests.

  "Item, That there was no purgatory that would pardon all sins,
without confession and satisfaction.

  "Thomas Butler, of the same city, was likewise openly accused to
be a very heretic, because he did hold, that there were but two ways,
that is to say, to heaven and to hell.

  "Item, That no faithful man should abide any pain after the death
of Christ, for any sin, because Christ died for our sins.

  "Item, That there was no purgatory, for every man immediately
after death passeth either to heaven or hell.

  "Item, That whosoever departeth in the faith of Christ and the
church, howsoever he hath lived, shall be saved.

  "Item, That prayers and pilgrimages are nothing worth, and avail
not to purchase heaven.

  "John Falkes was accused to be a very heretic, because he did
affirm, that it was a foolish thing to offer to the image of our Lady,
saying, Her head hall be hoar or I offer to her; what is it but a
block? If it could speak to me, I would give it a halfpenny worth of
ale.

  "Item, That when the priest carrieth to the sick the body of
Christ, why carrieth he not also the blood of Christ?

  "Item, That he did eat cow milk upon the first Sunday of Lent.

  "Item, That as concerning the sacrament of penance and
absolution, no priest hath power to assoil any man from his sins, when
he cannot make one hair of his head.

  "Item, That the image of our Lady was but a stone or a block.

  "Richard Hilmin was accused that he was a very heretic, because
he did say and maintain, that it was better to part with money to the
poor, than to give tithes to priests, or to offer to the images of our
Lady, and that it were better to offer to images made by God, than to
the images of God painted.

  "Item, That he had the Lord's Prayer, and the salutation of the
angel, and the Creed in English, and another book did he see and had,
which contained the Epistles and Gospels in English, and according to
them would he live, and thereby believed to be saved.

  "Item, That no priest speaketh better in the pulpit than that
book.

  "Item, That the sacrament of the altar is but bread, and that the
priests make it to blind the people.

  "Item, That a priest, whilst he is at mass, is a priest; and
after one mass done, till the beginning of another mass, he is no more
than a layman, and hath no more power than a mere layman."

  After they were enforced to recant, they were assoiled and put to
penance.

  "In the year of our Lord 1488, the third of April, Margaret Goyt,
wife of James Goyt, of Ashburn, was brought before the aforesaid John,
bishop of Coventry and Litchfield, who was there accused that she
said, that that which the priests lift over their heads at mass, was
not the true and very body of Christ; for if it were so, the priests
could not break it so lightly into four parts, and swallow it as they
do; for the Lord's body hath flesh and bones, so hath not that which
the priests receive.

  "Item, That priests, buying forty cakes for a halfpenny, and
showing them to the people, and saying, that of every of them they
make the body of Christ, do nothing but deceive the people and enrich
themselves.

  "Item, Seeing God in the beginning did create and make man, how
can it be that man should be able to make God?"

  This woman also was constrained to recant, and so was she
assoiled and did penance.

  Thus much I thought good here to insert, touching these aforesaid
men of Coventry, especially for this purpose, because our cavilling
adversaries be wont to object against us the newness of Christ's old
and ancient religion. To the intent, therefore, they may see this
doctrine not to be so new as they report, I wish they would consider
both the time and articles here objected against these aforesaid
persons, as is above premised.

  I should also in the same reign of King Henry the Seventh, have
induced that story of Johannes Picus, earl of Mirandula, the mention
of whose name partly is touched before. This Picus, earl of Mirandula,
being but a young man, was so excellently witted, and so singularly
learned in all sciences and in all tongues, both Latin, Greek, and
Hebrew, Chaldee, and Arabic, that coming to Rome booted and spurred,
he set up ninety conclusions, to dispute in the same with any in all
Christendom, whosoever would come against him. Of which conclusions
divers were touching the matter of the sacrament, &c. And when none
was found in all Rome, nor in Europe, that openly would dispute with
him, privily and in corners certain of the pope's clergy, prelates,
lawyers, and friars, by the pope appointed, consulted together to
inquire upon his conclusions, whereupon they did articulate against
him for suspicion of heresy. And thus the unlearned clergy of Rome
privily circumvented and entangled this learned earl in their snares
of heresy, against whom they durst never openly dispute. He died being
of the age of thirty-two years, of such wit and towardness, as is hard
to say whether ever Italy bred up a better. In his sickness, Charles
the Eighth, then French king, moved with the fame of his learning,
came to visit him. The furniture of his books cost him seven thousand
florins. A little before his death his mind was to give all away, and
to take a cowl, to go about and preach, but the Lord would not permit
him. His story requireth a long tractation, which, if place do serve,
we will not, peradventure, forget. With two popes, that is, with Pope
Innocent, and Alexander the Sixth, he had much vexation.

The names of the archbishops of Canterbury in this sixth book
contained.
6
2
 John
Stratford.
8
6
3
 John Kemp.
3
6
4
 Thomas
Bouchier.
3
3
6
5
 John
Morton.
1
4
6
6
 Thomas
Langhton.

6
7
 Henry Dene.
2
6
8
 William
Warham.
2
8



136. THE PROUD PRIMACY OF POPES
Illustration: Various Martyrdoms
The proud primacy of popes described, in order of their rising up by
little and little, from faithful bishops and martyrs, to become lords
and governors over kings and kingdoms, exalting themselves in the
temple of God, above all that is called God, c. 2 Thess. ii.

  In the table of the primitive church above described, hath been,
gentle reader, set forth and exhibited before thine eyes, the grievous
afflictions and sorrowful torments which, through God's secret
sufferance, fell upon the true saints and members of Christ's church
in that time, especially upon the good bishops, ministers, and
teachers of the flock; of whom some were scourged, some beheaded, some
crucified, some burned, some had their eyes put out, some one way,
some another, miserably consumed; which days of woeful calamity
continued (as is fore-showed) near the space of three hundred years.
During which time the dear spouse and elect church of God, being
sharply assaulted on every side, had small rest, no joy, nor outward
safety in this present world, but in much bitterness of heart, in
continual tears and mourning under the cross, passed over their days,
being spoiled, imprisoned, contemned, reviled, famished, tormented,
and martyred every where; who neither durst well tarry at home for
fear and dread, and much less durst come abroad for the enemies, but
only by night, when they assembled as they might, sometime to sing
psalms and hymns together. In all which their dreadful dangers and
sorrowful afflictions, notwithstanding, the goodness of the Lord left
them not desolate, but the more their outward tribulations did
increase, the more their inward consolations did abound; and the
further off they seemed from the joys of this life, the more present
was the Lord with them with grace and fortitude, to confirm and
rejoice their souls. And though their possessions and riches in this
world were lost and spoiled, yet were they enriched with heavenly
gifts and treasures from above, a hundredfold. Then was true religion
truly felt in heart. Then was Christianity not in outward appearance
showed, but in inward affection received, and the true image of the
church not in outward show pretended, but in her perfect state
effectual. Then was the name and fear of God true in heart, not in
lips alone dwelling. Faith then was fervent, zeal ardent, prayer not
swimming in the lips, but groaned out to God from the bottom of the
spirit. Then was no pride in the church, nor leisure to seek riches,
nor time to keep them. Contention for trifles was then so far from
Christians, that well were they when they could meet to pray together
against the devil, author of all dissension. Briefly, the whole church
of Christ Jesus, with all the members thereof, the further it was from
the type and shape of this world, the nearer it was to the blessed
respect of God's favour and supportation.

The first rising of the bishops of Rome.
Illustration: Constantine the emperor embracing Christian bishops

  After this long time of trouble, it pleased the Lord at length
mercifully to look upon the saints and servants of his Son, to release
their captivity; to release their misery, and to bind up the old
dragon the devil, which so long vexed them, whereby the church began
to aspire to some more liberty; and the bishops, which before were as
abjects, utterly contemned of emperors, through the providence of God,
(which disposeth all things in his time after his own will,) began now
of emperors to be esteemed and had in price. Furthermore, as emperors
grew morein devotion, so the bishops more and more were exalted, not
only in favour, but also preferred unto honour, insomuch that in short
space they became not quarter-masters, but rather half emperors with
emperors.

  After this, in process of time, as riches and worldly wealth
crept into the clergy, and that the devil had poured his venom into
the church, (as the voice was heard the same time over
Constantinople,) so true humility began to decay, and pride to set in
his foot, till at last they played as the ivy doth with the oak
tree,which first beginning with a goodly green show, embraceth him so
long, till at length it overgroweth him, and so sucketh all his
moisture from him, setting his root fast in his bark, till at last it
both stifleth the stock, and killeth the branches, and so cometh to be
a nest for owls and all unclean birds. Not untruly therefore it was
said of Augustine, Religio peperit divitias, et filia devoravit
matrem, that is, Religion begat riches, and the daughter hath devoured
the mother. The verity whereof notoriously may appear above all other
in the Church of Rome, and the bishops of the same. For after that the
Church of Rome, through favour of emperors, was endowed with lands,
donations, possessions, and patrimonies, so that the bishops thereof,
feeling the smack of wealth, ease, and prosperity, began to swell in
pomp and pride; the more they flourished in this world, the more God's
Holy Spirit forsook them; till at last the said bishops, who at the
first were poor, creeping low upon the ground, and were persecuted a
long time, every man treading upon them in this world, now of
persecuted people began to be persecutors of others, and to tread upon
the necks even of emperors, and to bring the heads of kings and
princes under their girdle. And not only that, but, furthermore,
through pride and riches, they were so far gone from all religion,
that in the very end they became the great adversary of God, (whom we
call antichrist,) prophesied of so long before by the Spirit of God to
come, sitting in the temple of God, &c. Of whom thus we read in the
Epistle of Paul, 2 Thess. ii., where he saith, We beseech you,
brethren, by the coming of our Lord Jesus Christ, and by our
fellowship together in him, that ye be not suddenly moved in your
mind, nor troubled, neither by spirit, nor by word, nor letter, as it
were from us, as though the day of Christ were at hand. Let no man in
any wise deceive you, for that day shall not come except there come a
departing first, and that man of sin be revealed, even the son of
perdition, that adversary which exalteth himself above all that is
called God, or that is worshipped, so that he shall sit in the temple
of God, as God, and set forth himself as he were God, &c.

  By which words of St. Paul, we have divers things to understand:
First, that the day of the Lord's coming was not then near at hand.
Secondly, the apostle giving us a token before, to know when that day
shall approach, biddeth us look for an adversary first to be revealed.
Thirdly, to show what adversary this shall be, he expresseth him not
to be as a common adversary, such as were then in his time. For
although Herod, Annas, and Caiaphas, the high priests and Pharisees,
Tertullus, Alexander the coppersmith, Elymas, and Simon Magus, and
Nero the emperor, in Paul's time were great adversaries; yet here he
meaneth another besides these, greater than all the rest, not such a
one as should be like to priest, king, or emperor, but such as far
exceeding the state of all kings, priests, and emperors, should be the
prince of priests, should make kings to stoop, and should tread upon
the neck of emperors, and make them to kiss his feet. Moreover, where
the apostle saith, that he shall sit in the temple of God, thereby is
meant, not the personal sitting of the pope in the city only of Rome,
but the authority and jurisdiction of his see exalted in the whole
universal church, equal with God himself. For let men give to the pope
that which he in his laws, decrees, and in his pontifical requireth,
and what difference is there between God and the pope? If God set laws
and ordinances, so doth he. If God have his creatures, so hath he. If
God require obedience, so doth he. If the breach of God's commandments
are punished, much more be his. God hath his religion, the pope also
hath his, yea, for God's one religion, he hath a hundred. God hath set
up an Advocate, he hath a hundred. God hath instituted but a few holy
days; for God's one, he hath instituted forty. And if the holy day
that God hath appointed be simplex, the feast that the pope appointeth
is duplex et triplex. Christ is the Head of the church; so is the
pope. Christ giveth influence to his body; so doth the pope. Christ
forgiveth sin; the pope doth no less. Christ expelleth evil spirits by
his power; so pretendeth the pope by his holy water. Furthermore,
where Christ went barefoot upon the bare ground; he with his golden
shoes is carried on men's shoulders. And where Christ was called
sanctus sanctorum; he is called sanctorum sanctissimus. Christ never
practised but only the spiritual sword; he claimeth both spiritual and
temporal. Christ bought the church; he both buyeth and selleth the
church. And if it be necessary to believe Christ to be the Saviour of
the world, so it is necessary to believe the pope to be the head of
the church. Christ paid tribute unto Cæsar; he maketh Cæsar pay
tribute unto him. Finally, the crown of Christ was of sharp thorns;
the pope hath three crowns of gold upon his head, so far exceeding
Christ the Son of God in glory of this world, as Christ exceedeth him
in the glory of heaven. The image and pattern of whose intolerable
pride and exaltation, according as St. Paul doth describe him in his
Epistle aforesaid, we have here set forth, not only in these tables to
be seen, and by his own facts to be noted, but also in his own words
and registers, Clementines, Extravagants, and Pontificals expressed,
as in order (the Lord willing) shall follow.

The exaltation of popes above kings and emperors, out of histories.
Illustration: Bishops of Rome advanced by emperors, Constantine,
Theodosius, &c. 

  First, after that Italy and the city of Rome were overrun by the
Goths and Vandals, so that the seat of the empire was removed to
Constantinople, then began John, patriarch of Constantinople, to put
forth himself, and would needs be called universal bishop of the
world; but the bishop of Rome in no case would suffer that, and
stopped it. After this came the emperor's deputy, and exarch of
Ravenna, to rule Italy; but the bishop of Rome, through aid of the
king of Lombards, soon quailed him.

  Not long after, about the year of our Lord 500, came Phocas the
murderer, who slew the emperor of Constantinople, his master
Mauritius, and his children. By which Phocas the bishops of old Rome
aspired first to their pre-eminence, to be counted the head bishops
over the whole church, and so together with the Lombards began to rule
the city of Rome. Afterwards, when the Lombards would not yield unto 
him in accomplishing his ambitious desire, but would needs require of
the bishop the said city of Rome; he stirred up Pepin, but first
deposed. Childeric the king of France, and so thrusting him into an
abbey, set up in his place Pepin and his son Charlemagne to put down
the said king of Lombards, called Aistulphus. And so he translated the
empire from Constantinople into France, dividing the spoil between him
and them; so that the kings of France had all the possessions and
lands which before belonged to the empire, and he to receive of them
the quiet possession of the city of Rome, with such donations and
lordships, which now they challenge unto them under the name of St.
Peter's patrimony, which they falsely ascribe to that donation of
Constantine the Great.

  It followeth then in process of time, after the days of Pepin,
Charlemagne, and Louis, (who had endowed these bishops of Rome, called
now popes, with large possessions,) when the kings of France were not
so appliable to their beck, to aid and maintain them against the
princes of Italy, who began then to pinch the said bishops for their
wrongful usurped goods, they practised with the Germans to reduce the
empire to Otho first of that name, duke of Spain, referring the
election thereof to seven princes, electors of Germany, which was
about A. D. 1002; notwithstanding, reserving still in his hands the
negative voice, thinking thereby to enjoy that they had in quietness
and security, and so did for a good space.

  At length, when some of these German emperors also after Otho
began a little to spurn against the said bishops and popes of Rome,
some of them they accursed, some they subdued and brought to the
kissing of their feet, some they deposed, and placed other in their
possessions.

  So was Henry the Fourth by these bishops accursed, the emperor
himself forced, with his wife and child, to wait attendance upon the
pope's pleasure three days and three nights in winter, at the gates of
Canossus. Read before. Besides all this, the said pope raised up
Rodulphus to be emperor against him; who, being slain in war, then the
said Pope Gregory the Seventh, not resting thus, stirred up his own
son, Henry the Fifth, to fight against his own natural father, and to
depose him, which Henry the Fifth was also himself afterward accursed
and excommunicated, and the Saxons at last set up by the bishops to
fight against him.

  After this, the emperors began to be somewhat calmed, and more
quiet, suffering the bishops to reign as they listed, till Frederic
the First, called Barbarossa, came and began to stir coals against
them. Howbeit they hampered both him and his son Henry in such sort,
that they brought first the neck of Frederic, in the church of Venice,
under their feet to tread upon; and after the said bishops, crowning
Henry his son in the church of St. Peter, set his crown on his head
with their feet, and with their feet spurned it off again, to make him
know that the popes of Rome had power both to crown emperors, and
depose them again. Whereof read before.

  Then followed Philip, brother to Henry aforesaid, whom also the
popes accursed, about the year of our Lord 1198, and set up Otho, duke
of Saxony. But when the said Otho began to be so saucy, to dispossess
the bishops of their cities and lands which they had encroached into
their hands, they could not bear that, but incontinent they put him
beside the cushion. The like also fell upon Otho the Fourth, that
followed after Philip, who was suffered no longer than four years to
reign, about the year of our Lord 1209.

  At this time Frederic the Second, the son of Frederic Barbarossa,
above mentioned, was but young, whom the bishops of Rome, supposing to
find more mortified and tamed to their hand, advanced to be emperor
after his father. But that fell out much contrary to their
expectation. For he, perceiving the immoderate pomp and pride of the
Roman bishops, which he could in no case abide, so nettled them and
cut their combs, and waxed so stout against them, intending to
extirpate their tyranny, and to reduce their pompous riches to the
state and condition of the primitive church again, putting some of
them to flight, and imprisoning some of their cardinals, that of three
popes, one after another, he was accursed, circumvented by treason, at
last deposed, and after that poisoned, and at last forsaken and died.

  After this Frederic followed his son Conrad, whom the aforesaid
bishops, for his disobedience, soon despatched, exciting against him
in mortal war the landgrave of Thuringia, whereby he was at length
driven into his kingdom of Naples, and there deceased.

  This Conrad had a son called Conradinus, duke and prince of
Suevia. When this Conradinus, after the decease of his father, came to
enjoy his kingdom of Naples, the said bishops stirred up against him
Charles, the French king's brother, in such sort, that through crafty
conveyance, both Conradinus,whieh descended of the blood of so many
emperors, and also Frederic, duke of Austria, were both taken, and
after much wretched handling in their miserable endurance, unseeming
to their state, at length were both brought under the axe by the
pope's procurement, and so both beheaded. And thus ended the imperial
stock of Frederic the First, surnamed Barbarossa.

  The like as happened to Frederic the emperor, had almost also
fallen upon Philip the French king, by Pope Boniface the Eighth, who,
because he could not have his commodities and revenues out of France
after his will, sent out his bulls and letters patent to displace King
Philip aforesaid, and to possess Albert, king of Romans, in his room.
Illustration: Emperors kissing the pope's feet.

  And thus hitherto in foreign stories. Now touching our country
princes here in England, to speak somewhat likewise of them: did not
Pope Alexander the Third, presumptuously taking upon him where he had
nothing to do, to intermeddle with the king's subjects, for the death
of Becket the rebel, albeit the king sufficiently cleared himself
thereof, yet, notwithstanding, did he not wrongfully bring the said
King Henry the Second to such penance as it pleased him to enjoin, and
also violently constrained him to swear obedience to the see of Rome?
The like also was showed before in this story to happen to King John
his son. For when the said king, like a valiant prince, had held out
the tyranny of those bishops seven years together, were not all the
churches in England barred up, and his inheritance with all his
dominions given away, by Pope Innocent the Third, to Louis the French
king, and he afterward compelled to submit both himself, and to make
his whole realm feudatory to the bishops of Rome, and moreover the
king himself driven also to surrender his crown to Pandulph, the
pope's legate, and so continued as a private person five days,
standing at the pope's con rtesy,whether to receive it again at his
hands or no. And when the nobles of the realm rose afterward against
the king for the same, was not he then fain to seek and sue to the
aforesaid pope for succour, as by his own letter, taken out of the
rolls, may appear?

  And yet, all this notwithstanding, that the said King John did so
yield to the pope, he was both pursued by his nobles, and also in the
end was poisoned by a subject of the pope's own religion, a monk of
Swinstead; as I have sufficiently to prove, not only by William
Caxton, above in my story alleged, but also have testimony of the most
part of Chronicles for the same, (a few only excepted,) as of Thomas
Gray, in his French Chronicle; also of another French Chronicle in
metre; of Ranulphus Cestrensis. Thomas Rudburn also doth witness the
same; so doth Richard Bede, in Novo Chronico ad Tempora Henr. 6. The
like also doth the chronicle ealled Eulogium Monachi Cant. The words
of Walter Gisborn, an ancient historiographer, be plain. No less is to
be found in Joan. Major. de Gestis Scotorum, libr. 4. cap. 3. fol. 56,
where he not only maketh mention of the monk and of the poison, but
also of the abbot, of his absolution, and of the three monks every day
singing for the said monk's soul. To these I could also annex divers
other writers both English and Latin, without name, which witness that
King John was poisoned; one beginning thus, "Here beginneth a book in
the English tongue, called Brute," &c. Another beginneth, "Because
this book is made to tell what time any thing notable," &c. The third
in English beginneth, "The reign of Britain that now is called
England," &c. Of Latin books which have no name, one beginneth thus,
Britannia, quæ et Anglia dicitur, a Bruto nomen est sortita, &c.;
another hath this beginning, Adam pater generis humani, &c.

  Besides this King Henry the Second, and King John his son, what
kings have here reigned in England since their time, until the reign
of King Henry the Eighth; who although they were prudent princes, and
did what they could in providing against the proud domination of these
bishops, yet were forced at length, sore against their wills, for
fear, to subject themselves, together with their subjects, undertheir
usurped authority, insomuch as some of them (as Matthew Paris writeth
by King Henry the Third) were fain to stoop and kiss their legate's
knee.
Illustration: Pope Celestine the Fourth crowning the Emperor Henry the
Sixth, with his feet.
Illustration: Henry the Fourth, emperor, waiting three days upon Pope
Gregory the Seventh.
Illustration: King John offering his crown to Pandulph the pope's
legate
Illustration: Henry the Fourth, emperor, surrendering his crown to the
pope
Illustration: King Henry the Second kissing the knee of the pope's
legate coming into England
The image of antichrist, exalting himself in the temple of God, above
all that is named God, out of his men Decrees, Decretals,
Extravagants, Pontificals, &c., word for word, as it is out of the
said books here alleged and quoted.

    FORASMUCH as it standeth upon necessity of salvation, for every
human creature to be subject unto me the pope of Rome, it shall be
therefore requisite and necessary for all men that will be saved, to
learn and know the dignity of my see and excellency of my domination,
as here is set forth according to the truth and very words of mine own
laws, in style as followeth. First, my institution began in the Old
Testament, and was consummate and finished in the New; in that my
priesthood was prefigured by Aaron, and other bishops under me were
prefigured by the sons of Aaron, that were under him. Neither is it to
be thought that my Church of Rome hath been preferred by any general
council, but obtained the primacy only by the voice of the gospel, and
the mouth of the Saviour. And hath in it neither spot nor wrinkle, nor
any such like thing. Wherefore as other seats be all inferior to me,
and as they cannot absolve me; so have they no power to bind me or to
stand against me, no more than the axe hath power to stand or presume
above him that heweth with it, or the saw to presume above him that
ruleth it. This is the holy and apostolic mother church of all other
churches of Christ. From whose rules it is not meet that any person or
persons should decline; but like as the Son of God came to do the will
of his Father, so must you do the will of your mother the church, the
head whereof is the Church of Rome. And if any other person or persons
shall err from the said church, either let them be admonished, or else
their names taken, to be known who they be that swerve from the
customs of Rome. Thus then forasmuch as the holy Church of Rome,
whereof I am governor, is set up to the whole world for a glass or
example, reason would, what thing soever the said church determineth,
or ordaineth, that to be received of all men for a general and a
perpetual rule for ever. Whereupon we see it now verified in this
church, that was foreprophesied by Jeremy, saying, Behold, I have set
thee up over nations and kingdoms, to pluck up and to break down, to
build and to plant, &c. Whoso understandeth not the prerogative of
this my priesthood, let him look up to the firmament, where he may see
two great lights, the sun and the moon, one ruling over the day, the
other over the night; so in the firmament of the universal church God
hath set two great dignities, the authority of the pope, and of the
emperor. Of the which two, this our dignity is so much more weightier,
as we have the greater charge to give account to God for kings of the
earth, and the laws of men. Wherefore be it known to you emperors,
which know it also right well, that you depend upon the judgment of
us; we must not be brought and reduced to your will. For, (as I said,)
look what difference there is betwixt the sun and the moon, so great
is the power of the pope ruling over the day, that is, over the
spiritualty, above emperors and kings ruling over the night, that is,
over the laity. Now seeing then the earth is seven times bigger than
the moon, and the sun eight times greater than the earth; it
followeth, that the pope's dignity fifty-six times doth surmount the
estate of the emperor's. Upon consideration whereof, I say therefore
and pronounce, that Constantine the emperor did naught setting the
patriarch of Constantinople at ins feet on his left hand. And although
the said emperor wrote to me, alleging the words of St. Peter,
commanding us to submit ourselves to every human creature, as to
kings, dukes, and other, for the cause of God, &c., I Pet. ii., yet in
answering again in my decretal, I expounded the mind and the words of
St. Peter to pertain to his subjects, and not his successors, willing
the said emperor to consider the person of the speaker, and to whom it
was spoken. For if the mind of Peter had been there to debase the
order of priesthood, and to make us underlings to every human
creature, then every Jack might have dominion over prelates, which
maketh against the example of Christ, setting up the order of
priesthood to bear dominion-over kings, according to the saying of
Jeremiah, Behold, I have set thee up over kings and nations, &c. And
as I feared not then to write this boldly unto Constantine, so now I
say to all other emperors, that they, receiving of me their
approbation, unction, consecration, and crown imperial, must not
disdain to submit their heads under me, and swear unto me their 
allegiance. For so you read in
the decree of Pope John, how that princes heretofore have been wont to
bow and submit their heads unto bishops, and not to proceed in
judgment against the heads of bishops. If this reverence and
submission was wont to be given to bishops, how much more ought they
to submit their heads to me, being superior, not only to kings, but
emperors! and that for two causes: first, for my title of succession,
that I, pope of Rome, have to the empire, the room standing vacant;
also for the fulness of power that Christ, the King of kings, and Lord
of lords, hath given to me, though unworthy, in the person of Peter.
By reason whereof, seeing my I power is not of man, but of God, who by
his celestial providence hath set me over his whole universal church,
master and governor, it belongeth therefore to my office, to look upon
every mortal sin of every Christian man; whereby all criminal
offences, as well of kings as all other, be subject to my censure, in
such sort, that in all manner of pleading, if any manner of person at
any time, either before the sentence given, or after, shall appeal to
me, it shall be lawful for him so to do. Neither must kings and
princes think it much to submit themselves to my judgment; for so did
Valentinian, the worthy emperor, so did Theodosius, and also Charles.
Thus you see, all must be judged by me, and I of no man. Yea, and
though I, pope of Rome, by my negligence or evil demeanour, be found
unprofitable or hurtful, either to myself or others; yea, if I should
draw with me innumerable souls by heaps to hell, yet may no mortal man
be so hardy, so bold, or so presumptuous to reprove me, or to say to
me, Sir, why do you so? For although you read that Balaam was rebuked
of his ass, by the which ass our subjects, by Balaam we prelates, are
signified; yet that ought to be no example to our subjects to rebuke
us. And though we read in the Scripture, that Peter, who received
power of the kingdom, and being chief of the apostles might by virtue
of his office control all other, was content to come and give answer
before his inferiors, objecting to him his going to the Gentiles; yet
other inferiors must not learn by this example to be checkmate with
their prelates, because that Peter so took it at their hands, showing
thereby rather a dispensation of humility, than the power of his
office; by the which power, he might have said to them again in this
wise, It becometh not sheep, nor belongeth to their office, to accuse
their shepherd. For else why was Dioscorus, patriarch of Alexandria,
condemned and excommunicated at Chalcedon? not for any cause of his
faith, but only for that he durst stand against Pope Leo, and durst
excommunicate the bishop of Rome; for who is he that hath authority to
accuse the seat of St. Peter? Albeit, I am not ignorant what St.
Jerome writeth, that Paul would not have reprehended Peter, unless he
had thought himself equal unto him. Yet Jerome must thus be expounded
by my interpretation, that this equality betwixt Peter and Paul
consisteth not in like office of dignity, but in pureness of
conversation. For who gave Paul his licence to preach but Peter, and
that by the authority of God, saying, Separate to me Paul and
Barnabas, &c. Wherefore be it known to all men, that my Church of Rome
is prince and head of all nations; the mother of the faith, the
foundation cardinal, whereupon all churches do depend as the door doth
depend by the hinges; the first of all other seats, without all spot
or blemish; lady, mistress, and instructor of all churches; a glass
and a spectacle unto all men, to be followed in all whatsoever she
observeth; which was never found yet to slide or decline from the path
of apostolic tradition, or to be entangled with any newness of heresy.
Against which Church of Rome, whosoever speaketh any evil, is
forthwith a heretic; yea, a very pagan, a witch, an idolater or
infidel; having fulness of power only in her own hands in ruling,
deciding, absolving, condemning, casting out, or receiving in; albeit
I deny not but other churches be partakers with her in labouring and
carrying. To the which Church of Rome it is lawful to appeal for
remedy, from all other churches. Although it was otherwise concluded
in the general council of Millevitane, that no man should appeal over
the sea under pain of excommunication, yet my gloss cometh in here
with an exception, Except the appeal be to the see of Rome, &c. By the
authority of which Church of Rome all synods and decrees of councils
stand confirmed. And hath always full authority in her hands to make
new laws and decreements; and to alter statutes, privileges, rights,
or documents of churches; to separate things joined, and to join
things separated upon right consideration, either in whole or in part,
either personally or generally. Of the which Church of Rome I am head,
as a king is over his judges; the vicar of St. Peter; yea, not the
vicar of Peter properly, but the vicar of Christ properly, and
successor of Peter; vicar of Jesus Christ, rector of the universal
church, director of the Lord's universal flock; chief magistrate of
the whole world; cephas, i. e. caput, the head and chief of the
apostolic church; universal pope, and diocesan in all places exempt,
as well as every bishop is in places not exempt; most mighty priest;
lex animata in terris, i. e. a living law in the earth, judged to have
all laws in the chest of my breast; bearing the .room of no pure man,
being neither God nor man, but the admiration of the world, and a
middle thing betwixt both; having both swords in my power, both of the
spiritual and temporal jurisdiction; so far surmounting the authority
of the emperor, that I of mine own power alone, without a council,
have authority to depose him, or to transfer his kingdom, and to give
a new election, as I did to Frederic and divers other. What power then
or potentate in all the world is comparable to me, who have authority 
to bind and loose both in heaven and earth? that is, who have power
both of heavenly things, and also of temporal things; to whom emperors
and kings be more inferior, than lead is inferior to gold. For do you
not see the necks of great kings and princes bend under our knees,
yea, and think themselves happy and well defenced, if they may kiss
our hands? Wherefore the sauciness of Honorius the emperor is to be
reprehended, and his constitution abolished, who with his laity would
take upon him to intermeddle, not only with the temporal order, but
also with matters ecclesiastical, and election of the pope. But here
perchance some will object the examples and words of Christ, saying,
That his kingdom is not of this world; and where he, being required to
divide betwixt two brethren their heritage, did refuse it. But that
ought to be no prejudice to my power. For if Peter, and I in Peter, if
we, I say, have power to bind and loose in heaven, how much more then
is it to be thought, that we have power in earth to loose and to take
away empires, kingdoms, dukedoms, and what else soever mortal men may
have, and to give them where we will? And if we have authority over
angels, which be the governors of princes, what then may we do upon 
their inferiors and servants! And for that you shall not marvel that I
say angels be subject to us, you shall hear what my blessed clerk
Antoninus writeth of the matter, saying, that our power, of Peter and
me, is greater than the angels in four things; 1. In jurisdiction, 2.
In administration of sacraments, 3. In knowledge, 4. And in reward,
&c. And again, in Bulla Clementis, do I not there command in my bull
the angels of paradise, to absolve the soul of man out of purgatory,
and to bring it into the glory of paradise? And now, besides my
heavenly power, to speak of mine earthly jurisdiction, who did first
translate the empire from the Greeks to the Al-mains, but I? And not
only in the empire am I emperor, the place being empty, but in all
ecclesiastical benefices have full right and power to give, to
translate, and to dispose after my arbitrement. Did not I, Zacharias,
put down Childeric the old king of France, and set up Pepin? Did not
I, Gregory the Seventh, set up Robert Wysard, and make him king of
Silieia, and duke of Capua? &c. Did not I, the same Gregory, also set
up Rodulph against Henry the Fourth, emperor? And though this Henry
was an emperor of most stout courage, who stood sixty-two times in
open field against his enemies, yet did not I, Gregory, bring him
coram nobis, and made him stand at my gate three days and three nights
bare-foot and bare-leg, with his wife and child, in the deep of
winter, both in frost and snow, entreating for his absolution, and
after did excommunicate him again; so that he was twice excommunicated
in my days? Again, did not I, Paschal, after Gregory, set up the son
of the said Henry against his father in war, to possess the empire,
and to put down his father, and so he did? Item, did not I, Pope
Alexander, bring under Henry the Second, king of England, for the
death of Thomas Becket, and cause him to go barefoot to his tomb at
Canterbury with bleeding feet? Did not I, Innocent the Third, cause
King John to kneel down at the feet of Pandulph my legate, and offer
up his crown to his hands; also to kiss the feet of Stephen Langton,
bishop of Canterbury, and besides merced him in a thousand marks by
year? Did not I, Urban the Second, put down Earl Hugo, in Italy,
discharging his subjects from their oath and obedience to him? Did not
I, Paschal, excommunicate also his son Henry the Fifth, and get out of
his hands all his right and title of elections and donations of
spiritual promotions? Did not I, Gelasius the Second, bring the
captain of Cintius under, unto the kissing of my feet? And after
Gelasius, did not I, Calixtus the Second, quail the aforesaid Emperor
Henry the Fifth, and also bring in subjection Gregory, whom the said
emperor had set up against me to be pope, bringing him into Rome upon
a camel, his face to the tail, making him to hold the tail in his hand
instead of a bridle? Further, did not I, Innocent the Second, set up
and make Lotharius to be emperor for driving out Pope Anacletus out of
Rome? Did not I, the said Innocent, take the dukedom of Sicily from
the empire, and make Roger to be king thereof, whereby afterward the
kingdom became the patrimony of St. Peter? Did not I, Alexander the
Third, suspend all the realm and churches of England for the king's
marriage? A. D. 1159. But what do I speak of kings? did not the said
Alexander bring the valiant Emperor Frederic the First to Venice, by
reason of his son Otho, there taken prisoner, and there in St. Mark's
church made him fall down flat upon the ground while I set my foot
upon his neck, saying the verse of the Psalm, Super aspidem et
basilicum ambulabis? &c. Did not I, Adrian, pope, an Englishman born,
excommunicate William, king of Sicily, and refuse his peace, which he
offered? and had not he overcome me in plain field, I would have
shaken him out of his kingdom of Sicily, and dukedom of Apulia. Also,
did not I, the said Adrian, control and correct the aforesaid
Frederic, emperor, for holding the left stirrup of my horse, when he
should have holden the right? and afterward did not I excommunicate
and curse him, for that he was so saucy to set his own name in writing
before mine? And although a poor fly afterward overcame and strangled
me, yet I made kings and emperors to stoop. Did not I, Innocent the
Third, eject Philip, brother to Frederic, from the imperial crown,
being elected without my leave, and after set him up again? and also
set up Otho of Brunswick, and after did excommunicate and also depose
the same four years, setting up the French king to war against him.
Then was Frederic the Second set up by me, and reigned thirty-seven
years; and yet, five years before he died, did not I, Honorius,
interdict him, for not restoring certain to their possessions at my
request? Whom also Gregory the Ninth did excommunicate twice together,
and raised the Venetians against him. And at length Innocent spoiled
him of his empire; after that he caused him to be poisoned, at length
to be strangled by one Manfred, and did excommunicate his son Conrad
after him, not only depriving him of his right inheritance, but also
caused him, with Frederic duke of Austria, to be beheaded. Thus then
did not I excommunicate and depose all these emperors in order? Henry
the Fourth, Henry the Fifth, Frederic the First, Philip, Otho the
Fourth, Frederic the Second, and Conrad his son? Did not I interdict
King Henry the Eighth, and all his kingdom of England? And had not his
prudence and power prevented my practice, I had displaced him from his
kingdom also. Briefly, who is able to comprehend the greatness of my
power and of my seat? For by me only, general councils take their
force and confirmation, and the interpretation of the said councils,
and of all other causes hard and doubtful, ought to be referred and
stand to my determination. By me the works of all writers, whatsoever
they be, either be reproved or allowed: then how much more ought my
writings and decrees to be preferred before all other! Insomuch that
my letters and epistles decretal be equivalent with general councils?
and whereas God hath ordained all causes of men to be judged by men,
he hath only reserved me, that is, the pope of Rome, without all
question of men, unto his own judgment. And therefore, where all other
creatures be under their judge, only I, which in earth am the judge of
all, can be judged of none, neither of emperor, nor the whole clergy,
nor of kings, nor of the people. For who hath power to judge upon his
judge. This judge am I, and that alone, without any other assistance
of any council joined to me. For I have power upon councils; councils
have no power upon me. But if the council determine amiss, it is in my
authority alone to infringe it, or to condemn whom I wish without any
council. And all for the pre-eminence of my predecessor, blessed St.
Peter, which by the voice of the Lord he received, and ever shall
retain. Furthermore, and whereas all other sentences and judgments,
both of councils, person or persons, may and ought to be examined, for
that they may be corrupted four ways, by fear, by gifts, by hatred, by
favour, only my sentence and judgment must stand, as given out of
heaven by the mouth of Peter himself, which no man must break nor
retract, no man must dispute or doubt of. Yea, if my judgment,
statute, or yoke, seem scarcely tolerable, yet for remembrance of St.
Peter it must be humbly obeyed. Yea, and moreover obedience is to be
given, not only to such decrees set forth by me in time of my popedom,
but also to such as I do foresee and commit to writing before I be
pope. And although it be thought by some writers, to be given to all
men to err, and to be deceived, yet neither am I a pure man. And
again, the sentence of my apostolic seat is always conceived with such
moderation, is concoct and digested with such patience and ripeness,
and delivered out with such gravity of deliberation, that nothing is
thought in it necessary to be altered or detracted; wherefore it is
manifest, and testified by the voice of holy bishops, that the dignity
of this my seat is to be reverenced through the whole world, in that
all the faithful submit themselves to it as to the head of the whole
body. Whereof it is spoken to me by the prophet, speaking of the ark;
If this be humbled, whither shall you run for succour, and where shall
your glory become? Seeing then this is so, that so holy bishops and
Scriptures do witness with me, what shall we say then to such as will
take upon them to judge of my doings, to reprehend my proceedings, or
to require homage and tribute of me, to whom all other are subject?
Against the first sort the Scripture speaketh, Deut. Thou oughtest not
to put thy scythe into another man's corn; which thing to attempt
against me, what is it but plain sacrilege? According to my canonists,
which thus define sacrilege to consist in three things; either when a
man judgeth of his prince's judgment; or when the holy day is
profaned; or when reverence is not given to laws and canons. Against
the second sort maketh the plaee of the Book of Kings, where we read
the ark of God was brought from Gaba to Jerusalem, and in the way the
ark inclining by reason of the unruly oxen, Ozias the Levite put to
his hand to help, and therefore was stricken of the Lord. By the ark
is signified the prelates; by the inclination thereof, the fall of
prelates; which also be signified by the angels that Jacob did see
going up and coming down the ladder; also by the prophet, where he
saith, He bowed down the heavens and came down, &c. By Ozias, and by
the unruly oxen, are meant our subjects. Then like as Ozias was
stricken for putting his hand to the ark inclining, no more must
subjects rebuke their prelates going awry. Albeit, here may be
answered again, that all be not prelates which so be called; for it is
not the name that maketh a bishop, but his life. Against the third
sort, of such as would bring us under the tribute and exactions of
secular men, maketh the New Testament, where Peter was bid to give the
groat in the fish's mouth, but not the head nor the body of the fish;
no more is the head or body of the church subdued to kings, but only
that which is in the mouth, that is, the external things of the
church. And yet not they neither; for so we read in the Book of
Genesis, that Pharaoh in time of dearth subdued all the land of the
Egyptians, but yet he ministered to the priests, so that he took
neither their possessions from them, nor their liberty. If then
prelates of the church must be neither judged, nor reprehended, nor
exacted, how much more ought I to be free from the same, which am the
bishop of bishops, and head of prelates for it is not to be thought
that the case betwixt me and other prelates, betwixt my see and other
churches, be like. Although the whole catholic and apostolic church
make one bride chamber of Christ; yet the catholic and apostolic
Church of Rome had the pre-eminence given over all other by the mouth
of the Lord himself, saying to Peter, Thou art Peter, &c. Thus a
discretion and difference must be had in the church as it was betwixt
Aaron and his children; betwixt the seventy-two disciples and the
twelve apostles; betwixt the other apostles and Peter; wherefore it is
to be concluded, that there must be an order and difference of degrees
in the church betwixt powers superior and inferior; without which
order, the universality of the whole cannot consist. For as amongst
the angelical creatures above in heaven there is set a difference and
unequality of powers and orders, some be angels, some archangels, some
cherubims and seraphims; so in the ecclesiastical hierarchy of the
church militant in the earth, priests must not be equal with bishops,
bishops must not be like in order with archbishops, with patriarchs,
or primates, who contain under them three archbishops, as a king
eontaineth three dukes under him. In the which number of patriarchs
cometh in the state also of cardinals or principals, so called,
because as the door turneth by his hinges, so the universal church
ought to be ruled by them. The next and highest order above these is
mine, which am pope, differing in power and majority, and honour
reverential, from these and all other degrees of men. For the better
declaration whereof, my canonists make three kinds of power in earth;
Immediata, which is mine immediately from God; Derivata, which
belongeth to other inferior prelates from me; Ministralis, belonging
to emperors and princes to minister for me. For the which cause the
anointing of princes and my consecration doth differ; for they are
anointed only in the arms or shoulders, and I in the head, to signify
the difference of power betwixt princes and me. This order therefore
of priests, bishops, archbishops, patriarchs, and other, as a thing
most convenient, my Church of Rome hath set and instituted through all
churches, following therein, not only the example of the angelical
army in heaven, but also of the apostles. For amongst them also there
was not a uniform equality or institution of one degree, but a
diversity or distinction of authority and power. Albeit they were all
apostles together, yet it was granted notwithstanding to Peter,
themselves also agreeing to the same, that he should bear dominion and
superiority over all the other apostles. And therefore he had his name
given him Cephas, that is, head or beginning of the apostlehood,
whereupon the order of priesthood first in the New Testament began in
Peter, to whom it was said, Thou art Peter, and upon thee I will build
my church, And I will give thee the keys of the kingdom of heaven. And
thou being converted, confirm thy brethren. I have prayed for thee
that thy faith shall not fail. Wherefore seeing such power is given to
Peter, and to me in Peter, being his successor, who is he then in all
the world that ought not to he subject to my decrees, which have such
power in heaven, in hell, in earth, with the quick and also the dead?
commanding and granting in my bull of lead sent to Vienna, unto all
such as died in their peregrination to Rome, that the pain of hell
should not touch them: and also that all such as took the holy cross
upon them should every one, at his request, not only be delivered
himself, but also deliver three or four souls whomsoever he would, out
of purgatory. Again, having such promise and assurance that my faith
shall not fail, who then will not believe my doctrine? For did not
Christ himself first pray for Peter that his faith should not fail?
Also have I not a sure promise of Paul's own mouth, writing to my
church by these words; God is my witness whom I serve in my spirit, in
the gospel of his Son, that without ceasing I make mention of you
always in my prayers? Rom. i. Wherefore as I condemn all such
worthily, which will not obey my decrees, to be dispossessed of all
their honour without restitution. So all they that believe not my
doctrine, or stand against the privilege of the church, especially the
Church of Rome, I pronounce them heretics. And as the other before is
to be called unjust, so this man is to be called a heretic. For why,
he goeth against the faith which goeth against her who is the mother
of faith. But here may rise perchance a doubt or scruple, that if my
faith and knowledge stand so sure by the promise of Christ, and by the
continual prayer of St. Paul; whether is it true, or is it to be
granted that any other should excel me in knowledge, or interpretation
of Holy Scripture? For look whose knowledge is grounded on most
reason, his words would seem to be of more authority. Whereunto I
answer and grant, that many there be, and have been, more abundantly
endued with fuller grace of the Holy Ghost and greater excellency of
knowledge; and therefore that the tractations of Augustine, Jerome,
and others ought to be preferred before the constitutions of divers
popes; yet I say in determination of causes, because they have not the
virtue and height of that authority which is given to me, therefore in
expounding of Scriptures they are to be preferred, but in deciding of
matters they stand inferior to my authority. By virtue of which
authority, both they themselves be allowed for doctors, and their
works approved, and also all other matters be ruled, through the power
of the keys which is given to me immediately of Christ. Although I
deny not but the same keys be also committed to other prelates, as
they were to other apostles besides Peter, yet it is one thing to have
the keys, another thing to have the use of the keys. Wherefore here is
to be noted a distinction of keys, after the mind of my school
doctors: one key which is called clavis ordinis, having authority to
bind and loose, but not over the persons whom they bind and loose; and
this authority they take not immediately of Christ, but mediately by
me the vicar of Christ. The other key is called clavis jurisdictionis,
which I, the vicar of Christ, take immediately of him, having not only
authority to bind and loose, but also dominion over them on whom this
key is exercised., By the jurisdiction of which key the fulness of my
power is so great, that whereas all other are subjects, yea, and
emperors themselves ought to subdue their executions to me; only I am
subject to no creature; no, not to myself, except I list in foro
pœnitentiæ to my ghostly father submitting myself as a sinner, but not
as pope. So that my papal Majesty ever remaineth unpunished; superior
to all men, whom all persons ought to obey, and follow; whom no man
must judge nor accuse of any crime, either of murder, adultery,
simony, or such-like; no man depose, but I myself. No man can
excommunicate me, yea, though I communicate with the excommunicate,
for no canon bindeth me. Whom no man must lie to; for he that lieth to
me is a church robber; and who obeyeth not me is a heretic, and an
excommunicate person. For like as all the Jews were commanded to obey
the high priest of the Levitical order, of what state or condition
soever they were; so are all Christian men more and less bound to obey
me, Christ's lieutenant in earth. Concerning the obedience or 
disobedience of whom ye have in Dent. xvii., where the common gloss
saith, that he who denieth to the high priest obedientiam, lieth under
the sentence of condemnation, as much as he that denieth to God his
omnipotentiam. Thus then it appeareth, that the greatness of my
priesthood, begun in Melchisedec, was solemnized in Aaron, continued
in the children of Aaron, perfected in Christ, represented in Peter,
exalted in the universal jurisdiction, and manifested in Silvester,
&c. So that through this pre-eminence of my priesthood, having all
things subject to me, it may seem well verified in me that was spoken
of Christ, Psal. viii., Thou hast subdued all things under his feet,
sheep and oxen, and all cattle of the field, the birds of heaven, and
fish of the sea, &c. Where it is to be noted, that by oxen, Jews and
heretics, by cattle of the field, pagans, be signified. For although
as yet they be out of the use of my keys of binding and loosing, yet
they be not out of the jurisdiction of my keys, but if they return I
may absolve them. By sheep and all cattle, are meant all Christian men
both great and less, whether they be emperors, princes, prelates, or
other. By birds of the air you may understand the angels and
potentates of heaven, who be all subject to me, in that I am greater
than the angels; and that in four things, as is before declared; and
have power to bind and loose in heaven, and to give heaven to them
that fight in my wars. Lastly, by the fishes of the sea, are signified
the souls departed in pain, or in purgatory, as Gregory by his prayer
delivered the soul of Trajanus out of hell, and I have power to
deliver out of purgatory whom I please. Lastly, by the fishes of the
sea are signified such as be in purgatory; insomuch that they stand in
need and necessity of other men's help, and yet be in their journey,
passengers, and belonging to the eourt of the pope; therefore they may
be relieved out of the storehouse of the church, by the participation 
of indulgence. And forasmuch as some do object that my pardons cannot
extend to them that be departed, for that it was said to Peter,
Whatsoever thou shalt loose upon earth; and therefore seeing they are
not upon earth, they cannot be loosed of me: here I answer again by my
doctors, that this word, upon the earth, may be referred two manner of
ways; first to him that is the looser, so that he which shall loose
shall be upon the earth; and so I grant that the pope being dead can
loose no man. Also it maybe referred to him that is loosed, so that
whosoever is loosed must be upon the earth, or about the earth; and so
the souls in purgatory may be loosed, which albeit they are not upon
the earth, yet they are about the earth, at least they be not in
heaven. And because oftentimes one question may rise upon another, and
the heads of men now-a-days are curious, a man hearing now that I can
deliver out of purgatory, will ask here a question, Whether I be able
also to empty all purgatory at once, or not? To whom my canonist,
August. de Ancho., doth answer by a triple distinction: Quantum ad
absolutam meam jurisdictionem, quantum ad ordinatam executionem,
quantum ad divinam acceptationem. First, touching my absolute
jurisdiction, he saith, I am able to rid out all purgatory together,
for as many as be under my jurisdiction, as all be, except only
infants unbaptized, in limbo, and men departed only with the baptism
of the Spirit, and such as have no friends to do for them that 
wherefore pardons be given; these only excepted. For all other
besides, the pope, he saith, hath power to release all purgatory at
once, as touching his absolute jurisdiction. Albeit Thomas Aquinas,
part 4, denieth the same, forasmuch as Christ himself, he saith, when
he came down, did not utterly at once release all purgatory. As
touching my ordinary execution, they hold, that I may if I will, but I
ought not to do it. Thirdly, as concerning the Divine acceptation,
that is, how God would accept it if I did it, that (they say) is
unknown unto them, and to every creature, yea, and to the pope
himself.
Illustration: Frederic the First, emperor, corrected for holding Pope
Adrian's stirrup on the wrong side.

Illustration: The order of the pope's riding, the emperor holding his
bridle, and kings going before him.

Illustration: The pope carried on men's shoulders, the emperor and
king going before him.

  And to the intent I would all men to see and understand that I
lack not witnesses more besides these, if I list to bring them out,
you shall hear the whole choir of my divine clergy brought out, with a
full voice, testifying in my behalf in their books, tractations,
distinctions, titles, glosses, and summaries, as by their own words
here followeth. The pope (say they) being the vicar of Jesus Christ
through the whole world, in the stead of the living God, hath that
dominion and lordship which Christ here in earth would not have,
although he had it in habitu, but gave it to Peter in actu, that is,
the universal jurisdiction both of spiritual things, and also of
temporal, which double jurisdiction was signified in the two swords in
the gospel, and also by the offering of the wise men, who offered not
only incense, but also gold, to signify not only the spiritual
dominion, but also the temporal, to belong to Christ and to his vicar.
For as we read, The earth is the Lord's, and the fulness thereof; as
Christ saith, All power is given to him both in heaven and earth: so
it is to be affirmed inclusive, that the vicar of Christ hath power on
things celestial, terrestrial, and infernal; which he took immediately
of Christ; all other take it immediately by Peter and the pope.
Wherefore such as say that the pope hath dominion only on spiritual
things in the world, and not of temporal, may be likened to the
counsellors of the kings of Syria, 1 Kings xx., which said, That the
gods of the mountains be their gods, and therefore they have overcome
us; but let us fight against them in the low meadows, and in valleys,
where they have no power, and so we shall prevail over them. So evil
counsellors now-a-days, through their pestiferous flattery, deceive
kings and princes of the earth, saying, Popes and prelates be gods of
mountains, that is, of spiritual things only, but they be not gods of
valleys, that is, they have no dominion over temporal things; and
therefore let us fight with them in the valleys, that is, in the power
of the temporal possessions, and so we shall prevail over them. But
what saith the sentence of God to them, let us hear. Because, saith
he, the Syrians say that the god of mountains is their god, and not
the god of valleys, therefore I will give all this multitude into your
hand, and ye shall know that I am the Lord. What can be more
effectually spoken to set forth the majesty of my jurisdiction, which
I received immediately of the Lord; of the Lord, I say, and of no man?
For whereas Constantine the emperor gave to Silvester, endowing him
with this possession and patrimony; that is so to be expounded and
taken, not so much for a donation, as to be counted for a restitution
made of that which tyrannously was taken from him before. And again,
whereas I have given at sundry times to Louis and other emperors, of
my temporal lands and possessions, yet that was done not so much for
any recognising of homage to them, as for keeping peace with them. For
I owe to emperors no due obedience that they can claim; but they owe
to me as to their superior. And, therefore, for a diversity betwixt
their degree and mine, in their consecration, they take the unction on
their arm, I on the head. And as I am superior to them, so am I
superior to all laws, and free from all constitutions. Which am able
of myself, and by my interpretation, to prefer equity not being
written before the law written; having all laws within the chest of my
breast, as is aforesaid. And whatsoever this my see shall enact,
approve, or disprove, all men ought to approve or reprove the same,
without either judging, disputing, doubting, or retracting. Such is
the privilege given of Christ, in the behalf of Peter, to the Church
of Rome, that what country soever, kingdom, or province, choosing to
themselves bishops and ministers, although they agree with all other
Christ's faithful people in the name of Jesus, that is, in faith and
charity, believing in the same God, and in Christ his true Son, and in
the Holy Ghost, having also the same creed, the same evangelists and
Scriptures of the apostles; yet, notwithstanding, unless their bishops
and ministers take their origin and ordination from this apostolic
seat, they are to be counted not of the church. So that succession of
faith only is not sufficient to make a church, except the ministers
take their ordination by them which have their succession from the
apostles. So their faith, supremacy, the chair of Peter, keys of
heaven, power to bind and loose, all these be inseparable to the
Church of Rome; so that it is to be presumed, that God always
providing, and St. Peter helping the bishopric and diocese of Rome, it
shall never fall from the faith. And likewise it is to be presumed and
presupposed, that the bishop of that church is always good and holy.
Yea, and though he be not always good, or be destitute of his own
merits, yet the merits of St. Peter, predecessor of that place, be
sufficient for him, who hath bequeathed and left a perpetual dowry of
merits, with inheritance of innocency, to his posterity. Yea, though
he fall into homicide or adultery, he may sin, but yet he cannot be
accused, but rather excused by the murders of Samson, the thefts of
the Hebrews, the adultery of Jacob. And likewise, if any of his clergy
should be found embracing a woman, it must be expounded and
presupposed that he doth it to bless her. Furthermore, the pope (say
they) hath all the dignities, and all power of all patriarchs. In his
primacy, he is Abel; in government, the ark of Noah; in patriarchdom,
Abraham; in order, Melchisedec; in dignity, Aaron; in authority,
Moses; in seat judicial, Samuel; in zeal, Elijah; in meekness, David;
in power, Peter; in unction, Christ. (Nay, thou art antichrist.) My
power (they say) is greater than all the saints. For whom I confirm,
no man may infirm: I may favour and spare whom I please, to take from
one and to give to another. And if I be enemy to any man, all men
ought to eschew that person forthwith, and not tarry and look while I
bid them so to do. All the earth is my diocese, and I the ordinary of
all men, having the authority of the King of all kings upon subjects.
I am all in all, and above all; so that God himself, and I the vicar
of God, have both one consistory, and I am able to do almost all that
God can do, Clave non errante.
Item, it is said of me, that I have a heavenly arbitrement, and
therefore am able to change the nature of things, and of nothing to
make things to be; and of a sentence that is nothing to make it stand
in effect; in all things that I list, my will to stand for reason. For
I am able by the law to dispense above the law, and of wrong to make
justice, in correcting laws and changing them. You have heard hitherto
sufficiently out of my doctors. Now you shall hear greater things out
of mine own decrees. Read there Dist. 96. Satis. Also 12. Cans. 11. q.
1. cap. Sacerdotibus. Also 12. q. 1. cap. Futuram. Do you not find
there expressed, how Constantine the emperor, sitting in the general
council of Nice, called us prelates of the church, all gods? Again,
read my canon Decretal De transl. Episc. cap. Quanto. Do you not see
there manifestly expressed, how not man, but God alone, separateth
that which the bishop of Rome doth dissolve and separate? Wherefore,
if those things that I do be said to be done not of man, but of God,
what can you make me but God? Again, if prelates of the church be
called and counted of Constantine for gods, I then, being above all
prelates, seem by this reason to be above all gods. Wherefore no
marvel, if it be in my power to change time and times, to alter and
abrogate laws, to dispense with all things, yea,with the precepts of
Christ. For where Christ biddeth Peter put up his sword, monishing his
disciples not to use any outward force in revenging themselves, do not
I, Pope Nicolaus, writing to the bishops of France, exhort them to
draw out their material swords in pursuing their enemies, and
recovering their possessions, setting against the precept of Christ,
the prophet saying, Dissolve colligationes impietatis, &c.? Item,
where Christ was present himself at the marriage in Cana of Galilee,
do not I, Pope Martinus, in my Distinction inhibit the spiritual
clergy to be present at marriage feasts, and also to marry themselves?
Item, where matrimony by Christ cannot be loosed but only for
whoredom, do not I, Pope Gregory, Junior, writing ad Bonifacium,
permit the same to be broken for impotency or infirmity of body? Item,
against the express caution of the Gospel, doth not Innocent the
Fourth permit vim vi repellere? Likewise against the Old Testament I
do dispense in not giving tithes. Item, against the New Testament, in
swearing, and that in these six causes: Pax, fama, fides, reverentia,
cautio damni, defectus veri, poscunt sibi magna caveri.

  Wherein two kinds of oaths are to be noted. Whereof some be
promissoria, some be assertoria, &c. Item, in vows, and that ex toto
voto, whereas other prelates cannot dispense ex toto a voto, I can
deliver ex toto a voto, like God himself. Item, in perjury, if I
absolve my absolution standeth; where also note, that in all swearing
always the authority of the superior is excepted. Moreover, where
Christ biddeth to lend without hope of gain, do not I, Pope Martin,
give dispensation for the same? and notwithstanding the council of
Turin enacted the contrary, yet with two bulls I disannulled that
decreement. What should I speak of murder, making it no murder nor
homicide to slay them that be excommunicated. Likewise, against the
law of nature. Item, against the apostle. Also, against the canons of
the apostles I can and do dispense. For where they in their canon
command a priest for fornication to be deposed, I through the
authority of Silvester do alter the rigour of that constitution,
considering the minds and bodies also of men to be weaker than they
were then. Briefly, against the universal state of the church I have
dispensation, scilicet quando status ecclesiæ non decoloratur. And for
marriage in the second degree of consanguinity and affinity, between
the brethren's children, although not inæquali linea, so that the
uncle may not marry his niece, unless for an urgent and weighty cause.
As for all such contracts betwixt party and party, where that
matrimony is not yet consummated by carnal copulation, it is but a
small matter for me to dispense withal. In summa, if ye list briefly
to hear the whole number of all such cases as properly do appertain to
my papal dispensation, which come to the number of one and fifty
points, that no man may meddle withal, but only I myself alone, I will
recite them in English, as they be set forth in my canonical doctors.

Cases papal, to the number of one and fifty, wherein the pope hath
power only to dispense, and none else besides, except by special
licence from him.

  First, determination of doubts and questions belonging to faith.

  Translation of a bishop elect, or confirmed: likewise of abbots
exempted.

  Deposition of bishops.

  The taking of resignation of bishops.

  Exemptions of bishops, not to be under archbishops.

  Restitution of such as be deposed from their order.

  The judicial definition, or interpretation of his own privileges.

  Changing of bishoprics, or dismission of convents, &c.

  New correction of bishops' seats, or institution of new
religions.

  Subjection or division of one bishopric under another.

  Dispensation for vowing to go to the Holy Land.

  Dispensation for the vow of chastity, or of religion, or of holy
orders.

  Dispensation against a lawful oath, or vow made.

  Dispensation against divers irregularities, as in crimes greater
than adultery, and in such as be suspended for simony.

  Dispensation in receiving into orders him that had two wives.

  Dispensing with such as being within orders do that which is
above their order, as if a deacon should say mass, being not yet
priest.

  To receive into order such as be blemished or maimed in body.

  Dispensation with murder, or with such as willingly cut off any
member of man's body.

  Dispensation to give orders to such as have been under the
sentence of the greater curse or excommunication.

  Dispensation with such as being suspended with the greater curse
do minister in any holy order.

  Dispensation with such as be unlawfully born to receive orders or
benefices.

  Dispensation for pluralities of benefices.

  Dispensation to make a man bishop before he be thirty years old.

  Dispensation to give orders under age.

  The pope only hath power to make and call a general council.

  The pope only hath power to deprive an ecclesiastical person, and
give away his benefice being not vacant.

  The pope alone is able to absolve him that is excommunicate by
name.

  The pope only is able to absolve him whom his legate doth
excommunicate.

  The pope both judgeth in the causes of them that appeal unto him,
and where he judgeth, none may appeal from him.

  Only he hath authority to make deacon, and priest, whom he made
subdeacon, either upon Sundays, or upon other feasts.

  Only the pope, and none else, at all times, and in all places,
weareth the pall.

  The pope only dispenseth with a man, either being not within
orders, or being unworthy to be made bishop.

  He only either confirmeth or deposeth the emperor when he is
chosen.

  A man being excommunicated, and his absolution referred to the
pope, none
  may absolve that man but the pope alone.

  The same hath authority in any election, before it be made, to
pronounce it none, when it is made.

  He doth canonize saints, and none else but he.

  Dispensation to have many dignities and personages in one church,
and without charge and cure of soul, belongeth only to the pope.

  To make that effectual which is of no effect, and contrariwise,
belongeth only to the pope.

  To pluck a monk out of his cloister both against his own will and
the abbot's, pertaineth only to the pope.

  His sentence maketh a law.

  The same day in which the pope is consecrate, he may give orders.

  He dispenseth in degrees in consanguinity and affinity.

  He is able to abolish laws, quoad utrumque forum, that is, both
civil and canon, where danger is of the soul.

  It is in his dispensation to give general indulgences to certain
places or persons.

  Item, to legitimate what persons soever he please, as touching
spiritualties; in all places, as touching temporalties, as honours,
inheritance, &c.

  To erect new religions, to approve or reprove rules, or
ordinances, and ceremonies in the church.

  He is able to dispense with all the precepts and statutes of the
church.

  Item, to dispense and to discharge any subject from the bond of
allegiance, or oath made to any manner of person.

  No man may accuse him of any crime, except of heresy, and that
neither, except he be incorrigible.

  The same is also free from all laws, so that he cannot incur into
any sentence of excommunication, suspension, irregularity, or into the
penalty of any crime, but in the note of crime he may well.

  Finally, he by his dispensation may grant, yea, to a simple
priest, to minister the sacrament of confirmation to infants; also to
give lower orders, and to hallow churches and virgins, &c.

  These be the cases wherein I only have power to dispense, and no
man else, neither bishop, nor metropolitan, nor legate, without a
licence from me.

  After that I have now sufficiently declared my power in earth, in
heaven, and in purgatory, how great it is, and what is the fulness
thereof, in binding, loosing, commanding, permitting, electing,
confirming, deposing, dispensing, doing and undoing, &c., I will treat
now a little of my riches likewise, and great possessions, that every
man may see by my wealth and abundance of all things, rents, tithes,
tributes, my silks, my purple, mitres, crowns, gold, silver, pearls
and gems, lands and lordships, how God here prospereth and magnifieth
his vicar on the earth. For to me pertaineth first the imperial city
of Rome; the palace of Lateran, the kingdom of Sicily is proper to me;
Apulia and Cappua be mine. Also the kingdom of England and Ireland, be
they not, or ought they not to be, tributaries to me? To these I
adjoin also, besides other provinces and countries, both in the
occident and orient, from the north to the south, these dominions by
name: as Surrianum, Montembordon, et Lunæ insulam, Corsicæ regnum,
Parvam Mantuam, Montemselete, Insulam Venetiarum, Ducatum Ferrariæ,
Canellum, Caniodam, Ducatum Histriæ, Dalmatiam, Exarchatum Ravennæ,
Faventiam, Cesenam, Castrum, Tiberiatus Roccam Mediolanum, Castrum
Ceperianum, Castrum Cusianum, Terram Cornulariam, Ducatum Armini,
Contam, Montem Ferretum, Montem Capiniæ seu Olympicum, Castrum
exforii, Robin, Eugubin, Urbin, forum Sempronii, Galli, et Senogalli,
Anconam, Cosam, Ducatum Perusii, Urbenetam, et Tudertum, Castrum,
Sinianum, Ducatum Spoletanum, Theanum, Calabriam, Ducatum Neapolim,
Ducatum Beneventi, Selernum, Sorenti insulam, Cardinam insulam, Anciæ
insulam, Territorium Cutisan, Territorium prænestinum, Terram
Silandis, Terram Clusium, Terram fundan, Terram Vegetan, Terram
Claudianan, Terram Camisinam, Terram Fabinensem, Terram Siram, Terram
portuensem, cum insula Archis, Terram Ostiensem cum maritimis,
Civitatem Aquinensem, Civitatem Lamentum, et Sufforariam, Civitatem
Falisenam, Fidenam, Feretrum, Cliternam, Neapolim, Galiopolim, with 
divers other more, which Constantine the emperor gave unto me, not
that they were not mine before he did give them; for in that I took
them of him, I took them not in gift (as is before mentioned) but as a
restitution; and that I rendered them again to Otho, I did it not for
any duty to him, but only for peace sake. What should I speak here of
my daily revenues, of my first-fruits, annats, palls, indulgences,
bulls, confessionals, indults and rescripts, testaments,
dispensations, privileges, elections, prebends, religious houses, and
such-like, which come to no small mass of money! Insomuch, that for
one pall to the archbishop of Mentz, which was wont to be given for
ten thousand florins, now it is grown to twenty-seven thousand
florins, which I received of Jacobus the archbishop, not long before
Basil council: besides the fruits of other bishoprics in Germany,
coming to the number of fifty, whereby what vantage cometh unto my
coffers, it may partly be conjectured. But what should I speak of
Germany, when the whole world is my diocese, as my canonists do say,
and all men are bound to believe, except they will imagine, as the
Manichees do, two beginnings, which is false and heretical; for Moses
saith, In the beginning God made heaven and earth, and not in the
beginnings. Wherefore as I begun, so I conclude, commanding,
declaring, and pronouncing, to stand upon necessity of salvation, for
every human creature to be subject to me.

END OF PART 2.

GLOSSARY
Of obsolete words, or words used in an obsolete sense

Abject : (N) An outcast, low scoundrel; (V) To humble oneself
Accombred : Burdened
Accompt: Account
Accustomably: Normally
Acoluthes: Acolytes
Adjure : To bind under penalty of an oath
Advowson: The right of appointment to a benefice
Affection: A disposition or emotional attitude towards something 
Affiance: Trust
After-clap : A blow struck unexpectedly at an opponent who had thought the fight was over.
Againstond, againstand: Withstand, defeat
Allege: To cite in argument
Almose: Alms
Almous: Of or relating to almsgiving or charity
Amerce: To fine or tax heavily
Anences : Relating to; as anences = as regards 
Antelation: A right of preference or precedence 
Apertly : Openly
Apostoil: The pope
Appair: To damage or weaken
Appellatores: One who makes a false accusation for a reward
Appliable to their beck: Ready to obey them
Appose: To interrogate or question in court
Arectet: Raised up
Arrear: To gather and prepare an army
Assize: To impose or assess a tax; or, to set the price of a staple foodstuff etc.
Assoil: To pardon, absolve
Astonied: Astonished
Auditory: Audience
Auter: Altar
Avouch: To declare publicly
Avowe: Vow
Ayens : Against
Baily : Bailiff, steward
Band: Agreement, contract
Ban-dog: A big savage dog
Bassa: A Turkish general or pasha
Bate: Debate, strife
Beetle: A mallet
Behanged: Decorated with hanging tapestries etc.
Behewed: Hacked with an axe
Behight: Gave, given
Belly-cheer: Gluttony
Bel-wether: The best sheep in a flock
Bene, ben: Are
Benemen, Benomin: Deprive, take away from
Bestead: Beset
Beth: Are, is
Bewray: To betray
Blemished: Disconcerted
Bliue: Believe 
Bolt: To sift
Bonchief: Good fortune, benefit
Bounce: To thump
Brary: One who brays or talks nonsense
Brast : Burst
Brenn: Burn
Brennen: Burn
Bribe: To steal
Bristow: Bristol
Bruit: A noise
Buckler: A shield
Bug: A ghost, monster or other terrifying thing
Bushment: An ambush
Buxom: Obedient
Buxumnesse: Obedience
By-cavillation: Legal quibbling or trickery
Byelden: build
Byhoten: Promised
Byneme, Bynome: Deprive, take away from
Camping cure: A benefice which involves serving God by warfare
Canicular: In canicular days: dog-days, early August
Canivise : Apparently a nonce-word invented by Foxe; presumably "To make into a dog"
Casule: A chasuble
Celsitude: High rank, majesty; your celsitude = your highness
Cense: To bless with incense
Certes: Certainly
Chafe: A fit of temper; fury
Chaffare : Merchandise
Channel: Gutter
Chap-men: Merchants
Chaps: Fissures
Chargeous: Dependent upon
Chart: A charter or official decree. ; Blank chart = a blank royal decree to be filled in with the names etc. of those it will refer to 
Cheeping: Flattering words
Cheer: Facial expression
Chequer: In chequer matters: Lawsuits relating to the collection of royal revenue
Chimer: A loose gown with red sleeves, worn by a bishop
Chisil : A chasuble
Chrismatory: A sacred anointing
Chrisoms: Chrism, a holy oil used for anointing
Civilian: A lawyer specialising in civil law.
Clamper: To botch together
Clennere: To clean, absolve
Clepe: Call
Cloisterer: A monk or nun who stays in a monastery or convent; opposed to a friar, who wanders around begging.
Closter: An enclosure
Coact: To coerce
Coactive: Coercive
Coadjutor: An assistant
Cockle: A weed of corn fields (Lychnis githago) 
Cog: To foist or publish a forged document
Collation: 1) Appointment of a clergyman to a benefice; 2) A commentary on scripture
Colleginer: A fellow of a college
Commencement: A conference
Comminatory: A sealed-off place, a cloister
Commodity: Advantage
Concion: A public speech 
Concupiscence: Overpowering desire (not necessarily sexual)
Confute: To prove wrong
Congruent : Appropriate, suitable
Conning: Wisdom
Contemn : To despise
Contentation: Content, satisfaction
Contumacy: Contemptuous refusal to obey 
Contumelious: Degrading or insulting
Contumely, Contumelies: Insults
Conventicle: A clandestine religious meeting
Cope: A long silken cloak worn as an ecclesiastical vestment on certain occasions
Copulative: Forming a connected whole
Cornleader: A carter of grain
Corporace: A cloth laid on the altar on which the chalice and paten are placed
Corporal: 1) of the body, physical; 2) in Corporal oath, one taken while holding a physical object, such as a Bible, relic, or consecrated host. 
Coste : Breast
Couetice: Covetousness
Courser: A war-horse
Courtesan: A member of the Papal Curia
Cousin-german: A first cousin
Covetise: Covetousness
Criminous: Criminal; relating to crime
Croised: Marked with a cross; having take the cross as a crusader
Croisy: To bestow the cross upon someone, i.e. to declare him a crusader
Croysies: Crusaders
Crudelity: Cruelty
Cullen: Cologne
Customable: Customary or habitual
Dag: A pistol
Damnified: Damaged or injured
Dastard: A coward
Decretal : Originally, a letter written by a Pope in response to a query; later, any papal decree or document
Deduce: To bring
Deject: To throw down
Deme, Demen: Judge
Demi-lance: A short-shafted lance
Detour: Debtor
Deturbate: To cast down or thrust out
Deyeden: Died
Ding: To strike, beat
Dirige: The matins of the Service for the dead, beginning Dirige, Domine, Deus meus, in conspectu tuo viam meam.
Dirt-dauber: A plasterer esp. one who uses mud to make wattle-and-daub walls
Disgarnish: To deprive of
Dishonest: To defile
Disme: A 10% tax or charge
Dispensator: One who dispenses or distributes goods
Disperkle: To scatter, disperse
Disseize: To dispossess
Dissimule: To deceive by hiding one's true feelings of inentions
Distinction: A division or section of a book or document
Dome: Judgement
Domesmen: Judges
Donates: An honorary or temporary member of a religious order
Donative: A benefice which can be bestowed by the founder or patron without reference to the bishop or abbot.
Dought: Strongly
Draft: Spent brewing grains used as animal feed
Draught: A privy (US: bathroom)
Dubitation: Doubt
Dump: A state of bewilderment
Ear: To plough
Earlich: Early
Eftsoons: Soon afterwards, immediately
Eghenen: Eyes
Embassage: A diplomatic mission
Emblemish: To damage or disfigure
Embull: To seal
Enduing: Endowing
Enfeoff: To assign a fief of property or office to someone
Ensample: Example
Ententive: Assiduous in learning
Environ: To surround
Escheat: Riches obtained by plunder
Eschew: Renounce, reject
Espie : Spy
Ethnics: Pagans
Evacuate: To nullify
Evangely, Evangelies: The Gospels
Even: The day before a feast day
Even-christened: Fellow-Christians
Everichone : Each one
Excheat: Confiscation of property, or encroachment on the privileges of another
Excoriate: To flay
Exeden: Asked
Experiment: To examine or test
Expugn: To capture by warfare
Extravagant: A papal decree not included in the standard list
Fact: Deed
Fane: A shrine
Fardel: A bundle or parcel
Farmary: An infirmary
Farmer: A bailiff
Fatigation: Weariness, long drawn-out effort
Fautor : A patron, supporter or abettor 
Feile : Many
Ferial: A weekday
Fet: Fetched
Fetch: A trick or swindle
Fire-house: A house in which a fire is regularly lit (i.e. a dwelling-house)
Flagitious: Very wicked
Fleen: Fled from
Floten : Flown
Foil: A defeat
Fond: (A) Foolish; (V) To speak foolishly
Foreface: Preface
Forefact: A criminal accusation
Forefend: Prevent
Foreslack: To neglect
Forfend: Prevent
Form: A bench
Forward: A contract or sgreement
Foundment: Basis, foundation
Frater wall: The wall of the refectory in a monastery
Fraught: Filled with; (of a ship) fully laden.
Frele: Frail
Fulleden: Baptised
Fullen: To baptise
Fumish : Angry, irascible
Fustigation: Flogging
Gage: To pledge
Gaud: A worthless trinket
Gazingstock: Something people stare at
Ghostly: Spititual
Gif: If
Gile: Guile, dishonesty
Gilten : To offend against
Glaverer: A flattering deceiver
Gleer: To smear with paint
Glose: To explain, or more often distort, the meaning or a text
Glossary: A commentary or explanation
Gloss-writer: A writer of commentaries, or a spin-doctor
Gossopry: The relationship of God-parent and God-child
Hanaper : An office of the court of chancery, which collected fees for sealing and registration of documents
Hem: Them
Her : Their
Heren: Theirs
Hery: To worship
Hest: Commandment
Hight: Was named
Holden: Held
Holocaust: A sacrifice where the entire animal is burnt (not just the inedible bits)
Holpen: Helped
Holydeme: Holiness
Homely: Friendly, affable
Hoorehouse: Brothel
Horen: Whores
Horsed up: Pulled up on a man's back or a frame, to be whipped
Hosen: Stockings
Hostelar: The landlady of an inn
Housel: To administer the eucharist
Hutching: Literally: crouching or bowing low. Figuratively: with abject humility
Hylden : Hold
Hyperbolismum: An instance of dishonest exaggeration
Ich: I
Ignavy: Negligence or laziness
Imbrued: Stained with blood
Imitation: Adoption as a heir
Importable: Unbearable
Imposthume: An abscess
Inabilitation: Unfitness, disqualification
Incensive: Full of anger
Incontinency : Lechery
Indiction: A period of fifteen years
Indurate: Hardened, stubborn or callous
Inedge: To slip in edgeways
Infame: To make infamous
Infect : Imperfect
Infeoff: To assign a fief of property or office to someone
Infer: To state or bring forward as an argument
Infestine: Troublesome, annoying
Inspiral: Giving life to
Instant: Insistent
Interdictment: An interdict, i.e. a punishment laid by the church on a town etc., prohibiting any church service from being held there
Invitory: A prayer or verse of the Bible recited at the beginning of a church service
Inwrap: Involve
Isay: The prophet Isiah
Jakes: A privy (U.S: bathroom)  
Jangler: A story-teller
Javel : A low scoundrel
Jouresse: Duress, punishment
Kele : To satisfy hunger or thirst
Knack: A small or trifling article
Landloper: A renegade or fugitive
Latten: Brass
Laystall: A cesspit
Lean: Lend
Leasing: Lying
Lection: A reading
Leefen: Believe 
Leefull: Lawful 
Leese: To surrender or be deprived of
Leeue : A leeue Lord = O Lord in whom we believe
Lefull: Lawful
Legantine: Of or relating to a Papal legate
Legerdemain: Trickery
Leman: A lover
Leper: Leaper
Lesew, Lessewe: Pasture
Lesing: (A) False (V) Lying
Lesser Britain: Brittany
Let: To hinder or prevent (also past tense and noun)
Leven: Faith or confidence
Lewd: Ignorant or futile
Libard: A leopard
Libel: A document or certificate
Lictor: In Roman times, an official who attended a magistrate and carried out his orders to arrest, flog, execute etc. malefactors
Lifelot : Livelihood
Lig: Lie
Like: Likely
Limiting: Begging
List: To want to do
Little Britain: Brittany
Livelode : Livelihood
Losel: A low scoundrel
Lotion: Ritual washing
Lucrified: Gained, profited 
Lying for the whetstone: Telling outrageous lies
Macerate: To mash or chop up
Mainprise: The act of bailing a prisoner
Make-bait: A trouble-maker
Malapert: Insolent
Mall: A heavy hammer
Maniple: 1) A troop of soldiers ; 2) A strip of cloth worn hanging from the cuff
Manqueller: A murderer
Man-queller: A person who has killed another man
Mansuetude: Gentleness
Maritage: A tax paid by a vassal to his lord on the marriage of his (i.e. the vassal's) daughter
Mark: Silver, or unspecified: Thirteen shillings and fourpence in money ; Gold: Eight ounces
Maugre: Despite
Maundement: Commandment
Mawmet : An idol
Mecock: An effeminate weakling
Meed: Any valuable item or reward
Meet: Suitable
Meiny: Household
Mentz: Mainz
Merce: To fine
Mercement: A fine or imposition
Mere: Pure, complete or unmixed
Merilich: Merrily
Mete: Mete done = should do
Mickle: Great
Ministratoriously: In the capacity of an administrator. 
Mo: More
Monition: Instruction, warning
Monitory: Containing a warning or admonishment
Mote: 1) May ; 2) Must
Mowe, Mow: May
Muniment : A document proving ownership or entitlement to something
Munition: A fortification
Mychel: Great
Naverne: Navarre
Ne: No, not, nor, neither
Nele : Will not
Neme: To take
Nene : Destruction
Nice: Silly
Nole: Will not
Nones: The 7th of March, May, July, or October; the 5th of any other month.
Nother : Neither
Nousle: To train or educate
Noyous: Annoying, troublesome
Oblation : 1) An animal offered for sacrifice; 2) Money given to the church; 3) One of two parts of the Mass; either the Offertory, or the presentation of the consecrated bread and wine with the words "Behold the Lamb of God, etc"
Obtrectation: Abuse, calumny
Offendicle: Something which leads or causes a person to commit sin
Onychinus: Onyx
Opprobry: 1) Infamy, shame; 2) Insults
Oppugn: To fight against
Ordinal: A book of rules and regulations
Ordinary: The ecclesiastical chief of an area i.e. the Parish priest in a parish, the bishop in a diocese, etc. 
Ouch: A gold or jewelled brooch or buckle
Overthwart: Crosswise, either literally or figuratively
Pack: A scoundrel
Paction: An alliance
Painful: Painstaking
Palfrey: A small horse
Pall: A kind of scarf or stole worn by a bishop; used figuratively to mean the office of bishop.
Panim: A pagan or other non-Christian
Pantofle: Expensive, highly decorated slippers; Stood upon their pantofles = Stood on their dignity
Parochian: A parish priest
Pash: To smash
Patin, paten: A dish on which the communion bread is placed
Pattens: Wooden overshoes 
Paunch: To cut open the belly of
Pelt: To address with insults or reproaches
Penitentiary: 1) A penitent; 2) A priest specially appointed to hear confessions of reserved sins (ones which cannot be absolved by ordinary priests)
Percase: Perhaps
Peregrine: A pilgrim
Perfitlich: Perfectly
Perpend: To consider
Phylacteries: Hypocritical displays of virtue
Pictavia: Poitou, in France
Pill: To rob, pillage
Pilled: Tonsured i.e. having the top of the head shaved
Pix: A small box in which consecrated hosts are carried about. 
Plenar: Complete
Plete: To argue one's case
Plumbat: A lead ball on a cord
Poising: Weighing 
Poll: To extort money from
Pontificalibus: The robes of a bishop or cardinal
Popple: The corn-cockle (Lychnis githago), a weed of wheat fields 
Portue: A breviary or book of liturgy
Portues: A breivary
Portuous: (Of a saint) Included in the standard breviary or calendar
Postil: A note or comment on a document
Potestate: A ruler, potentate
Pravity: Wickedness
Prebend: The revenue of a specific plot of land belonging to an ecclesiastical foundation; a prebendary was the priest to which a prebend was allocated or prebendated
Prefe: Proof
Premonish: To speak of beforehand
Prepense: Inclined towards
Presul: A prelate or bishop
Pretensed: Pretended, falsely claimed
Pretermit: To leave out, omit
Preue, preve : Proof 
Priuilich : Privately
Privation: Deprivation, removal from office
Privily: Secretly 
Probably: Plausibly, convincingly
Probations: Conclusive arguments, proofs
Proclive: Inclined towards
Prodition: Treachery
Prolix : Long-winded
Proll: To prowl or rob
Prolocutor: 1) a spokesman; 2) The chairman of a parliament or congress
Prompt: Prompt with = armed with, and very ready to use
Propone: To propose
Prorogue: To postpone
Proscript: Proscribed, 
Protonotary: A senior papal clerk or enboy
Prototypon: The first or original version of a document etc.
Prove: To test
Provisor: A person holding the right to be appointed to an office or benefice when it becomes vacant
Psalmograph: Writer of Psalms; a title of King David of Israel and Judah
Puissance: Power
Puissant: Powerful
Pung: To peck
Pursuivant: A messenger or agent
Quail: To quell, suppress
Quick: Alive
Quier: A book
Quindecim: A fifteenth part
Quire: A choir
Quondam: Former, formerly
Rabbin: A Jewish Rabbi; used contemptuously to refer to other religious leaders
Ranging-wise: At random
Rashful : Rash
Ratle: To scold, abuse
Readie: Quick-witted and eloquent
Receitor : A harbourer of criminals
Recluse: A prison cell
Recure: To restore to health
Reed: Advise
Refel: Disprove
Refuse: To reject
Regiment: Rule
Register: A keeper of records, registrar.
Relent: To return to one's original beliefs
Repugn: To oppose, fight against
Rescript: Strictly, the decision of the Roman emperor on a case referred to him by a governor or judge; more loosely, any formal written command by a person in authority
Retcheth : Reck, care themselves with
Rhodanus: The River Rhône
Rochet: A linen surplice
Rood: A crucifix
Rooten: Dig up with the snout, like a pig in filth
Rown: To whisper 
Ruff: A state of excitement or pride
Ruffler: A fine-clothed but useless fellow
Ruffling: Showing off
Runnagate : A fugitive scoundrel
Sabaoth: Lord of Sabaoth = Lord of Hosts, a title of God
Sacramentary: One who holds "heretical" (i.e.not Roman Catholic) views on theEucharist
Sale: To assail
Saturity: Repletion
Sauter: The Book of Psalms
Scathe: Harm
Schone: Shall
Scurrier: A soldier sent out to see what the enemy is doing, a scout
Scutage: A tax paid instead of military service
Seam: Eight bushels
Sechen: Seek
Seggen: Say
Sein : Say
Seizin-taking: Taking possession of a token of ownership e.g. the keys of a house.
Seker: Certain
Semblably: Similarly
Sententially : As a judicial sentence
Servage: Bondage, serfdom
Sewer: A servant who lays the table, serves the meal etc.
Seyen: See
Shad: Shed
Shaveling: A tonsured monk
Shawm: A musical instrument resembling an oboe.
Sheave: To collect, gather up
Shent: Ruined, destroyed
Shone: Shoes
Shrift: Absolution
Shriuing: Confession
Shullen: Shall
Shulne: Shall
Siege: Seat
Silly: Innocent
Sink: A sewer or drain
Sith: Since
Sith that: Provided that
Sithe: Times
Sithen: So that
Sithence: Since
Skill: To be of importance
Sle: Slay
Slean: Slay
Sleight: Deceitful
Slowen: Slain
Smaragd: An emerald
Snaffle: A horse bridle
Snuff: To take snuff = to take offence
Sod, Sodden: Boiled
Soldan: Sultan
Somoner, Somnor: A bailiff or court messenger
Sooth-deacon : A formally appointed deputy or representative
Soothfastness: Constancy in holding to the truth
Spiritualty: The clergy or hierarchy
Spouse-breach: Adultery
Spoushod: Marriage
Springall: A young man
Spurn: Kick or trample underfoot
Staple: A, or the only legally licensed market for wool for purchase by foreigners
Stellify: To place among the stars
Sternship: Haughtiness
Stied: Went (the word is principally used to describe Christ's ascension into heaven)
Stover: Fodder, animal food
Strumpet: A whore
Suffragan: An assistant or subordinate bishop
Suffrage: 1) An assistant; 2) Help, assistance of any kind
Sugge: To say
Sugget: A Saying
Sum-papal: A summary of papal edicts on a particular topic
Sumpter: A pack-horse
Supposition: An argument for a proposition
Supputation: A system of calculation
Sustentation: Provision of food, drink and other necessities
Sweuen: A false vision or fake miracle
Tallage: An arbitrary tax levied by special order
Tally for his own cates: To obtain food and other necessities on credit
Tarriance: Delay
Teende: Attend with
Temerarious: Rash, reckless
Tent: To clean a wound with a small roll of cloth
Tenths: Tithes 
Tergiversation: Desertion or apostacy
Terrene: Of the earth in the sense (a) as opposed to heavenly or (b) peasant-like, low-class
The land of behest: The Promised Land
Thilke: This
Tho: Then
Thoore : Unharmed
Thrall: A slave
Thurify: To bless with incense
Tied his points: Fastened his laces
Tippet: A hood or hooded cloak
Tipstave: A court usher or bailiff
Tithed to death: Decimated (i.e. every tenth man killed)
Titiviller: The name of a demon in a morality play; hence, a scoundrel
To lie for the whetstone: To tell outrageous lies
To-brast: Completely destroy
To-broken: Destroyed, torn up
Tofore: In front of
Tollage: Money paid in tolls or taxes
Tonsure: A shaven patch on the top of the head
Tose: To card wool
Tractation: Written discussion or discourse
Train: A deception or fraud
Transumpt: A transcript or formal copy of a record or decree
Trauel: Labour
Travail: 1) Labour; 2) Suffering
Travell: Suffering
Traverse: A dispute or controversy
Travise: A dispute or controversy
Treen shoes: Wooden shoes, clogs
Trental: A series of thirty requiem masses
Trim-couched: Well-chosen to deceive
Trought: Truth
Tunably: Harmoniously
Uiker, Uicar: Vicar, in the sense of appointed representative
Unconning: Foolish
Unlefull: Unlawful
Unworshipped: Disrespected
Usance: Lending or borrowing at (usually usurious) interest
Utas: The eighth day after the specified feast day
Vail: An extra payment or profit, a perk
Vastation: Devastation, destruction
Vaumure: An outer fortification
Vaward: The vanguard
Verilich : Truly
Very: True, truly
Vilipend: To regard, or treat, a person as being vile or worthless
Vility: Vileness
Vineat: An ornamental border of vine leaves in a manuscript
Visor: A mask or outward show
Vitiate: To spoil or wear out
Void: To depart from
Walisch: Welsh
Ward : A lock
Wast: Year, day and wast = "a prerogative whereby the sovereign was entitled to the profits for a year and a day of a tenement held by a person attainted of petty treason or felony, with the right of wasting the tenement" (OED)
Waster: A wooden sword used for fencing practice
Weed: A cloak
Ween: Suppose, believe
Weet: To know
Wele : Prosperity
Wete, weten: 1) to know; 2) to ask of someone
Wheeler: A wheel-maker
Whirlpit: A whirlpool
Wild he, nild he: Whether he wanted or not
Wimble: An auger or gimlet
Wolden: Would
Wonnyer, Wonnier: Inhabitant
Woodnesse: Madness, violent anger
Wot: Know 
Wracke: Revenge
Wrakers: Those who wreak vengeance
Wreke: To work, do something
Ybeden: Bade
Ybore: Born
Ych: I
Yeve: To give
Yift: A gift
Ylich: Equally
You-ward: Towards you
Yuill: Evil
Ywit: Know
Zif: Thus; or as phrase zif all = although